







































 Humanities and Social Science Research; Vol. 5, No. 3; 2022 

ISSN 2576-3024   E-ISSN 2576-3032 

https://doi.org/10.30560/hssr.v5n3p26 

 26 Published by IDEAS SPREAD 

 

A Mixed Methods Study on Child Marriage in The Gambia 

Adriana Kaplan1, Beatriz Escaño2, Júlia Perarnau2, Segga Sanyang3 & Salieu J Kandeh3 

1 Department of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Spain 

2 Wassu-UAB Foundation, Spain 

3 Wassu Gambia Kafo, The Gambia 

Correspondence: Beatriz Escaño, Wassu-UAB Foundation, Spain. 

 

Received: November 8, 2022; Accepted: November 28, 2022; Published: December 12, 2022 

 

Abstract 

Child marriage is a human rights violation that is often rooted in strong gender inequalities (UNICEF, 2022). This 

article presents the results of a mixed methods study conducted in The Gambia, deepening understanding of why 

the practice remains widespread throughout the country and in West and Central Africa, which have one of the 

highest levels of child marriage in the world. The study explores the arguments and factors that come into play to 

defend or take a position against child marriage, establishing for this the differences between knowledge, attitudes 

and practices and taking into account different variables such as age, gender, ethnicity and region of residence. 

Keywords: The Gambia, Child marriage, Knowledge, Attitudes, Practices 

1. Theoretical Framework 

Child marriage is defined as a union in which at least one of the contracting parties or both are under 18 years of 

age (UNICEF, 2020). Internationally, they are linked to forced marriages, since it is considered that minors are 

not yet able to express their free consent and have consequences for the development of children. The practice of 

child marriage occurs throughout the world and is affected by gender inequalities since it is five times more 

common in girls than in boys (UNFPA-UNICEF, 2020). Its origins differ between cultures and geographical 

locations, so there is a variability of causes depending on local contexts. The inability to generalise about the 

phenomenon, implies that the approach must be based on the particularities that each region presents, to break 

down the distinctions that exist between communities and adopt effective strategies (UNFPA-UNICEF, 2020; 

Schaffnit et al., 2021). However, several common elements enable the continuity of the practice and its 

perpetuation.  

Child marriage carries with it health and social consequences for women and girls, including early pregnancies 

and complications during childbirth and postpartum, which also affect newborns. (Bicchieri et al., 2014). Different 

studies point to its relationship with domestic violence (Abera et al., 2020; Lowe et al., 2020). This is because 

girls can find themselves in a situation of greater vulnerability due to the age difference between the spouses, 

limiting their capacity for decision and consent. Studies such as those by Raj et al. (2010) show how girls who 

marry in their childhood or adolescence have a greater risk of suffering violence in the sphere of the couple in 

adulthood, as well as suffering sexual abuse. Likewise, this practice often implies isolation from the community 

(Lowe et al., 2021).  

1.1 Geographical Distribution 

Globally, 21% of women are married before the age of 18 and an estimated 650 million girls and women alive 

today were married as children, while 12 million girls under the age of 18 are married each year (UNICEF, 2020). 

A quarter of these girls live in sub-Saharan African countries and of the 20 countries with the highest rate of early 

marriage, 18 are in the African continent (UNICEF, 2015).  



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Map 1. Distribution of Child Marriage under 18 years of age 

Source: Girls Not Brides, data extracted from UNICEF global databases 2020. Retrieved from 

https://atlas.girlsnotbrides.org/map/?_ga=2.165973886.1546238170.1620299943-1756649377.1616512983 

 

In West and Central Africa, the prevalence of child marriage varies between countries. In some, such as Senegal, 

there has been a decline in the practice, while in others there is no evidence of its reduction, for example, in Angola, 

Burkina Faso or Cape Verd. From a broader perspective, 4 out of 10 young women are married as children in this 

region and it constitutes one of the areas with the highest levels of child marriage in the world (UNICEF, 2017).  

 
Map 2. Child Marriage in Africa under 18 years of age 

Source: Afri-dev.info (2015). 



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These countries, in addition to having a high prevalence, have a slower rate of decline than other areas of the world 

(Lowe et al., 2019; Jouhki & Stark, 2017). This implies that, in population growth projections, the forecast of 

married girls in the region will increase from 6.4 million in 2015 to 7.1 by 2030 (Lowe et al., 2019).  

1.2 Marriage in Gambian Society 

In order to offer a broader qualitative analysis of the Gambian context, supported by fieldwork in space and time, 

the doctoral thesis of Dr. Adriana Kaplan “From Senegambia to Catalonia. Processes of acculturation and social 

integration” (1998). This research allows the data to be contextualised, systematised, given meaning and to know 

the relationship between different social and cultural aspects. 

Population and Social Structure in The Gambia 

Currently, the population of The Gambia has a total of 2,486,937 people, with a density of 246 inhabitants per 

km2 (World Bank, 2021). This population is made up of different ethnic groups, among which 36% is Mandinka; 

22% Fula; 14% Wolof; 11% Djola; 8% Serehule; 9% others (World Bank, 2020). In addition, the most professed 

religions in the country are: Islam (90% of the total population), Christianism (9%) and Animism (1%). 

In The Gambia, as in other African societies, there are traditional value systems and codes of behaviour, which 

alongside with the old social stratification, have been maintained despite political, economic, religious, cultural 

and colonial pressures; both in rural and urban areas. The social organisation of the different ethnic groups that 

inhabit the Senegambia region follows a well-defined hierarchy in terms of age, sex and class (Kaplan, 1998). 

Social structures in The Gambia are based on community life, which continues to be of great importance, since 

belonging to the family comes first, followed by attachment to the community and the feeling of strength and 

protection. This means that the activity of all individuals in the community responds to a type of responsibility 

within social and political structures. It is for this reason that human activities related to the life cycle of each 

person often take place in spheres that are outside state and individual control. “This structure allows individuals 

a feeling of security and self-confidence that is developed based on strong kinship ties. They always know what 

their role is within society and the role of each of its components.” (Kaplan, 1998: 31). 

Family Composition and Structure 

The different ethnic groups that inhabit the Senegambia region form extended families that have a polygynous 

marriage regime. To understand the importance of this kinship structure, reference must be made to the 

establishment of marriage ties, since marriage is "an institution that orders reproduction and establishes paternity, 

while establishing alliances" (San Román & González Echevarría, 1981; cited in Kaplan, 1998). As already 

mentioned, the weight of the community has precedence over individual activities, so in the case of personal 

relationships the same premise is followed, because in these societies what gains strength is marriage understood 

as institutional alliances between families, where the foundations of the social networks are sustained by kinship 

relationships. 

Therefore, the different ethnic groups that inhabit the area continue to maintain themselves as strongly inbred 

groups in the establishment of marriage ties. Cross-cousin marriages are very frequent, especially in Mandinka, 

Fula and Serahule groups, with the aim of continuing kinship networks and maintaining the proximity of offspring 

and investing in one's own family (Kaplan, 1998). These alliances tend to occur more frequently in rural areas, 

where it is understood as an agreement between relatives and in which the preferences or personal choices of the 

future spouses do not intervene, and they are often agreements made since childhood. 

Marriage agreements are sealed at the time of commitment through the bride price. In communities where 

economic transactions are involved in the marriage process, dowry or bride price negotiations can become a 

strategy for supporting poor families (Centre for Human Rights, 2018). But this price "should not be understood 

as the purchase of the woman itself, but as a guarantee that grants the husband and his group the rights over the 

reproduction of the wife” (Kaplan, 1998: 40). This amount is compensatory for the transfer of an active member 

with reproductive capacity from one family to another. The kinship system in The Gambia is patrilineal and with 

virilocal residence, so the children that the woman will have will become part of the father's patrilineage. Marriage, 

then, allows the circulation of active members and enables the establishment of new alliances through future sons 

and daughters. For this reason, in polygamous societies, the bride price is higher.  

Regarding polygamous marriages, importance is given to the woman who is first to marry, as she plays a specific 

role and has some rights over other women. The co-wives must obey the first wife and it is the responsibility of 

the husband to be equitable with each wife and resolve possible conflicts that arise between them. This is his job 

as a good husband following the scriptures of the Koran, since it is stipulated that a man can marry up to four 

wives, if he can offer the same treatment and pension to each of them. The successive marriages to the first can be 



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a more personal choice of the man and it is not so necessary that the social rules are followed. This greater freedom 

(also given because a more adult man is more economically independent) often means that the last woman he takes 

as his wife is usually the man's favourite, among other things because she is also usually younger than the previous 

ones. 

Since 2016, marriage has been prohibited in The Gambia below the age of 18 for both men and women, and 

variables such as ethnic origin, religious practices and the schooling of girls are allowing the age of first marriage 

to be delayed in women; while in men it is other issues such as the economic order and migrations that cause delay, 

and in urban areas, economic difficulties related to employment and housing (Kaplan, 1998). 

Education and Schooling 

In The Gambia there are two types of education, the Koranic school (madrassa) and the formal schooling, which 

is public and not compulsory. Over the last decades, this last one has been spreading, especially in the most urban 

areas and replacing traditional Koranic schools. 

Modern schools provide a type of egalitarian education that allows access to girls with no age limit, while 

in Koranic schools they generally have to leave education as soon as the first menstruation appears, since, 

during the menstrual period, called kosoo, they become impure and cannot touch the Holy Quran. (Kaplan, 

1998:65) 

On the other hand, it is important to understand that the education of sons and daughters is a great economic effort 

for parents, so it can cause significant absenteeism and school dropout. In The Gambia, most of the population 

either have no formal education or have attained only some primary education. Specifically, 65% of females and 

60% of males aged 6 and over have either no education (39% and 35%, respectively) or only some primary 

education (27% and 26%, respectively) (DHS 2019-2020). 

As the percentage of women who have not received education is higher than men, it also has to do with the 

preference for the schooling of sons instead of daughters. In addition, they will have more difficulties to reach 

higher grades, since, if they become pregnant before marriage, they tend to drop out of school, on the one hand, 

as a reproach for their behaviour and on the other, to not set a bad example for the other classmates. 

Sexuality and Fertility in The Gambia 

Being a virgin until marriage continues to be a very important social attribute on which the responsibility for this 

to happen falls on the mothers. Virginity is seen as an honour for mothers, since it translates as knowing how to 

educate and care for their daughters according to established standards, as expected of them. This attribute can 

even make the price of the bride vary, since if they are not a virgin, this price can be reduced; In addition, the 

father can impose, as punishment on the mother for her negligence in the care of the girl, that she returns the money 

invested in the daughter's studies. Because of this, premarital sex can be more of a disgrace to the mother than to 

the daughter (Kaplan, 1998). 

Three fundamental axes explain the meaning that sexual relations with their wives have for men: children, need 

and pleasure. “Children mean wealth because they also generate wealth, and a man gains consideration within the 

group to the extent that he is supported by a large offspring.” (Kaplan, 1998: 153). In other words, what is expected 

of women is that they will have many children, be good protectors and selfless mothers. On the other hand, sexual 

relations have other connotations for women within marriage, which would be: pleasing the husband and the 

importance of conceiving children that can only be done through this physical contact. 

In the Gambia, the average fertility rate is 4.4 children/woman. In urban areas it is 3.9 and in rural areas it is 5.9 

(DHS 2019-2020). It is important to take these data into account, since in Africa, a large number of children 

guarantees the continuity of the community. Infant mortality is very high (under-5 mortality rates are 56 per 1,000 

live births) and it is not known how many will survive to become adult carers when their parents are elderly. 

1.3 Child Marriage in The Gambia 

In 2016, a National Strategic Child Protection Plan was launched in The Gambia that centralized the issue of child 

marriage as a problem to be addressed due to the high rates presented (Lowe et al., 2019). Before that year, the 

Children’s Act prohibited child marriage, but was subject to the provisions of any common law, meaning that a 

minor could marry if it was argued that the marriage was based on custom. For this reason, in 2016 the legal age 

for marriage was raised to 18 years so that it is now a crime punishable by up to 20 years in prison, both for the 

parents and the spouse of the minor (UNICEF, 2016; cited in Jouhki & Stark, 2017). However, despite efforts to 

decrease the prevalence of the practice through legislation, it continues to be common in the territory, as it remains 

among the 41 countries in the world where the rate of child marriage is 30% or more (UNFPA-UNICEF, 2018).  



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There is currently a downward trend of the practice in The Gambia, as historically 58% of 40-49-year-olds were 

married before the age of 18, while today only 36% of women between 20 and 24 years of age have been married 

underage. However, the difficulty of obtaining data is an issue, as how these unions are recorded poses major 

challenges in measuring the impact and enforcement of marriage laws in The Gambia. The lack of adequate 

procedures for the registration of births and marriages, as well as access to them, is a major impediment to making 

effective the prohibition of child marriage. 

Another issue is articulated in the religious interpretation made by local Islamic communities, which can allow 

this type of union. Islamic Sharia does not specify an exact minimum age for marriage. In The Gambia, this is the 

main tradition that governs family law, most of the population is governed by this code (Center for Human Rights, 

2018). In this way, child marriages often take the form of traditional or customary unions, which are registered 

less frequently than other forms of marriage. Other factors that explain such a high rate in the country include the 

legislative frameworks and the inconsistencies that can occur in the context of legal pluralism, where civil 

legislation and customary or religious law are applied simultaneously. On the other hand, many women and 

adolescents of fertile age in rural areas of the country have recently obtained birth certificates based on a rough 

estimate of their age. In these cases, it has been observed that, as women know that marriage before 18 is illegal, 

to obtain their maternity cards they declare they are above this age, when in fact they are younger (Lowe et al., 

2019).  

This is especially problematic in the poorest rural areas (where religious marriages are not registered) and with the 

lowest level of education, as these factors (economic and educational) also vary depending on the place of 

residence, since there are large differences between rural and urban areas. Child marriages are more common in 

rural Gambia. In contrast, women living in urban tend to marry after the age of 18. An example of this is the 

women of Kuntaur (a rural town in the country), who marry on average at 17 years of age, four years earlier than 

the women of the capital, Banjul, who marry at an average age of 21. 

Along these lines, poverty is one of the main causes of child marriage and is, in turn, a factor that worsens the 

consequences of marrying at an early age. Thus, it is intertwined with other elements that harm the educational 

level of women and the obstacles encountered in accessing the world of work, generating a vicious circle of poverty 

and precariousness (Lowe et al., 2019). In difficult financial situations, the costs of school often require families 

to weigh the cost-benefit ratio of education against other options to help their daughters have a future. The hidden 

cost of education is understood as an indirect cause of child marriage when families cannot afford a daughter’s 

education and do not see other livelihood alternatives (Jouhki & Stark, 2017). This leads to girls leaving school 

early and explains why child marriage rates are higher in countries with lower levels of education.  

On the other hand, studies such as those by Lowe et al. (2019) demonstrate how prevalence is often associated 

also with the ethnic groups present in The Gambia, built on different cultural values and social norms, which 

affects the practices carried out by each group (Kaplan et al., 2013). For example, according to the same study by 

Lowe et al. (2019), Mandinka and Wolof women are more likely to marry before the age of 18 than women from 

the Fula ethnic group. Along these lines, the study by Mobolaji et al. (2020) conducted in Nigeria, finds that the 

prevalence of child marriage differs considerably among girls aged 15 to 19 depending on the different ethnic 

groups in the country.  

All the factors exposed above cannot be understood without intersecting the gender inequalities generated by the 

differentiated roles that are granted in patriarchal societies. Being forced to marry causes physical and 

psychological trauma for women as a consequence of the loss of part of their childhood and adolescence, early 

pigeonholing in domestic gender roles, and forced sexual relations to which they may be subjected. In addition, it 

constitutes a phenomenon that, for the most part, occurs with large age gaps between girls or young women and 

adult men (UNICEF, 2015).  

1.4 Continuity and Change Factors 

Recently, efforts have been intensified to end child marriage and try to transform the roots that sustain the practice 

(Schaffnit et al., 2021) and, in this regard, education is a central factor in delaying the first marriage among 

adolescent women (Jouhki & Stark, 2017). As mentioned, the decline rates of child marriage in The Gambia are 

significant and, although the reason for this decline is still uncertain, it could be due to the increased enrolment of 

girls in school in recent years, as it has been shown that women with secondary education or higher, marry on 

average at 22.2 years compared to 17.3 for women with no education (Lowe et al., 2019).  

The existence of legislation prohibiting child marriage does not in itself guarantee that the practice will end. 

Legislation is not usually accompanied by the necessary policies and programmes to support social transformation. 

Consequently, the implementation of laws must be based on community participation for the transformation of the 



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social and gender norms that drive it. In this context, Jouhki and Stark (2017) explore the effect of legal changes 

on child marriages in The Gambia and suggest that legislation is not enough to reduce child marriage rates for girls 

under 18 years of age.  

In addition, there are other reasons why it is difficult to prosecute those responsible for such links through formal 

legal procedures. Refusing to marry can lead to a conflict of loyalties towards their families, since, although there 

is no consent of the young women to the marriage, they must do so anyway. The concern about social rejection 

and the possibility of being left without their support network if they decided to confront each other, has a great 

emotional impact as a consequence. For this reason, many of them do not want to initiate legal proceedings against 

their relatives, so as not to damage or break family ties (Fundación Wassu-UAB, 2021), causing reports of child 

marriage to be reduced.  

In the cases in which a complaint is filed and it reaches the courts, these usually do not progress due to the social 

pressure exerted on the girl to withdraw the complaint (Center for Human Rights, 2018). Impacts on the economic 

dimension can also be included since there are cases where the payment of the dowry or the return of the bride 

price is claimed.  

On the other hand, studies such as those by Lowe et al. (2019) warn that to reduce the practice, especially in rural 

Gambia, future programmes should focus on dismantling beliefs surrounding premarital sex, by providing 

adequate information and using correct family planning.  

For this reason, committing to the diversity of experiences of child marriage is key to addressing the problem more 

effectively and coherently with the reality of the communities. This implies considering the possibility of 

divergences between the narratives promoted by international organizations and the populations targeted by the 

interventions. Likewise, the authors suggest that more nuances should be included in the representations of the 

practice, recognising the fluidity of the concept and that the capacity for female agency and autonomy can exist 

outside the legal limits of adulthood. In this regard, Horii (2020) warns that most of the time the agency capacity 

of girls is talked about, but only about not getting married. Consequently, the current child marriage framework of 

international organisations overlooks the complexity of children’s capability. On the other hand, the category of 

child marriage can also make it difficult to understand local realities, approaching it from a westernised perspective 

and ignoring the voices of the girls and boys involved.  

2. Methodology 

This article offers a detailed look at a complex phenomenon: child marriages in The Gambia, based on a mixed 

methods that has allowed the collection of quantitative data, as well as qualitative information, following a 

triangulation model with the anthropological and ethnographic bibliography, which has allowed the construction 

of the social context in which the practice takes place.  

The quantitative part consisted of collecting information through a Knowledge, Attitudes and Practices (KAP) 

questionnaire, while the more qualitative aspects were gathered in four focus groups, which allowed the in-depth 

collection of the opinions of young people and teachers, of rural and urban areas and the ethnographic field work.  

2.1 KAP Survey 

This survey on child marriage was conducted in all the administrative regions of The Gambia between June and 

September of 2021. The training team of Wassu Gambia Kafo administered the survey, which was piloted before 

the final version with 50 KAPs, administered in North Bank West, North Bank East, Lower River Region, Central 

River Region, and Upper River Region (10 in each Region). The survey was further developed with regards to the 

recommendations from the pre-test, together with the transnational team in Spain.  

The structure of the survey has five main parts: Socio-demographic data, Knowledge, Attitudes, Practices, and the 

relationship between child marriage and FGM. In total, 32 questions guaranteed to gather the information needed 

to assess the disposition of the Gambian population regarding child marriage.  

Participants were selected based on availability and regional health directorates, as well as village heads, helped 

to reach the communities. There were no criteria for ethnic selection. The study population is 400 out of which 

200 are male and 200 are female, with ages ranging from under 18 to over 65.  

Data collection included Djolas, Fulas, Mandinkas, Serahules, Serers and Wolofs. It was done in all the regions of 

the country: 50 KAP surveys were done in North Bank East, 50 in North Bank West, 50 KAPs in Lower River 

Region, 50 KAPs in Central River Region, 50 KAPs in Upper River Region, 75 KAPs in West Coast Region 1 

and 2 and 75 KAP surveys in Greater Banjul area. 



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Age, gender, ethnic group and region of residence were the four criteria chosen to analyse the results of the survey 

and, in the article, the outcomes follow the same structure, except for the territorial factor, which is represented on 

an interactive map.  

 

Table 1 and 2. Number of respondents per age group and number of responders per ethnic group 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Interactive Map  

A map has been designed as an interactive online tool, available internationally and with the possibility of being 

updated periodically. It offers a visual representation of the distribution of the results of six questions selected 

from the set of the KAP survey. These questions have been selected following criteria of relevance, as well as 

considering that they are easily captured on the map. The users of the resource will be able to navigate through the 

different questions, observing the main territorial differences existing in The Gambia, concerning child marriage.  

On the other hand, the map includes a directory of entities that work or have worked on the issue in the Gambian 

context. This section aims to give visibility to the main social actors, promoting networking and the generation of 

synergies.  

For its elaboration, the Wassu Gambia Kafo training team has carried out seven in-depth interviews that have 

allowed us to know the opinion and local knowledge of the services, projects, actions and available resources, 

linked to the prevention and care of child marriage. Moreover, it will avoid duplication of actions and commitment 

to complement each other between entities and actions in the same area of intervention. 

https://matrimoniosforzados.fundacionwassu.com/child-marriage-in-gambia-do-you-think-it-is-right-to-force-a-

girl-or-woman-into-marriage/ 

2.2 Focus Group 

Four focus groups were held to explore in depth child marriage and analyse qualitatively the discussions about 

child marriage, and were implemented from December 2021 to May 2022. 

The number of people that participated in each group was eight, with four men and four women in every focus 

group discussion, with a total of 32 participants. The ages vary between 18 and 38 years old. With regards to the 

ethnic groups, these are the ones represented in the sample: Fulas, Mandinkas, Wolof, Djola, Serer and Balanta. 

As for the areas where they were held: a focus group of youth in an urban area, another of teachers in an urban 

area; one of youth in a rural area and another of teachers also in a rural area. 

Although gender equity was achieved in the attendance of the same number of men and women in each focus 

group, it was not possible for participation to be homogeneous among the participants, so the interventions of men 

are more numerous than those of women. 

3. Results of the Knowledge, Attitudes, and Practices (KAP) survey 

The analysis of the answers obtained during the KAP surveys has been carried out taking into account the variables 

of age, gender and ethnicity. 

3.1 Age 

The distribution of the answers by age group reveals a clear trend: in general, younger participants are more against 

the practice of child marriage compared with older participants. For example, the trends in the opinion about the 

practice are highly illustrative: although most respondents from all age groups reflected that child marriage is a 

harmful practice, the percentage considering child marriage as a good practice increased from under 18 to 65 years 

from 0% to 36%. (Graph 1).  

Age group Number 

Under 18 years 5 

18 and 25 years 93 

26 and 35 years 124 

36 and 45 years 107 

46 and 65 years 62 

Over 65 years 8 

NA 1 

Total 400 

Ethnic group Number 

Djola 39 

Fula 86 

Mandinka 128 

Serahule 33 

Serer 28 

Wolof 75 

Other 11 

Total 400 



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Graph 1. What is your opinion about child marriage? Distribution by age 

 

This opinion was confirmed by judgment about families who practice child marriage. As they were older 

participants, they tended to answer less often that they are violating girls’ rights and limiting the girls’ future 

development. Similarly, older responders more frequently answered that these families are practicing a good 

tradition and are doing what is expected of them (Graph 2).  

 
Graph 2. What do you think of families who practice child marriage? Distribution by age 

 

When asked about the negative consequences, 100% of respondents under 18 recognise the negative consequences 

of child marriage, the proportion was 82% in 26-35 years respondents and 36% in 46-65 years. The negative 

consequences perceived are also different, because the concerns change depending on the life stage. In terms of 

reproductive health, labour complications and tears was the most common answer (25-27%) chosen across all age 

groups, excluding responders under 18 years, among who school dropout was chosen with the most occurrence 

(33%).  

The youth's perception of child marriage as a neglectful practice was opposite to that of the elders. While all of the 

respondents under 18 considered that it is a violation of human rights, this answer decreased as participants were 

older, with most 46-over 65 participants (65-63%) considering that it is not (Graph 3). 



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Graph 3. Do you think child marriage is a violation of human rights? Distribution by age group 

 

When consulted about the strategies to end child marriage, young respondents (under 18-25) consider that 

conducting sensitizations is helpful (5-45%). However, older participants (46-over 65) stated that no law can stop 

child marriage (47-46%). This population group is less willing to think that child marriage will be someday 

eliminated in The Gambia, with only 31% of the population aged 46-65 accepting that possibility.  

To find out the impact of the activities carried out aimed at ending the practice of child marriage, there seems to 

be a change in the strategies followed in sensitization and training programmes. Those carried out in schools have 

increased more recently. The highest frequency of participants reporting training/sensitization during school 

education was observed by respondents in the 18–25 year group (62%) and decreased with increasing age. The 

opposite trend can be observed with training/sensitization during work career, which is more commonly seen in 

the age groups between 36 and 45 years old (79%). Under 18 years responders more easily assumed that child 

marriage sensitizations had an impact (100%), but the older responders were (from 25 to 65) they were less likely 

to consider that these organisations had an impact and were more likely to answer they did not. 

Then again, the understanding of consent seems to be different between generations. The older participants were, 

more likely they were to report that girls usually consent to the marriage (60% 46-65 years old and 63% over 65 

years old) while younger respondents thought girls do not usually consent (100% under 18 years old and 75% 18-

25 years old) (Graph 4).  

Finally, the predisposition to continue with the practice with their daughters followed the same pattern. None of 

the under 18 responders reported they would marry off their daughter, 67% of 36–45-year respondents chose the 

same answer, while the majority of 46-over 65 years (63%) reported they would do it (Graph 5).  

  

Graph 4. Do girls usually consent to the marriage? Distribution by age group 

 

Graph 5. If you have or were to have a daughter, would you marry her off as a child? Distribution by age group 



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Knowledge of the law prohibiting the practice follow the same pattern. There seems to be less awareness of it 

regarding child marriage the older participants were, with 80% of under 18 responders stating there is a law 

banning child marriage, and only 38% of over 65 responders chose the same answer. Only 35% (46 and 65 years) 

and 38% (over 65) of the participants would accept a law banning child marriage in The Gambia (Graph 6).  

 
Graph 6. Would you support any law banning child marriage? Distribution by age group 

 

This way, the intention to continue with the practice was expressed following the same tendency. The older 

responders were, they answered that child marriage should continue more often (under 18: 0%; over 65: 63%). 

Between 84% and 66% of responders aged 18-45 years considered that child marriage should not continue, while 

most participants (67%) aged 46-65 and 63% over 65 years, responded that child marriage should continue.  

The reasons to perpetuate child marriage also show important differences. More 18-25 years respondents argued 

that the practice should continue because it allows women to have more children (14%) while over 65 years 

participants responded with greater regularity that it should continue because is part of tradition (33%) and protects 

the family honour (42%).  

As explained in the “Marriage in the Gambian society” section, the social expectations of wives are that they 

should become prolific procreators, since children mean wealth, and having many children guarantees the 

continuity of the community. On the other hand, virginity continues to be a very important attribute and it is the 

responsibility of the mothers to protect their daughters’ virginity until marriage. It is also an honour for the mothers, 

since it means that they have cared for and educated their daughters in accordance with established social norms, 

and have been able to exercise the control and surveillance that is expected of them (Kaplan, 1998). 

3.2 Gender 

When making comparisons between genders, in general women seem to have a position more against the practice 

of child marriage than men, but still, most men surveyed seem to be against it as well. 

When talking about the reasons behind girls marrying under 18 years, the most common answer in both men (21%) 

and women (29%) was “to avoid pregnancy”. It is understood to guarantee virginity and avoid possible premarital 

relationships and teenage pregnancies outside of marriage. Nevertheless, it is interesting to observe that more 

women than men have responded this, while more men (19%) than women (14%) chose “to avoid premarital sex”, 

the first option being the fear of women to have a pregnancy out of marriage (taking into account the social 

judgement that this implies), and the second one the control of men over girls’ sexuality preserving their virginity. 

The second most answered option in women (18%) was that religion plays a role in the early marriage of girls 

(Graph 7). 



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Graph 7. Why are some girls married off under 18 years of age? Results divided by gender 

 

Despite the last graph showing there were more women than men that chose religion as a reason for girls marrying 

early, when asked directly about Islam, respondents of both genders considered that it is Islamic to marry early at 

similar frequencies (31% men and 30% women). Otherwise, a higher proportion of women (34%) selected that 

early marriage is not compulsory according to Islam and it does not mention child marriage. On the other hand, 

most male respondents (34%) considered that marriage should be based on consent (Graph 8), contrasting with a 

lower percentage of women that chose this option (25%), a fact that can be interpreted as a possible submission of 

these, who accept that marriage is often carried out without their consent, as this is what is expected from them. 

  
Graph 8. Does Islam say anything about child marriage? Distribution by gender 

 

Even though the fact that in the previous question a higher percentage of men defended marriage should be based 

on consent, 30% of male respondents thought it is right to force a girl or a woman into marriage. In addition, most 

women (92%) did not consider it this way. The explanations to defend the practice have also differences between 

genders; in this case, most men (34%) thought child marriage should continue because it is part of the tradition, 

being this option the less answered by women (18%). It is also interesting to see a dissimilarity in one option, 

where women (22%) considered child marriage should continue because it allows them to have more children. 

This may come from the belief that the early age of marriage is also related to the perception of reproductive health, 

the later women marry, the more years of fertility will be lost (Graph 9).   



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Graph 9. If yes, why? Distribution by gender. (Follow up of –Do you think it is right to force a girl or a woman 

into marriage) 

 

Opinions about the consequences of child marriage were similar for men and women surveyed, they both thought 

they are negative, although more women (76%) than men (68%) responded this way.  

Regarding these consequences, labour complications and tears were the most answered option; apart from that, 

differences were observed between men and women, while a significantly higher proportion of men (22%) chose 

psychological trauma, a higher proportion of women (10%) selected poverty as negative repercussions of child 

marriage (Graph 10).  

   

Graph 10. If yes, which ones? Distribution by gender. (Follow up of -Does child marriage have negative 

consequences?) 

 

To end child marriage in The Gambia, the percentage of men (29%) thinking that law/legislation forcing girls’ 

education is the best way, is higher than the frequency of women (20%). The most remarkable difference was that 

33% 34% 33%

1%

30%

18%

30%

22%

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

40%

It protects the family
honour

It is part of tradition It is part of religion It allows a woman to
have more children

Do you think it is right to force a girl or woman 
into marriage?

Man Woman



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the percentage of women (48%) choosing that conducting sensitizations is the best way to end the practice was 

significantly higher than the percentage of men choosing the same option (31%) (Graph 11).  

  
Graph 11. What do you think is the best way to end child marriage in The Gambia? Distribution by gender 

 

Lastly, ending or continuing child marriage also depends on the decision the families make. Around this aspect, 

the father and both mother and father are the most selected options by both men and women (39% - 35% and 54% 

- 39% respectively). In addition, a significantly higher proportion of women thought that the entire family (12%) 

and the groom (8%) had the final decision for a young girl under 18 to be married, compared with men (2% and 

0% respectively) (Graph 12). 

  
Graph 12. Who takes the final decision for a young girl under 18 to get married? Distribution by gender 

 

3.3 Ethnicity 

Continuing with the same structure of the two previous variables (age and gender), the opinion about child 

marriage also varies depending on the ethnic group. It is observed that 85% of participants from Djola ethnic group 

considered that child marriage is a harmful practice, while other ethnicities stated the same with lower frequencies 

(from 62% to 75%) (Graph 13). It is shown that the ethnic groups with a higher number of anwers thinking that 

child marriage is a good practice are Serahule (25%), Mandinka (21%) and Fula (23%). 



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Graph 13. What is your opinion about child marriage? Distribution by ethnic group 

 

When asked “Why are some girls married off under 18 years?” all ethnicities detected “to avoid pregnancy” as the 

main reason. Despite that, Serahule participants chose “religion” at a higher frequency (22%) compared to other 

ethnic groups and “economic gains” at a lower frequency (7%). Serahules (41%), Fulas (38%), and Mandinkas 

(32%) considered that it is Islamic to marry early, while Djolas had the lower proportion on that question (16%). 

On the other hand, a lower proportion of Serahules (23%) compared with other ethnic groups believed that early 

marriage is not compulsory according to Islam, while a higher proportion of Wolof (13%) and Serer (12%) 

affirmed that Islam does not mention child marriage.  

Following this trend, 46% of Serahules and 42% of Fulas believed that child marriage should continue, contrasting 

with 87% of Djolas that thought that the practice should not continue. Additionally, more Serers (55%), Fulas 

(44%), and Mandinkas (35%) thought that child marriage is not a violation of human rights compared with 

respondents from other ethnic groups.  

This pattern was followed also in the consideration of possible negative consequences of child marriage, as a 

higher proportion of Djola participants (90%) considered that case, followed by Wolofs (80%), Serers (71%), 

Mandinkas (69%), Fula (63%) and, finally, Serahules with the lower frequency (55%). This unawareness could be 

due to the low participation rates in any kind of activity (training or sensitization) related to child marriage. In this 

regard, Djolas showed a higher percentage of people stating that they have attended one, compared to surveyed 

individuals from any other ethnic group. 

Concerning which is the best way to end child marriage in The Gambia, over 30% of respondents in each ethinc 

group (except Serahules with a 29%) considered that conducting sensitizations is the strategy to follow to end child 

marriage, with Serers (47%) and Djolas (44%) the ones to be more convinced about this. Talking about the law as 

another strategy to end the practice, some ethnicities were more reluctant, above all Serahules (27%) and Fulas 

(22%), opining that no law can stop child marriage. This seems to be reflected in the support that the different 

groups would give to any law banning child marriage, as the majority of Djolas (87%), Wolofs (75%), and Serers 

(71%) would support a law prohibiting the practice, while more Serahules (46%) and Fulas (43%) than other ethnic 

groups would not support such a law (Graph 14).  



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Graph 14. Would you support any law banning child marriage? Distribution by ethnic group 

 

As in the rest of the results obtained by measuring the ethnic group variable, it has been seen that Fulas and 

Serahules are the groups with more favourable opinions towards the practice and Djolas and Wolofs would be in 

a position more against it. This trend continues to be confirmed when they were asked about the prospects of 

continuing this practice in the future. A higher proportion of Fula (48%) and Serahule (46%) did not think that 

child marriage will be eliminated from The Gambia compared with other ethnicities, while Djola and Wolof 

respondents answered affirmatively at the highest frequencies (77% and 71% respectively) (Graph 15).  

 

Graph 15. Do you think child marriage will ever be eliminated in The Gambia? Distribution by ethnic group 

 

Finally, when consulted about their own decisions in a pretended future, Serahules (46%) and Fulas (37%) reported 

more commonly that they would marry off their child, while Djolas chose this answer at the lowest frequencies 

(10%) followed by Wolofs (21%) (Graph 16). These results demonstrate the need for programmes aimed at ending 

child marriage to be adapted to the specificities of each ethnic group and to have a special impact on those who 

continue to have an opinion in favour of the practice. 



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Graph 16. If you have or would have a daughter, would you marry her off as a child? Distribution by ethnic 

group 

 

4. Focus Group Discussion Results  

The main reasons mentioned in the focus groups discussions can be gathered in three main groups: sexuality and 

fertility, sociocultural reasons, and the economic burden.   

Regarding the issues related to sexuality and fertility, the idea of honour is very present in the need of controlling 

girls’ sexuality. Pregnancies out of wedlock are shameful for all the family members, so it is important to ensure 

it will not happen.  

“What happens is, if the girl is always going out to meet boys she may end up being pregnant which 

brings a lot of shame to her parents and the family. We have seen girls at grade 8 and grade 9 getting 

pregnant in this community. So, to avoid that, parents will marry off their children to avoid them going 

through that shame”. (Woman, 27 years old, focus group of youth in an urban area). 

While pregnancies are undesirable outside the marriage, fertility is highly significant in the life of all women. In 

this regard, social pressure to have children is one of the reasons that fosters child marriage, because parents want 

their daughters to make the most of their full fertile span.  

“They will marry her off with the intention of her having children early in order for them to help her.” 

(Man, 19 years old, focus group with youth in a rural area). 

Sociocultural reasons, in which peer influence and following family traditions have also been considered an 

important factor, convincing girls that the best option is to marry early and have children early on because their 

relatives and peers are doing the same thing. 

“Peer pressure can also be another reason why child marriage is happening. If all your friends are 

married in the community, community members will always tell you to go and get married because all 

your friends are married with their children. Sometimes your married friends will tell you to go and get 

married in order for you to be on the same footing as them. This can make you change your mind to go 

into marriage.” (Man, 25 years old, focus group of youth in a rural area). 

Marriage means a status change in Gambian society, and it is an important institution that protects family honour. 

Many girls accept marriages because they cannot confront their adults, in a gerontocratic society where elders are 

the leaders of the community.   

“It is difficult to refuse to the marriage because your parents are the ones that arrange the marriage and 

they will threaten you with their words. You will end up agreeing to the marriage because you will not 

want to be disowned by your parents.” (Woman, 22 years old, focus group of youths in a rural area).   

Besides, the punishment in cases in which the woman or the man does not obey is the social rejection of the 

individual and their offspring in the family group, as a kind of ostracism.   

“My husband was asked to marry her cousin who is a child, but my husband refused to get married to 

that girl because he said he regards her as a sister, not a wife. The family was putting a lot of pressure on 

him to marry the girl, but he refused, so when he said he was going to marry someone else, the family 



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said they were not going to be part of it. Since that time, he and his family have not had that relationship 

because he married outside the family. My husband is a Fula and, even when I gave birth, his family 

refused to come to my naming ceremony.” (Woman, 24 years old, focus group of youths in an urban area). 

The economic burden is a point to be considered in the case of child marriages. For example, some poor families 

can consider it as a solution for their daughters to have a better quality of life. As already mentioned, in situations 

of economic difficulty, and with the costs derived from the care of the daughters, early marriage becomes one of 

the best options to ensure future subsistence. 

“For me, I think the socio-economic factor is also a reason why child marriage happens because some 

people will send their daughter off for marriage because they are poor, and they expect something from 

the family the girl is married to.” (Man, 33 years old, focus group of youths in an urban area). 

The economic reasons are not only those driven by poverty and need. Child marriage can also be considered as an 

option to ensure a better future for their children, to access a lifestyle offering financial security, or maybe just as 

a safer way to assure it. 

“One of the factors could also bethe search for greener pastures, like let’s assume you have a girl who is 

very tender in age and sees a guy who is way older but financially successful and stable. Despite the fact 

that the child is not from a poor family background, she still needs a greener environment to be in. So that 

can also be a contributing factor.” (Man, 27 years old, focus group of teachers in an urban area). 

“Other factor that can also lead to child marriage can also be the safety of the female child. To some 

parents, giving the child away can be safer than keeping her in the compound without knowing whether 

the child is going in the right path or in the wrong path. So for her to be given away maybe safer than 

keeping her in the compound.” (Woman, 28 years old, focus group of teachers in urban). 

Other reasons can be cited, such as using child marriage as a strategy to maintain family wealth and keep it under 

control. This is consistent with the objective of endogamous family unions, to perpetuate kinship networks, 

maintain the proximity of children and invest in the family itself. 

“When I was at junior school, I had a friend who was forced to get married. [...] it was a way of holding 

him back. Like most of the family members were abroad. He is a Sarahuli too. Very wealthy, they had a 

lot of things they wanted to make secure. One way that they could secure these properties was to marry 

the boy for him to settle here and secure the properties. Yeah… it was a strategy that was there to secure 

or maintain their family wealth. That is why he was pushed into marriage.” (Man, 27 years old, focus 

group of teachers in an urban area). 

In the focus groups that were held in the rural context, other economic motivations appeared. For example, there 

may be men who pay for the education of a girl, and then in payment of that debt, the girl is obliged to marry him. 

“Yes, it is common in the rural area, some men will sponsor a girl from primary to junior secondary and 

then they will request her hand in marriage.” (Woman, 22 years old, focus group of youth in a rural area). 

Other factors associated with child marriage were identified during focus group discussions, that also vary 

depending on the place of residence. As has been seen, child marriages are more common in rural Gambia, so 

there are also differences in the motivation for practicing child marriage whether it is in rural or urban areas. 

4.1 Differences between Rural and Urban Areas 

Tradition 

Greater diversity in terms of origins, families, and points of view is more prevalent in urban areas with higher 

population densities. The plurality of opinions and attitudes can give greater flexibility regarding traditional norms. 

“Yes, once you take on a new tradition, you will always underrate the one you were living with. When 

someone is born and brought up in rural areas, the elders train them with the traditions here but when 

the same person travels to Kombo, they change. The people in the rural area are the same people that are 

living in Kombo, but we’ll all agree that the traditions in Kombo and the rural area are different. The 

reason for this is, the generation we are living in, people assume that they are more aware and take on 

board a new tradition. The tradition of the white people and their lifestyle, if someone lives in the rural 

areas, they don’t accept that.” (Man, 37 years old, focus group of teachers in a rural area). 

Rethinking traditional norms also includes values that guarantee a better future for children. In rural areas, the 

belief that marriage offers better opportunities than other alternatives (such as having a complete education) seems 

to be more prevalent. 



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“Most of our parents in this area do not see the value of education and this makes it hard for so many 

young girls because most of their parents see marriage more important than allowing them to finish 

school.” (Man, 29 years old, focus group of youth in a rural area). 

Education 

During the focus groups it could be seen that education also plays a very important role in the prevention of child 

marriage. On one hand, it is considered that in urban contexts, access to education is easier and there are more 

options to choose from. 

“Both in western and Islamic education because there are more dairas (Islamic schools) in Kombo than 

in the rural areas. The number of Quranic Schools in Kombo are more than those in the provinces here. 

In short, the main contribution factor is education. Kombo is more developed in terms of education than 

here in the rural area. And then the mentality that has been talked about became different, and the level 

of awareness too. There are plenty of western schools there, plenty of Arabic Schools, plenty of Quranic 

memorization centers. This is what I think.” (Man, 38 years old, focus group of teachers in a rural area).  

On the other hand, it is considered that in urban contexts, access to education is easier and therefore children have 

more opportunities to complete their education and not be exposed to marriage at such an early age. 

“There are two key points here; tradition and education, because if you look closely, I would say up to 

90% of those going to school in Kombo will complete their education. When a child is starting grade 1 at 

7 years of age, upon completion of the 12th grade, they will be 19 years old, meaning that many children 

will escape child marriage. The level of exposure is higher in Kombo than here and parents in Kombo are 

more likely to be open to their children. Good family discussions in combination with education will of 

course help children.” (Man, 38 years old, focus group of teachers in a rural area).  

Therefore, in the urban environment people are better informed and more aware of the harmful consequences for 

children in practices such as child marriage. Meanwhile, in rural areas there is a greater lack of knowledge about 

the dangers of the practice. 

“Most parents in urban areas are aware of the consequences of child marriage and wouldn’t want to 

expose their daughters to them. But parents in rural areas have little or no knowledge about the negative 

consequences of child marriage. It will be easier for a parent in the rural areas to marry off their child 

than a parent in the urban areas. Child marriage is practiced more in the rural areas than the urban 

areas.” (Man, 25 years old, focus group of youth in a rural area). 

Awareness of the Law 

The social pressure exerted by the family if the child refuses a marriage can be experienced differently depending 

on whether it is a rural or an urban context. The difference lies in the level of awareness of child marriage as a 

harmful practice and the possibility to refuse this type of union. 

“Awareness also plays and important role in the practice of child marriage, a child in the urban areas is 

aware about the authorities and can refuse to be married off as a child but a child in a rural environment 

has no idea about the authorities involved in it and, also, they cannot say no to their parents if they want 

to marry them off.” (Man, 25 years old, focus group of youth in a rural area).  

In rural areas, due to the belief that marriage is a family problem and, as such, is managed privately, it becomes 

harder to seek help if the children need it. 

“There is a belief in the community that no situation should reach the authorities; all situations should 

be settled within the family, village and the community.” (Woman, 22 years old, focus group of youth in a 

rural area).  

There are also difficulties in finding life alternatives outside marriage. As a result of the deprotection children 

experience when they are rejected by their own families for refusing a marriage, they start to question whether it 

is worse to suffer this process or endure the marriage they would find themselves in. 

“In the rural area when a child refuses to get married, they will be disowned and sent out from the house 

and they will have nowhere to go which might be the reason for the child accepting that marriage. But in 

the case of urban areas the child might have somewhere to go.” (Woman, 18 years old, focus group of 

youth in a rural area).  

On the other hand, in urban areas, there is more knowledge about the laws that prohibit child marriage and the 

complaint against parents is a repeated punitive route during the focus groups. However, the participants also 



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talked about the fear caused by making the decision to report to the authorities, since the confrontation with the 

families can also be expressed through maximum vulnerability and lack of protection for the children. 

“So, I asked the headmaster what we were going to do, whether to take the legal route or report it to the 

police. The child said: “No, if you do that, my father will kill me when I arrive home.” The child was 

afraid of the father, so I told the headmaster that we should leave it to them.” (Man, 32 years old, focus 

group of teachers in an urban area). 

In some cases, this fear may extend to the entire family, due to the possible repercussions of confronting someone 

with more power within the community. 

“The girl’s family was also afraid to report the matter to the police because everyone is running from 

what the man is going to do to them.” (Man, 35 years old, focus group of youth in an urban area). 

4.2 Teachers and Youth, Two Different Perspectives  

As seen throughout the study, the educational sector is key in preventing child marriages. For this reason, we 

wanted to hold focus groups with teachers, considering them the main agents in the transmission of knowledge 

and the empowerment of the new generations and with students, to find out their opinion on the subject, as well as 

to be able to reflect on the changes that should be made in the current syllabus to improve the prevention of child 

and forced marriages.  

The results of the focus groups do not present great differences of opinion between the two groups, a fact that we 

can value positively, since it means that there is good communication and coordination between teachers and their 

students, and that mutual expectations are adequately met.  

In this section, we want to reinforce the opinions of both on three issues that we consider relevant in the educational 

field: the problem of school dropout, sex education given and received, and the identification of key agents in the 

prevention of child marriages.  Professors and students offer us two different perspectives that do not oppose or 

contradict each other, but rather offer nuances to the same reality, enabling a holistic understanding of the 

phenomenon.  

School Dropout 

As we have already seen, school dropout is one of the main consequences of child marriage, while education can 

be a reason to put off marriage until the girl has finished the last grade. Teachers defend the importance of a good 

education as well as knowing how to motivate students, especially girls, to choose this path. Young people agree 

on the value of education and on the fact that marriage means dropping out of school, since they have family 

obligations to take care of.   

A bad performance in school or lack of interest of the girls can be a motivation for parents to decide to marry her, 

especially in rural areas:  

“She didn’t want to go to school. A year later, I heard from her little sister that she was married. When I 

asked why, she said, “she doesn’t want to go to school so it is better to marry”. (Man, 38 years old, focus 

group of teachers in a rural area). 

In the urban context, teachers affirm that some schools nowadays are allowing married and pregnant girls to attend 

class, in order to reduce the dropout rates.  

“I think it is a mix. In the provinces where I am from, you will see a pregnant girl will be going to school. 

She only stops the school for the period of the pregnancy. Possibly one year or so. After that, they want 

to come back and continue with school but some of them, because they are as they are, would change 

schools. They move from one school to another provided they can pay for their tuition.” (Man, 37 years 

old, focus group of teachers in an urban area). 

On the other hand, the perception of youth is that marriage and pregnancy lead the girls and the boys to leaving 

school because they find themselves in another social stage and must face responsibilities like feeding the family.  

“You will realise that the boy forced to get married is not even ready yet or he is still at school so at that 

moment if they get married with one child their education is over because they will be thinking of how to 

feed their family.” (Man, 24 years old, focus group of youth in an urban area). 

Being educated, in this context, is not a right anymore, but a privilege.  

“I am the only lucky child in my family that went to school; the rest of them all got married before they 

were 18 years old.” (Woman, 24 years old, focus group of youth in an urban area). 



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Sex Education 

However, going to school is not the only form of receiving information, as the family plays a great role in the 

education and transmission of community values. In this regard, sexual education is an unresolved issue that needs 

to be discussed and addressed.  

Teachers and youth agree that the social taboo on sexuality must be broken. The former choose to include the 

topics in the curriculum of some subjects, while claiming the importance of being able to raise awareness among 

parents and the community in general. For their part, youth stress the importance of being able to deal with these 

issues within families, in a safe and trusting space.  

Teachers explain that they introduce it in the curriculum of Natural Sciences, although some might face problems 

with some students or families that do not seem to think it is right to talk about sex in class.  

“I was once reported by a student to the school principal that I was teaching the children about sex. I 

told the principal that, as a teacher, it was my responsibility to make sure that the children understand it. 

It is my job and my area of specialisation. I believe teaching them without telling them these things can 

have a great impact on my career. Schools advances with age. The older they grow, the more advanced 

their lessons. If they learn later in tertiary institutions that I was not doing much, it will affect me. I had 

sharp words with the principal. Later when a supervision team from the ministry came there, and started 

asking the students about related areas, they came back to the principal commending the students for 

responding well in that area. The principal later thanked me for doing that.” (Woman, 27 years old, focus 

group of teachers in an urban area).  

That is why one urban teacher maintains that issues related to puberty and sex education need to be treated 

transversally from primary school level, in order to avoid shame and the consequences of ignorance:  

“My suggestion is, before the children go to senior school, the foundation needs to be set at primary 

school level which will make it easy at the secondary level. Even issues related to teenage pregnancy 

might be resolved along the way. If you see some of these girls, they are getting pregnant, and it is because 

they are not aware. When they get the knowledge at that early age, it will make it easy to teach it there. 

On the contrary, if you start talking about it [at secondary school], they will not fully participate because 

it appears to them that whoever talks about it has started having sex. (Man, 32 years old, focus group of 

teachers in an urban area). 

Community values regarding family honour foster the silence and taboo about sex, which is translated into distance 

and lack of communication inside the families, especially between parents and their sons and daughters.  

“In fact, here when a child reaches a certain age, all discussions are cut off between the parent and the 

child. All this is as a result of lack of communication.” (Man, 38 years old, focus group of teachers in a 

rural area).  

Teachers in both rural and urban contexts claim that it is very important to involve parents in these kinds of 

conversations and educate them about the importance of talking with children in simple terms, so that they can 

properly understand the importance of the topic and the measure they should take into consideration to be safe.  

“Another way in which it can be minimised is that parents to be encouraged to have dialogue with their 

children. In some schools, problems are many, so much that students’ individual issues cannot be 

addressed by the teacher but rather as a parent, when you talk with your family and discuss certain things. 

Even if not detailed, just letting them know x is this and y is that, and their sexual health, whatever. Even 

when a girl goes out, she will remember how to keep herself safe. I believe a child’s first teacher is the 

parent. That is where they should get the foundation and learn some of the things. When they get to school, 

it makes it easier to deal with such sensitive issues. I believe that it is a collective responsibility.” (Man, 

27 years old, focus group of teachers in an urban area).  

Younger people also claim the importance of breaking the taboo and start talking about sex more naturally. When 

boys and girls are in puberty, they develop sexual interest and if they are not correctly guided with information, 

they will experiment with it recklessly.  

“Another point I want to raise is sex education because it is something we don’t discuss in the community. 

It is forbidden to use the word sex, but this is something that should be discussed within the family setting 

and both the female and the male child should know about it, they don’t know that is why they are involved 

in it.” (Man, 24 years old, focus group of youth in an urban area).  



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As seen in the last section, it might seem that the urban context is more aware of this problem, but it is not really 

true as, in rural the context, younger people also recognise that families should address sexual education, in a 

confidential and safe space in which parents try to understand their sons and daughters’ position.  

“Now parents don’t want to take up their responsibilities as parents to sit with their children and talk 

about issues related to sexual education and other important issues directly affecting children today. I 

believe teenage pregnancies, and child marriages, are happening because parents don’t sit down with 

their children to talk and educate them on those issues.” (Man, 25 years old, focus group of youth in a 

rural area). 

Key Agents in the Prevention of Child Marriage 

In order to reduce child marriages, the taboo regarding sex must finish, through the involvement of different social 

actors. In the focus groups with teachers, they explained different cases in which their students had asked them for 

help to get out of situations of forced marriage or on issues related to sexuality, since they are people with whom 

they have direct contact, and this allows them to establish a trustworthy relationship. 

On the other hand, the youth who participate in the two focus groups are activists who disseminate information to 

the girls and boys, and normalise talking about topics such as puberty and sex. 

“I personally organise community outreaches on sexual and reproductive issues. I do this because I 

believe it is a responsibility to share with people what we know that will help them. What we can do is to 

share with people the information we have starting from our homes, village level and our peers.” (Man, 

25 years old, focus group of youth in a rural area).  

Awareness-raising is a must to achieve a real social change, and that should come from the communities 

themselves. Teachers are also a key social player in the prevention of harmful traditional practices. First of all, 

they are the ones educating and empowering the future generations, so they can prevent child marriage by offering 

them information about their rights. They also have a good status in the communities, so they can sensitize parents 

and other family members alike, fostering their engagement in the education of their sons and daughters.  

“When the teachers are empowered with the knowledge and skills required in helping in the prevention 

of child marriage, they can help do more sensitizations. Schoolchildren put a lot of trust in teachers up to 

a point, because when they say something and not something else, the teacher is considered right. The 

teachers can also serve as community mobilizers because most of them live within the community”. (Man, 

32 years old, focus group of teachers in a rural area). 

In the short term, teachers have daily contact with their students, which allows them to build a trusting relationship 

with them. In this regard, a teacher can be the confidant a girl needs to explain their problems. For example, one 

of the participants in the focus group of teachers in urban explained a case where a girl confessed to him that her 

father wanted to marry her to a friend of his. Finally, the marriage did not go ahead, and the girl is still going to 

school, in grade 11. 

“The girl was very intelligent; she was sharp and smart. One day, she came in and said to me: «Mr Bah, 

I want to see you during the break. I have something bothering me, I want to see you and explain it to you. 

I don’t know how you can help me.» I asked her what it was, and she said: «my father said he was going 

to give me to his friend for me to get married to him.» […] I asked if she accepted it, but she said no. 

(Man, 32 years old, focus group of teachers in an urban area). 

In the worst situations, teachers can intercede between the girl and the family, helping their students in trying to 

stop the marriage. One of the participants in the focus group of teachers explain her case, as she was at risk of 

child marriage when she was young. 

“I was forced to marry when I was 15 years old. They brought and shared the kola nuts. But I thank my 

teachers, Mr. Jammeh and Mr. Sanyang, who saved me.” (Woman, 31 years old, focus group of teachers 

in an urban area). 

5. Conclusions 

To put an end to child marriages, it is essential to continue developing studies that allow us to understand the 

phenomenon and improve actions to prevent it. The approach should be based on the particularities and reasons 

the practice presents, to adopt effective strategies. 

As we have seen, age follows a clear pattern, most young people are against this practice compared to older people. 

In recent years, training and awareness programmes for the young population in school environments have 

increased. This increase in education at an early age demonstrates its impact when we look at the fact that it is the 



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youngest who relate practices such as child marriage to harmful traditional practices. In addition, education 

emerges as one of the pillars on which emphasis is placed to ending child marriage. Different studies show that 

the longer the girls' studies are, the later they will marry, and the better job and economic opportunities they will 

have. The last years of the Covid pandemic have also reduced drastically the access to education, revealing great 

concern around the communities. 

Access to education, depending on the place of residence, confirms the great differences between rural and urban 

areas. Given that child marriages are more common in rural areas, a potential strategy to encourage the 

abandonment of the practice arose during the focus groups. The way would be to spread the message of awareness 

and sensitization on harmful traditional practices amid the members of their communities, carried out by those 

who have studied in urban areas. This, in turn, would encourage an active participation of the civil population as 

agents of change within their communities themselves. 

The knowledge of the laws also have a different impact depending on the age. Following this trend, the older a 

person is, the less familiar they are with the law; this, added to the fact that it is believed that the law is not applied 

adequately, which can lead to mistrust of it. This, in turn, reflects that the laws that prohibit child marriages are 

insufficient to eliminate the practice unless they are accompanied by sensitization and education on this issue. 

Differences in the support for the law shown among the various ethnic groups should also be considered, as there 

is a tendency in the answers, it can be equated with the percentage of participants who answered that child marriage 

should continue (46% of Serahules and 42% of Fulas) is still very high. Therefore, adapting awareness campaigns 

according to ethnic group is fundamental, to have a deeper diffusion on those groups who still support child 

marriage. 

Even though young people show a predisposition to oppose the practice, there are still major concerns about them 

confronting their elders in making these decisions, which affect the entire family and may cause conflict. Girls 

face an internal duel if they do not want to marry at an early age: follow the family tradition and continue the 

footsteps of their mothers or face social rejection. On some occasions, this strong gerontocratic component can be 

an obstacle in raising awareness among the youngest groups, since despite being effective with them, this impact 

does not cross the generational barrier and accentuates the arguments that "people nowadays are practicing the 

cultures of the West”. It would therefore be essential to generate spaces for dialogue between the generations that 

allow knowledge to be shared and break the taboo on these issues. 

These dialogue spaces could be created through affective-sexual education, as training on this topic is presented 

as a crucial strategy. Concerns about premarital sex and teenage pregnancies are key in the motivations to carry 

out child marriage, observed throughout the results of the KAP surveys and in the testimonies of the focus group. 

That is why implementing curricularly sexual and reproduction health and human rights programmes that keep 

families informed about the different options is necessary to initiate an open discussion about sexuality between 

parents and their children. Also, teachers could possibly perform this role as affective-sexual educators. Their 

position allows them to be trusted by students and to be able to talk about sensitive issues. They can be confidants 

to whom they can go in order to explain difficult cases or situations. 

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Author list:  

Adriana Kaplan Marcusán: Chair of Knowledge Transfer, Department of Social and Cultural Anthropology, 

Building B - Faculty of Arts and Humanities, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 08193 – Bellaterra (Cerdanyola 

del Vallès), Spain. E-mail: adriana.kaplan@uab.cat; Tel: +34-93-581-1239; https://www.uab.cat/web/-

1263801907341.html 

Beatriz Escaño Valentí: Fundación Wassu-UAB, L’Àgora (Edifici R), Plaça Cívica Campus Universitat Autònoma 

de Barcelona 08193 - Bellaterra (Cerdanyola del Vallès), Spain. E-mail: beatriz.escano@uab.cat; Tel: +34-673-

294-118. https://www.uab.cat/fundacio-wassu/ 

Júlia Perarnau Moles: Fundación Wassu-UAB, L’Àgora (Edifici R), Plaça Cívica Campus Universitat Autònoma 

de Barcelona 08193 - Bellaterra (Cerdanyola del Vallès), Spain. E-mail: julia.perarnau@uab.cat; Tel: +34-673-

294-118. https://www.uab.cat/fundacio-wassu/ 

Segga Sanyang: Wassu Gambia Kafo, Kololi New Road, Kanifing Municipality, PO Box 4533 - Bakau, The 

Gambia. E-mail: segga.wgk@gmail.com; Tel: +220-733-7583 

Salieu J. Kandeh: Wassu Gambia Kafo, Kololi New Road, Kanifing Municipality, PO Box 4533 - Bakau, The 

Gambia. E-mail: salieu.wgk@gmail.com; Tel: +220-733-7583 

 

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