Humanist Studies & the Digital Age, 4.1 (2015) ISSN: 2158-3846 (online) http://journals.oregondigital.org/hsda/ DOI: 10.5399/uo/hsda.4.1.3685 Circles: Networks of Reading Massimo Lollini, University of Oregon Tell all the truth but tell it slant / Success in Circuit lies / Too bright for our infirm Delight / The Truth's superb surprise. Emily Dickinson, 506. Reading is a neuronally and intellectually circuitous act, enriched as much by the unpredictable indirections of the reader’s inferences and thoughts, as by the direct message to the eye from the texts. Wolf, Proust and the Squid 16 Welcome to the fourth issue of Humanist Studies & the Digital Age. It continues the discourse started in the third issue, “Textualities in the Digital Age”; this time we focus on the role of the reader in digital environments. An analysis of current digital projects follows the historical and theoretical premise. As Marianne Wolf remind us in her book deeply rooted in neuroscientific knowledge, “we were never born to read. Human beings invented reading only a few thousand years ago” (Proust and the Squid, 3). This was one of the most extraordinary inventions in human history, responsible for altering the organization of human brain and the intellectual evolution of our species. Reading is based on multiple cognitive processes, the most ancient of which were the visual areas in our ancestors’ brain that were responsible for object recognition. Then the brain learned to make connections, circuits, and pathways between the visual areas and those responsible for linguistic processes, essential for the development of written language (14). This means our brain has to connect to older structures of vision and language to learn to read. While some of the cognitive processes involved in reading, like vision and speech, are genetically organized, reading in itself does not have “direct genetic program passing it to future generations” (11). This makes reading an activity particularly sensitive to each new type of writing system developed through the millennia of human history, causing different adaptations to the human brain. For the same reason, if we want to understand the actual condition and the future of reading it is important to understand the evolution of reading and writing systems through the centuries. To do so we need to adjourn, and for certain aspects suspend, the modern notions of author and book which have been considered crucial for both the writer and the reader since the age of printing. Rather than limiting our attention to books and authors, we need to understand the evolution of the textualities involved in writing and reading and their circumstances. http://journals.oregondigital.org/hsda/ http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/3.0/ Humanist Studies & the Digital Age Lollini 4.1 (2015) 2 The idea that authors do not write books but texts incarnated in different written objects including manuscripts, printed books, and electronic texts is becoming more and more familiar in our digital time. The familiarity with manuscripts and incunabula has long ago lead scholars to point out the necessity of distinguishing between physical materials and their supporting structure, such as the book, that are unique and singular and the "abstraction" that we refer to under the name "text," which is ideal and reproducible. As Joseph Dane writes in his The Myth of Print Culture, “In the earliest printed books we have … there is not a single question in bibliographical or literary history that could not be considered a variant” (Dane 9). For this reason we should be concerned above all with texts but at the same time take into the appropriate consideration their supporting structure as well. Guglielmo Cavallo and Roger Chartier in their Introduction to A History of Reading in the West emphasize that “reading is not already inscribed in the text” (1); the “meanings of texts depend on the forms and circumstances through which they are received and appropriated by their readers” (2). In other words, the crucial role of the reader in giving texts a meaning depends on the forms of writing and supporting structure through which the text is transmitted. Cavallo and Chartier go so far as to say that forms produce meaning and every change in support produces new meaning. Therefore, the history of reading has to consider both the physical aspects of text and their readers practices, usually organized around what Stanley Fish calls “interpretative communities” (Fish 147–174). 1. The reader from volumen to codex The first revolution in reading in early modernity is not related to the technological revolution in book production, but to the change in writing practices that took place in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. At that time the monastic model of writing and reading, which was related above all to a direct use in the monastery in the daily prayers read aloud, was progressively supplanted by the Scholastic model of writing and reading that attributes a new value to the book as a tool for intellectual reflection and labor. Illich has rightly emphasized a distinct correspondence between the newly laid-out page and the new setting for reading within the nascent universities that replaced monastic rituals with academic ones based on thought-through arguments (Cavallo, Chartier 24; Ilich 25, 65, 99). These changes are related to the idea that writing is not related only to Latin and lectio divina but can be used also to transcribe vernacular literature. From a technological point of view, this revolution follows from the new status of the page in the transformation of the support of writing and reading from the continuous volumen to the codex. Before the transformation of the volumen in papyrus read horizontally (fig. 1-2) into the codex in the Middle Ages, the creation of the rotulus in parchment started a reading process perpendicular to the direction of the scroll (fig. 3). The page does not have autonomy of either the volumen or the rotulus. It remains confused with its support structure as an expression of intellectual rumination and temporal continuity. While the use of paper in place of parchment accompanied the emergence of vernacular literatures, the technological revolution of alphabetic writing and reading was enhanced and reinforced above all by the logic and structural organization of the codex as the earliest form of the book. The sacred dimension of the Humanist Studies & the Digital Age Lollini 4.1 (2015) 3 divine lectio described for example by Hugh of Saint Victor’s Didascalicon, a work written in the first half of the twelfth century, was lost along with the monastic practice of group and vocal reading. Hugh wrote his Didascalicon de studio legendi to join the monks in praise of the richness and fruitfulness of this practice just as it was being eclipsed by the new technology of the book and the new practice of scholastic reading as a predominantly silent activity performed by individuals. Cavallo and Chartier have underlined the fundamental importance of the change from a ritualized and oralized reading to silent and reflective reading that was first made possible by the appearance of word separation in the lines of early medieval manuscripts (24). This change preceded the revolution of the codex and started the process of “disincarnating of the page” that will be taken to extremes by a book technology that progressively eliminated glosses, commentaries and any form of marginal text from the page. In the codex, the page ceased to be a continuous row of columns, a simple support of memory, providing the rhythm of the oral and public reading. Instead, it became an independent visual entity with a rectangular format that is separate and discontinuous (Zali 36-37). Hugh still considered reading a physical activity, one in which all the body and the senses are involved. Reading for him meant literally to embody the pages and the letters, triggering a fertility of sensory drives that would disappear in modern European languages and printed books (Hugh of Saint Victor III 1-12; Illich 54). “Page” in Latin meant originally “vineyard”; hence the idea of reading as “harvesting grapes,” a motor and sensory activity related to spiritual elevation. In its Mediterranean etymology – before becoming the page in black and white that we know from the printing age on, – the page was first of all pagina mundi, page-landscape, geographical space delimiting the cultivation area. The arbitrary limits of the page distinguished the natural surface from the space of writing, as “symbolic space of exchange” (Illich 57; Zali 26-27). The illuminated manuscript was like a medieval cathedral with all its colors and decorations. These elements progressively disappear in the page of the codex and new book format following the new indexing elements that created an abstract, bi-dimensional and disembodied space for reading. The visible page ceased to be the record of speech and a series of commentaries freely available to the reader. Instead it became a space laid out by an author responsible for choosing the subject and the ordinatio. Yet, as Franco Alessio has suggested, models of knowledge in the Middle Ages did not suppose the text to be intangible. In fact, the medieval Scholastic method is based on the manipulation of texts. This happens in different ways as described by a famous quote from Saint Bonaventure’s Commentarium in I Librum Sententiarum written in the thirteen century that explains the different meanings of book writing at that time. On the one hand, the copyist (scriptor) just transcribes the text of another without introducing changes; on the other hand, the compiler (compilator) cuts and pastes sections of texts of others giving them a logic order. Furthermore, according to Bonaventure, the commentator (commentator), who reproduces essential excerpts of texts of others and adds comments on how to interpret them, represents a third example of book writing. Finally, the author (auctor) creates new texts employing the texts of others only inasmuch as they confirm the authorial discourse. The prevalent dimension of these reading and writing practices as conceived by the Scholastic method is based on disarticulating the texts of others and Humanist Studies & the Digital Age Lollini 4.1 (2015) 4 interposing them with different citations that are re-ordered, glossed and commentated, mainly for studying and/or preservation purposes. Against this, the Benedectine monastic mode of reading was not aimed at preserving or understanding texts, but at preparing them for the use in monastic life and in this perspective was more inclined to preserve the texts in their integrity (Buonaventure 14-15; Alessio 102-103). The Scholastic mode of reading is based on the lectio, performed to understand a text and ultimately to teach and learn. Reading is here strictly connected to writing and performed in three basic stages. First comes the comprehension of the literal meaning of the text (littera) related to its grammatical structure; it corresponds to the exposition (expositio) of the text. Whereas the monastic reading, not concerned with intellectual inquiry but with praying and contemplating, would stop here, Scholastic reading considers the littera only the first step of the process of reading meant to approach the more complex layers of meaning of the text. Thus, the second stage of reading in the Scholastic method is represented by the attention to the meaning (sensus), which is more or less the plain explanation (explicatio) of the literal meaning of the text. Finally, the last stage is meant to extract the essential core of the text, its doctrine or teaching (sententia). The sententia is the fundamental goal of reading in Scholastic method; it will become the object of the preservation and transmission of knowledge in the nascent universities. Interlinear glosses on the littera and the sensus, and marginal glosses and commentaries on the sententia are also important elements of the Scholastic method. The auctoritas of the text is not related to its author but to the teachings that the reader is able to extract from it (Alessio 109, 117). In this perspective, the Scholastic method proceeds with quaestiones interrogating and challenging the texts and aims at collecting sententiae in summae and complilationes. Ultimately, the compilationes emerge in the twelfth-century universities as an open textual form not based on an authorial voice; they are the result of the reader’s intervention into the texts. The medieval and Scholastic way of writing, reading, and transmitting texts and cultural heritages represents a crucial achievement in the intellectual history of reading and for certain aspects an interesting and inspiring model for the second and third revolution in reading. 2. The reader in the network of printing and the places of reading The second “revolution in reading” of the early modern age arrived with the industrialization of printing. Cavallo and Chartier have questioned the traditional idea that this change corresponded to the evolution from an “intensive” to an “extensive” reading because extensive readers existed already before the printing revolution and intensive readers continued to exist after that (24-25). A good example of extensive reading that precedes the technological changes introduced by printing is the book wheel created by early humanists and perfected during the Renaissance. One good exemplary was built in the second half of sixteenth century by Italian engineer Agostino Ramelli (1531-ca.1600). The wheel of books is one of the many fantastic designs by Ramelli, published in his Diverse et artificiali Machine (Paris, 1588); it consists of a rotating lectern, designed to allow easy simultaneous reading of several texts. This rotating lectern allowed the provision of more books, and the passage from one to another by pressing a Humanist Studies & the Digital Age Lollini 4.1 (2015) 5 foot pedal. In many ways, it is a mechanism that seems to anticipate the reading of hypertexts that was conceived centuries later during the third “revolution in reading” introduced by computer technology. La ruota dei libri by Agostino Ramelli illustrates very well the humanist way of reading, based on the collation of different texts and the consultation of several book at once. A technique of reading that constituted the foundation of the fundamental humanist activity: philology. See fig. 4. The commonplace book is another object that incarnated the model of humanist extensive reading before the printing age; it was based on collecting, comparing, ordering, and collating many different texts. Giovanni Boccaccio’s Zibaldone Laurenziano XXIX 8 can be considered an early example; it is a miscellaneous work that includes Latin and vernacular authors and points to how widely read Boccaccio was.1 The zibaldone (or hodgepodge book) became a new form of book production in the fifteenth century in Italy. These commonplace books were written in cursive scripts and contained an overwhelming variety of poetic and prose texts: literary texts, mostly of the three major figures of the Florentine vernacular traditions, appeared side-by-side in no discernible order with lists of taxes paid, currency exchange rates, devotional texts, favorite quotes from Virgil and Augustine.2 Commonplace books represent an important source for studying the emergence of a lay literature and interpreting merchants’ and artisans’ interaction with literary texts and visual arts during the Renaissance (Petrucci, Writers and Readers in Medieval Italy 185). Figure 5 is taken from an early example of a merchant’s commonplace book, a manuscript on paper written in Italian and Latin with extracts in Venetian, dating between 1350-1400. The book contains notes on arithmetic and accounting for merchandise, a romance of Tristan, list of spices, astronomical and astrological information, prayers, recipes, and poems. On the other hand, the persistence of “intensive” reading after the printing revolution is well represented by the emergence of the novel in eighteenth century. Die Leiden des jungen Werthers (The Sorrows of Young Werther), an epistolary and lightly autobiographical novel by Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, first published in 1774, is a good example of a secular work that engrossed its readers in the manner of a religious text. It is well known that this novel started the phenomenon the “reading mania”, a sentimental or emphatic form of reading based on emotional and individual responses (Wittmann 295). The reading of chivalric romances in the Middle Ages and Renaissance already triggered the imitation of the fictional action in real life. Dante describes a famous example in the episode of Paolo and Francesca in Canto V of the Inferno. The two lovers were stimulated to kiss each other by reading in a chivalric romance the fictional kiss between Guinevere, the wife of King Arthur, and the knight Lancelot. Cervantes created the character of Don Quixote who reads so many chivalric romances that he loses his sanity, decides to set out to revive chivalry and bring justice to the world. Nonetheless, the first form of mass imitation induced by reading novels was known as the Werther-Fieber (Werther-Fever), which conditioned young men throughout Europe to 1 A hypertextual critical edition of Boccaccio’s Zibaldone Laurenziano (Pluteo XXIX.8) is available at http://rmcisadu.let.uniroma1.it/boccaccio/. 2 A digitized collection of commonplace books is available in the Harvard Open Collections at http://ocp.hul.harvard.edu/reading/commonplace.html. http://rmcisadu.let.uniroma1.it/boccaccio/ http://ocp.hul.harvard.edu/reading/commonplace.html Humanist Studies & the Digital Age Lollini 4.1 (2015) 6 dress in the clothing style described for Werther in the novel. The imitation went to the point of repeating Werther’s suicide. An exemplary figure of this type of modern reader is Gian of Brughi, a minor character in Italo Calvino’s The Baron in the Tree (1957), a novel set in the Enlightenment culture of eighteenth-century Europe. Gian of Brughi, a brigand who avidly reads novels, ends up being hanged while reading Henry Fielding’s Jonathan Wild. His only concern at death is how the novel he is reading ends; he dies happy when, just before being hanged, he learns that Jonathan Wild at the end of Fielding’s book is also hanged. Still, one should note that, unlike events in the Middle Ages, in these modern cases the imitation of the literary models takes place in a new cultural context in which the authorial voice rises to importance. The modern reader does not accept the refusal of innovation behind the medieval compilations and commentaries, based on summaries and citations of classic authors, sectioned, re-arranged and commented upon. The printing revolution ushered in the modern idea of the author and the related concepts of originality and intellectual property, to which we are now very much attached. The large audience created by the printing revolution brought to the fore the paradoxical implications of making private thoughts public (Eisenstein 229-230). The printing revolution coincided with the triumph of the bourgeoisie throughout Europe and the emergence of a public sphere distinct from the court and the Church. In the Enlightenment, books and reading acquired an “emancipatory function” in the public consciousness (Wittmann 287). Moreover, only in the eighteenth century did people recognize the capacity of printed matter to “completely penetrate the reader’s subjective life” (Watt, 184). The evolution of reading into an “individual process independent of social class” was another significant change introduced in the eighteenth century. In general, the “unruly form” of reading conceived as “naïve, non-reflexive and undisciplined” was predominant in this century. This form of reading was performed aloud by the rural population and among the urban lower classes (Wittman 290). At the same time, the book became a cultural commodity, entered the capitalist market, and found new kinds of readers associated with new institutions such as the “lending library” and the “reading societies” (306). Libraries gained more and more importance starting from eighteenth century as places and networks of reading. However, the principal location for reading remained the private room and the bourgeois living space. The eighteenth century did not forget some of the natural and agricultural implications related to the Mediterranean etymology of the word “page”. As we saw earlier, the Latin origin of pagina evokes the agricultural practice of delimiting a rectangular space for cultivating the vineyard. The columns included in the volumina evoked the rows of the vineyard showing how much the practice of writing and reading was connected to the natural environment. Philosophical schools of antiquity praised very much the practice of reading in a natural setting, starting from the daily program of the Pythagorean school that included solitary walks to natural places which had to be appropriately quiet for the disciple to gain the inner serenity necessary to converse and study (Hadot 309 ff.). The reading mode in monasteries maintained the spiritual and contemplative meditation of ancient schools in the new Christian setting. Starting from twelfth century, the city Humanist Studies & the Digital Age Lollini 4.1 (2015) 7 became the privileged site for the book and this change, along with the transformation of the book from a symbolic to an instrumental object, provoked intense reactions. Bernard of Clairvaux (1090-1153) criticizes the use of books in cities, as a sort of profanation of the authentic spirit of reading which for him is not the intellectual inquiry but the contemplation of nature and the meditation of the sacred Word. For this reason Bernard contrasted the cities with the forests: Experto crede: aliquid amplius invenies in silvis, quam in libris” (“Trust in one experienced: you will learn more from the forests than from the books”) (Bernard of Clairvaux 241-242; Alessio 104). This reaction to the reduction of books to commodities and instruments of a imaginary reality detached from natural and spiritual places – Petrarca himself would be another example of such a stance – is not limited to the Middle Ages, but accompanies the history of reading up to our digital time.3 Intensive forms of reading were cultivated in natural settings also in the eighteenth century by intellectuals looking for retreat from society. One can see here the contradictory role played by reading and the book in the age of printing. On the one hand, it became a massive support for social formation and public opinion; on the other, it offered an attractive means for the individual to escape the flattening, at times unreasonable demands of society (Wittman 311). The eighteenth-century Italian philosopher Giambattista Vico (1668-1744) still remembers the contemplative importance of the natural surrounding for reading. Among other things he traces an original fantastic etymology of reading back to nature, revising the etymology Cicero gives for legere and relegere (to collect words, to read again and carefully) as a quality proper to religious people: “those who carefully reviewed and so to speak retraced all the lore of ritual were called religious, from relegere (to retrace or re-read)” (Cicero II xxviii). From a different perspective, Vico points to lex as the sylvan rustic origins of lego, a word that had its beginning, he says, in the forests. Lex first meant ‘collection of acorns’, from which was derived ilex (‘oak’), for the oak produces the acorns by which swine are drawn together. Lex, he continues, was next a collection of vegetables, from which the latter were called legumina . Later on, still before the invention of writing, lex pointed to a collection of citizens or the public parliament. Finally, Vico concludes, only at the end of the process, did lex come to mean collecting letters and legere, ‘reading’ (New Science par. 240). Vico explains the beneficial relationship of readers to the natural environment in the passage in his autobiography in which he thanks the forests and the nature he was exposed to during the years 1686-1695, spent away from Naples in Vatolla, a small village in the Cilento, as instructor of the family Rocca: “he felt most grateful for those woods in which, guided by his good genius, he had followed the main course of his studies untroubled by sectarian prejudice; for in the city taste in letters changed every two 3 Petrarch is one of the poets most aware of the living agency of the natural environment in the human life and poetry. Two of his letters are exemplar in this respect. The first one was addressed in 1352 to Francesco of the Church of Holy Apostles, concerning his rustic and solitary life. See Familiares XIII , 8. The second letter, written in 1347 to Giovanni Colonna, recounts the failure of the multiple attempts to protect Petrarch’s garden from the “nymphs”, namely the winter storms and flood waters. See Epistola metrica III 4. Humanist Studies & the Digital Age Lollini 4.1 (2015) 8 or three years like styles in dress” (Autobiography 133). Beyond the rhetorical intention, which, as has been pointed out by many scholars, aims to create the myth of himself as a solitary thinker, we must recognize here an explicit appreciation of the value of the philosophical meditation in contact with the natural environment. This was a significant moment of Vico’s life, as he himself emphasizes, defining Vatolla a beautiful and solitary site where he was restored to health and had all the leisure to study and lay the foundation of the New Science. Vico's reasoning is very similar to that of Henri David Thoreau who more than a century after will live for two years in the forests on the shores of Walden Pond to rediscover the essentials reasons of life and culture. One could argue that life in the woods for Vico and Thoreau was not really an immersion in nature, but rather an opportunity to read the classics of different cultures. In this perspective, Vico represents an interesting case study of “rational reading” in eighteenth century that anticipates how a writer and philosopher would read literature in this century. In this rural setting, Vico rediscovered Virgil, Latin poetry, the classics of Italian literature including its three crowning achievements, Dante, Petrarca and Boccaccio, and, above all, Platonic philosophy. Vico was reading the texts from these writers three times, following this plan, The first time to grasp each composition as a whole, the second to note the transition and the sequence of things, the third in greater detail to collect the fine turn of thought and expression, which he marked in the book themselves instead of copying them into a commonplace or phrase book. (Autobiography 120) Vico was convinced that this practice of reading would lead him to make good use of the classics “as his needs recalled them to mind in their context” which for him “is the sole measure of effective thought and expression” (ib.). As one can see, for certain aspects Vico’s approach to reading is still related to the Scholastic method of cognitive reading including three levels of analysis, littera, sensus, and sententia. The reading program of Thoreau was also very wide and included the Latin and Greek classics, Dante, Shakespeare, the Bible and the sacred writings of other cultures, such as the Vedas. One may note that in reality both Vico and Thoreau returned more than once to their respective cities during the alleged isolation in the woods, and that both possessed a considerable library. All this is true, but this does not detract from the value and veracity of the claim common to both that not only the reading of the classics, but also the partial exposure to “natural simplicity” of the forest pushed, on the one hand, Vico to condemn the Cartesianism developed in Naples and, on the other, Thoreau to condemn the superficiality of the culture of Concord resulting from the lack of good books that would nurture the basic needs of spiritual life. Ultimately, staying in Vatolla for Vico and in Walden for Thoreau represented a limited episode in their respective lives, but at the same time the interval was significant in the formation of their thought. Ralph Waldo Emerson in his essay Circles epitomizes the important idea behind Vico’s and Thoreau’s practice of reading: Humanist Studies & the Digital Age Lollini 4.1 (2015) 9 Literature is a point outside of our hodiernal circle through which a new one may be described. The use of literature is to afford us a platform whence we may command a view of our present life, a purchase by which we may move it. We fill ourselves with ancient learning, install ourselves the best we can in Greek, in Punic, in Roman houses, only that we may wiselier see French, English and American houses and modes of living. In like manner we see literature best from the midst of wild nature, or from the din of affairs, or from a high religion. The field cannot be well seen from within the field. The astronomer must have his diameter of the earth’s orbit as a base to find the parallax of any star. 3. Lector in rete The third revolution in reading since the Middle Ages may be seen both as a continuation and evolution of techniques of reading already available in medieval and early modernity; and as an introduction of completely new ways of digital reading. We have already seen a couple of examples illustrating the first point: the book wheel as an anticipation of hypertext and multiple platforms of reading made available by digital technology in our times. The hypertextual dimension was also part of the commonplace books that not by chance are rehabilitated today in the digital environment. For instance, Hoem and Schwebs argue in a recent article in favor of a “digital commonplacing” using online services that allow annotating, tagging, and categorizing content. Extracting and remixing information in digital environments, as it happened in analogue commonplacing – they conclude– makes possible to re-contextualize existing material in original and often unforeseen ways.4 Moreover, early modern examples of hypertexts include the polyglot bibles and dictionaries. The Complutensian Polyglot Bible is the first printed polyglot copy of the entire Bible, initiated by Cardinal Francisco Jiménez de Cisneros (1436– 1517) and published by Complutense University of Madrid. Each page consists of three parallel columns of text: Hebrew on the left column, the Latin Vulgate in the middle, and the Greek Septuagint on the left column. On each page of the Pentateuch, the Aramaic text and its own Latin translation are added at the bottom (Fig. 6). The Italian lexicographer Ambrogio Calepino (1440–1510), commonly known by the Latin form of his name, Calepinus, published in 1590 in Basle what may be considered a hypertext dictionary, a Latin dictionary which contains eleven languages: "Ambrosii Calepini dictionarium undecim linguarum: respondent autem latinis vocabulis hebraica, græca, gallica, italica, germanica, belgica, hispanica, polonica, ungarica, anglica" (Catholic Encyclopedia 1913). In this context it is worthwhile to mention that early incunabula already conceived the use of certain multimedia elements, as shown by the first printed edition of Petrarca’s Rerum vulgarium fragmenta (Canzoniere) published in Venice in 1470 by Vindelin de Spira. The copy from the Queriniana Library in Brescia (Inc. Queriniano G V 15) is a unique and marvelous edition of the Rvf, including extensive illustrations that serve as elaborate visual glosses of fundamental natural and psychological motifs in the poems. The marginalia and handwritten glosses are another unique feature of this edition. The written 4 Digital commonplacing. First Monday, [S.l.], jun. 2015. Available at: