jeff ery, s. et al. (eds): european atlas of soil biodiversity 309 jeff ery, s. et al. (eds): european atlas of soil biodiversity. european commission, publication offi ce of the european union, luxemburg. 2010. the joint research centre of the european commission published a new soil atlas at the end of 2010. this is the third in the atlas series launched six years ago with the soil atlas of europe (2005) and continued with the soil atlas of the northern circumpolar region (2010). united nations has declared 2010 to be the international year of biodiversity. on this occasion joint research centre of the european commission (jrc) and directorategeneral for the environment of the european commission (dg environment) have produced the fi rst ever a comprehensive atlas at european scale. more than 60 specialists of the jrc and the world leading experts in soil biodiversity were involved into the edition of this tome. the atlas of the soil biodiversity is not a conventional atlas than it rather is an encyclopaedia. it is designed to be a reference guide to life of soil, so it can be a useful tool for soil scientists and for higher education. the soil atlas is divided into two parts. section one covers a wide range of topics related to soil biodiversity. fundaments of the soil environment, ecosystems and biomes, soil functions, threats to soil biodiversity, soil ecology, and the methodology are introduced from the perspectives of soil ecology and microbiology. the policies and the role of education are discussed by another chapter. although the atlas offi cially focuses on europe, the majority of the chapters have a wider scope. the conventional atlas appears in the 6th chapter: “distribution of soil organisms within europe”. section two is a taxonomical handbook of the soil organisms. this section contains up-to-date and more comprehensive knowledge than several available books in the fi eld of soil ecology. each section works independently of all other sections, to make information readily accessible. for this reason some data are being shown recurrently. some of the topics are more theoretical and abstract than the other ones, however, the extent of the chapters are balanced. where the subject is complex and abstract, simple analogies and explanations appear in supplementary textboxes. the language is easily accessible, but some terms can be unknown for the new reader. for this reason a glossary can be found at the back of the volume. the atlas is richly illustrated with fi gures and photos, and comprises one a/2, three a/3 and 13 a/4 sized map plates. the european atlas of soil biodiversity is freely available online at htt p:// eusoils.jrc.ec.europa.eu/library/maps/biodiversity_atlas/ zoltán szalai jones, a. et al. (eds): an introduction to the „soil atlas of the northern circumpolar region" 434 jones, a. et al. (eds): an introduction to the „soil atlas of the northern circumpolar region”. european commission, publication offi ce of the european union, luxemburg. 2010. the joint research center of the european commission has recently published a new atlas summarizing the soil resources of the northern circumpolar region. this atlas is the second in the soil atlas series, which was launched three years ago with the soil atlas of europe and will continue soon with the atlas on soil biodiversity, and the soil atlas of africa. both of them are in the fi nal stage of editing and will be published very soon. the work is ongoing, the organization of the scientifi c and editorial team for the soil atlas of southern america has just recently started. the initiative of publishing this atlas series has been started with the compilation of the 1:1 million scale harmonized european soil database, which was the fi rst harmonized thematic database for the eu member states. the atlas on the european soils is one of the presentation forms of this database with two major aims behind it. the fi rst one is to provide a comprehensive view on the soil resources of europe for teaching and educational purposes, while the second one is to raise awareness of soil protection over europe. the topic of the most recent atlas on the soils of the northern circumpolar region was decided in 2007, as an eu contribution to the international polar year 2007–2008. soil plays a critical role in the global carbon cycle processes thus being one of the most important factors in global warming. the thawing of soils in the arctic regions will result in the thawing of the currently frozen organic matt er of the peat and meadow soils formed in this temporarily wet environment. the reactivation of the surface and the soil forming processes can impact the global carbon cycle in two opposite ways. the warming and drying scenario may increase the decomposition rate of the soil organic matt er and thus produce signifi cant amount of extra carbon load to the atmosphere. on the other hand, the warming and wett ing scenario is bound to increase the hydromorphic impact and to decrease the decomposition rate of the fresh biomass and therefore to increase the carbon sequestration ratio in the soil. it is very likely, that both scenarios will happen in the same 435 time depending on the environmental conditions. the important thing in forecasting the impact of the soil systems on global warming is to know the spatial extent of the two processes. any modeling eff ort requires hard and harmonized data on soil for the potentially aff ected regions, which did not exist till recently. this gap was fi lled by this atlas. more than 20 soil specialists of the arctic regions were involved into the project from each of the corresponding countries of europe, asia and north america, which ensured the high scientifi c quality of the work. besides being a traditional atlas with 28 a/2 sized soil map plates classifi ed in accordance with the world reference base 2006, the book is an att empt to describe the physical endowments and human environment of the arctic and their impact on soil formation and the soil types. it summarizes the major soil types and soil properties of the regions and their role in the global processes, like the carbon cycle and global warming/climate change issues, and the local perspectives/uses of the soils in the contributing areas and countries. the book is rich in illustrating photos, fi gures and maps, and provides a unique opportunity to obtain an insight into the arctic environment. it is very useful for teaching or self educating purposes and provides a pleasant reading for the interested audience. endre dobos in memoriam david turnock (1938–2011) 318 in memoriam david turnock (1938–2011) i was proposed to give an overview of david’s academic career, in particular, his contribution to understanding the changing geography of europe. nevertheless, dwelling upon my memories of our joint work and our chats about history, eastern europe, family and so many other things, i decided to write about the friend, who was a dedicated researcher, a tutor and also a kind, helpful colleague for all of us. we all know his systematic way of exploring socio-spatial processes in his study-areas, such as in leicestershire, scotland, the carpathian regions of romania and in many other places... nevertheless, he was always anxious to go deeper and understand the historical, social (”macro-”) and environmental contexts of local processes. as he wrote in 1998, “…the distinctiveness of diff erent world regions has always been the primary stimulus of my interest in geography, though such an inclination was hardly popular during my undergraduate years when overarching theories were very much in vogue and a focus on real world situations won few friends” (turnock, d. 1998: 129). nevertheless, in the milieu of theoretical plurality of the 1990s, when agency was a widely discussed issue, his view of socio-spatial processes that rested on understanding macro-structures through local actions and problems was increasingly appreciated. he found a sound basis for linking local and other scalar processes in the realism. from the mid-1990s, he focused largely on revealing global and national political, institutional and ideological context, as well as on the path dependency of regional and local processes, particularly, in post-socialist countries. as a scholar, researching backward regions, he understood clearly how inequalities are reproduced in all spheres of everyday life. he acted as a moral man had to (as we all, social scientists should): he supported east european colleagues by sending and carrying books to them, and people living in the poorest regions of the balkan (mainly, in romania) by taking medical supply, blankets and toys year by year. his humanitarian activity had been supported by his wife, marion for four decades; their blue ford was always full of charity supply when they visited us in békéscsaba. their work in the caledonian society that supports scott ish culture refl ected the same devotedness that tied up his professional and “civil” life (david got his fi rst job as a university professor in aberdeen). david turnock has been a well-known colleague and a friend to many east european geographers since 1970. he was one of the few scholars who did empirical research on the spatial logic of the centrally planned economy and of the political system of socialism. the primary fi eld of his studies was romania. his papers and books that revealed social inequalities and environmental confl icts under socialism, and their historical contexts rested on his fi eld work and personal experiences, moreover, on the extensive network of 319 “local” academics that was kept working by david. we were oft en invited to check and criticise his papers – to interpret facts and processes always in the right cultural context. it was david turnock and his colleague and friend, frank carter, who proposed to set up the socialist geographies research group within the royal geographical society (rgs), to support academic relationships across the iron curtain. the research group did survive the collapse of socialism, now exists as post-socialist research group/rgs, and still fulfi ls its function, linking geographers in the east and the west of europe. his work was recognised by the rgs edward heath award in 1989. in the transition period, his encyclopaedic knowledge, writings and academic relationships did shape the main streams of geographical research focused on east central europe and the balkan. working together with east european scholars (writing joint papers, editing volumes of studies) he studied key issues, such as the historical contexts of institutional transformation, foreign investments and uneven spatial development, the crisis of rural regions, environmental confl icts and cross-border relations. the joint work, in my experience, rested on mutual appreciation of each other’s knowledge and opinion, lacking the frequently experienced imbalance in east–west academic relations. who was david turnock for us, east european geographers, and why do we miss him as a colleague, a friend, a mentor, a precise editor and in many other terms so much? by the pure facts, he was a scholar who accumulated and organised an immense and deep knowledge about our region. he presented his results on east central europe and the balkan, moreover, on his other “long-term research projects” (e.g. on leicestershire, and on the scott ish highlands) in his more than 31 books (including 10 volumes of studies edited by him) and hundreds of papers. aft er fi nishing his studies at st. catherine’s college, cambridge, and gett ing his phd shortly aft er, he was invited to teach at the university of aberdeen. in 1969, he moved to leicester, and worked at the university of leicester until his retirement in 2003. his books (many of those were on the reading lists at the department of geography), moreover, his way of working together with students as a tutor inspired many young fellows to fi nd their own way – and oft en, to study and to understand eastern europe. being retired was not an end to his work, but having more time for exploring europe and for writing his books: he had six synopses that had been accepted by major publishers in 2003. he left several manuscripts behind that he could not fi nish – when we lost him in a car accident on 10 may, 2011 in rutland. it was an enormous loss, and now we miss a dedicated colleague, a friend, a mentor – a good man… turnock, d. 1998. globalisation and the east european transition. geojournal 45. (1–2): 129–140. erika nagy 8_book review.indd 88 a prominent representative of hungarian physical geography, one of the last of his generation, passed away on 3 october 2016. professor györgy lovász was born on 23 may 1931 in budapest. he studied geography and history at the budapest university, where he gathered rich experience in fieldwork under the guidance of professor sándor láng. while he worked as a teacher in a vocational school of nagykanizsa and in a primary school of gyál, professor béla bulla encouraged him to start with scientific research. in 1956 his first academic paper appeared in print on the origin of the ’meridional valleys’ of the zala hills, an issue which is still a subject of heated debates among hungarian geomorphologists. he himself also returned to this topic and summarised his opinion in a paper published in 1970. the thesis written for obtaining the university doctorate in 1959 was concerned with the evolution of the lenti basin. he also studied the evolution of the drava floodplain and concluded that the basin, originally thought to be uniform was dissected into subbasins during the holocene. the focus of his research remained hydrogeography and its physicogeographical implications. in 1967 he successfully defended his dissertation on ”water regime and runoff in the drava-mura water system”, which was also published by the hungarian academy of sciences in the book series geographical monographs. for his study on the drainage system of the danube he was awarded the “doctor of sciences in geography” title in 1977. his hydrogeographical works are closely related to water management issues, including flood control and risk assessment. he contributed to a series of monographs with geomorphological and hydrogeographical chapters (e.g. geology and surface evolution of southeastern transdanubia, 1974; the physical geography of baranya county, 1977; southern transdanubia in the series landscape geography of hungary 1981). his hydrogeographical research focused on the quantification of the physical, topographic, climatic and pedological factors affecting runoff and the water balance of the individual subcatchments (földrajzi értesítő, 1972). some of his publications discuss the temporal changes of the water temperature and ice cover conditions of the rivers danube and tisza. györgy lovász also analyzed the changes of the longitudinal profile of the danube, tisza and drava rivers, and his findings confirmed the role of channel erosional processes, triggered by river regulation works. he also pointed out the impact of recent tectonics on riverbed incision and subsidence of the aforementioned three rivers (published in the journal of hydrology and hydromechanics in 2007). györgy lovász (1931–2016) working in the transdanubian institute of the hungarian academy of sciences in pécs, his favourite topics encompassed the geomorphological issues of the mecsek mountains, such as the planated surfaces, the evolution of the pécs basin and the karst and loess landscapes of baranya. his research systematically explored the major planation surfaces of the mecsek mountains, primarily developed by tectonic activities (“surfaces of planation in the mecsek-mountains” – in: studies in geography in hungary vol. 8., 1971). he also conducted hydrologic monitoring in the abaliget cave system (földrajzi értesítő, 1971). he explained the fluctuating water discharge rates in the system, primarily generated by clogging of flow channels by sediment deposition. with geomorphological analyses, he also verified the intermittent and multiple-step subsidence of the pécs basin over the pleistocene. on leaving pécs, he became scientific advisor of the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences. he participated in various projects: engineering geomorphological mapping of hungary, inventory of mass movements. he elaborated the development methodology of several thematic maps, including relative relief, slope categories and exposure, loss of sunshine duration, hydrogeographical maps (published in the földrajzi értesítő, 1965, 1985 and 1989). professzor lovász initiated the survey of recent geomorphological processes and guided the research group which compiled the legend of such maps. some of his research topics are closely associated with human geography: the methodology of settlement density mapping is also linked chronicle – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 88–89. c h r o n i c l e 89 to his name, similarly to the analysis of the mutual interconnection between landscape types and settlement density (published in the journal of geodézia és kartográfia in 1977 and the földrajzi közlemények in 1979). altogether, he wrote and compiled more than 100 hungarian and international scientific publications, articles, books and book chapters, as well as several university textbooks. in 1989 he became involved in university level geography teaching at janus pannonius university of pécs, the legal predecessor of the current university of pécs. together with professor józsef tóth he organised the education of geography teachers and then of geography researchers at b.sc., m.sc. and doctoral levels. for eight years he was the head of department of physical geography and also worked as deputy rector of the university. he taught various classes in his fields of research, including physical geography of hungary, hydrogeography and geomorphology. he supported teaching by publishing university textbooks under the title general physical geography volumes i to iii, general hydrogeography and physical geography of hungary. he was awarded a plethora of international fellowships and internships in several countries of central europe and visited research centres and institutions across central and eastern europe (e.g.: federal republic of germany, germany democratic republic, czechoslovakia, austria, romania, bulgaria, soviet union and yugoslavia). györgy lovász was member of multiple hungarian and international committees, for instance participated in the activities of the international geographical union, advisory board of the geomorphologic subcommittee and various committees of the hungarian academy of sciences. he was also member of the hungarian meteorological, geological and hydrological societies. he was active in the life of the hungarian geographical society as member of board and secretary of the south-transdanubian regional division. he also owned several state and regional level awards and several honours were given to him from various scientific societies. although in the past two decades as a professor emeritus he only lectured and participated at special university events occasionally, nevertheless, he regularly published his new scientific results and enjoyed his hobbies that included gardening, bird watching, hiking and travelling. we miss his kind personality, sense of humour, eternal optimism and unlimited helpfulness and keep him in good memory. dénes lóczy, szabolcs czigány and péter gyenizse chronicle – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 88–89. kronika_cikk.indd 302 workshop on migration to v4 countries supported by the visegrad fund and organised by three academic institutions of budapest: the hosting strategic and defense studies center of zrinyi miklós national defense university (zmndu), institute of geography of eötvös loránd university (fi elte) and geographical research institute (gri) has, an international workshop entitled migration challenge to the visegrad countries from eastern europe was held on october 19, 2009. the meeting was particularly timely as following the change of regimes in cee countries having occurred twenty years ago, two distinct periods could be identifi ed. the 1990s were years of institutionalization of migration and refugee aff airs based on laying the legal foundations, whereas the fi rst decade of the 21th century brought eu membership for v4 countries and their subsequent accession to the schengen zone, with all the consequences. migration is typically an interdisciplinary subject and when demographers, geographers, lawyers, statisticians, police persons and representatives of state administration or political science get together, each of them has a genuine approach of his/her own to entertain the partners. this time it was m. lesińska (centre of migration research, university of warsaw) who outlined the binding eu targets: to shape an internal labour market; to achieve limited migration from third countries; to form welfare system for new members; to establish migration policy; to draw soft and hard borders. a persistent problem with migration is the reliability of data. m. rédei (fi elte, budapest) mentioned the offi cial number of foreign citizens staying in hungary in early 2008 (altogether ca 180 thousand, including 40% romanian and somewhat less than 10% ukrainian citizens /90% of the latt er are ethnic hungarians/, thousands of slovakian and polish citizens etc.) red card is shown to negatively selected foreigners (mainly unskilled persons), whereas red carpet is spread out to the positively selected people. k. mezentsev (taras shevchenko university, kyiv) listed the offi cial fi gure of the ukrainian citizens staying abroad (72 thousand), added the western estimations ranging between 1 and 7 millions, and those of his own (1.5 to 2 millions). real dimensions can be assessed through transfers by ukrainians to the homeland estimated at 3 billion usd annually, roughly the sum total of the wages and salaries in ukraine. the following speaker, v. anderson (university of odesa) cited the expertise carried out at canon law institute, washington: 8 billion usd was transferred home by 5 million ukrainian labour migrants (gdp in ukraine is around 30 billion usd). d. karácsonyi (gri has, budapest, lecturing jointly with á. kincses hungarian central statistical offi ce, budapest) referred to the diff erence between the last soviet census (1989) and the fi rst ukrainian all-national one (2001) accounting for a 4 million people in minus, 1 million of which they evaluated as migration loss. l. jeney (corvinus university, budapest) mentioned that 40% of the ukrainian migrants to v4 countries headed for the czech republic. anybody may ask: what do migration challenges actually mean? according to a. szabó (zmndu) international migration is a natural phenomenon of globalisation which poses a serious threat to security and he presented maps showing the primary itineraries of human traffi cking: leading from ukraine, romania and ex-yugoslavia via bratislava– czechia to germany; via vienna to germany and via hungary–slovenia to italy. a stummer from the national bureau of investigation (budapest) added routes of illegal migration with a special reference to those via turkey and the balkans. – – – – – 303 the new chronology of migration started just twenty years ago, and the workshop recalled the history of these two decades sometimes full of dramatic events. in hungary the new style began on january 1 1990 very much under the pressure of the massive infl ux of hungarians from transylvania, citizens of romania (m. rédei). in the following years there emerged institutions dealing with migration and refuge aff airs, aliens policing act was adopted in 1993 (at the time of yugoslav war), act on asylum seeking was passed in 1997. the start of eu accession negotiations in 1998 diff erentiated between the relation to the citizens of member states and to nationals of third countries. the eu accession of the v4, slovenia and of three baltic countries (may 2004) has led to 1.4 million labour migrants from the region. the amalgamation of hungary into the schengen zone (december 2007) was also essential and followed by organisational reforms i.e. passing of control from the border guard to the ministry of internal aff airs (january 2008). but the scenario varied from country to country within cee. the above statement was demonstrated by m. lesińska on the example of the poles’ fl ow into the eu and of polish-ukrainian relations. labour migration to the west of europe had a relatively long tradition (1960s through 80s) in poland and it became accentuated by the political turn in the country and its accession to the eu. uk, ireland and sweden have been the primary destinations due to their policy of adoption of unrestricted fl ow of labour migrants from member states. for the ukrainians migration to poland was visa free up to 2003 then it fell under visa regime (2003–2007) until schengen borders were established. work permission regime was adopted simultaneously and employers had to the administrative and service centre of the offi ce of the un high commissioner for refugees in budapest 304 issue a declaration on the intent to hire a foreigner furnished with his/her data. a black market of permit issue emerged immediately. in 2008 there were 300 thousand migrants from ukraine; in the same year 3 thousand work permits were issued offi cially. the current aphorism is: legal presence with illegal labour. a huge area of the balkans and east europe can easily be called absurdistan as regards illegal migration. macedonians en mass have been trying to obtain bulgarian citizenship since 2007, and then to escape to the west (a. stummer). a ca four million population of moldova have dwindled virtually due to the outfl ow primarily of males seeking labour in cis and eu countries. the latt er itinerary leads across romania and hungary, with moldavians usually hiding in containers. numerous young ethnic moldavians (ukrainian nationals) living in budjak, odesa oblast make att empt to receive high education in chişinau for language reasons then to get to romania. by contrast, many people commute from transnistria (transdnestr) to odesa and environs with high demand on unskilled workforce (v. anderson). most of them have all kinds of documents, i.e. russian, moldavian, ukrainian passports. but perhaps the most shocking slide was shown by v. benc (slovak foreign policy association, prešov) about the highly massive fi ve-zone screening system on the 90 km long slovakian–ukrainian border to contain illegal migration. with closing the local markets the number of pending petit traders predominantly selling cigarett es dropped considerably both in poland and slovakia. epilogue. one week aft er this workshop on migration i had an occasion to listen to a lecture by z. boross (national bureau of investigation) on illegal migration. beside the stories about vietnamese and somali workers escaping from the construction works of the forthcoming european football championship heard during a recent offi cial visit to kyiv, he made an att empt to press out some useful information from the ukrainian colleagues about illegal migration. the highly ranked offi cial said: “if i furnished you with them i would commit high treason and you might easily become a spy.” these were the words of consolation off ered instead of active collaboration. lászló bassa knippertz, p. and stuut, j.-b.w. (eds.): mineral dust – a key player in the earth system. springer, book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 81–85.84 windblown dust defl ated from arid-semiarid areas and aeolian dust deposits are standing in the focal point of environmental scientifi c studies. huge amount – billions of tons – of mineral dust is emitted annually from the major source areas. rapidly growing body of scientifi c publications recognized and confi rmed that mineral dust has considerable impacts on numerous atmospheric, climatic and biogeochemical processes, and it plays an important role in the modifi cation of global energy and carbon budgets. atmospheric dust has also an eff ect on human health, agriculture, traffi c and industrial production. mineral dust related investigations are regarded as truly interdisciplinary studies. the editors, peter knippertz and jan-berend w. stuut, well-known experts from various perspectives of dust storms and mineral dust and the 60 contributing authors give a comprehensive overview of the full range of mineral dust research. the 509 (+25) page book is organized into four main thematic sections: characteristics of mineral dust particles; global dust cycle; impacts of dust on the earth system; and aeolian dust deposits as climate archives. chapter 1 (‘introduction’) is an overview by the two authors on the importance, history and recent developments of dust research, so it gives a short introduction into the topic. in chapter 2 dirk scheuvens and konrad kandler provide a detailed discussion of chemical composition, shape and morphology of particles and the grain size distribution of mineral dust with a special attention to individual particle analysis. climatic (e.g. radiative forcing eff ects), other environmental (e.g. nutrient supply) and human health eff ects of particles with diff erent physicochemical properties are also discussed in this part. thereby, this section provides a foundation for subsequent chapters. chapter 3 by daniel r. muhs et al. discusses the geographical distribution of recent and past global dust source areas. the most widely used methods (fi eld studies, geomorphological perspectives, satellite observations, back-trajectory analyses, geochemical and isotopic methods) to identify dust source areas are properly summarized in this part. chapter 4 by alex r. baker et al. is dealing with the so-called atmospheric ageing of freshly emitt ed particles. aft er the emission from the source area, mineral dust is exposed to a number of processes that alters its properties. these physical and chemical processes have an eff ect on dust reactivity, hygroscopicity and atmospheric composition, which in turn aff ects the direct and indirect climatic impacts of ageing-modified atmospheric mineral particles. chapters of part ii describe global dust budget via discussion of emission, transport and deposition mechanisms. in chapter 5 béatrice marticorena introduces our knowledge of dust production processes and wind-surface interactions leading to dust emission episodes. physics of main stages of dust emission (erosion threshold, saltation fl ux and dust production by sandblasting) is overviewed properly in this section. peter knippertz discusses the main meteorological aspects of dust storms in chapter 6. meteorological situations leading to stronger near-surface winds which exceed the local emission threshold are identifi ed and classifi ed in this part of the book. according to the fi ndings, key meteorological drivers of intense emissions are connected to large-scale monsoon-type fl ows, mobile synoptic-scale systems, gust fronts of convective storms and intense dry convections of daytime planetary boundary layer. once dust is entrained into the atmosphere spatiotemporal distribution of dust-loaded air-masses should be known as accurate as possible. isabelle chiapello in ‘dust knippertz, p. and stuut, j.-b.w. (eds.): mineral dust – a key player in the earth system. springer, dordrecht–heidelberg–new york–london, 2014. 509 p. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.65.1.8 hungarian geographical bulletin 65 2016 (1) 85book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 81–85. observations and climatology’ section (chapter 7) examines the diff erent methods of observations from ground-based networks to remote sensing of satellites. inter-annual variability and trend analyses of dust observation time-series allow us to gain insight into the climatological aspects of dust cycles also from a local, regional and global viewpoint. in chapter 8 gilles bergametti and gilles forêt discuss the dry and wet dust depositional mechanisms. these processes determine the atmospheric lifetime of particles and the dust accumulation budget of depositional areas. the authors describe the physics of strongly size dependent removal processes, the measured data of fi eld campaigns and also the uncertainties of simulated dust mass budget. ina tegen and michael schultz summarize in chapter 9 the possibilities of application of numerical models in dust research. computer models are ideal tools to investigate these previously mentioned detailed processes; however, there are also some shortcomings of the simulations (e.g. numerical models are oft en unable to reproduce the small-scale wind events). angela benedetti and her 23 co-authors provide in the chapter 10 an overview on the operational dust predictions which became prominent in the recent years. dust models applied in operational forecast systems produce daily predictions of dust fi elds. the third part of the book is dealing with the impacts of mineral dust. in chapter 11 ellie highwood and claire ryder discuss the radiative eff ects of atmospheric dust. this direct impacts (refl ection, absorption, scatt ering) are dependent on the optical properties and so are sensitive to size and composition of dust particles. dust optical thickness, singlescatt ering albedo, real and imaginary refractive index determination and measurement methods and applications are also discussed in detail in this section. athanasios nenes et al. explain the indirect impacts of atmospheric particles via microphysical interactions with clouds (chapter 12). mineral dust acting as cloud condensation nuclei and ice nuclei has an important eff ect on cloud formation, optical properties of cloud and also on precipitation. general microphysics, the role of ageing and climatic eff ects are discussed in this chapter, while a more comprehensive overview of dust radiative forcing upon climate is given by ron l. miller et al. in chapter 13. biogeochemical impacts of dust on another key climatic component on the global carbon cycle is explained in chapter 14 by tim jickells et al. deposited dust material provides a nutrient supply to terrestrial and marine ecosystems and enhances the primary production. relationships between atmospheric mineral dust and human health are discussed by suzett e a. morman and geoff rey s. plumlee in chapter 15. these eff ects are ranging from respiratory diseases (asthma, nonindustrial silicosis) caused by the smallest size fractions of atmospheric particulate matt er to bacterial meningitis outbreaks in the ‘meningitis belt’ of sub-saharan africa. last part of the book is concerned with aeolian dust deposits as climate archives. the most important terrestrial dust archives are the ‘loess records’, which are explained in detail by d.r. muhs et al. in chapter 16. all of the most important loess regions are introduced in this section aft er a short description of general characteristics of loess and loess stratigraphy. subaquatic dust deposits are discussed by j.-b.w. stuut in the chapter 17, while dust material found in ice core archives is explained in the last section (chapter 18) by paul vallelonga and anders svensson. the overall impression of this well-produced, highquality work is absolutely positive. this book will undoubtedly fi nd wide relevance and it is an essential handbook for scholars with an interest in earth sciences including geology, geography, chemistry, meteorology and climatology. györgy varga foreword 281foreword hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (4) 281–282hungarian geographical bulletin 66 2017 (4) 281–282. foreword the central european conference of historical geographers was organised by the historical geography research centre under the auspices of the institute of history, czech academy of sciences, the faculty of science at charles university, and the czech geographical society. the special issue that is now in your hands is a set of six selected papers from this conference. this special issue is thus the last, but not least, follow-up to the conference, which its organisers firmly believe could start regular meetings of historical geographers between the international conference of historical geographers. the historical geography research centre, the guarantor of this special issue, was founded in 2012. it responds to the recent demands in academia on interdisciplinarity and growing cooperation between humanities, social and natural sciences. in particular, it establishes a joint institutional platform for historical geography research and education and it brings together team members from the institute of history cas and the faculty of science at charles university, along with many international and domestic external experts. within the research, emphasis is placed on: 1. theoretical and methodological issues of historical geography and environmental history; 2. the process of spatial polarisation and border changes; 3. urbanisation processes and their reconstructions; 4. transformation of landscape’s function; 5. regions, identities and heritage. thanks to its thematic openness, the conference attracted over 100 delegates from 18 countries. the main objective of the event was to reflect on the current challenges and developments in historical geography research in the central european area in all its diversity. the rich academic programme incorporated the traditional themes of historical geography as well as newer ones and it reflected the trend of divergence from traditional historical geography towards the historicisation of current, primarily human-oriented, geographical research agendas. the quality of the overall conference programme was ensured not only by the diversity of the papers presented, but also by the generous time made available for their discussion, whether as part of or outside special sessions, a phenomenon less and less common in today’s accelerating academic world. and during these discussions, the enthusiasm and the need to conclude the conference have crystallised through this special issue. obviously, in such a thematically rich programme, it was not easy to select just one comprehensive theme. the decision eventually fell on the theme that twisted like a red line through many sessions and contributions during the whole conference: heritage. heritage can be considered from many different perspectives. it is currently being discussed mainly from the perspective of two important functions: a) heritage as a medium for preservation of collective memory, history, and a tool for the narration of the past; b) heritage as both tangible and intangible cultural values. as such, heritage is a subject to power relations not only in the negotiation of its nature, values and functions. this is an entrance gate for the general topic of this issue which we have called ‘the politics and ideology behind cultural heritage’. the first paper by jenni merovuo (university of eastern finland) tackles the very up-to-date theme of border re-institutionalisation in the historical perspective. building upon the peace treaty signed in åbo in 1743, the paper investigates the impact of the russo-swedish war of 1741–1743 on life in the affected region. the peace treaty imposed top-down the border delimitation without any backbone in neither the religious nor linguistic division in the middle of the present-day eastern finnish countryside. the paper applies the theory of the institutionalisation of regions to investigate the official reestablishment of the new regional order and the local renegotiation of the everyday practices that challenged the imposed borderline and the shape of border region. the second contribution uses also written heritage as the primary source of information. in their text, jaroslav david and jana davidová glogarová (university of ostrava) analyse czech travelogues about soviet russia (and later the soviet union) dating from the period 1917–1968. the paper presents an approach to address ideological literature as a relevant foreword hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (4) 281–282.282 source of information. the source, which is a blind-coloured testimony of the authors, ranges from the initial desire to uncover the secrets of the world’s first socialist state, to the uncritical admiration of the ussr in line with official propaganda. the text comprises several key issues and their evolution in time, including the theme of linguistic landscape. here the authors describe the perception (and explanation) of the process of the ideologisation of space through the revolutionary symbology; a theme that resonates in contemporary world literature. in the third paper, michal semian (charles university, prague) and aleš nováček (south bohemian university, české budějovice), deal with the idea how history and cultural heritage is reinterpreted for the purpose of the reproduction of present-day regions. the paper builds upon the idea that there are many histories based on different ways of reinterpretation in order to validate former, present, as well as future actions of actors. the authors reveal three different ways of reinterpretation of history – regional patriotic, critical, and conciliatory. further, they identify various strategies of the reinterpretation of history engaged in the process of regional identity formation. these strategies can be of common nature as well as specific to the particular region; however, in general they bounce between the traditionalisation and commercialisation of cultural heritage. the fourth paper represents a case study dealing with the specific kind of heritage – mining heritage. the authors of the paper, jakub jelen and zdeněk kučera (charles university) discuss the definition of mining heritage and they study its origin, recognition, protection, management, and interpretation in the case of the jáchymovsko area. using examples from the management and interpretation of jáchymovsko heritage, the paper attempts to grasp the ambiguous process of heritage management, the quest for a balance between protection and touristification, together with the follow-up question of what heritage should one preserve and interpret to the general public. the last two articles introduce case studies of cities that have historically been characterised with cultural and ethnic diversity, reflected in their rich tangible and intangible cultural heritage. justyna liro et al. (jagiellonian university, kraków) offers an overview of the ethnic-religious processes that created today’s multicultural cityscape in białystok, north-eastern poland. their article reveals the process of how the jewish, orthodox, catholic, and muslim cultural heritage of the city, once intended to be forgotten, has recently become identified as an asset by local heritage management policy. from some aspects, a similar process has seemed to evolve in the city of oradea, romania, presented by ágnes erőss (geographical institute rcaes, hungarian academy of sciences, budapest). her paper illustrates the conflict over street names, a topic that is embedded into ethnicised political contestations. following decades of reoccurring skirmishes, the city council accomplished an agreement that enhance the commemoration of personalities with local importance, thus contributing to the reinvention of local heritage. this issue represents an output of cechg 2016 and brings together young and upcoming scholars; a set of papers with several common denominators. all papers are tight together with the theme of politicisation and ideologisation of heritage. although, they are plural in the nature of their disciplinary background, together they constitute an interdisciplinary set, the true keystone of historical geography. they follow recent trends in contemporary science and mirror the cultural-turn in historical geography. we would like to thank to all authors, peerreviewers, editors, and others that made this issue happen. further we would like to thank the cechg 2016 organisers for bringing us together and the czech science foundation for support under the project “historical geography research centre” (no. p410/12/ g113). we hope you enjoy reading this issue and we look forward to meeting you and discussing the ideas raised with you during some of the forthcoming events. michal semian and ágnes erőss 6_book reviews.indd 76 book review section – book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 73–78. 73–78.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.69.1.7 hungarian geographical bulletin 69 2020 (1) people are constantly categorising to make it easier to navigate the world. nevertheless, there are several problems with social categories (alex gillespie, a. et al. 2012): rigid boundaries and reifications can make human-aggregates real and endows with an ability to act for a long time, while they are often just imagined communities. not only societal but also space division and categorisation is a significant characteristic of humanity. the most obvious result of this phenomenon is the nation-states’ borders clarity visible on the political map of the world. social scientists have many problems with ossified borders: thinking in nationstates creates a methodological nationalism (wimmer, a. and schiller, g.n. 2002) that can enclose research and shift results in one direction. in addition to that, different manners of dividing the globe can create rigid boundaries also. besides, simplifications in the division of space construct binary oppositions such as north-south, poor-rich, east-west distinctions. this book critiques these simplifications, contextualises and modulates the problem of what humanity thinks of development, progression, and well-being. the book’s chapters are organised around the topics of geography and development, the global northsouth disparities, and the author endeavours to visualise global inequalities on world maps. they appear in a total of 121 different charts and maps. the volume was published by routledge in 2020 by marcin wojciech solarz, an associate professor at the university of warsaw, faculty of geography and regional studies. solarz’s major research topics are related to political and development geography, his prior book (new geographies of the globalised world) is also discussed global development issues (solarz, m.w. 2018a). the book’s basic premise is that of all the attempts to divide the world based on development, the socalled brandt line (boiled down to the 1980 brandt report) remains the most enduring and continues to influence our thinking about the world. in this book, solarz does not focus on presenting the brandt report; others have already done so (williams, g. 1980; wionczek, s.m. 1981), but instead, tries to outline the international context of the report while also paying attention to political and personal motivations. after depicting the brandt line for the reader, he introduces its misleading nature deploying new aspects and indicators. with the help of the new indices, he presents a plethora of maps on many aspects of development utilising the most recent data. the introduction (the brandt line: political or developmental boundary) provides useful ideas on how the brandt report has been evolved and has been received. the report and the boundary between global south and north named after the german politician, willy brandt, was criticised at the time of its creation. despite this fact, the brandt line has become the most typical and well-known representation of the global developmental divide on map. there has been an abundance of reproduction, it was picked up by the media, due to – among other reasons – the fact that maps are highly regarded and seemed neutral while conveyed complex knowledge. it lent trustworthiness and reliability to this division. this special status may have arisen because maps present information clearly and unambiguously. however, solarz claims that the brandt line was much more political than a developmental boundary and he provides arguments for this as well. the ‘northern club’ has the members of nato (without turkey), the warsaw pact, the pacific security treaty (anzus) and the us-japan security treaties, while the global south is the rest. but if it is approached from a political-civilisational perspective, it can be noticed that the ‘successful’ european and anglo-saxon dominance (plus japan) is considered to be the opposite of the rest of the world. the author does not forget about the human factor either. he points out that most of the participants in the brandt commission came from the political sphere. these people had ethnical, political, philosophical, personal, etc. background which affected the report as well. solarz, m.w.: the global north-south atlas. mapping global change. routledge, london, 2020. 167 p. 77book review section – book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 73–78. an important part of the introduction is the cold war confrontation and its spatial impact on a global scale: east-west dichotomy. solarz finds many similarities between the philosophy of the east-west and north-south subdivision, and the brandt line is, in fact, “a political relic of the cold war period” (solarz, m.w. 2020, 9). in its time, the birth of the brandt line was influenced by the power of novelty as it began to put an end to the hegemonic east-west opposition, furthermore it supported willy brandt’s ostpolitik, weakening the iron curtain in europe. the author deals with the international interest in developmental boundaries preceding the brandt report, from the sauvy line (1961) to the wolfphilips line (1979), and places these on maps and graphs. the graphs linked to the introduction clearly show that while the world has universally become richer (1960–2017), but the gap between the poor and the rich has steadily increased. the most important milestones of development research and long-term socio-political trends, such as the afro-asian decolonisation wave and the cold war, are also represented in the graphs. while analysing the perceptions of the brandt line and putting it into context, solarz points out that it seemed obvious that the synergy among the industrial revolution, population explosion, and globalisation (geographical proximity) has created an unprecedented interest in the rift between the world of the rich and the poor. however, the hope that the underdeveloped countries could break out of their situation was increasingly diminishing, so their status seemed to be congealed. following the dissolution of the second world by 1993 the world political map had stabilised. the position of the newly formed countries in the development map of the world had to be also redefined (quilligan, j.b. 2002). a “new brandt line” was demanded, thus the 1980 line could be slightly modified. this also confirmed that the division is acceptable, but the boundary between north and south can be flexible. most of the maps can be found in the chapters following the introduction. each map is accompanied by a detailed explanatory description along with the map legend, but the skilled eye will find plenty to analyse by scrutinising the maps. according to the author these maps “enable a multifaceted and multidisciplinary analysis of the international situation, including the composition and organisation of the international community. they can form the basis for analysing changes in both political and the socioeconomic order” (solarz, m.w. 2020, 32). the mapping global change chapter introduces the differences in development and wealth from the 1st to the 21st century. spatial representation provides an opportunity for analysis over time. historical gdp data are retrieved from angus maddison’s database (maddison, a. 2010), allowing the reader to compare the economic development of regions in the ancient, medieval, and modern worlds. the author also faced the problem that the borders of empires, regions, and countries had changed throughout history. the polish writer demonstrates this in the example of poland since the polish territories used to belong to several countries. therefore, geographical regions change over time, but for the sake of comparability, solarz always uses only one specific global division in each map series. the first series of maps spans the longest time horizon, depicting 13 countries and regions between 1 a.d. and 2008. it shows the recent state borders for the sake of clarity and aggregates them into regions adapted to historical times. these areas are: western europe; central europe; former ussr countries; western offshoots (australia, canada, new zealand, usa); china; japan; india-pakistanbangladesh; other asia (middle east, south-east asia, mongolia, korea, nepal, bhutan); egypt; north africa; sahel and west africa; other africa (mainly sub-saharan africa) and latin america. the superiority of india and china in the ancient and the middle ages is visible on the maps, added these old empires to ‘other asia’, the economic superiority of asia is unquestionable at that time. analysing the second series of maps we can witness the progressive enrichment of the world. solarz always adjusts the regions to the start-up period, to indicate the temporal shift and the evolution of the enrichment of the european empires due to the age of exploration. for this reason, western europe is no longer united on the second series of maps, with uk & ireland (british isles), spain & portugal (iberian peninsula), italy, france, and germany listed separately. (definitely, it is arguable that interpreting scandinavia & greenland, benelux, switzerland, austria, and greece as one region as “other western europe” is a good idea.) the third series of maps depicts countries by region between 1870 and 2008. solarz represents our world in more detail during this period due to the reliability of data and the impact of the industrial revolution and colonisation, dividing the world into 69 countries and regions. following the same logic, the fourth series of maps (1950–2008) works with even more detail, while the fifth series (1980–2017) uses hdi data (conceição, p. et al. 2019) and, according to the author, “directly refers to the quality of life” (solarz, m.w. 2020, 79). chapter two (different philosophies of development) introduces hypothetical scenarios related to development and progress that have already appeared in his previous book (solarz, m.w. 2018b). the writer interprets eleven philosophers’ and scholars’ concepts on development from plato to jared diamond and represents them on maps. for instance, because plato believes knowledge is the key element of progress (“if plato had drawn a north-south divide in 2019” see solarz, m.w. 2020, 99), solarz creates a map that 78 book review section – book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 73–78. 73–78. shows the differences among the countries of the world based on pisa results, building a mosaic of “northern” and also non-uniform “southern” groups of countries. the author of the theory of justice, john rawls, believes that freedom and equality are the most important, thus solarz calculates data from freedom in the world index and parliamentary seats held by women. this is where the most stunning results come from, as the global north includes only benelux, scandinavia (with iceland), slovenia and serbia. in the third chapter (towards a new global line), the author attempts to depict selected social, economic and political indicators that are important for development and progress. fifteen 4-class composite choropleth maps present the world’s developmental differences with 26 indicators. those include innovativeness, education, concern for the younger generation & the elderly, internet and mobile phone users, gender equality and social development, etc. the four summary maps based on synthetic indicators refer to all 26 partial indicators. the reference map compering the human development index and freedom in the world indicators with his own maps validates their outcomes. in the last chapter (conclusions), solarz makes a distinction between hard and soft boundaries, calling attention to the fact that soft boundary always allows an in-between world between the developed and the underdeveloped parts. the list of developing countries will always be arbitrary to some extent and cannot be defined in such a way that satisfies everyone. the world is more complex than to be able to divide it with a single line and it is more like an “archipelago of highly developed islands dispersed in an underdeveloped ocean”, which is constantly changing. the brandt line has a place in political and economic history rather than contemporary 21st-century atlases. solarz’s work explores the geographic aspects of development in great detail, focusing on the discourse around the brandt line. by contributing to the discussion, he resolves the opposition of the global south and north with multiple approaches and offers new alternatives for presenting development on a global scale. the considerable number of pseudocylindrical and azimuthal maps provides a visualisation frame not only for the professional audience. acknowledgement: the research has been supported by the national research, development and innovation office – nkfih, contract number k 124291. géza barta1 1 doctorate school of earth sciences, eötvös loránd university (elte), budapest, hungary. e-mail: gezabarta@gmail.com r e f e r e n c e s alex gillespie, a., howarth, c.s. and cornish, f. 2012. four problems for researchers using social categories. culture & psychology 18. (3): 391–402. conceição, p. 2019. human development report 2019. beyond income, beyond averages, beyond today: inequalities in human development in the 21st century. new york, undp. maddison, a. 2010. maddison database. historical statistics of the world economy 1–2008 a.d. groningen, groningen growth and development centre. quilligan, j.b. 2002. the brandt equation. philadelphia, usa, brandt 21 forum.info. solarz, m.w. (ed.) 2018a. new geographies of the globalised world. london–new york, routledge. solarz, m.w. 2018b. many worlds, one planet. in new geographies of the globalised world. ed.: solarz, m.w., london–new york, routledge, 54–76. solarz, m.w. 2020. the global north-south atlas. london, routledge. williams, g. 1980. the brandt report: a critical introduction. review of african political economy 19. 77–86. wimmer, a. and schiller, g.n. 2002. methodological nationalism and beyond: nation-state building, migration and the social sciences. global networks 2. (4): 301–334. wionczek, s.m. 1981. the brandt report. third world quarterly 3. (1): 104–118. kovács, z. ed.: challenges of ageing in villages and cities: the central european experience 331 l i t e r a t u r e hungarian geographical bulletin 59 (3) (2010) pp. 331–332. kovács, z. ed.: challenges of ageing in villages and cities: the central european experience. department of economic and social geography, university of szeged, szeged, 2010, 208 p. during the recent decades there have been two main trends of demographic challenges in our planet: over-population and ageing. the coincidence of these processes are without precedence during the population history. in global view the phenomenon of demographic bomb is over at its height. the process of ageing is developing strongly and it is impossible to forecast when and at what level it will culminate. in these respects there are enormous regional diff erences in our planet, too. the wealthier part of the world suff ers from the process of ageing, while the poorest countries make a bitt er att empt to combat over-population. but spreading development and welfare cause that the age structure of developing countries are gett ing increasingly older in the future. ageing is anticipated to become one of the principal global problems. ageing and its consequences represent serious challenges heretofore never seen in europe and more particularly in central europe. for instance, the eff ect on health condition of population (daróczi, e. 2007), pension system and intergenerational transfers (gál, r.i. et al. 2008), consumption behaviours (illés, s., végh, k. 2010) are the hott est topics of most recent studies in hungary. undoubtedly, the book edited by zoltán kovács contains current issues including perspectives on ageing, spatial spreading of the process in europe, determinants of ageing (fi rst of all the declining fertility), and international comparison of the specifi c housing conditions among the elderly in some selected post-socialist cities. the second part of the book consists of case studies on moscow, bratislava, prague, nine large hungarian urban regions, switzerland and on a small village in romania. the authors of the book have different disciplinary background: 332 geography, demography, demogeography, geodemography, sociology, economics, and ethnography. the aim of this book is to provide a platform for scientists to exchange ideas on diff erent aspects of ageing in an eff ort to fi nd potential answers how the challenges triggered by the process of ageing would be handled on diff erent territorial levels. the volume was sponsored by the hungarian national commission for unesco. aft er the preface by the editor and the welcoming address by györgy enyedi, the fi rst research paper is that by joos droogleever fortuij n entitled “the challenges of ageing: towards an inclusive perspective”. the author of the second contribution is lászló hablicsek who provides a broad scale picture on “population ageing in hungary and europe”. ewa fratczak and iga sikorska analyse the “relationship between fertility and population ageing”. in the followings zoltán kovács emphasizes one of the partial results of an international research with special att ention to the “housing conditions of elderly in post-socialist cities”. the unit of case studies is introduced by irina molodikova and alla makhrova with the paper “ageing population in moscow: does the capital city suff er diff erently from the rest of russia?” branislav bleha and ján buček depict the capital of slovakia: “theoretical issues of local population and social policy in ‘shrinking’ cities – some fi ndings from bratislava”. czech republic was represented by two geodemographers, namely boris burcin and tomás kucera with the meaningful research material: “changing age structure of population as a challenge for local authorities: population prospects for city district prague 3”. the hungarian case study is a slice of the huge project. viktória szirmai, zsuzsanna váradi, szilvia kovács and júlia schuchmann deal with “the issue of ageing in large hungarian urban regions”. three scientists from switzerland, doris wastl-walter, sabin bieri and andrea ch. kofler combine a theoretical question (abled ageing) with a practical one (the need for fl exible living conditions) in their article. only one publication writt en by tünde turai tackles the problems of ageing in the countryside: “strategies in the care for the elderly in a romanian village”. this book is the fi rst in the row of future publications concerning the spatial aspects of the phenomenon of ageing, its causes and consequences. unfortunately, a highly relevant aspect did not appear in this book: migration. internal elderly migration and mainly international retirement migration could be a topical section of the book. all in all, the reviewer recommends this book for those scientists and university students alike who are interested in the ageing process from the spatial viewpoint. references daróczi, e. 2007. ageing and health in the transition countries of europe. the case of hungary. working papers on population, family and welfare 9. budapest, hcso demographic research institute, 55. gál, r.i., iwasaki, i. and széman, zs. (eds.) 2008. assessing intergenerational equity. an interdisciplinary study of aging and pension reform in hungary. budapest, akadémia kiadó, 209. illés, s., végh, k. 2010. hypothetical models of food consumption behaviour by the elderly. in proceedings of the challenges for analysis of the economy, the businesses and social progress. eds.: kovács, p., szép, k. and katona, t. szeged–budapest, university of szeged, faculty of economics and business administration. hungarian central statistical offi ce, 699–706. sándor illés << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.7 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice 8_book review.indd 85 bruns, b., happ, d. and zichner, h. (eds.): european neighbourhood policy. geopolitics between integration and security. london, palgrave macmillan, 2016, 242 p. in the 1990s and 2000s the territory of the european union showed a remarkable expansion, with its border significantly moving eastwards throughout these decades. it seems as though however, that with the accession of croatia in 2013 the european community finished its territorial project. instead, “the eu acts more and more extraterritorially, claiming to promote prosperity, stability and security not only within the eu but within its direct neighbourhood as well” (zichner, h. and bruns, b. 2011, p. 78.). yet, it is largely unclear what role and importance is attributed by the eu to these non-member neighbour states and how societies in these states are concerned. in their new volume ‘european neighbourhood policy: geopolitics between integration and security’ bettina bruns, dorit happ and helga zichner, all from the leibniz institute for regional geography (ifl) in leipzig, aim as editors to provide profound and comprehensive answers for these questions through the involvement of a series of authors from central and eastern europe. as contribution to the ‘new geographies of europe’ series of palgrave macmillan, the book is an outcome of the ‘within a ring of secure third countries’ project, implemented at ifl between 2011 and 2018. the main objective of the book is to assess the instruments and measures that relevant actors, mostly eu policy and decision makers, gear towards determining the community’s relations with its neighbours in the western balkans and central and eastern europe. as an important difference between policies towards the two country groups the willingness to a future enlargement is explicitly expressed in the case of the former group (consisting of albania, bosnia and herzegovina, kosovo, macedonia, montenegro and serbia), whereas the integration of central and eastern european neighbouring countries (belarus, moldova and ukraine) is expected to be carried out without offering them an eu membership. considering these territorial foci, the title of the book is somewhat misleading as the eu’s european neighbourhood policy (enp) includes a total of 16 countries, most of which are not subject for the analysis. in contrast, countries in the western balkan are not involved in the enp. in spite of this minor issue, scrutinising these countries is an entirely logical choice in light of the above research aims. the distinctive nature of the book, already emphasised in the introductory chapter (chapter 1) by the editors, is attributed to “[t]he shared focus of the contributions … on the strategies through which the eu tries to influence internal politics in third states, but seen from the perspective of those third states themselves … complemented by a critical assessment of eu interests lying behind its extra-territorial strategies” (p. 12). a key notion here is the eu’s extra-territorial engagement which the authors understand “as a spatial-strategic means to control socio-spatial relations on multiple scales in sovereign states outside the eu” (p. 7) through such strategies the european community targets to set up a ‘circle of friends’, a virtual buffer zone which may provide, first of all, security for the eu against potential unwanted effects from the outside world, such as migration. it has remained largely unknown, however, how these strategies played out from the perspective of countries in this ‘circle of friends’. the label ‘european’ has been of crucial importance in the classification of eu neighbour countries in the course of the establishment process of this ‘circle of friends’, as is suggested by frank meyer (chapter 2). the label, regularly used in high-level eu policy discourses, enabled “the demarcation of what belongs to europe and what does not” (pp. 27–28), that is, who is friend and who is not. in his contribution, meyer scrutinises the concept of the ‘area of freedom, security and justice’, derived from title v of the treaty on the functioning of the european doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.66.1.10 hungarian geographical bulletin 66 2017 (1) 86 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 77–87. union, through a discourse analysis of political speeches held by the respective commissioners of the department for justice and home affairs between 1995 and 2014, who addressed the question how the relation of the eu to itself and its neighbours was represented in the political discourse throughout this period. through reconstructing the afsj concept, the author reveals the specific semantic strategies aimed at legitimising the strict border regime, i.e. the upscaling of formerly national responsibilities. migration to the eu as one of the most pressing current issues also comes into focus in the study of lena laube and andreas müller (chapter 3). the authors apply the principal-agent approach to investigate how migration control tasks are delegated by eu member states to third countries just outside the community area. in this sense, neighbouring countries, for example transit states, are required to introduce measures in order to stop illegal migration towards the eu. in return, these countries receive political profits for their cooperation, as in the case of ukraine (among others), to which the eu granted visa facilitation after the readmission agreement was signed. from the eu perspective, the community “has achieved its aim of delegation if ‘unwanted’ migrants have already been rejected extra-territorially” (p. 65). the success of delegation is, however, largely dependent on the internal political situation of the respective neighbour. chapter 4 by micha fiedlschuster also contributes to the analysis of the eu’s extra-territorial engagement. focusing on the european commission’s relationship with csos (civil society organisations), the text suggests that these contacts are strained by imbalances in many senses. though there has been a shift toward putting more emphasis on the ‘bottomup’ dimension, the ‘top-down’ approach is still more significant. at the same time, the eu’s support to organisations in different spheres is uneven as “some sectors of civil society are more willing and/or capable to adapt to brussels’ political environment than others, who are, in turn, likely to become marginalized” (p. 77). ultimately, the commission was also compelled to rethink its support policy in the wake of the geopolitical crisis between the eu and russia over ukraine in 2014, in order to avoid “openly supporting anti-government protestors and pressuring governments through csos” (pp. 88–89). the duality and ambiguity of eu member states’ policies towards ukraine as a co-host of the 2012 uefa european championship is scrutinised by andrey makarychev and alexandra yatsyk in chapter 5. the authors discuss the dispute between eu member states themselves, most notably between germany and poland, on the eventual boycott of ukraine during euro 2012. while the german side aimed to politically ostracise the yanukovych regime for its authoritarian nature and the imprisonment of the former opposition side prime minister yulia tymoshenko through boycotting the events in ukraine. in contrast, poland was more willing to maintain the dialogue with kyiv. this conflict not only shed light on the different notions and interests of the member states with regard to eastern relations but also on the “significance of other forms of institutional, economic, societal and cultural inclusion in europe not necessarily based on the prospects of eu membership” (p. 110). particular attention is given to ukraine in the volume. the country is often portrayed in public media as a natural ally of the eu. nevertheless, the public attitude of ukrainians towards the european integration may not be that unambiguous. this is the subject of the study of tetiana kostiuchenko and liubov akulenko (chapter 6), who investigate the relation between public attitude towards the european integration and government efforts within the eastern partnership (eap) framework in ukraine and georgia. both countries experienced non-violent ‘coloured revolutions’ in the 2000s (georgian rose revolution in 2003, ukrainian orange revolution in 2004), which have widely been considered as pro-european social and political turns. still, the population’s attitude remained more nuanced than expected. according to the outcomes of various surveys public opinion has been more favourable towards the european integration in georgia than in ukraine in the recent years, what is largely in line with the internal political evolution of the two countries since 2004. ukraine is further characterised by significant regional imbalances as “[t]he picture is more optimistic for the border regions where the visa regime is less strict and residents cross the border on an almost daily basis” (p. 125) than in more distant areas where personal experience of visiting eu states is largely absent. the questions of migration and the extra-territorialisation of eu migration policy are discussed in the paper of bettina bruns and dorit happ (chapter 7). adopted from bernard ryan (2010), the term ‘extraterritorialisation’ is used for “immigration control within a legal area situated beyond a certain national and legal territory” (p. 141). the eu implements extra-territorialisation under the aegis of ‘security’, nevertheless, the authors point at the importance of not to confuse the term ‘security’ with ‘safety’. with reference to delcour, they argue that the two notions are not equivalent, but the former has a subjective nature and is socially constructed. when talking about security “there is no danger per se, but a perception of danger which differs across time and space and among policy actors” (delcour, l. 2010, p. 536). ultimately, the authors summarise that the european neighbourhood policy lacks an equal partnership between the eu and its eastern neighbours. neighbour countries are not only influenced by migration as transit states but also as source countries. 87book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 77–87. helga zichner and vladislav saran discuss outgoing migration in chapter 8 as a challenge on the example of moldova. the introduction of the exchange scheme erasmus mundus in 2004 was supposed to help academics from moldova to conduct research and benefit from networking in the european union, and also to make the eu more attractive for the country’s society, substantially divided between pro-european and pro-russian subgroups. education thus represents a resource for creating ‘soft power’, through which one “can shape the preferences of others” (nye, j. 2004, p. 5). on the basis of mainly qualitative research, however, the authors suggest that many of the students and researchers participating in the exchange did not return to moldova but settled down in one of the member states instead. this ultimately resulted in an unfortunate brain-drain from the eu side, whilst moldova lost significant numbers of its (mostly proeuropean) intellectuals. the authors consider this as an eventual lose-lose situation by suggesting that “the eu risks the loss of potential multipliers of its own values and ideas – exactly those who might also contribute to diminishing those very dividing lines” (p. 178). security issues are in the focus again in the paper of stefanie dreiack (chapter 9), who analyses the eu’s involvement in the regional cooperation of western balkan states. dreiack takes the view that the eu proved to be inefficient in crisis management at the time of the yugoslav wars which menaced with the community’s “marginalization as an international actor” (p. 190). it was in this spirit, that the eu developed its own common security and defence policy (csdp) and was also interested in initiating cooperation between the western balkan states themselves in order to complement the european integration. it seems as though, however, that regional cooperation has been too much pushed from the outside and lacks the real interest of the states concerned, while it is largely reliant on eu support and the own interests of the participating states. last but not least, chapter 10 deals with cultural policies. iryna matsevich-dukhan raises the question whether the belarusian cultural space, and thus belarusian cultural actors, may appear as integrative part of the eu’s notion of a ‘creative europe’, or not. on the political level, belarus shows little attention for eu relations and seeks for tighter partnership with russia instead. culture could, nevertheless, be an important linkage toward the eu. yet, as the author suggests, belarus seems to be neglected in sense of creativity as the language constructed by eu political programmes on creative industries is not compatible with how the term is interpreted in the belarusian context. all in the book and the whole project behind can hardly be more actual, than in these days. besides the ongoing armed conflicts in eastern ukraine and the non-violent but vexing intra-state political tensions in bosnia and herzegovina, kosovo or moldova, for instance, that are important indicators of the internal difficulties these countries face, far less has been known about the challenges these countries need to tackle due to their peripheral location in the european geographical and political space. the eu’s external neighbours usually appear in the media as scenes of conflict situations, but far less public attention is given to their difficulties resulting from the fact that they are located at the edge of the community but outside of it. in this sense, they are affected by many problems that are generated by the eu (e.g. illegal migration, black economy, brain drain, etc.), while they have very little chance to benefit from the positive side effects, first and foremost the membership status. in this respect, the book is an invaluable contribution. from the point of view of integration and security, both so much emphasised in this volume, european neighbourhood policy has seemingly brought along few tangible positive outcomes for the neighbours, but rather created new forms and spaces of exclusion. in light of this and the ongoing resistance against illegal migration on the one hand, and the russian power struggle on the other hand, eu needs to rethink its strategy and may develop a more inclusive neighbourhood policy. márton pete1 r e f e r e n c e s bruns, b. and zichner, h. 2011. within a “ring of secure third countries”: regional and local effects of the extraterritorial engagement of the european union in belarus, ukraine and the republic of moldova. eurolimes 11.: 78–89. delcour, l. 2010. the european union: a security provider in the eastern neighbourhood? european security 19. (4): 535–549. nye, j. s. 2004. soft power: the means to success in world politics. new york, public affairs. ryan, b. f. 2010. extraterritorial immigration control: what role for legal guarantees? in extraterritorial immigration control: legal challenges. eds.: ryan, b., and mitsilegas, v., leiden and boston, martinus nijhoff, 3–37. 1 institute of geography and earth sciences, eötvös loránd university (elte), budapest, hungary. e-mail: petemarton@caesar.elte.hu 218 book review section– hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 209–220. kowalczyk, a. and derek, m. (eds.): gastronomy and urban space. changes and challenges in geographical perspective. cham, springer, 2020. 345 p. when i started reading the volume in early february 2020, i was sitting in a café on campus, packed with students chatting over double shot tamarind lattes, a viennese melange or sipping a pumpkin spice ice coffee from a trendy repurposed jar. a mundane scene symbolized the zealous enthusiasm towards gastronomy in the last decades worldwide. besides what to eat, customers have become more conscious about where to consume. the generation called millennials, many of them university students these days, is especially engaged in experimenting with food and drink as well as documenting and thus trending catering places on social media (howe, n. 2017). consequently, the book, edited by andrzej kowalczyk and marta derek, might be appealing to its target audience: university students and non-academics who are interested in the “spatial aspects of eating facilities” (p. xviii). since gastronomy is studied by various disciplines and the term itself is used in everyday conversations, the preface provides definition of gastronomy and urban space as these are understood in the volume. it clarifies that the aim of the book is to present problems related to the geographical location of restaurants, bars, cafés (etc.) in urban areas. as the authors note, they are aware of the social, cultural, economic or health related issues of gastronomy in urban space, but in their view these topics are in lesser extent in the domain of socioeconomic geography and rather should be studied by sociologists, anthropologists, urban planners, economists, etc. the preface specifies that the book adopts a positivist approach, which, in their view, better suits the needs of students. whilst their standpoints can be debated, the sharp demarcation line drawn by the editors helps them clearly circumscribe the place geographical research might occupy among other disciplines engaged in this topic. by narrowing down the scope of issues, and analysing the spatial processes from a positivist approach, the content of the book remained cohesive, albeit the 18 chapters were written by 14 authors. gastronomy and urban space was written by geographers, mainly affiliated either with the university of warsaw or the jagiellonian university in cracow, but researchers from st. petersburg and prague also participated in one chapter. whereas the authors pay special attention to referring to examples and case studies from all continents, the book (especially part ii and iii) has a strong geographical focus on poland and, in lesser extent, on east-central europe. it was a conscious decision of the editors who believe that the book demonstrates that the region “has become an interesting laboratory for exploring the development of gastronomy in urban space, especially as these aspects of geopolitical transformation have not been previously reported in broader studies” (p. 344.). indeed, one of the most valuable contribution of the book is to draw attention to the spatial processes and specifics of food consumption, catering and supply in this region, so far underrepresented in international literature. the book is divided into three main parts. part i serves as a historical and theoretical foundation of the book, whereas part ii and iii discuss the main changes and challenges related to gastronomy in contemporary urban space and society. both part ii and iii start with introductory chapters (chapters 4 and 14) followed by problem-oriented studies (chapters 5–13 and 15–18). part i consists of three chapters. chapter 1 provides an exciting journey in the history of gastronomy across continents and cultures. the reader can learn about how different catering facilities (restaurants, inns, cafés, etc.) have developed in the urban space in different settings. the chapter is richly illustrated with photos, tables and maps, which visualise and adequately complete the text. chapter 2 introduces theories about urban space. although the models (i presume) are familiar to geography students, explaining and illustrating their doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.69.2.10 hungarian geographical bulletin 69 2020 (2) 219book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 209–220. implication in studying the spatiality of gastronomy is justifiable. throughout the book, the authors of each chapter keep referring back to these models when they evaluate the spatial development in gastronomy and food service sector, which further increases the cohesion of the volume. chapter 3 addresses issues related to gastronomy in contemporary urban settings. among others we can read about the role of gastronomy in tourism, urban planning or city marketing; the social dimension of food consumption and place is also addressed. the chapter enlists problems and conflicts related to gastronomy in contemporary city and society, which the author categorises into two main groups: changes and challenges. part ii is dedicated to the changes. in chapter 4, marta derek suggests that gastronomy should be perceived as a lens through which the social and cultural changes and their manifestation in urban space can be observed. each chapter is dedicated to a specific topic (in which change manifests). the structure of the chapters is as follows. first they offer a brief introduction and literature review (in certain studies the applied methodology is also communicated). then the authors illustrate the topic with international examples and analyse a case study, in most cases based on an example from poland, mainly warsaw and cracow. finally, the list of references at the end of each chapter, makes the book ultimately user-friendly. chapters 5 and 6 are closely related to culinary tourism and the interconnectedness of specific local foods and regional cuisine in creating ‘place’ in the city. chapter 7 explores the geography of gastronomic services in the city centres. the case studies were warsaw’s central district (śródmieście) and the historic centre of cracow and st. petersburg. based on the spatial and temporal analysis of the distribution of eating facilities, researchers were able to visualise how the density of such places indicate the growth and changes of the city structure (st. petersburg), or demarcate the central core of cities (warsaw, cracow). these findings are complemented with two case studies: żoliborz in warsaw and podskalí in prague, both situated near the centre. subchapter 7.5 about żoliborz is particularly interesting. the author shares fascinating details about the history of the neighbourhood and the way political, economic and urban transformations shape the spatial presence and character of eateries and vice versa. the case study about podskalí (subchapter 7.6) concludes that an important factor behind the growing number and density of eateries in this urban neighbourhood (change) might be the intention to relieve the pressure on the historic centre of prague, which is currently suffering from over-tourism. with the following three chapters, the reader continues moving away from the city centres. chapter 8 takes us first to three peripheral neighbourhoods of warsaw (bródno, nowodwory and tarchomin). similarly to subchapter 7.5, these subchapters introduce to the history of these neighbourhoods in a nutshell, which is followed by the spatial analysis of eating facilities. the authors found that new restaurants were opened in bródno after 2000. as the number of residents remained more or less stable, they claim that these new restaurants are signs of the socio-economic and cultural shift induced by the appearance of middle-class dwellers settled in more prestigious new housing. in general, outlets of fast food chains are frequently visited by families with children in these peripheries. with chapter 9 we arrive to the suburbs. the authors conducted field work in piaseczno district, south of warsaw. among others, their findings serve as adequate illustration of how gastronomy can be comprehended as a lens through which we can understand and follow socio-cultural changes. based on their field work conducted in the seven settlements belonging to piaseczno, the authors point to the importance of social status of inhabitants and tourism that diversifies eating facilities and leads to the spatial concentration of prestigious restaurants in certain parts of the town, whereas low quality facilities are still present elsewhere in the district. they claim that such a diversity in eating facilities reflects the gap in the social status of inhabitants living in piaseczno. chapter 10 endeavours to reveal some aspects of gastronomy and space in smaller towns (500,000 inhabitants and below). the chapter is well grounded and contextualised in international examples and the supposedly tremendous efforts to compile a database of eateries relying on search engines and websites of town halls must also be noted. i found particularly interesting the section about places that were transformed into restaurants or pubs, including a former mine 320 meters below the surface (subchapter 10.3). the following three chapters (11-13) address three particular issues related to gastronomy and urban space: the appearance of ethnic cuisine in cities (11), the possible impact of tourist experience on culinary taste and eatery preferences (12), and the specificities of food supply in cities. in chapter 11, after providing an easy-to-follow history of ethnic cuisine in urban context, the author focuses on two cities: amsterdam and warsaw. the study, which is based on the analysis of the location of ethnic restaurants and eateries, found that in the centre of warsaw (śródmieście) ethnic cuisine is more concentrated in space than its non-ethnic counterpart. this might be a bit of a surprise, but it also turned out that after the polish cuisine japanese is the second most frequently served ethnic-cuisine in central parts of the polish capital city. this phenomenon can be explained by the popularity of japanese food globally. japanese dishes are favoured by geography students of the university of warsaw who participated in the survey in 2014/15, which is analysed in chapter 12. this is a rather short chapter, but (i presume) the topic has a potential both in teaching (maybe a research about their habits is appealing to students?) and research. chapter 13 allows us to look behind the curtains: how the lo220 book review section– hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 209–220. cal or exotic ingredients arrive to the city to eventually land on our plate. the chapter uses the case study of a polish company, but the reader also gains knowledge about the theory of supply chain management and how it functions, for instance, in indonesia and canada. part iii is dedicated to challenges which gastronomy is facing in the 21st century. such challenges stem from the shifts in society, the changing culture of dining or dietary trends, and they are interlinked with technological developments. from the aspect of urban space, the authors identify four major challenges: food courts (15), green and blue spaces (i.e. parks and waterfront) (16), street food and food trucks (17), and home delivery (18). following the structure of chapters in part ii, chapters in part iii first provide a general overview of the history of the given form of gastronomy, followed by examples from different cities around the world and, finally, by case studies from poland (mainly warsaw). from the historical overview the reader can learn that none of the above catering forms is unprecedented in human history, so one might say that these barely endanger the survival of more traditional facilities, like restaurants. importantly, the authors illuminate the foreseeable/ possible social and spatial consequences if these challenges spread. for instance, the increasing popularity of home-delivery threatens thousands of jobs, while the expansion of dining establishments occupies and/ or impacts urban space in a way which creates concerns and conflicts between different users of urban space. chapter 16 is particularly informative in this regard. it explores the dining facilities in parks and in the waterfront along the vistula river. these (open air) dining facilities function as societal hotspots appealing for a diverse clientele, but at the same time, regular park visitors or inhabitants living nearby might complain about the noise or dirt the guests leave behind. the arousing conflicts must be mitigated through the involvement of concerned parties (local government, visitors, inhabitants, street vendors, entrepreneurs) as it has happened in the case of breakfast market, a bottom-up initiative rapidly gaining popularity in warsaw. (similarly to the authors of this chapter, i also find it important to give the credit to the student, monika bartman, who dedicated her bsc degree thesis to the breakfast market). chapter 17 is not only fascinating because it offers a historiography of food trucks and street food in different regions, but it explains their social context as well. furthermore, we can learn about what lies behind the popularity of street food (eating healthy, eating local and eating food prepared carefully), and why running a food truck is appealing to many young, educated people. the spatial analysis found a temporal fluctuation in the concentration of food trucks: weekdays they rather show up in the vicinity of offices, but in the weekend they appear closer to parks and waterfronts. chapter 18 is dedicated to home delivery. the authors provide a wonderful summary of the history and types of home delivery services, which is followed by the study of a particular food delivery company. analysing the spatial distribution of restaurants promoted by this company, they found that some type of cuisine can be found in higher concentration in certain neighbourhoods, which also reflects the status of that part of the city. for instance, pricey japanese restaurants are concentrated in the newly developed business centre in the western part of the inner city of warsaw, which is considered to be a prestigious one, and eating japanese cuisine seems to be a symbol of prestige. the book ends with a few pages long, enviably focused summary (conclusion), which reviews the major aspects of the relationship between gastronomy and urban space studied in this edited volume. gastronomy and urban space. changes and challenges in geographical perspective is an informative, richly illustrated edited volume that broadcasts knowledge in a comprehensible and engaging manner. besides the maps and photos, the textboxes (separated from the main text with a grey background colour) convey particularly interesting pieces of information. apart from the literature review and theoretical grounding, the most valuable contributions are the case studies. based on years of fieldwork, observation, photo documentation, rounds of questionnaire surveys, interviews, analysis of databases, blogs and social media, each chapter testifies the immense work and commitment of participating researchers and the meticulous work of the editors. the book talks about the intersection of gastronomy and urban space in a way which makes it a valuable and enjoyable book to read. moreover, amid the ongoing coronavirus pandemic, this book attests as a mnemonic of the pre-lockdown ‘normality’, while some of the concerns and challenges gastronomy is facing in urban space (at least the time of writing this review, in mid-may 2020), sounds prophetic. ágnes erőss1 r e f e r e n c e howe, n. 2017. how “generation yum” is stoking the foodie frenzy. forbes, 20 july 2017. available at https://www.forbes.com/sites/neilhowe/2017/07/20/ how-generation-yum-is-stoking-the-foodiefrenzy/#467cf6b6613f (accessed on 11.05.2020) 1 geographical institute, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences, budapest, hungary. e-mail: eross.agnes@csfk.mta.hu 284 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 281–289.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.70.3.7 hungarian geographical bulletin 70 2021 (3) the discussion over nationalism has come of age but has not run its full course yet. despite the vast volume of former and contemporary literature on nationalism, the narrative discourse around it continues to this day. while recent studies reveal new faces of the idea and the social movement, old debates reemerge again. among these discussions, grounded nationalisms seems to be a milestone. it is a grandiose concept that seeks to give nationalism studies a unique, comprehensive theoretical framework, while offering an opportunity to integrate former, often contradictory theories. the author’s fundamental approach to the contemporary role of nationalism is denying the idea that the age of nationalisms is slowly coming to an end under the pressure of the postmodern, globalised world. on the contrary, he argues that this phenomenon is getting stronger even if it is subsided or not always dramatic. in a nutshell, maleševic tries to explain that although nationalism stems from the modern era, it has roots in the middle ages. furthermore, it has been constantly ubiquitous and adapts perfectly to the incessantly altering socialpolitical circumstances, so those who predict its decline are greatly mistaken. the theoretical framework which supports his argumentation is based on the author’s previous works and provides a solid basis for his interpretation. although maleševic is not a geographer, national narratives have substantial territorial aspects, and geopolitics, area studies and the geography of belongings are also closely linked to the discourse of nationalism. siniša maleševic is an irish researcher originally from banja luka (bosnia and herzegovina). he lives in ireland and is a full professor of sociology at the university college dublin. his previous work on the subject may also have contributed to the fact that grounded nationalisms has been awarded a runner-up (honourable mention) in the 2020 stein rokkan award for comparative social science research. maleševic’s 312-page book consists of 11 chapters apart from the introduction and conclusion. each chapter also stands as an independent reading, as some of the author’s previous works appear here in a revised form. ‘grounded nationalisms’ is the answer to the questions of why nationalism is so enduring in the modern era, why it is present at all levels of society, and why it is able to constantly innovate. the author’s compact explanation is that because nationalism is historically, organisationally and ideologically grounded as well as micro-interactionally. ‘historically’ means that where it appears, it will be strengthened and become dominant at all levels of society. however, this was not a quick process, but it took a long time for becoming a prevailing operational ideology throughout history. achieving national unity, as it happened in the 19th and 20th centuries throughout the world, required strong organisational power. this was often exercised through coercive measures, so national movements became ‘organisationally grounded’ and have remained like that to this day. all of this could have come hard without a strong and popular ideological foundation, such as ‘collective liberation’ and ‘emancipation,’ as it proclaimed equality for all who belonged to the nation. furthermore, the modern nation-state also lives in a continuous process of ideologisation and gives a national interpretation to a vast majority of social realities, therefore, ‘ideologically grounded.’ lastly, nationalism also plays a powerful role in everyday practices, as nationhood is discursively constructed through daily routines, so it is ‘micro-interactionally grounded.’ the above mentioned four notions of nationalism constitute the conceptual foundation of maleševic’s complex theory. the main aim of the book is to show that “successful nationalist projects are premised on the organisational translation of ideological grand narratives into malešević, s.: grounded nationalisms: a sociological analysis. cambridge, cambridge university press, 2019. 312 p 285book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 281–289. the micro, family and friendship-based, stories” (p. 14), in addition to “how grounded nationalisms develop, operate and expand” (p. 15). furthermore, maleševic focuses on “the organisational, ideological, and microinteractive underpinnings of nationalisms” (p. 15). although the author and the publisher have not divided the book into larger parts, three major sections can be revealed. in the first part (the first three chapters), maleševic discusses his own theory in detail and compares it with other approaches, explanations and interpretations of nationalism. the second part (chapters 4–5, and also chapters 10–11) discusses some significant theoretical issues illustrated by particular examples from the balkans, but also from other areas in europe and beyond. in the third part (chapters 6–9), he explores the regions or countries that have been scrutinised by him in his previous works as well, such as ireland, serbia, bulgaria, presenting these national contexts within the theoretical framework outlined earlier. the first chapter provides a detailed description and explanation of the author’s complex theory. firstly, he examines nationalism as an ideology. regarding the widely accepted theory that nationalism is fundamentally a product of modernism, the author, although not denying it completely, takes the view that nationalist ideologies are deeply rooted in the past, which contributed greatly to the success of ideological penetration. in this respect, he contradicts gellner’s ‘big ditch’ thesis and polanyi’s ‘great transformation’ hypothesis (hann, c. 2015), which clearly contrast modernism with the ages that preceded it. maleševic, on the other hand, also describes a significant difference between the modern and the middle ages. he points out that the legitimacy of power had divine origin in the past, whereas it is granted by popular sovereignty in modern nationstates. amplifying the conceptual basis, he does not elude thorny questions, such as the priority of the nation or the state. in this ‘the chicken or the egg causality dilemma’ of whether the nation-state was first or the nation, he clearly takes the position that the state created the nation. thus, those empires, kingdoms, and principalities were transformed into a nation-state where a national community could emerge. the further chapters of the book also show in detail that even without gradual transition, for instance, where transformations were initiated by wars or revolutions, the process led to the formation of the nation-state likewise. in fact, he argues that the social organisations and structures are a prerequisite for establishing the nation-state. all of this, however, required a strong and pervasive ideology that permeated all levels of society, a process maleševic calls ‘centrifugal ideologization’. turning to social structures and national identity, maleševic indicates that, especially in the 19th and 20th centuries, national structures were often strengthened between violent and bloody events. he calls this ‘coercive organisational power,’ but he means not only physical violence, but also structural. according to the author, nation-states, through their strong legitimacy and enormous organisational and coercive capacity, are able to interpret social reality in a special way, creating the image of ‘national identity’. maleševic considers this to be valid to this day, as most social organisations are overseen or run by the nation-state. furthermore, it can be underpinned by the experience that people’s lifecycle is supported and dependent on the nation-state from birth to death. this nationcentric worldview would not be maintained without everyday practices which notion was elaborated first in michael billig’s banal nationalism (billig, m. 1995). billig is highly cited in grounded nationalisms, but maleševic goes beyond billig’s notion and argues that the phenomenon he calls ‘micro-solidarity,’ which constructs national identity through everyday face-to-face relationships, needs to have strong organisational background as well. in the second chapter, the author tries to reconcile the theories implying, on the one hand, that nationalism can be traced back to the middle ages or even earlier historical times, and on the other, that it is a completely new phenomenon. maleševic explains with the help of the concept of longue durée, which deems nationalism as a long-term creative process, and argues that the two aforementioned theoretical approaches are not mutually exclusive. however, in contrast to longue durée theories, which focus too much on countries, he suggests concentrating on organisations, and highlights strong religious, imperial, and other organisations that had strengthened in the middle ages and played an extremely important role in building the nation-states later. the balkans appear in several chapters of the book, perhaps not regardless of the author’s provenance. one of the most astonishing findings is that despite the popular belief, balkan ‘national movements’ in the first half of the 19th century, such as the first serbian uprising (1804–1813), were not ‘national’ at all. for example, the serbian uprising much more has to be considered as social rebellion against the renegade janissary officers of the ottoman empire. maleševic argues that the vast majority of serbian society at the time was not at all receptive to nationalist ideals and the sanjak of smederevo, where most of the serbs lived, was lacking in institutions, such as national administration, education system or intellectual life that could have provided the basis for the creation of a nationstate. the uprisings of the early 1800s in the balkans can be seen as a superimposition of geopolitical games of surrounding empires and dissatisfactions with local rulers rather than ‘national’ movements. on the other hand, the organisational power of the orthodox church, which operated under ottoman rule, contributed a lot to the creation of the nation286 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 281–289. state, which, in addition to intensive religious life, also operated schools and played a major role in the organisation of everyday life. the book provides similar curiosities from bulgaria, greece and ireland. moreover, in a separate chapter, maleševic analyses the problem of ‘small nation’ and compares nationalisms in ireland and serbia, two nations with small areas and populations. he tries to explore the reasons why in one context the adjective ‘small’ carries positive connotations, while in the other, it is being seen as a national tragedy and the greatness of the glorious past is being idolised in national narratives. whereas the successful economic integration of ireland is characterised by the ‘celtic tiger’ metaphor, serbia is rather constructing an imperial past covering a large geographical area in the middle ages in contrast to the contemporary small one. these approaches are also well known in the countries of the carpathian basin. behind the metaphors of the ‘tatra tiger’ in slovakia or the ‘pannonian puma’ in hungary (pogátsa, z. 2009; kaneva, n. 2012), there is a belief in success, while the glorification of the past is also a characteristic of these countries. finally, maleševic provides in his volume an analysis of the connections between globalisation and nationalist subjectivities as well as a study about the relations between grounded nationalisms and the privatisation of security. still, the book, while examining nationalism from various angles, also has some shortcomings. the most striking example are repetitions, which stem from the fact that the author used his earlier works while compiling and writing the current title. besides, although it is true that the maleševic investigates a significant number of theories, which makes the book exciting, the author cannot present all theories in their completeness. thus, in some cases, for example, the theories of giddens, beck or baumann are presented in an oversimplified way, so it is unchallenging to make counter-arguments against them. in addition, certain theories are left out of the discussion, such as postnationalism and transnationalism, but the most painful lack is that of regionalism. maleševic’s attention is avoided by regions of nation-states (see antonsich, m. 2009 for more details) as well as ethnic-national minorities (e.g. catalans, silesians, and kurds) along with their willingness to exist within (or outside) the nation-state. the writer attaches enormous importance to “emancipatory, egalitarian and fraternal messages” (p. 277) of nationalism, but the perspectives of minorities related to this nation-centric, dominant sense remains unstudied. thus, he may have a blind spot when it comes to national minorities. in spite of these shortcomings, the theoretical framework outlined by the author is not only complex but also well applicable because it makes nationalisms universally comparable, whereas it avoids relativism and particularism. with the assistance of this theory, individual phenomena and processes can be explained, since it provides a utilitarian conceptual scaffold for them. the author emphasises that “the strength of nationalism resides in its ground-ness, the well-entrenched and firmly embedded nationalisms are generally less visible to the naked eye… once fully grounded, nationalism becomes second nature, a set of largely unquestioned beliefs and social practices that underpins equally the institutional dynamics and everyday life of ordinary individuals in the contemporary world” (p. 279). therefore, the book is recommended for reading to all those who are interested in the history and contemporary processes of nation-states and nationalism. it is especially valuable for historians, social scientists, and geographers, and also for those who wish to gain a profound insight into contemporary social phenomena related to nationalism. acknowledegment: research for this publication has been made in the project “after the post-soviet period: a geographical analysis of social processes within the shifting eastern european buffer zone” (k-124291) with the support of the national research, development, and innovation office (nrdio). géza barta1 r e f e r e n c e s antonsich, m. 2009. on territory, the nation-state and the crisis of the hyphen. progress in human geography 33. (6): 789–806. billig, m. 1995. banal nationalism. london–thousand oaks–new delhi, sage. hann, c. 2015. after ideocracy and civil society: gellner, polanyi and the new peripheralization of central europe. thesis eleven 128. (1): 41–55. kaneva, n. ed. 2012. branding post-communist nations. abingdon–new york, routledge. pogátsa, z. 2009. tatra tiger growth miracle or belated recovery? acta oeconomica 59. (4): 377–390. 1 elte eötvös loránd university, institute of geography and earth sciences, department of social and economic geography, budapest, hungary. e-mail: gezabarta@gmail.com report on the 2011 annual meeting of the igu globility commission 403 c h r o n i c l e hungarian geographical bulletin 60 (4) (2011) pp. 403–405. report on the 2011 annual meeting of the igu globility commission the global change and human mobility (“globility”) commission1 of the international geographical union (igu) was established in 2000 by professor armando montanari, department of european and comparative studies, university of rome “la sapienza”. the general objectives of the commission are to examine those forms of human mobility that may be related to the processes of global change, to the new forms of investment, local development and to social and cultural behaviour. since its establishment the globility commission has organized numerous meetings all around the world. the 2011 annual meeting of the commission was held in rome on september 23–24. the venue of the conference was the faculty of humanistic sciences, university of rome “la sapienza”. 1 for further information please visit the website of the globility commission at htt p://130.54.245.7/geo/globility/ opening speech by prof. bernardini at the conference 404 three major topics were discussed at the meeting: human mobility and business sector; human mobility and higher education students; and human mobility and cultural changes. the fi rst day of the conference was devoted to sessions and discussion, while on the second day a full-day fi eld trip was off ered by the organizers. it was the organizers’ priority to make the meeting accessible to a greater number of colleagues therefore all the sessions were streamed live on the “digilab” website (htt p://digilab.uniroma1.it/) of the university of rome “la sapienza”. this meant a real innovation, which provided an excellent opportunity for everybody to follow the program of the conference live all over the world. the conference started with greetings from prof. francesca bernardini, director of department of european, american and intercultural studies, university of rome “la sapienza”; prof. carlo brusa, chairman of the prin 2008 on migrations and cultural interactions. integration and territorial sett ing in italy, and from prof. montanari, chairman of globility commission. in his presentation, prof. montanari gave a brief summary of the history and major achievements of the commission since its foundation. he emphasized that this commission had always been a small and family-like group, where members were not just colleagues but also friends. he pointed out that the topics discussed were particularly current and important, since the recent global changes had resulted in a shift from traditional (production and/or consumption led) mobility patt erns towards information based mobility. the fi rst session of the conference chaired also by prof. montanari, addressed the topics of international mobility of university students (by clarisse didelon, le havre university & yann richard, paris 1 panthéon-sorbonne university and filippo belloc & barbara staniscia, university of rome “la sapienza”), the second-hand car trade between belgium and west africa (by martin rosenfeld, université libre de bruxelles) and the application of neural network models to human mobility (by luca deravignone, alessandro di ludovico & marco ramazzotti, university of rome “la sapienza”). the second session was chaired by prof. klaus friedrich (martin-lutheruniversity, halle), where the fi rst lecture was given by two italian colleagues (prof. carlo brusa and davide papotti) on the international mobility of university students through the example of two north italian cities (parma and vercelli). aft er that two intriguing presentations were made by professor yoshitaka ishikawa, secretary of globility commission, kyoto university and yuzuru isoda, tohoku university (japan) on the issues of evacuation and human mobility in the wake of the devastating earthquake, tsunami, and nuclear plant accident that hit japan in march, 2011. the fi rst presentation concentrated primarily on theoretical issues and on the diffi culties of maintaining and harmonizing statistics concerning evacuees in diff erent prefectures. the second presentation gave an insight into the demographic features and everyday lives of evacuees. following lunch, the program of the conference continued with the third session chaired by prof. yoshitaka. the session started with a lecture delivered by prof. friedrich, who presented the problems of the german reunifi cation and the economic recovery in east germany generating signifi cant migration between the territories of the former west and east germany. the next presentation was made by colleagues from latvia– prof. zaiga krisjane, maris berzins and andris bauls – on employment mobility patt erns and its determinants. the last speaker was guoqing du from rikkyo university, saitama, japan, who introduced the changes and regional diff erences of naturalized population in japan. the fourth and last session of the meeting was chaired by prof. krisjane, university of latvia, riga. firstly, the author of the present report introduced the results of an empirical study aimed to explore the major features of cross-border shopping fl ows in two 405 cities (debrecen and oradea) on opposite sides of the hungarian–romanian border. the co-author of the paper was prof. istván süli-zakar, department of social geography and regional development planning, university of debrecen, hungary. a lecture was held by italian colleagues (salvatore cannizzaro, catania university and gian luigi corinto, macerata university) on the impacts of migrant workers on the south-east sicily horticultural district. finally, the last presentation also reported on italy (bernardo cardinale & rosy scarlata, teramo university), discussing the impact of international migration on the population dynamics in the ascoli piceno–teramo urban system. the second day of the meeting comprised a full-day fi eld trip, which enabled participants to directly experience the past and present aspects of human mobility in rome and its surroundings. the fi eld trip was guided by prof. montanari, barbara staniscia, member of the prin 2008 project, and by marco ramazzotti, researcher of the department of near east archeology and art history at the la sapienza university. in the morning the excursion led to the south-western part of rome called the eur district. the eur is a strange residential and business district of rome representing the urban development ambitions of mussolini and his fascist party. the area was originally planned as the site for the 1942 world exhibition, which had been eventually cancelled owing to world war ii. today the eur district is full of offi ce buildings, business headquarters, convention centres, museums, as well as shops and bars visited by and people working and living there. following the short visit to the eur district, the group arrived in lido di ostia, which is a town located on the tyrrhenian sea. the town and its neighbourhood were founded in 1884, aft er the reclaiming of the nearby marshland. soon the new village became the favourite seaside resort of the romans. many recreation facilities were built aft er world war ii, and ostia experienced a tourist boom. however, the environmental burden imposed by overcrowding (e.g. sea pollution, erosion of the coastline, sea level rise) is also apparent in the context of limited natural and cultural resources. in the aft ernoon ostia antica, a huge archaeological park in the place of ancient rome’s port was visited. the ancient city was situated at the mouth of the river tiber, but because of silting and a drop in sea level, the site now lies 3 km from the tyrrhenian sea. ancient buildings, magnifi cent frescoes and impressive mosaics were excellently preserved in the area. ostia antica is an outstanding testimony of human mobility during the ancient times. the 2011 annual meeting of the international geographical union (igu) globility commission was fruitful and well-organized, where participants managed to experience new aspects of human mobility in theory and practice. the globility commission is planning to hold its next sessions in the frame of igu regional conference in santiago, chile between november 14–18, 2011. in 2012, the commission will hold its meeting in cologne, germany. mihály tömöri << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.3 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice report on the annual international conference of regional studies association 337 report on the annual international conference of regional studies association the 16th annual international conference of regional studies association was held in the city of pécs, hungary between may 24 and 26, 2010. the city is the european capital of culture in 2010 and thus the meeting has acquired a specifi c atmosphere. the mott o of the conference was “regional responses and global shift s: actors, institutions and organisations”. almost 600 experts gathered from more than 50 countries of the world, and this exceeded the previous expectations thoroughly. they basically represented the regional science, although besides regionalists, there were the representatives of other disciplines (geography, sociology, economics etc.) in a large number too. the conference venue was the faculty of law and economics of university of pécs, but the host institute was the centre for regional studies of the hungarian academy of sciences. in spite of that the number of participants was much higher than it had been expected, the rooms at the university provided space enough. moreover, the relatively favourable weather has also promoted this as the gardens and parks of the campus could also be used during the conference breaks. however, what was not favourable at all that the beginning of the conference coincided with the church holiday whitsun. but it could not be taken into account two years ago, when it had been decided about the date and venue of this conference. at that time it seemed that by 2010 a new conference centre would have been built and connections of air traffi c of the city were to be established to make the accessibility of pécs easier. regretfully, these investments were not to be realized in time, thus there were participants, who rent a car or took a taxi to travel from budapest to pécs. on the eve of the conference, on sunday aft ernoon a walking sightseeing tour was organized. the conference started with a plenary session on monday morning. the large room was jam-packed with participants; some even were sitt ing on the gallery. first, the chair of rsa, david bailey greeted the participants, then the host and local organizer professor gyula horváth (who is also the director of centre for regional studies) addressed them. he emphasized that pécs is the traditional centre of the region and the birthplace of regionalism in hungary. on the other hand, the high number of the participants also indicates that regional science is a dynamically developing one, spreading all over the world rapidly. he expressed an opinion that this conference is an excellent possibility for the development of east–west cooperation. the next speaker, dirk ahner (director general, european commission, belgium) spoke about cohesion policy. the key issues of his presentation were the followings: – what are the main drivers of regional growth? – what is the place of eu regions in the global environment? – what are the specifi c challenges faced by less developed regions? ahner demonstrated that europe has been divided into three parts by regional innovation performance, also emphasizing that “…cohesion policy made a major contribution to the economic development of assisted regions”. john bachtler (university of strathclyde, uk) also dealt with cohesion policy. he outlined future prospects while past morale was also evaluated. in his paper entitled “the future of cohesion policy: lessons from evaluation” he showed the new eu priorities (growth based on knowledge and innovation, an inclusive high employment society, green growth: a competitive and sustainable economy). in the future he feels need the revision of cohesion policy and its adjustment to the new challenges. the eligibility criteria have 338 to be modifi ed and made more eff ective. in the future the most important key issues are the followings: – policy goals: classifying the objectives of the policy, – funding: maintaining a viable eu-wide policy, – governance: ensuring adequate institutional capacity, – performance: ensuring that the policy is eff ective, – accountability: making the achievements visible. peter heil (director of consultancy services) spoke about the hungarian experience of cohesion policy and about those lessons which hungary can provide for eu. (the presentation bore the title “cohesion policy in the practice, the case of hungary”.) he remarked that although lots of changes are necessary, he hopes that one thing will not be changed by the new government, namely the network of eu institutions, because it is built out in hungary adequately and operates well. the second day of the conference started with a plenary session too. its theme was: international perspectives on regional studies. the four speakers analyzed the role of regional science and regional studies and their future in four continents of the world. andrew beer (flinders university of australia) summarized the australian experience. the case of australia is a special one, because its economy is based on resources. on the one hand, he explained the reasons for which “australia’s patt ern of regional development diverges substantially from the european or american experiences.” so far, besides the major research themes (divergence or convergence in regional income and growth, spatial centralization of economy, indigenous issues, suburbanization), some others (networks, learning regions, regional innovation system) were neglected. nowadays, the impacts of an on-going population growth on the economy and the environment are also an important research topic to study. the climate change and adaptation research have merged over the past two decades and the political concerns of climate change’s impacts are also dealt with. finally, he summed up the main characteristics of regional research in australia, which are the followings: – focussed on non-metropolitan issues, – more empirical than theoretically informed, – small scale, – grounded in practice, – aware of and keen to engage with international debates. professor henry yeung (university of singapore) examined the contribution of economic geographical studies “in understanding the changing dynamics of capitalism in east asia during the past three decades. he emphasized that during the 1970s east asia has undergone tremendous changes and nowadays we can see the diff erent types of capitalist developments, which have produced distinctive geographies of regional economies. in his presentation he has distinguished three waves of fl ows and networks: fi rst in japan, then in nies and now in china. he also dealt with the theoretical frameworks and epistemological issues of east asian capitalism. professor mark partridge (ohio state university) informed the audience on the regional studies from the viewpoint of america and of the americans entitled: “regional studies – a perspective from north america”. he stressed that internal migration is very high in north america; they are very mobile nations. about 30–40% of us population move almost yearly. he guessed that migration is the source of the success or its condition. in the past the main directions of the internal migration were those regions (the coasts, the sunbelt, and the arid southwestern us) which were characterized by high natural amenities, but “relatively fewer economic opportunities”, because americans like oceans, mountains 339 and sunshine. climate change, however, will alter the landscape and aff ect the migration patt ern. it will reshape the regional patt ern of employment opportunities and the quality of life. thus, new challenges are in front of the researchers, and regional studies can help in the solution of these paramount issues. ivan turok (human sciences research council, cape town) discussed the african perspectives of regional studies. in his presentation, the relationship was analyzed between the urbanization and development. currently, urbanization is the fastest in africa, however, it has not been accompanied by greater economic dynamism, and the reasons were also explained. turok also discussed “…the topical idea of enhanced interregional integration through cross-border collaboration to promote prosperity by overcoming the fragmented political geography of the continent.” at the end of his presentation he stated that regional studies in africa are characterized by several specifi c features: signifi cant regional development challenges, many unanswered questions, no single growth path, economy–geography relationship vital. on both days the morning plenary sessions were continued into diff erent sessions focused on special themes. the number of sessions has almost reached 140, which were organized around 14 main themes. their mention is important, because, in fact, they have determined the themes of coordinated sessions: innovative strategies and practices of fi rms in regional development labour markets and labour organisations and their continued relevance for regional development non-governmental organisations (ngo) and civil society organisations (cso): facilitators of regional development? regional policies: government and quasi-government initiatives reassessing eu regional policy people in regions: leadership, collective action and regional development financing regions: global fi nancial crisis and beyond? cooperation across borders global environmental change and the future of regional development theory and research in regional studies spatial planning in cities and regions experience economy and experience society; culture, leisure and experiences in spatial strategies creative regions in a creative economy regional policy and development in southern, central and eastern europe. of the major themes, which had been divided then into several smaller topics, the fi rst was the most populous one. taken altogether, the participants could make a choice of more than 500 presentations. they were usually lasting 20 minutes, followed by questions and remarks. the number of participants in each session was quite diff erent, which depended on various factors. of the many interesting sessions and presentations only some can be mentioned below. éva kiss and gabor lux organized the session “industrial restructuring and policy in cee countries” with a purpose to discuss the connections of the east central european industrial restructuring and regional policy. of the four speakers one was polish and three were hungarians. wieslawa gieranczyk (nicolaus copernicus university) spoke on industrial innovativeness, which plays and important role in the restructuring process of polish industry. it diff ers “:..from the direction and the pace of the respective processes in hungary. the high-tech sector in poland has been growing more – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 340 slowly than low-tech sector, while in hungary has been observed otherwise relations. so, the policies aimed at the restructuring processes in hungary showed to be quite eff ective.” gábor lux (centre for regional studies) sought the response to the question ”path-dependent upgrading or radical restructuring in central eastern europe?” “in the longer-term, a slower and less radical development path mainly based on incremental industrial upgrading and network-building appears to have a greater potential in restructuring than radical change.” the presentation of éva kiss (geographical research institute) was aimed, on the one hand, to demonstrate the role of industrial parks in the restructuring of industrial space, on the other hand to analyze their transport connections. she demonstrated that industrial parks have played a relevant role in shaping the new industrial space and transport connections are still important factors among those of location choice. andras grosz (centre for regional studies) examined the role of regionalization eff orts in the innovation policy. the major conclusion was that the infl uence of the regions on the science, technology and innovation policy is very limited, almost negligible. “in fact, we cannot speak about real innovation policy.” among the speakers of other sessions there were also several hungarian colleagues, mostly of them from the centre for regional studies. professor gyula horváth has stressed that “the decentralization of science and r+d has a number of positive eff ects on the improvement of the regions. …the lisbon criteria cannot be met without decentralization”. zoltán gál demonstrated how cross-border fi nancial exposures contributed to the polarization of the post-crisis european fi nancial landscape. gábor nagy focused on the major changes in hungarian urban network in the period of transition based on the theory of uneven development and core-periphery relations and post-socialist studies. the major question he raised was: what are the most important new elements of the renewed spatial and hierarchical structure of the country? judit timár and erika nagy looked for the answer for the question: “…to what an extent local urban policies are responsible for social imbalances?” based on the comparison of revitalization programmes of 14 western and eastern european small and medium sized towns, they “… have come to the conclusion that the economic and social conditions and opportunities for urban development are partly diff erent in the east and the west”. presentations of several sessions have also dealt with the social and economic impacts of the current crisis. of them, the presentation by professor david bailey is worth mentioning entitled “regional responses to recessions, the west midlands task force”. according to him, the recent economic crisis is very diff erent from the previous ones. as a result, the unemployment rose very fast and the output drop was the largest in west midlands. as a consequence “task forces were set up across the english regions in late 2008 in order to support key fi rms and sectors (car industry, building) and vulnerable places”. helena lenihan with co-author (university of limerick, ireland) also examined the impacts of the crisis. they tried to respond to the question, namely: “is a strong indigenous manufacturing base a necessary condition for sustainable economic growth?” they compared the case of ireland and sweden by using diff erent factors and have found that the swedish economy has been impacted to a lesser degree by the crisis than ireland which has primarily focused on att racting mnes. the case of ireland is very similar to the case of hungary, because hungarian industry also depends very much on the fdi. it is partly due to this circumstance that the crisis has aff ected the hungarian industry, mainly car industry and electronics, to a large extent. on the third day the conference was closed with a plenary session. first kevin richardson (newcastle city council) called the att ention of participants for the venue of the next annual meeting (newcastle). he also listed the major planned themes of the 341 conference. the presentation of eric swingedouw (university of manchester, uk) was very interesting (”post-democratic cities: for whom and for what?”). according to his opinion: “…cities are extraordinary laboratories, in which enormous changes have taken place over the past two decades, most dramatically in its modes of urban governing and polic(y)ing. urban governing today is carried by a wide range of social actors, including private agents, non-governmental organizations, civil society groups, as well as the more traditional forms of local, regional and national government.” the presentation by professor grzegorz gorzelak (university of warsaw) also produced an active interest. based on seven theses he examined the regional patt erns of the post-socialist transformation in central and eastern europe. eventually, gorzelak argued that the eu membership should be considered the end of transformation. jonathan pott er (oecd) spoke about the entrepreneurship indicator program, how oecd encouraged the smes in the diff erent periods. then csaba ruzsa (managing director, pécs 2010 management centre) held a lecture on the relationship of culture and place. he has told how pécs won the title of the capital of culture, what kind of urban developments were carried out and how the public squares and places were renewed. he also listed the major programs of the cultural capital in which art events play an important part. the conference was basically well-organised. the breaks, meals and evening programs provided good opportunities for the improvement of relationship and stimulated further discussion of diff erent thoughts and ideas. taken as a whole, this conference was a good, interesting and inspiring event with a very good atmosphere. hopefully, many of the participants will visit the annual meeting in newcastle in 2011 éva kiss chronicle.indd 77 chronicle hungarian geographical bulletin 59 (1) (2010) pp. 77–83. geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences scientifi c activity report’09 i. main tasks of the research institute in 2009 the gri has continued to pursue research activities as a member of the association of institutes in geosciences of the has. the most important tasks included the investigations into the shortand long term natural environmental changes anticipated and into the transformation processes of socio-economic spatial structure. these activities formed part of both projects started in 2009 (margins, mta-dfg), and those launched earlier (sefone, sowap, borassus, acre, unesco-most etc.), and projects announced by domestic research centres and by academic and governmental organizations (otka, ofa etc.). an eminent task was the preparation of a map series presenting the change in ethnic patt erns on the present territory of hungary between 1495 and 2001 and the publication of a thematic atlas compiled in a broad national collaboration entitled hungary in maps. the main tasks in the physical geographical domain in 2009 were the continuation of the projects in progress and presentation of the results on hungarian and international forums. the following topics were cultivated independently or in collaboration: – borassus project (funded by eu fp6 inco): the environmental and socio-economic contribution of palm geotextiles to sustainable development and soil conservation – sowap (funded by eu life/syngenta uk): soil and surface water protection using conservation tillage in northern and central europe – eff ect of landscape patt ern on macro and micro element budgets of wetlands – otka project: the role of gully erosion in the present-day relief development of hungary – the start of the „margins” project – the elaboration of sample preparation methods for particle size analysis research activities in sample areas to facilitate deposition and safe storage of radioactive wastes of low and intermediary activity as by-products of nuclear energy generation continued to be a complex scientifi c task. comprehensive studies focused on environmental monitoring, hydrogeographical and soil erosion measurements in the surroundings of radioactive waste treatment disposal facilities at püspökszilágy and of the national radioactive waste repository at bátaapáti. five current otka projects were cultivated in support of the solution of the tasks in 2009 (correlation of quaternary sediments, ethnic geography of hungary and recent eth78 nic processes in the neighbouring countries, health tourism and quality of life in hungary, impact of urban rehabilitation programmes on the quality of life of the population in metropolitan areas, impacts of industrial investments on the spatial structure and their transport related issues), added by a novel one entitled ethnic geography and cartography of the countries in the carpatho-pannonian area. an important target was the timely performance of the tasks within current multiannual eu framework programmes, such as the project acre (accommodating creative knowledge: competitiveness of european metropolitan regions within the enlarged union) and running in eu-fp6 sefone (searching for neighbours: dynamics of physical and mental borders in the new europe). financed jointly by mta-dfg there were two projects in 2009: „revitalisierung von gründerzeitlichen altbauwohnquartieren in budapest – prozesse, strategien, perspektiven”, and „zwischen gentrifi cation und abwärtsspirale”. on behalf of the presidium of has a thematic atlas in english entitled „hungary in maps” was published by synthesizing the merits of a book and an atlas thus serving as a business card of the country. another major venture was reambulation and preparation of the second edition of a 800 page monograph „inventory of natural microregions in hungary” for publication which included the revision of the manuscript with the thematic checking and edition of insert maps. two important meetings were organised. one in preparation for the fourth hungarian conference on landscape ecology to be held in 2010. another was the arrangement of the closing session of sefone/carpathian basin (conference and cultural event). ii. outstanding research and other results and their socio-economic impacts in 2009 – sowap supported by eu life and syngenta is aimed to combat landscape degradation. a preliminary conclusion has been that soil erosion represents the highest risk. special soil tests were purposed for the establishment of technological, agronomic and economic requirements for and consequences of conservation vs conventional modes of cultivation. the amount of pesticides washed off and their enrichment in natural waters were measured too. concerning soil loss a most conspicuous result is that under wheat the amount of soil loss was 125 times more on the conventional plot compared with that on the conservation plot. participants: 10 persons; of them 6 from the institute estimated expenditure of the institute: 27 m huf fully covered by the grant support applicability: confi rmation, and presentation of the advantages of conservation methods in cultivation; and propagation of their contribution to landscape protection and biodiversity. presentations occasionally att ract 40–50 people engaged in farming and decision makers and are instrumental in the propagation of the methods. – the borassus project terminated in 2009. the most important research results were achieved about soil moisture on the eff ect of geotextiles on soil moisture. organic geotextiles cannot only be used as a tool against soil erosion but they can be applied also on embankments and dams in establishing a grass cover on their slopes by providing better conditions for the development of the vegetation cover. organic geotextiles may have a positive eff ect also in new agricultural plantations where the water supply of cultivated plants during the fi rst years aft er plantations comes mainly from the topsoil (e.g. newly planted stone-fruit orchards). the results can be applied in soil loss prevention. 79 participants: 16 persons; of them 6 from the institute estimated expenditure of the institute: 12 m huf fully covered by the grant support applicability: geotextiles have a positive impact on soil moisture reducing soil loss and promoting the initial growth of new plantations. – in the frame of sefone eu fp6 project the eff ects of the introduction of schengen regime was evaluated on the one hand for the hungarian-hungarian contacts whereas on the other hand for the interethnic relations. thanks to the strict border crossing regulations the grade of formerly remarkable smuggling decreased, at the same time the number of temporary legal (or illegal) job opportunities were also reduced. this led to change in life-strategies of local inhabitants, especially in the hungarian community. within the romanian-hungarian border zone the research site is oradea/nagyvárad where the main area of interest is the local interethnic relations. it was found that the local interethnic coexistence is closely related to the local and national political events and actions. (for more information see: www.sefone.soton.ac.uk) participants: 18 persons; of them 3 from the institute estimated expenditure of the institute: 70 m huf fully covered by the grant support applicability: the research results contribute to the framing of problems and confl icts in relation with the social-economic eff ects of the enlargement of the eu and the introduction of schengen border control regime. the evaluation of problem and present conditions can contribute to the more eff ective exploitation of economic-cultural opportunities in neighbouring countries. – otka project entitled „impact of urban rehabilitation programmes on the quality of life of the population in metropolitan areas” has dealt with the overview of domestic and foreign results on surveys about the quality of life and their evaluation; theoretical and applied aspects of the experience gained from urban rehabilitation in hungary and abroad and of its social eff ects; new information obtained from the scientifi c analysis of the results of empirical studies. a volume of studies was published and information is available on website (www.varosrehabilitacio.net). participants: 2 persons, 1 from the institute estimated expenditure of the institute: 3.8 m huf, fully covered by the grant support applicability: the research project has produced results and a model helping in promotion and development of interdisciplinary approach to urban planning and development. iii. presentation of national and international relations the institute pursued extensive cooperation with the earth science institutes of the has, and with the centre for regional studies, research institute for ethnic and national minorities, with the institute of history, research institute for soil science and agricultural chemistry, institute of sociology, as well as with diff erent research stations under ministerial supervision (ministry of environment and water management, ministry of agriculture and regional development, institute for transport research ltd). the institute participated in several projects of nationwide importance, initiated or organized by prime minister’s offi ce, diff erent ministries (ministry of environment and water management, ministry of education, ministry of foreign aff airs), or other institutes with nationwide scope of action (national health offi ce, hungarian central statistical offi ce), by foundations. 80 thirteen researchers were engaged in tuition at various institutions of higher education (on bsc, msc, phd level) as part time tutors. the contacts were the most intensive with universities (eötvös loránd university (elte), university of pécs (pte), university of szeged, university of west hungary, university of miskolc, university of pannonia, corvinus university of budapest, central european university, andrássy gyula university in budapest, selye jános university, babeş-bolyai university), and colleges (kodolányi jános college, budapest business school). the gri has is the headquarters for the applied geography department of elte for more then ten years, where active education activity has continued in 2009 as well. in the frame of this cooperation researchers regularly hold courses at elte, while the professors from elte participate in scientifi c projects in the gri has. in 2009 nine researchers from gri has participated in geographical phd programmes in hungary as professors, eleven researchers conducted degree works on bsc and msc, thirteen evaluated grants for academic and higher education positions, phd theses, degree works. three young researchers, fi nanced by the has, att ended doctoral programmes in elte and pte. one scientifi c advisor is the president of the committ ee of earth sciences complex scientifi c research (section x of has), another one is the president of the scientifi c committ ee on human geography (section x of has) and unesco-most national committ ee. the deputy director is the president of jury of earth sciences i (otka) and president of hungeo-top operational committ ee. several colleagues have functions in hungarian geographical society (vice-president, secretary general). seventeen researchers gave eighty six lectures during the year, fourty nine of them were delivered at international scientifi c conferences. of domestic scientifi c events the report meeting of the association of research institutes in earth sciences, the international conference of iuss (international union of soil sciences, budapest) are worth mentioning. the institute made eff orts to maintain and enlarge its multilateral international relationships. in order to fulfi ll this aim it participated in several eu and other international projects, making use of the researchers’ international contacts. one researcher is employed by selye jános university (komárno, slovakia), another by babeş-bolyai university (cluj, romania). among scientifi c conferences in 2009 two have to be highlighted: one entitled „creating economic and social neighbourhoods across political borders” was organized by the institute and the university of bern in komárno (slovakia). the „challenges of ageing in villages and cities: the central european experience” conference (szeged, may) was organized by a scientifi c advisor of gri has, who in one person is the president of unesco-most national committ ee. international scientifi c conferences with participation of researchers from the institute were the followings: 2nd international multidisciplinary conference on hydrology and ecology (vienna, austria), international conference on land and water degradation – processes and management (magdeburg, germany), ancient landscapes–modern perspectives (melbourne, australia), 2nd eugeo congress „challenges for the european geography in the 21st century” (bratislava, slovakia), 3rd international conference advances in tourism economics (lisbon, portugal), ica symposium on cartography for central and eastern europe (vienna, austria), géopolitique et démographie, colloque international (geneva, switzerland). the international relations were especially strong with the romanian, ukrainian, croatian and slovakian academies, with the institut für länderkunde (leipzig), shevchenko 81 university (kyiv), akademie für raumordnung und landesplanung (hannover), with the universities in zagreb, leipzig, cluj, bern, berlin, and the college in berehove (ukraine). these relations are associated with special research programmes, research projects or bilateral research agreements. similarly to former years the gri has received foreign researchers from romania, slovakia, switzerland, austria, italy, and from colleges, universities in the carpathian basin (novi sad, beograd, oradea, cluj, zagreb, berehove). six researchers participate in international scientifi c associations as comitt ee members, fi ve researchers are members of the editorial board of international geographical journals. one scientifi c advisor is the vice-president of essc (european society for soil conservation) and president of hungarian national committ ee of igu (international geographical union). in 2009 the researchers of gri has published seven papers in international journals and eleven items in conference publications. iv. brief evaluation of successful national and international grants in 2009 the researchers of the institute won two otka grants („the role of gully erosion in the present-day relief development of hungary” and „ethnic geography of the countries in the carpatho-pannonian area”). all in all the researchers were working on fi ve otka grants. two eu fp6 projects continued into the year. in the frame of acre („accommodating creative knowledge – competitiveness of european metropolitan regions within the enlarged union") project the main fi ndings were published under the title „comparing paths of creative knowledge regions”. summarising the research results was the main task in case of sefone (searching for neighbours – the dynamics of physical and mental borders in the enlarged european union) project, which conducted research in the issue of interethnic and cross border neigbourhood relations in the carpathian basin among other areas. the tasks were fulfi lled in the „zwischen gentrifi cation und abwärtsspirale” project in cooperation with institut für länderkunde (leipzig, germany) and coordinated by has and dfg. in the frame of this project the comparative evaluation of neighbourhoods in fi ve central european cities were performed to promote the outline and implementation of effi cient rehabilitation plans. in sowap project started in 2003 the tasks (experiments and their evaluation) planned for 2009 were carried out. the borassus project started in 2005 fi nished in 2009, publishing of the research results is in progress. v. the most important publications and patents in 2009 dövényi z. 2009. a belső vándormozgalom magyarországon: folyamatok és struktúrák, statisztikai szemle 87 (7–8): 748–762. egedy t. 2009. városrehabilitáció és életminőség, mta földrajztudományi kutatóintézet, budapest, 152 p. jakab g.i., madarász b. and szalai z. 2009. gullyor sheet erosion? a case study at catchment scale, hungarian geographical bulletin 58 (3): 151–161. kertész á. 2009. the global problem of land degradation and desertifi cation, hungarian geographical bulletin 58 (1): 19–31. 82 kiss e.é. 2009. major trends in the development of industrial areas of budapest in the early 21st century, hungarian geographical bulletin 58 (3): 163–180. kocsis k., bottlik zs. 2009. magyarország etnikai térképe, ma. 1: 500 000 = ethnic map of hungary, 2001, mta földrajztudományi kutatóintézet, budapest. kocsis k., schweitzer f. (eds.) 2009. hungary in maps, geographical research institute of h.a.s., budapest, 211 p. kocsis k., tiner t. 2009. geopolitics of pipelines and eastern europe with especial regard to hungary, hungarian geographical bulletin 58 (1): 49–67. kovács z. 2009. hinterland development in: the international encyclopedia of human geography, volume 5 (ed. kitchin, r., thrift, n.), elsevier, oxford, 128–135. kovács z. 2009. social and economic transformation of historical neighbourhoods in budapest, tij dschrift voor economische en sociale geografi e 100 (4): 399–416. lóczy d., kis é. and schweitzer f. 2009. local fl ood hazards assessed from channel morphometry along the tisza river in hungary, geomorphology 113 (3–4): 200–209. michalkó g., rátz t. and illés s. 2009. the gate of happiness: budapest in the focus of european mobility in: migration and citizenship : the role of the metropolis in the european union process of enlargement (ed. morri, r., pesaresi, c.), societa geografi ca italiana, roma, pp 143–152. schweitzer f. 2009. strategy or disaster: fl ood prevention related issues and actions in the tisza river basin, hungarian geographical bulletin 58 (1): 3–17. ágnes, erőss ’searching for neighbours’: summary of an eu research project the three-member research group of the geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences (gri has) participated in an eu fp 6 project called ’sefone – searching for neighbours: dynamics of physical and mental borders in the new europe’. the three-years long research (march 2007–february 2010) was designated to explore and compare models of ’translocal’ neighbourhood within the enlarged european union, where these relations are periodically challenged by „nationalised” political confl icts. the main aims of the project were to understand the interdependency of state borders and mental borders in the creation of good neighbourhood relations, and to try to emphasize what ’good-neighbourhood’ means for people in culturally diverse border regions. a special att ention was laid on bott om-up activities, initiatives, such as those embodied in cultural events, that aimed to strengthen cultural tolerance and neighbouring in culturally diverse communities. the research consortium investigated three diff erent borders, from which the gri has carried out research in the fi rst strand that was dedicated to ’transnational and translocal neighbourhoods across state borders’. in this strand on the one hand the greekturkish cypriot border (studied by the university of nicosia) on the other hand the borders of diff erent grades of permeability in hungary were in focus. in both cases the borders are marked by long-standing political confl icts and separate formerly multicultural sett lements, regions, populations. nadler, r., kovács, z., glorius, b. and lang, t. (eds.): return migration and regional development in europe: mobility against the stream 440 nadler, r., kovács, z., glorius, b. and lang, t. (eds.): return migration and regional development in europe: mobility against the stream. london, palgrave macmillan, 2016. 385 p. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.65.4.12 hungarian geographical bulletin 65 2016 (4) the european union (eu) enlargement towards east central european countries guaranteed free movement of people within member states. perceptions about the new migration policies and the fear of invasion of cheap manual labour from accession eight (a8) countries such as the czech republic, estonia, hungary, latvia, lithuania, poland, slovakia and slovenia created the archetypal figure of the ‘polish plumber’. this shows the excessive politicisation and instrumentalisation of migration issues in western europe. considering the recent migration crisis, the instrumentalisation of migration is not unfamiliar in east central europe either. significant income disparities between the western and eastern parts of europe, better working conditions, skills development such as mastering foreign languages were among the main pull factors for people in post-socialist countries to work abroad. since the eu enlargement in 2004, and especially during the years of the financial and economic crisis, a significant number of young and skilled has tried to pursuit fortune and happiness in the united kingdom, ireland, sweden, and a few years later in germany and austria. even traditionally ‘sedentarist’ and ‘a-mobile’ populations, like hungarians, opted for mobility along with the more mobile east central european peoples, like polish, slovaks or romanians (illés, s. and kincses, á. 2012). it is widely accepted that economic reasons influence migration processes, but these are far to be the only ones. the social, cultural and political context in countries of origin affects the decision to mobility. moreover, emotional processes as well as personal traits and attitude also shape human mobility and vice versa as much in the case of lifestyle migration (o’reilly, k. 2007) as in the case of labour migration (wright, k. 2011). during the past decade both the academia and media paid much attention to the receiving countries and on issues like immigration, integration processes and acculturation. yet, although neglected as a top-research topic, return is also a fundamental element of east central european migration schemes. thus, ‘return migration and regional development in europe’ engages a very pertinent topic. this recent edited volume belongs to the springer ‘new geographies of europe’ series, the aim of which is to welcome contributions “where the focus is upon novel spatial phenomena, path-dependent processes of socio-economic change or policy responses at various levels throughout europe”. this volume responds to all the aforementioned goals. the book, edited by robert nadler, zoltán kovács, birgit glorius and thilo lang, came out of a joint research project entitled ‘re-turn’ funded by the european regional development fund, and of a workshop organised in 2013 in budapest on the topic of return migration and regional development. the collection of studies provides an extensive review of the current state of return migration and reintegration of citizens in their country of origin, with a special focus on policy approaches that should ease return migration. all subjects are of key importance in east central european countries. the focus of the volume is to “enrich the debate on the changing migration patterns in europe based on up-to-date theoretical and empirical work” and the book’s mission is to create an “anthology of state-of-art research on return migration in europe” (p. 3). the volume does not fail to deliver on its aims. it is divided into four main parts, although these parts are not equally balanced since part one, two and three contain four and five chapters each, while part four lists only two. a general overview of the ‘mobility against the stream’ is presented in the stimulating introductory session written by the editors. the scarcity of data is well-known in migration studies, but it is particularly evident in the case of return migration. still, it is assumed that return migration interests more than 3.4 441book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 433–446. million people within the eu, as a map on the main flows of european migration indicates (p. 7). the volume, in fact, provides different methodological and data gathering approaches that could be applied in different scenarios. furthermore, in the introduction, neoclassical theory and structuralist approaches, widely used in migratory studies, are described with the specific aim to highlight the freshness and dynamism of social network theories and transnational approaches applied throughout this volume. the innovation of such theories and approaches is the focus on social and cultural processes and motives of (return) migration that give a much human-centred rather than purely economic vision of the phenomena (see the essays by king and kilinç; ní chearbhaill; and van blanckenburg). following these parts, the nexus between return migration and regional development is investigated, demystifying the assumption that return migrants can easily, quickly and successfully be (re)integrated in their home society. the authors present evidence for that, in general, irregular working conditions and unemployment affect return migrants. part i focuses on the conceptual approaches towards return migration in europe, and features four essays. in chapter 2 ludger pries from ruhr university bochum widely explores multiple and multidirectional mobility patterns from a historical and sociological point of view. his starting point is the german guestworker programme in the 1970s. circular migration and transnational mobility are widespread phenomena not only in germany, but in east central europe as well. persons on the move identify themselves less and less as immigrants or returnees, keeping lively the possibility to change their spatial nexus according to their changing needs. the theoretical and methodological challenges to investigate circular migration are also addressed in pries’s work, in which current migration policies are discussed. katrin klein-hitpass’s contribution in chapter 3 on return migrants puts skilled labour force in the centre. she analyses the processes that make return migrants knowledge brokers and innovators. in her case study on poland, klein-hitpass compares polish mobility before and after the eu accession. she evidences that in the 1990s those who emigrated were well-trained and skilled and, upon return, significantly contributed to economic development in their homeland through their improved technological, managerial or communication skills. although this trend seems to have changed after the eu enlargement, the mass of younger and less educated poles mainly coming from rural areas can hardly be considered as that of knowledge-brokers. from the same geographical area, poland, is izabela grabowska’s inspirational work on how the interplay of opportunity structure and agency influences life course occupational trajectories. grabowska from the university of warsaw conducted an extensive qualitative research based on structured and biographical interviews in warsaw and in the small town of nysa. the research aim was to construct a typology of the meanings of migration to one’s career development applying the theory on agency approach. her findings show that the meaning of migration, such as fixative, incident, exploration or project in her classification, always depends on individual personality. she argues that in our current age people, especially the young, are “pushed into global biographies” (p. 103), which means that living in one place during the whole lifetime is extremely hard because occupational trajectories often require mobility. she claims for a new perspective on migration. in the case of transnational migrants it makes less sense to speak about return migration, because even when they return home they are considered global citizens ready to embark on the next opportunity in a foreign country. i would strongly suggest her essay to the young and graduated who aim to realise their dreams abroad since it helps to cope with emerging challenges. in chapter 5, jelena predojevic-despic, tanja pavlov, svetlana milutinovic and brikena balli analyse the returning and transnational business practices in albania and serbia through a pilot study, contributing to the debate on the nexus between returning migrants and regional development. investigating microand small-sized enterprises, the authors evidence that several types of networks were established between the origin and destination countries. part ii deals with research methods and implementations and results. this part highlights the difficulties in data gathering and introduces possible data sources for return migration studies, such as cross-country surveys as a quantitative method (danzer and dietz), new approaches to analyse existing data sets (nadler), in-depth interviews (king and kilinç) and interdisciplinary research (nì chearbhaill). these methods are in part already applied in several research designs in east central european countries (e.g. lakatos, j. 2015 in hungary), but could be further redefined. in chapter 6, alexander m. danzer and barbara dietz with a cross-country survey across five eu partnership countries investigate the assistance of migration agencies and pre-migration skill development in the case of 2,000 temporary and return migrants. in this part, robert nadler’s essay on measuring return migration in eastern germany can be considered as the most innovative from the methodological point of view. his data source was the german employment history data based on employers’ social security notifications sent to the administrative register between 2001 and 2010. in this way, nadler managed to measure not only the employability of domestic migrants but spatial mobility between western and eastern germany as well. the other chapters in this part fail to experiment new research methods except chapter 8. king and 442 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 433–446. kilinç’s study explores the most numerous foreign population in germany, the turks. their analysis focuses on second generation turkish-german men and women using semi-structured life-history narratives. employing this method, rich data on gendered narratives could be scrutinised. it is interesting to note that self-realisation and belonging were among the main challenges faced by turkish-german as much as by irish individuals in the study by nì chearbhaill who explored return migrants’ search for linguistic and cultural identity. part iii is entitled ‘new regional perspectives and research questions on return migration in europe’. here again readers find the topic of circular migration but the country under scrutiny is latvia. the chapter is valuable for the methods applied since krisjane, apsite-berina and berzins use an online survey distributed among 2,565 latvian nationals in five different countries. their aim was to explore migrants’ return intentions and evidence of the decisive role of labour market constrains in the homeland. the online survey method was employed by bürgin and erzebürgin as well to study the german-trained turkish workforce (chapter 13). in chapter 11, birgit glorius, one of the co-editors of the volume from the institute of european studies in chemnitz studied the mobility decision processes of erasmus students in halle, germany. her findings show that the institutional framework plays a significant role in decision making along with rationality, subjectivity and emotionality. foreign students establish social capital in the destination country that can hardly be capitalised in their home country. it is widely accepted that having constructed a good international network and social capital is valuable, but the missing network in the home country limits the possibilities to career development. this is a fact that all students from east central europe who aim to study abroad should bear in mind. chapter 12 by van blanckenburg is particularly interesting for covering the importance of memory and cultural identity in successful entrepreneurs’ motivations to return to east germany. this neglected topic is highly relevant in post-socialist countries, still, our current knowledge on this phenomenon is extremely limited. childhood memories, perceptions, beliefs, and strong moral obligation nurtured the wish to return to the antecedents’ territory and this provides a wider spectrum of approaches and methods to apply to migration studies. in chapter 14, caroline hornstein tomić and sarah scholl-schneider explore the experiences of return migrants in croatia and czech republic. their research gives voice to the bitter awareness often experienced by return migrants that even if they try hard to be ‘agents of change’ and ‘knowledgebrokers’ in their home society, the obstacles are numerous and the chances to succeed are little. still, return migrants, as showed by hornstein tomić and scholl-schneider, are more tolerant and more democratic than their fellow compatriots. having innovative, new or just simply different ideas, return migrants add their own puzzle-piece to post-socialist countries ‘fluid-democracies’ (bauman, z. 2000). part iv gathers two essays. the first one critically analyses several european national policies aimed at stimulating return migration (boros and hegedűs), while the conclusive essay signed by the editors is a sum-up of the analysed topics and issues with clear future research and policy implications. in chapter 15 lajos boros and gábor hegedűs from the university of szeged scrutinises 41 international, national and sub-national policy documents focusing on retention, re-employment or re-attraction of return citizens. for a wider comparison, the authors also examined successful remigration policy practices and brain gain strategies in china, taiwan, india, south africa and ghana. their findings show that although national policies vary greatly, european countries, until now, have not been able to leverage on return migrants. it seems to be clear that a co-operation between sending and host countries (e.g. between italy and romania, the uk and poland) is essential not only to convince but also to help migrants to return to their country of origin. it is worth noting that although return migration and retention are issues of current political debate offering fertile ground for propaganda, “efficient return initiatives and competent institutional background with a decentralised decision-making system” (p. 353) fail to be established. this again shows a huge discrepancy between social and economic trends and political slogans. as a common burden, all east central european countries have to face brain drain. the young and skilled, but as this volume evidences the not so young and lower-skilled as well, cannot be hindered anymore to try to live according to western european standards. countries like poland, hungary, slovakia or romania should work not only on attractive return migration policies, but on establishing an attractive social, cultural and political environment, too. the different essays of this volume show how complex the phenomenon of return migration is and how inefficient the current return policies are. having read this book, one might ask oneself that if it is so challenging to ease return migration within eu countries and to offer policy tools to integrate knowledge brokers, transnational entrepreneurs and graduate students, how will the eu cope with mass migration from war-torn and socially, economically and politically instable countries? from the geographical point of view the volume is well-balanced, although slightly more emphasis is given to germany and turkey. the volume presents empirical research not only from old and new eu member states, but also provides essays on albania, 443book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 433–446. armenia, belarus, georgia, serbia, ukraine and moldova, offering a complex vision on return migration in europe. in my view, the volume could have been more complete with some essays on (re)migration flows between southwestern europe and east central europe. for its volume, especially the case of romanians settled in spain or in italy would have been interesting to study. to conclude this review, i think that the strong and meticulous editorship makes the book a solid composition and a goldmine for references. it is a highly recommended source for policy makers, academics, undergraduate and postgraduate students. anna irimiás r e f e r e n c e s bauman, z. 2000. liquid modernity. cambridge, polity. illés, s. and kincses, á. 2012. hungary as receiving country for circulars. hungarian geographical bulletin 61. (3): 197−218. lakatos, j. 2015. külföldön dolgozó magyarok, magyarországon dolgozó külföldiek (hungarians working in abroad, foreigners working in hungary). statisztikai szemle 93. (2): 93−112. o’reilly, k. 2007. intra-european migration and mobility – enclosure dialectic. sociology 41. (2): 277−293. wright, k. 2011. constructing migrant wellbeing: an exploration of life satisfaction amongst peruvian migrants in london. journal of ethnic and migration studies 37. (9): 1459–1475. 1 tourism department, kodolányi jános university of applied sciences, székesfehérvár and budapest. e-mail: annairimias@hotmail.com 99book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 91–102.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.67.1.9 hungarian geographical bulletin 67 2018 (1) widawski, k. and wyrzykowski, j. (eds.): the geography of tourism of central and eastern european countries. second edition. cham, springer, 2017. 551 p. stephen williams underlined the importance of the geography of tourism in 1998 with the following initial sentences in his book “tourism geography”: “thirty years ago, the inclusion of a book on tourism within a series of introductory texts covering differing aspects of human geography would have been an unlikely event. today, the exclusion of tourism from the geography curriculum seems equally improbable.” (williams, s. 1998. p. 1). williams (1998) also emphasised that tourism is an essentially geographical phenomenon since it deals with subjects like the spatial distribution of tourism, tourism impacts, tourism planning and spatial modelling of tourism development. hence, since the dawn of the 2000s we can state that the role of geography in tourism studies is widely accepted and inevitable. academic works on tourism geography date back to 1976, when harry robinson published his book “a geography of tourism”. considering the geography of tourism as general topic, the most essential piece of literature coming to my mind is the book of c. michael hall and stephen j. page entitled “the geography of tourism and recreation: environment, place and space” (the first edition was published in 1999 and the fourth in 2014). in my view the second most important volume is “tourism geography” by stephen williams in 1998, which i already referred to in the last section. concerning the discussion of the theoretical background of the geography of tourism we can also refer to recently published volumes such as the book of velvet nelson (2017) (“an introduction to the geography of tourism”) or the revised edition of stephen williams’s seminal work (“tourism geography: a new synthesis”) (williams, s. 2009). there is also another sort of books highly relevant here, dealing with the geography of tourism from the regional perspective. i find important to highlight the works of lew, c.m., hall, c.m. and timothy, d. (2008) “world geography of travel and tourism: a regional approach” and lew, a.a., hall, c.m. and timothy, d.j. (2011) “world regional geography: human mobilities, tourism destinations, sustainable environments”. in general, these books deal with the regional perspectives of tourism geography on the global scale. as far as i could revise international literature i was unable to find relevant volumes from prominent publishers which exclusively deal with the tourism geography of central and eastern europe. so, from this perspective, i believe that the presently reviewed volume is a niche publication. the reviewed book primarily originates from the initiative of the department of regional geography and tourism at wrocław university. from 1990 to 2010 this institute regularly organised scientific meetings for experts and professionals of tourism, in their words, “in order to exchange research experience in the scope of the development on international tourism in central and eastern europe” (p. vii). this initiative led by jerzy wyrzykowski resulted in 11 scientific publications in the book series “conditions for the foreign tourism development in central and eastern europe” (p. vii) (the title was written incorrectly in the reviewed volume, using ‘the’ before the word ‘central’). issues of the series were released between 1992 and 2010, and finally, in 2012, the department of regional geography and tourism published a volume entitled “geography of tourism of central and eastern european countries”. (the title of this volume was also mistyped in the reviewed book, as “europe” instead of “european”, p. vii.) the original 2012 volume was followed by an updated edition in 2017, now including a chapter about belarus as well. the second edition is the object of 100 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 91–102. my current book review. as the editors underline, the major scope of the volume has been limited to the post-socialist countries of the region. they justify this focus by that tourism industry in this region has experienced similar environment, development and progress in the past 60–70 years. according to the short description of the book at springer.com the volume “presents a comprehensive overview of the tourism market development in central and eastern european countries” (http://www.springer.com/us/ book/9783319422039). the volume is divided into two introductory chapters (“introduction”; “the output of international scientific conferences entitled ‘the conditions of foreign tourism development in central and eastern europe’ organised by the department of regional geography and tourism at the university of wrocław”), 13 chapters and an erratum to the geography of tourism in slovakia. “introduction” is followed by “the output of international scientific conferences entitled ‘the conditions of foreign tourism development in central and eastern europe’ organised by the department of regional geography and tourism at the university of wroclaw” from page ix to page xv. this chapter provides a detailed description of the above mentioned international conferences, their scientific organisers, locations as well as the participants and their affiliation. the primary aim of this chapter is to present the goals and objectives of the volumes which were published upon the scientific conferences. while reading this chapter, my major concern was the use of english, since i strongly think that no language revision was provided for this part of the book. the text is informative and its meaning is clear, but it obviously was not reviewed by a professional or native speaker. chapter 1 was written by two polish authors from the university of business in wrocław, janusz marak and jerzy wyrzykowski. they discuss “the position of countries of central and eastern europe on the international tourism market”. this chapter gives an overall analysis of 20 former socialist countries between 2005 and 2013/2014. after the introduction, the first subchapter deals with “tourist potential”. although one might think the demand side will be analysed here only, we receive information on the supply side as well. since it deals with tourism in a complex approach maybe a title like “overall tourism potential” would fit better here. the next subchapter describes “the current extent of international tourism”. my main concerns here are that the authors refer twice to wikipedia as data source (i would strongly advise not to refer to wikipedia in a scientific publication), and that the data could have been more recent, since we usually find 2014 data in a 2017 publication. in the following parts of the chapter, too, there is almost no data from after 2013. the chapter finishes by analysing the “current role of central and eastern european countries as the source of international tourist traffic” and the “balance of receipts and expenditure in international tourism in central and eastern europe”. chapter 2 by ivan pirozhnik (a belarusian scientist from the belarusian state university in minsk) deals with the “geography of tourism of the republic of belarus”. the introduction gives a thorough and precise literature overview of the studies on history of tourism in belarus. thereafter, subchapters have the following sequence: “natural resource potential and trends in tourism development”; “cultural and historical potential”; “touristic infrastructure and level of regional development”; “tourist flows and types of tourism”; “dynamics of visitors and organized international tourist flows”; “tourist flows in accommodation facilities and the regional intensity of the tourist development”; “the main forms and types of tourism; tourist regions of belarus”. the following chapters about the analysed countries basically follow the same sequence. however, the titles and topics of the subchapters are not the same for every country, which i find a bit confusing. the chapter is written from a professional point of view and in a very detailed, accurate and comprehensive way. it is also illustrated with numerous photos and figures, which are excellent in both quality and content. my only concern with the text is related to language quality at some points and that the latest statistical data are from 2014. chapter 3 from robert wiluś (university of łódź) discusses the “geography of tourism in bulgaria”. this chapter is also carefully written, detailed, and very precise, and is illustrated with photos and precisely edited figures. the latest data are from 2015, which is excellent, since usually we can find 2-yearold data in general and national tourism statistics. language quality, from my point of view, is very good. in chapter 4, armina kapusta and robert wiluś (university of łódź) investigate the “geography of tourism in croatia”. this chapter is well focused and elaborated and provides at many points the most recent data possible (2015), although a lot of 2014 data can also be found in the second part. language quality from my point of view is excellent. chapter 5 was written by jiří vystoupil and martin šauer (masaryk university, brno) about the “geography of tourism in the czech republic”. the outstanding and acknowledged authors provide a much detailed, punctual and relevant analysis and describe the tourism geography of the czech republic in its complexity. their chapter employs high quality photos as well as detailed figures and maps. language quality is excellent. my only concern is that some of the data are from 2013, so they are not up-to-date. 101book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 91–102. katalin formádi, péter mayer and erzsébet pénzes (university of pannonia, veszprém, hungary) investigate the “geography of tourism in hungary” in chapter 6. their paper provides a thorough description of the topic, but i have some concerns about the content. the use of geographical names is improper at some points (for example, the authors use “little plain” for kisalföld and “northern mountains” for the north hungarian mountains) (pp. 193). i also wonder why such terms like “hungarian mountain range” and “limestone mountains” (pp. 193) are in capitals when not used as proper nouns. in my view the overall language quality of the text is not sufficient enough. some subchapters lack any reference to academic works, they only employ tables and photos. as my greatest concern, the chapter predominantly uses data from 2010, whereas some of the data are from as early as 2007 and 2008, without any reference to more up-to-date statistics. (examples for that are table 6.1, 6.2 as well as figure 6.3, 6.4 and 6.6; for the last one, there is no data source added, either). for statistical data, only the last subchapters have been revised for the second edition, employing 2016 data in the sections “seasonality” and “main forms and types of tourism”. some figures have a poor quality, whereas some sentences refer to data from 2010 and then to a figure presenting the case of 2016 (p. 214). in chapter 7, algirdas stanaitis and saulius stanaitis (vilnius pedagogical university) analyse “lithuanian tourism geography”. this is a relatively well written chapter giving a comprehensive overview of the tourism geography of the country, although i also found some critical areas. basically all the figures of the chapter are supplied without sources. tables are often not provided with the year of the data. the chapter deals with 2014 data which again could have been 2015. subchapters from 7.5.2 to 7.5.11 (characterisation of the most important tourism products of the country) have no sources or references. and finally, subchapter 7.5.2 is entitled ‘rural (ecological) tourism – a promising branch of trade’. (i do not understand the subtitle, why ‘trade’ is used here.) chapter 8 investigates the “geography of tourism of poland”. the authors, magdalena duda-seifert, krzysztof widawski and jerzy wyrzykowski (university of wrocław and the university of business in wrocław) give an in-depth introduction to the history of tourism geography as discipline in poland. they highlight some information by putting them in italics or bold. it is a pity that this editing technique was used only occasionally in other parts of the book. the text is very detailed and covers all the important aspects of the geography of tourism in poland. as minor weaknesses, figure 8.1 and 8.2 lack reference to data source, and some tables (table 8.3 and 8.7) rely on data from 2008 and 2009. i find interesting that polish academic literature on tourism uses the phrase “qualified tourism” for touristic activities that “require[s] having proper equipment and skills. it is an important and very accessible form of active leisure” (klasterturystyczny.pl). i have found this phrase only in polish language literature. chapter 9 was written by alexandru ilieş, dorina camelia ilieş, corina tătar and marin ilieş (university of oradea, romania) about the “geography of tourism in romania”. their paper gives a complex and detailed description about the country. yet, unfortunately, most of the data are from 2014 or even 2012, which suggests that the chapter had not been revised properly for the 2017 edition. it is a pity that there is no reference to the cultural heritage and the touristic aspects of the minorities in romania. sometimes we can read about “ethnographic events” (p. 352), but without any further specific information. some figures (maps) are stretched horizontally in the text (e.g. fig. 9.18 and 9.19). terminology is unclear at some points, presumably for the lack of proofreading. i also miss some academic authors from the hungarian minority in romania, who deal with the country’s tourism geography (e.g. istván dombay, alpár horváth, zsolt magyari-sáska). chapter 10 was written by victoria pogodina and anna matveevskaya (university of economics and management, st. petersburg), who deal with the “geography of tourism of the european part of russia”. my opinion about this chapter is basically the same as about the earlier ones. the description, analysis and content are excellent, since the authors as local scientists have a very solid knowledge about the regional tourism geography of russia. still, the authors use some phrases (e.g. “entry and exit tourist flows” (p. 380) and “popular types of tourism” (p. 387)) which are not used in english language academic literature on tourism. both the text and figures are based on data up to 2010, sometimes 2011, which is not up-to-date. peter čuka (pedagogical university in cracow, poland) is the author of chapter 11 on the “geography of tourism of slovakia”. to this chapter an erratum was added at the end of the book, which clarifies some personal data of the author including his affiliation. in my view, the title of the subchapter “cultural and historical preconditions for tourism” does not exactly match the content, several important aspects and areas are missing (including historical background, the role of the hungarian minority, the importance of towns beyond bratislava and košice). i have to emphasise, however, that these topics are discussed to some extent in other parts of the chapter. some information is written in bold which technique is generally not used in the book, and some data are a bit outdated (for instance, the analysis at the beginning of the chapter is based on statistics from 2009). 102 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 91–102. chapter 12 was written by dejan cigale and anton gosar (university of ljubljana and university of primorska). this chapter about the “geography of tourism of slovenia” has excellent language, and the description and analysis of the tourism geography of slovenia are outstanding. yet, some legends are hard to figure out, and some figures are employed without reference to data source. the title at table 12.4 consists data up to 2008 but the table uses data until 2014. unfortunately, tables 12.2, 12.3 and 12.7 present 2008 data only. in general, the latest data used was from 2014, maybe it could have been 2015. chapter 13 was written by viktoriya kiptenko, olga lyubitseva, marta malska, mykhajlo rutynskiy, yuriy zan’ko and jurij zinko (ivan franko national university of l’viv, ukraine) about the “geography of tourism of ukraine”. semantics and grammar as well as the use of academic terminology are excellent, even if some minor mistakes can be found at fig. 13.1 and table 13.1 to table 13.7 (no information about source). the most up-to-date data in the text are from 2014. unfortunately, there is no information about the national minorities in ukraine and their impact on tourism. my overall impression about the book is that it definitely fills a void in the regional tourism geography literature due to its focus on central and eastern european countries. such a comprehensive work, however, should pay more attention to adopting the same structure in every chapter, meeting high standards of academic language, and employing the most recent data possible. jános csapó1 r e f e r e n c e s hall, c.m. and page, s.j. 2014. the geography of tourism and recreation: environment, place and space 4th edition. abingdon–new york, routledge. http://www.klasterturystyczny.pl/. klaster marek turystyczny polski wschodniej. http://www. klasterturystyczny.pl/en/wybrane-uslugi-firmklastra-turystycznego/qualified-tourism,2.html. accessed: 09.02.2018. lew, a., hall, c.m. and timothy, d.j. 2008. world geography of travel and tourism: a regional approach. oxford, elsevier. lew, a.a., hall, c.m. and timothy, d.j. 2011. world regional geography: human mobilities, tourism destinations, sustainable environments. 2nd edition. dubuque, kendall hunt. nelson, v. 2017. an introduction to the geography of tourism. 2nd edition. lanham, rowman & littlefield. 1 institute of marketing and tourism, faculty of buiness and economics, university of pécs, pécs, hungary. e-mail: csapo.janos@ktk.pte.hu robinson, h. 1976. a geography of tourism. plymouth, macdonald and evans. williams, s. 1998. tourism geography. london–new york, routledge. williams, s. 2009. tourism geography: a new synthesis. 2nd edition. abingdon–new york, routledge. http://www.springer.com/us/book/9783319422039. accessed: 09.02.2018. davis, d.k.: the arid lands: history, power, knowledge 175book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 175–186. b o o k r e v i e w davis, d.k.: the arid lands: history, power, knowledge. cambridge–london, mit press, 2016. 296 p. arid lands, characterised by limited amounts of precipitation, cover substantial part of the earth. they mainly occur in high pressure areas of the tropical zones or in the innermost parts of the continents. arid lands and deserts are natural phenomena. yet, debates about them are deeply embedded in culture and politics, as are related notions, such as the perception of deserts as ‘degraded wastelands’ that need to be reclaimed. diana k. davis’s book, uniquely, addresses the historicity of debates about arid lands, and gives an analysis of the discourse of desertification from a political ecology approach, arguing that the global environmental debate about desertification and the united nations anti-desertification programmes were highly influenced by former colonial discourses. the short-format and concise volume was published by the mit press in the series ‘history for a sustainable future’, and follows the line of influential volumes on environmentalism and political ecology. diana k. davis, geographer and veterinarian, is professor at the department of history, university of california at davis. davis has authored several publications in the field of political ecology and environmental history, including the award winning work ‘resurrecting the granary of rome environmental history and french colonial expansion in north africa’ (davis, d.k. 2008). her recent book keeps the goal of the previous one while bringing the emphasis from north africa to a more global understanding of the topic. the analysis follows a chronological order. the author argues that the perception of arid lands as ‘wasteland’ was not at all common in antiquity, nor in the medieval period. while this notion has its roots in judeo-christian thought, it gained significant ground only with the great early modern geographical (re)discoveries and 19th-century colonisation. davis shows how colonial discourses, which blamed local populations for alleged destructive land-uses leading to desertification, permeated later in 20th century anti-desertification programmes including the un anti-desertification project. in line with this chronology, after introducing the topic in chapter 1, the book discusses classical, early christian and medieval understandings of arid lands (chapter 2), then related concepts from the age of discoveries (chapter 3), the rise of imperialism (chapter 4), and the 20th century (chapter 5), whereas the final section is devoted to the 21st century (chapter 6). the first and introductory chapter ‘deserts, dogma and dryland development policy’ starts with a very practical question. there were several well-intentioned development programmes focusing on drylands as well as international projects aimed at combatting desertification, overgrazing and deforestation, and improving agriculture. such programmes evoked much criticism for their outcomes, however. irrigation caused salinisation in many places. afforestation was often not satisfactory due to limited rainfall. rangeland development projects also changed the situation to the worse in many cases for causing increased degradation. davis argues that the core of these problems should be examined from an historical-political perspective. first of all, the eye-catching term ‘desertification’ has no universal definition. recent academic research in quaternary science and ecology reveals that the extent of desertification was heavily overestimated in the 20th century in many places, and the high variability of precipitation is a more influential factor in the development of doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.66.2.6 hungarian geographical bulletin 66 2017 (2) 176 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 175–186. arid lands than anthropogenic drivers. blaming local populations for destructive land-use practices like burning, overgrazing and deforestation goes back to the colonial period, and still plays a significant role in more recent debates. yet, management practices of the local, mainly nomadic, people actually adapted to the high variability of the drylands, and they were in fact being practiced sustainably for a long time. antidesertification programmes, however, have often led to the marginalisation of local populations, affecting them even more seriously than the desertification itself. the historical analysis in the next chapters helps better understand how perceptions of drylands have been changing over the longue durée. the analysis starts with the ideas of the greek historian herodotus, who is said to be the author of one of the first descriptions of the sahara. written knowledge about deserted lands increased with the expansion of the ancient greek civilisation, as for example alexander the great brought many writers to his campaigns to north africa and asia. these descriptions influenced many later scholars, including the geographer strabo. the knowledge of arid lands in the roman period came from both earlier greek sources and first-hand experience with arid roman provinces. in greek and roman texts deserts were depicted as naturally dry regions that hinder travel and are usually inhabited by nomadic peoples, but, in turn, offer many valuable products. the idea of environmental determinism, which claimed a decisive impact of climate on the life and characteristics of the inhabitants of a given land, was first expressed by hippocrates, then by aristotle. these early sources about the connection of climate and human traits had a strong influence on the way the inhabitants of arid lands were perceived by europeans in the later centuries. christianity brought many changes in the evaluation of arid lands. in the old testament deserts are depicted as wilderness, places of chaos and temptation. another negative picture of arid land is the fall of adam and eve from the garden of eden to the unproductive deserted land, which could only be made productive with hard work. but there are some more positive christian approaches as well, which presented the desert as site of protection and refuge, or as the locus of ascetic perfection for early monks called the desert fathers. after the early muslim conquests europeans had much less direct knowledge about deserts. pilgrimages to the holy land experienced the landscape of the desert more from a spiritual aspect, and provided limited information about the environment. the next chapter, entitled ‘exploration, desiccation, and improvement’, is dedicated to significant shifts in the notion of the desert after the geographical discoveries. knowledge of the habitable world was increasing. yet, this did not lead to the rejection of environmental determinism inherited from ancient greek texts. quite the contrary happened. for example, montesquieu claimed in his political writings that the arid and harsh climate of asia has an influence on the despotic political culture of the region. the theory of desiccation, which states that deforestation causes aridification, was supported by the studies of prominent scholars of the enlightenment on different aspects of the hydrological cycle and the link between forest cover and humidity (e.g. edward halley, john woodward and stephen hales). this idea was then improved and spread mainly by french naturalists, physiocrats and politicians (such as pierre poivre, françois-antoine rauch, george-louis leclerc, de comte buffon and françois-rené de chateaubriand), who argued for solutions against aridification. the moral claim of land improvement was also fuelled by liberal economic thought, which blamed pre-capitalistic managements for inefficiency and causing degradation. the tools of land development programmes in france and england, such as the privatisation of common lands, the control of transhumant pastoralism, or the afforestation of the sand dunes in gascony in southwestern france, were later introduced to arid lands in newly colonised areas as well. in the chapter ‘imperialism and desert blame game’ the author discusses how desiccation theory became even more popular with the rise of colonial expansion. the idea of desiccation by anthropogenic factors appeared in many writings, ranging from french authors to humboldt and the american george perkins marsch. marsch for instance, similarly to his contemporaries, claimed that deserts are desiccated forests, which were destroyed by ‘nomadic invaders’ and by their animals like camels and goats. perceiving deserts as degraded wastelands justified the ‘redemption’ of arid lands through ‘civilising’ projects under colonial control, just as the ‘primitive’ cultures of the colonised were often thought to be ‘redeemed’ by their christian colonisers. french algeria, which became a colony by the 1830s, was one of the first sites where colonial arid land development policies were implemented. restrictive measures were introduced, which later became dominant in the management of arid lands in other regions as well. these included “sedentarizing nomads, controlling or eliminating grazing, supressing fire, improving livestock, creating forest reserves and reforesting, and increasing agriculture, both irrigated and rain-fed” (p. 116). similar policies were applied in the british colonies in south africa and india. local nomadic people were criminalised by new laws controlling forest use. afforestation took place, and in the thar desert an irrigation canal system was constructed. these developments were often realised at the expense of food safety. a plausible example is the introduction of a fast-growing tree species, prosopis 177book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 175–186. julifolia, in india, which still has detrimental effects on herding as it supresses grass growth. moreover, its fruit is not even edible for animals as opposed to those of native trees which it replaces invasively (robbins, p. 2001). ‘the twentieth century: desertification comes of age’ scrutinises how colonial dryland policies became globalised in the twentieth century. although the underlying idea of ‘desertification’ was apparent even before, the term itself was coined by a french forester, louis lavanden, as late as 1927. dryland management policies, restrictions and laws were spread and transposed to the new french colonies, french west africa (in the sahel region) and to british colonies as well. the dominant notion of the day, which interpreted vegetation dynamics as progressing towards a state of equilibrium, justified the theory of desertification. it implied that the scarce vegetation of the sahel should be interpreted as remnant of a previous, arboreal condition of ‘climax’. in the 1930s droughts were experienced worldwide. the dust bowl in the united states led to the introduction of new soil conservation techniques, which were applied then in a number of regions as elements of a ‘universal’ dryland management package. after world war ii several political changes took place, and new postcolonial states were emerging. the united nations arid development program, however, had no one to employ but former colonial dryland experts, who inevitably utilised the dryland development methods from the colonial period. the battle against deserts continued, and the idea of anthropogenic desertification was disseminated even more broadly. the last chapter ‘conclusion: embracing variability’ highlights the continuity of dryland development policies against desertification and offers some new aspects for the future. in the 1970s the sahel region experienced serious droughts, which were followed by new anti-desertification projects of the unesco and fao. in the last decades there has been an increasing amount of research revealing that the concept of desertification was exaggerated, and that climate variability is more influential a factor in such situations than anthropogenic drivers and arid lands should simply be understood as non-equilibrium environments. ”it was not until 1994 un convention to combat desertification (unccd) that climate was added as a cause of desertification along with human activities.” (p. 160). the crisis narrative of desertification proved to be so powerful that it is applied in non-arid regions as well. the author finds worrisome, that in the 2014 unccd report ‘desertification: the invisible front line’ desertification was mentioned as a driver of resource wars and the rise of political extremism in arid lands, which she interprets as a new wave of environmental determinism. she argues that the ‘combat against desertification’ narrative was used to accumulate power in postcolonial states and to delay democratisation projects. these developments often marginalised local populations, what, according to davis, might have a lot more to do with conflicts in arid regions than the contested process of ‘desertification’. davis looks for solutions by providing examples from chad, niger and the syrian steppe. she offers the implementation of integrated dryland development, which is based on decentralisation, participation, recognition of indigenous knowledge, and the use of flexible management systems adapted to the variability of arid lands. there is not much to criticise in this excellent book. a minor concern might be that the chapters sometimes overlap, and the steady flow of biographies and names of influential people can be a bit confusing. the book is very efficient in the sense of connecting the history of desertification discourses to concrete places around the globe from north and south africa to france, india and the usa. it also sheds light on the networks of knowledge and experts within anti-desertification programmes of the united nations. nonetheless, there may be some space left beyond the angloand francophone world for further investigation to reconstruct how the discourse became global and how it channelled local perceptions of ‘spreading drylands’. arid territories and anti-desertification campaigns in china and russia (or the soviet union) are mentioned several times in the text. yet, the possible role of these countries in formulating the global desertification narrative is not examined directly. for example, while other authors like linton, j. (2004) successfully explore the influence of soviet scientists in the ‘global water crisis’ discourse of the seventies, similar connections were not investigated in this volume. from an eastern central european perspective it is interesting to ask how these discourses were translated and mobilised, and how they affected our understandings of arid lands and similar local environments. unforgettably exotic pictures of the overgrazed sahel, for instance, were present in all elementary school geography textbooks in hungary when i went to school in the 1990s. countries of eastern and central europe were not involved directly in the colonisation of arid lands, and they do not have real deserts for their own climate is too humid. there are some places, however, especially sandy regions like the ‘błędów desert’ in poland, the ‘moravian sahara’ in czechia or the kiskunság region in hungary, which are often regarded as local equivalents of a desert. in the case of hungary, which is the most prone to drought from these countries, ‘desertification’ was indeed a vivid topic in many periods. as a quick search in arcanum digitheca, an online collection of hungarian printed sources, shows, the hungarian version of the term desertification (‘elsivatagosodás’) was used as early as the 19th century, but i found the 178 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 175–186. first use of the term with regard to an area in hungary in the 1930s, when hungary, just like many other parts of the globe, experienced severe droughts. river regulation and deforestation were claimed to be the cause of ‘desertification’ on the great hungarian plain. extensive afforestation and irrigation programmes were meant to address these problems, especially in the sovietised period, when they were influenced by similar projects in the soviet union (jankó, f. 2013; borvendég, z. and palasik, m. 2016). as davis puts it, “the power of stories of environmental change has been widely underestimated for too long.” (p. 175). in her book she analyses the powerful story of desertification in a powerful and inspiring way. this concise, well-written book offers a fascinating new understanding of drylands. it gives a great historical overview of perceptions of arid lands from the antiquity to recent years, and excavates the origins of the discourse of desertification. the use of clear language and well-chosen informative illustrations helps a lot in comprehending the narrative, whereas detailed notes and references are valuable tools for further investigation. the inherent power of the book lies in that it has a very clear message for the future of environmental management. it challenges the way of seeing the desert as an inherently degraded landscape and offers the approach of seeing them as diverse environments with a highly variable climate. therefore, for davis, they should not be ‘redeemed’ or ‘restored’, since they can be managed sustainably by understanding their variability and by taking into consideration local knowledge and management practices as well. this volume will certainly have a great impact on arid lands research and management. in addition, it employs methods and provides approaches that are highly applicable to various fields in political ecology, history of science and environmental management, well beyond the history of drylands. noémi ujházy1 r e f e r e n c e s adt arcanum digitheca. available at: https://adtplus. arcanum.hu/en/ (accessed 30.05.2017) borvendég, z. and palasik, m. 2016. untamed seedlings: hungary and stalin’s plan for the transformation of nature. in in the name of the great work: stalin’s plan for the transformation of nature and its impact in eastern europe. ed.: olšáková, d., new york and boston, berghahn, 126–225. davis, d.k. 2007. resurrecting the granary of rome: environmental history and french colonial expansion in north africa. athens, ohio university press. jankó, f. 2013. elfeledett viták az alföldi erdősítés és vízrendezés éghajlati hatásairól (forgotten debates about the climatic effects of afforestation and water regulation in the great hungarian plain). földrajzi közlemények 137. (1): 51–63. linton, j. 2004. global hydrology and the construction of a water crisis. great lakes geography 11. (2): 1–13. robbins, p. 2001. tracking invasive land covers in india, or why our landscapes have never been modern. annals of the association of american geographers 91. (4): 637–659. ₁ department of environmental and landscape geography, eötvös loránd university (elte), budapest, hungary. e-mail: unoemi@gmail.com 189book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 189–197.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.70.2.7 hungarian geographical bulletin 70 2021 (2) b o o k r e v i e w s e c t i o n marshall, t.: the politics and ideology of planning. bristol, policy press, 2021. 282 p. in recurring times of global crises, political-economic theorisations increasingly seek to understand powerful processes that reshape contemporary societies. economic destabilisation and experienced growing inequalities deeply affect the complexity of social relations and lead to profound ideological instabilities. these turbulent paths shake the validity of hegemonic understandings of politics, economy and society, and often result in the rise of populism. political scientists eagerly analyse the rise of new dominant narratives, prognosing possible future scenarios that either generate the growth of right-wing conservatism, the survival of neoliberalism after its hegemonic peak, or else a socialist tide to manage uneven development and take back control on public expenditure. tim marshall contemplates specifically the above and takes an endeavour in the course of uk planning from a historical point of view, where periods of political-economic restructuring left their mark on how the profession is seen as a whole. even though the book promises a methodological approach to planning, it does more by arguing against its technical nature that dominates the profession. in doing so, the book elaborates on the role of politics and ideology in shaping planning models at all scales. the book employs a compelling approach to engage with debates on both material forces and the role of ideas that shape contemporary planning practices. by bringing the examination of ideology to the forefront of the analysis, it reveals what ideology is, what its effects are, and how it shapes theories of planning. although the book describes planning processes that apply to the uk, the experienced dynamics are not limited to its territory, but acquires a much broader relevance. the politics and ideology of planning explores carefully how politics and ideology shape the ‘normal’ view of planning. the book argues that “planning has been too long buried under various forms of timidity or caution or professional defensiveness” (p. 3). it is separated into 11 chapters, with the first two introducing the topic based on an extensive literature review and explaining the relevance of studying how politics and ideology infiltrates planning throughout history, linking it with a review of british ideologies in chapter 3. the following two chapters focus on the exploration of british planning history and the role of law in planning. chapters 6, 7 and 8 highlight the differences of ideology and politics appearing in government, at both central and local level, while also explaining how ideology and politics are becoming more and more detached from the profession of planning via actions of lobbying, pressure groups, or the media itself. chapters 9 and 10 offer examples with varying levels of ideological load. while heritage, local environment, and design constitute the more cultural debate, housing, economy and infrastructure rather involve structural debates, hence it is the more critical aspect of planning, when hegemonic views can be challenged. lastly, in chapter 11, marshall offers ways forward and some guidelines on how to approach a better path of planning that also offers solutions to today’s most burning natural and built environment issues. as the introduction and subsequent chapters demonstrate, marshall instrumentalises a ‘double-headed’ approach, in which politics and ideology is taken into consideration alongside each other throughout the whole book. politics is understood both as stemming from pressure politics, but also as the every190 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 189–197. day functioning of state, governments and law. meanwhile, ideological amalgams are represented in both large historical trajectories and normal, shorter time-scale political processes, which are conditioned by material and cultural forces. taking the composition of these two, the politicisation and ideologisation of planning are mediated through pressure politics and governmental and state institutions, affecting each field of planning and the scale in which it operates. altogether, it creates a mix of politically and ideologically affected planning. marshall follows a ‘low-theory’ political economy approach, as he devotes the book to be at a reduced level of abstraction, and rather focuses on visible realities through ‘ordinary’ political science. accordingly, both structural and cultural explanations serve as the basis of inquiry. in the first half, the book focuses on the development of dominant discourses and narratives. ideological shifts are taken under scrutiny employing a binary division, comparing what constitutes as classical ‘left’ and ‘right’ in politics and ideology. more broadly, this refers to progressive, mainly liberal and socialist ideologies on the one hand, and conservative ideologies on the other. the timescale of the investigation stretches from the dawn of the 20th century until contemporary times, providing a historical overview of planning that has been a somewhat neglected attempt in recent undertakings. the long durée analysis is separated into five larger periods, which i will pinpoint in the following as four crucial tipping points of capitalist development. first, the volume covers the birth of planning as a profession, following its brief development from the start of the century, towards the end of the second world war. foundations were gradually set up, ending in the 1947 planning act that functions as a cornerstone of the ideology of planning at the time. the act regulated that owners could no longer build or develop land without granted planning permission, symbolising the social-democratic approach to planning that characterised the genesis of planning. second, the hegemony of neoliberalism is explored, starting in 1979 with the thatcherite era, when council housing was transferred to commercially driven housing associations as an emblematic moment. the hegemony of neoliberalism started to develop around this time and ended its peak at the global financial and economic crisis of 2008. the conservative ruling that lasted from 1979 towards the end of the 1990s provided a far-lasting challenge to the status quo through introducing a ‘fresh’ ideological agenda. during this time there was a clear-cut difference among socialist and conservative ideologies. without doubt, the greatest shift stems from the increasing force of neoliberal ideology that gained ground in both sides of politics, first through thatcherism after 1979 and later through new labour after 1997, and only ended its peak at the global financial and economic crisis of 2008. third, during the post-1990s to 2010 period the socialist block started to change as well: tony blair represented this shift in 1994 by laying out the foundations of third way politics (giddens, a. 2013). socialist discourse majorly disappeared from the party and after 1997 from the government as well. the left waited up until 2015 to bring these discourses back by jeremy corbyn with a more interventionist approach. in addition, since the 1960s green ideology and environmentalism also had an effect on politics and were very commonly used from the 1990s onwards, with a mix of feminist and multiculturalist discourses. finally, in the latest era, lasting between 2010–2015, conservatives and liberal democrats took the leading role. the major changes included the outsourcing of council planning to the private sector, so instead of locally employed planners working with local councillors, the contractualisation of the private sector removed the possibility for largely any public or community input. furthermore, harsh austerity measures, centralisation and cutbacks on the responsibilities of local governments characterised this era. moving on to the second half of the book, marshall engages with a political-economic approach to look at the structural changes over time. empirical cases exemplify the spread of entrepreneurial policies, which further included the perception of planning as a merely knowledge-based activity with a technical scope, strengthening the argument that planning can be purely detached from political and ideological dimensions. the centralism of both left and right was a heavy driver of this process, especially in the approach to the role of local governments. while the thatcher conservatism empowered central government on the expense of local governments as independent actors, the 2010s seen the massive slimming down of local government resourcing. equally, new labour version of labourism was not especially sympathetic to local governments, having a similar faith in mind by strengthening the role of the private sector in housing and many other spheres, turning their back to the municipal socialist side of labourism. the book defines four major political-economic consequences of ‘centralist’ politics. first, planning has seen the rise of ‘consultocracy’ (parker, g. et al. 2019), reducing the scope of democratic local steering of planning. mike raco studied the extensive commercialisation of planning through the management of the 2012 olympics in london (raco, m. 2014, 2015), where democratisation in general and public input of elected councillors in particular were weakened from the very early stage of the project development. second, financialisation unfolded through the restructuring of lobbying by privatisation and deregulation (harvey, d. 1982), generating mass amounts of wealth based on a deregulated regime. furthermore, property plays a crucial part to this system. thus, planning is one of the major spheres 191book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 189–197. where the real negative effects become obvious by repeatedly occurring crises. third, the entrepreneurialisation of planning showed its true colours as large corporations could more and more easily overcome local opposition, or even disregard planning controls, as showed in the case of tesco’s involvement in the planning system through various tactics, popularly known as a david and goliath struggle (simms, a. 2007). lastly, the importance of the national level is continuously being reinforced by the pressure coming from interest groups and lobbying, instead of being curtailed or counteracted by it. as a result, the loosening power of the local level over local development is an inherent part of centralist politics. taking into consideration the aforementioned processes, the book synthesises the narrative and political-economic side of planning, by distinguishing facets and fields of planning, in which certain developments have a less pronounced ideological character, while some planning matters are more subject to political and ideological pressures, as they are close to core issues of maintaining a capitalist system. there are issues that are non-threatening categories neither to conservatism nor to liberal and left ideologies, which both sides of politics are comfortable to promote. these apprehend to the zeitgeist of middle-class interests and typically touch upon localised needs, namely heritage, local environment, or elements of design. as marshall explains, these are not close to the core of capitalist systemic forces, and do not address basic ownership or property structures, or investment conditions. he calls these “other kinds of ideological conditioning” (p. 194) that are close to the perception of cultural changes, involving sensibilities and mentalities. all these elements are related to the culturalisation of urban policies, understandings about nature, places, or cultural heritage, not being necessarily close to dominant growth concerns. ideological conditioning is less strong in these cases, and short-term politics play a more definite role. however, these are not completely independent from growth concerns, they are also tied up with material forces. the other three fields – housing, the economic sector and infrastructure – imply a greater attention to ideological framings. these issues take a more explicit side when it comes to the question of hegemonic position, whether private provision is the best option, and how goods and services are offered to society. there is a greater scalar change in the decision-making processes of these issues, and all have been going through radical centralisation over the years, losing local control, while the three facets are easier to keep on the local level. therefore, taking side on how these fields should develop also imply that debates are ideologically more loaded. in the closing chapters, the book offers an outline of possible scenarios for the post-2020 situation. borrowing stahl’s (2019) conception following gramsci, marshall suggests that there are periods when particular projects are hegemonic, and periods with certain ‘interregnums,’ in which hegemonic projects are competing with each other. past the hegemony of neoliberalism, the book resides at a preferable future outcome that involves two crucial elements. as a first element, the need for acquiring a ‘radically new imaginary’ is highlighted. it incorporates the core values of feminist and green ideologies into mechanisms and values based on socialist ideals. instead of considering them as a complete formula, these are more fluid over time, developing towards the right direction and right decisions. the basis of such an imaginary contains the confrontation of rising xenophobic nationalism, an economic programme that addresses housing and basic material needs and includes the promotion of the foundational economy (foundational economy collective, 2018). the second element refers to the democratic dimension of ideology. as democratic deficit spreads over all scales: the eu, national, regional and local neighbourhood level, structural changes will need to intersect with the democratisation of practices at all these levels. to conclude, the book raises a number of questions that are related to debates on current processes of political and ideological pressures in the seemingly technical nature of the planning profession. even though the study is applied to the uk context, the volume offers a thorough method of analysis in several ways, which might be fruitful also to think about urban planning through elsewhere (cf. bodnár, j. 2001; robinson, j. 2016; roy, a. 2016). one of the major strengths of the book lies in its long durée analysis, which makes it possible to highlight larger structural changes and the space-producing logic of capitalism’s different cycles. it reveals how changing institutional arrangements and discourses permeate different scales, and how they brought closer together left and right ideologies through entrepreneurial strategies in urban regeneration. as it has already been observed (hubbard, p. and hall, t. 1998), the entrepreneurial turn offered the local cooperation by the development of local identity for the left, while it supported the belief in the power of the private sector to achieve economic and social benefits on the right. second, the book did a great effort in untangling the material-discursive nature of planning practices and how these features define the functioning of planning in political economy and social life. describing this dual nature of planning in a multi-scalar approach adds a substantial layer to the debate about how the urban form comes about. finally, the book can be seen as a somewhat cautious trojan horse for a cultural political economy of planning – keeping distance from more complex theoretical considerations – but much less hesitant in pointing out ways forward. in times of the eruption of the global covid-19 pandemic, when a sudden macro-structural destabilisation followed, opportunity has also risen to 192 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 189–197. the victims of systemic failures to open up to and experiment with new, community-based actions towards a long-term solution to both economic and ecological problems. society across the globe responded to the crisis of welfare, capitalism, and the climate with selforganisation and mutual assistance based on solidarity alternatives. the pandemic has once again highlighted dysfunctional processes of economic insecurity, increasingly precarious livelihoods and housing conditions, and even a more widespread care and food crisis, to which only a socialist-based green and feminist ideological education could serve as a panacea. luca sára bródy1 r e f e r e n c e s b o d n á r , j . 2 0 0 1 . f i n d e m i l l é n a i r e b u d a p e s t : metamorphoses of urban life. minneapolis–london, university of minnesota press. foundational economy collective. 2018. foundational economy: the infrastructure of everyday life. manchester, manchester university press. giddens, a. 2013. the third way: the renewal of social democracy. cambridge, polity. harvey, d. 1982. the limits to capital. oxford, blackwell. hubbard, p. and hall, t. 1998. the entrepreneurial city and the “new urban politics”. in the entrepreneurial city: geographies of politics, regime and representation. eds.: hubbard, p. and hall, t., chichester, wiley, 1–23. parker, g., street, e. and wargent, m. 2019. advocates, advisors and scrutineers: the technocracies of private sector planning in england. in planning and knowledge: how new forms of technocracy are shaping contemporary cities. eds.: raco, m. and savini, f., bristol, policy press, 157–167. raco, m. 2014. delivering flagship projects in an era of regulatory capitalism: state-led privatization and the london olympics 2012. international journal of urban and regional research 38. (1): 176–197. raco, m. 2015. sustainable city-building and the new politics of the possible: reflections on the governance of the london olympics 2012. area 47. (2): 124–131. robinson, j. 2016. thinking cities through elsewhere: comparative tactics for a more global urban studies. progress in human geography 40. (1): 3–29. roy, a. 2016. who’s afraid of postcolonial theory? international journal of urban and regional research 40. (1): 200–209. simms, a. 2007. tescopoly. london, constable. stahl, r.m. 2019. ruling the interregnum: politics and ideology in non-hegemonic times. politics & society 47. (3): 333–360. 1 institute for regional studies, centre for economic and regional studies, eötvös loránd research network, békéscsaba, hungary. e-mail: brody.luca@krtk.hu 4_makovnikova.indd 37makovníková, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 37–42.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.66.1.4 hungarian geographical bulletin 66 2017 (1) 37–42. introduction the concept of ecosystem services has become an important tool for modelling interactions between ecosystems and their external environment in terms of global bioclimatic changes. the provision of ecosystem services depends on biophysical conditions and changes over space and time due to human induced land cover and land use. ecosystem services linked to natural capital can be divided into three services categories (provisioning, regulating and cultural) adding ecosystem functions (structures and processes relevant for ecosystem self-organisation, biodiversity, soil macro-organisms, micro-organisms) (dominati, e. et al. 2010; burghard, b. et al. 2014). nevertheless, few studies on ecosystem services are conducted in agroecosystems (feld, c.k. et al. 2009; vihervaara, p. et al. 2010). agroecosystems are managed to fulfil basic human needs, such as food and raw materials (zhang, w. et al. 2007). according to several authors (daily, g.c. 1997; power, a.g. 2010) agroecosystems can provide a range of other regulating and cultural services to human communities, in addition to provisioning services and services in support of provisioning. traditionally, agroecosystems have been considered prithe ecosystem services supplied by soil in relation to land use jarmila m a k o v n ík o v á1, radoslava k a n i a n s k a 2 and miriam k i z e k o v á3 abstract the concept of ecosystem services has become an important tool for modelling interactions between ecosystems and their external environment in terms of global bio-climatic changes. the provision of ecosystem services depends on biophysical conditions and changes over space and time due to human induced land cover and land use. ecosystem services linked to natural capital can be divided into three services categories (provisioning, regulating and cultural), and ecosystem functions (structures and processes relevant for ecosystem self-organisation, biodiversity, soil macro-organisms, micro-organisms) must be added. traditionally, agroecosystems have been considered primarily as sources of provisioning services, but more recently their contributions to other types of ecosystem services have been recognized. agroecosystems can provide a range of other regulating and cultural services to human communities, in addition to provisioning services and services in support of provisioning. six agricultural study areas, each of them with two different land use categories (arable land and permanent grasslands) located in various natural conditions of slovakia, were evaluated. for the analysis of the agroecosystem services seven study sites were selected on the basis of the following criteria: 1) polluted area (inorganic contamination); 2) non polluted area (without the inorganic contamination); 3) area threatened by erosion; 4) abandoned land; 5) low productive land; 6) productive land. for each locality two study sites were selected: arable land with annual plant and permanent grassland. the greatest differences can be seen in the relation to land use and diversity of soil types. the agroecosystem services potential value of arable land and grassland sites located in different soil-ecological regions of slovakia differ in all categories of services. the most significant differences are in provisioning and regulating services. our results confirm significant negative correlation only between provisioning and cultural agroecosystem services keywords: agroecosystem services, filtration potential, sorption potential of soil, soil organic carbon, grassland, arable land 1 national agricultural and food centre/ soil science and conservation research institute bratislava, regional station banská bystrica, slovakia. e-mail: j.makovnikova@vupop.sk. correspondent author. 2 matej bel university banská bystrica, faculty of natural sciences, department of environment. 3 national agricultural and food centre, grassland and mountain agriculture research institute, banská bystrica. makovníková, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 37–42.38 marily as sources of provisioning services, but more recently their contributions to other types of ecosystem services have been recognized (mea 2005). a number of recent studies have mapped the supply of services at global (naidoo, r. et al. 2008), continental (schulp, c.e.j. et al. 2012), national (bateman, i.j. et al. 2011) or regional scales. the most common indicators for modelling ecosystem services are land use cover, soils, vegetation and nutrient related indicators. however, provisioning services are mapped more frequently than regulating and cultural service (crossman, n.d. et al. 2013). the work presented in this paper aims at the ecosystem service potential supplied by agroecosystem in relation to land use. material and methods seven agricultural study areas, each of them with two different land use categories (arable land and grasslands) located in various natural conditions of slovakia, were evaluated. the study sites suitable for the agroecosystem service analysis were selected on the basis of the following criteria: 1) non polluted area, 2) polluted area (with inorganic contamination), 3) low productive area, 4) land threatened by erosion, 5) medium productive land, 6) abandoned land, 7) productive land (table 1). the basis for analysing the potential for the provisioning agroecosystem services was a point value (bh) of productive potential based on typological and production classification of agricultural soil of slovakia: bh = (hpj + se + kh + z) x t, where hpj = point value of the main soil unit, se = inclination score and exposure score, kh = score of skeleton and soil depth, z = texture score, t = coefficient for climatic regions. the bh value is a basis for the rationalization and environmental exploitation of natural resources of a particular territorial unit and its value in slovakia ranges from 0 to 100. regulating services, soil filtration potential (fp) – or immobilisation potential – (5 categories) was calculated as accumulative function: fp = sp + k, where sp = sorption potential of soil, k = potential of total content of inorganic contaminants evaluated according to the slovak law 220/2004 z. z. (makovníková, j. et al. 2007). point evaluation of sorption potential of soil (sp) was calculated as a sum of two different factors: sp = f(ph) + f(q46) + f(cox) x f(h), where f(ph) and f(q46) are quantitative factors, f(cox) and f(h) are qualitative ones according to function. h = depth of humus horizon. soil organic carbon (soc) is a part of soil organic matter (som). soil organic carbon was determined on c,n analyser ea. soil carbon stock (socs – in t/ha) (5 categories) was calculated like function: socs = 10 x soc1 x bd1, table 1. study sites characteristics study sites* geographical location altitude, m a.s.l. climate inclination distance to the roads, m soil type st me za co ta vi ze eastern slovak hills krupina plain borská lowland slovak karst kremnica mountain low tatras danube slovak hills 121 151 170 354 647 945 136 02 04 00 06 07 08 01 0˚ 0˚ 2˚ 7˚ 2˚ 5˚ 2˚ 100–200 100–200 100–200 200–500 100–200 >500 >500 fluvisol fluvisol regosol cambisol cambisol rendzina chernozem *st = stráňany, me = medovarce, za = závod, co = čoltovo, ze = zeleneč, ta = tajov, vi = vikartovce. 39makovníková, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 37–42. where soc1 = soil organic carbon content in per cent in the depth 0–10 cm, bd1 = soil bulk density in the depth 0–10 cm in g/cm3 (barančíková, makovníková, vp vupop 2013). the categories are as follows: 1 = very low potential (lower than 20 t soc /ha), 2 = low potential (20–40 t soc /ha), 3 = medium potential (40–60 t soc /ha), 4 = high potential (60–80 t soc /ha), 5 = very high potential (more than 80 t soc /ha). the loss of soil by erosion was evaluated with the rusle model. the potential for outdoor recreation (rp) (cultural ecosystem services) was evaluated. we presume that each agroecosystem has the potential (capacity) for carrying out the outdoor recreation. all agroecosystems are considered to be potential providers of these services. recreation potential was evaluated through agroecosystems landscape components that have a specific link with summer, winter and year-round recreation. the recreational potential for all these activities was calculated as sum of individual recreational activities potential without added points (natura 2000) which were added only to the final sum in order to prevent multiple evaluations of additional factors (makovníková, j. et al. 2016). in the analysis of the suitability of the area in terms of recreational usage, the altitude, inclination, drainage, precipitation, temperature (climate) and their distance to the roads were taken as basis. five categories of agroecosystem to provide outdoor recreational activity were determined: 1 = very low, 2 = low, 3 = medium, 4 = high and 5 = very high relevant capacity. results and discussion provisioning services in relation to cultural services despite the fact, that all agroecosystems are considered to be potential providers of all ecosystem services, primary services of arable land are provisioning services (figure 1). at arable land, provisioning services are in opposite to cultural services. our results showed that study sites stráňany, medovarce and zeleneč have higher provisioning potential compared to outdoor recreation potential. their provisioning services have the first order priority with the exception of the site medovarce. this study site is polluted area (by inorganic contamination). the soil is not able to fulfil its hygienic function. therefore, crops grown on the soil cannot be used for human consumption. the locality is more suitable as grassland or for production of energy crops. agricultural utilisation can contribute to ecosystem services, but can also be a source of disservices as we observed in the co study site. co study site is threatened by erosion. the ecosystems affect the water balance through two processes, interception and infiltration. the interception depends on the structure of the ecosystem, on the land cover. it would be appropriate to change the land use of this locality and use this area as grassland. study sites tajov and vikartovce have low provisioning potential and their use as arable land has only local significance. grasslands are considered to be not only actual providers of provisioning services but also actual providers of cultural services. the capacity of grasslands to provide provisioning services in relation to outdoor recreational activity is shown on figure 2. fig. 1. provisioning services (bh) in relation to cultural services (rp) for arable land. study sites: st = stráňany; me = medovarce; za = závod; co = čoltovo; ze = zeleneč; ta = tajov; vi = vikartovce. makovníková, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 37–42.40 the altitude negatively affects the potential to provide provisioning services, on the other hand, positively affects the potential of cultural services. the capacities of grasslands to supply cultural agroecosystem services can significantly contribute to the economic stability and prosperity of a particular region. the utilisation of soils with low production potential (tajov and vikartovce) primary for the recreational purposes can help to prevent degradation and loss of agricultural soil. regulating services the categories of regulating services (soil filtration potential and soil carbon stock) are shown on figure 3 (arable land) and figure 4 (grassland). it is well known that the variation in soil properties such as ph, organic matter content and quality, texture, the quantity and quality of adsorbing sites, can significantly influence the distribution as well as availability of inorganic risk elements to plants and water (makovníková, j. et al. 2007; bujnovsky, r. et al. 2009). potential of soil to immobilisation and thus transport of risk elements is dependent on total amount of these elements in soil and the potential of soil sorbents responsive to risk elements behaviour and availability. results of soil filtration potential showed that very high soil filtration potential has been evaluated for vikartovce site (arable land as well as grassland). at vikartovce site, the value of soil reaction is in neutral or slightly alkaline range. there is high content of organic matter in the surface horizon of the soil, which decreases with depth. the study site belongs to the areas with soil with high potential of soil sorbents and very low potential of risk elements evaluated in accordance with the slovak law 220/2004. overall, regulating services are the lowest at the degraded study site medovarce (site loaded with inorganic polfig. 2. provisioning services (bh) in relation to cultural services (rp) for grassland. for st, me, za, co, ze, ta and vi = see fig 1. fig. 3. categories of soil regulating services for arable land. 1 = very low; 2 = low; 3 = medium; 4 = high; 5 = very high potential. for st, me, za, co, ze, ta and vi = see fig 1. fig. 4. categories of soil regulating services for grassland. 1 = very low; 2 = low; 3 = medium; 4 = high; 5 = very high potential. for st, me, za, co, ze, ta and vi = see fig 1. 41makovníková, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 37–42. lutants). at this study site, the high contamination is connected with a higher amount of potential risk elements in sediment deposited on the flood plains as well as with local anthropogenic sources (mining activities). very high potential to immobilisation of risk elements was recorded in 19.74 per cent of slovak agricultural soils, high potential in 26.06 per cent, medium in 27.38 per cent, low in 21.64 per cent and very low potential to immobilisation of risk elements only in 5.18 per cent. categories with very high and high immobilisation potential, thus, with low risk of inverse process, transport of risk elements, comprise 45.80 per cent of all agricultural soils of slovakia (makovníková, j. et al. 2007). at arable land, the stocks of soil organic matter decreases in the order vikartovce > stráňany > tajov = medovarce = zeleneč = čoltovo > závod. our results showed some different results for grassland. higher soc values on grassland in comparison to arable land are typical for all soil types of slovakia (barančíková, g. 2014) and it is conform with many literature data (sanford, g.r. 2014; gelaw, m.a. et al. 2014). the highest soil organic carbon stock has been determined at grassland localities vikartovce, zelenec and tajov. the lowest stocks of soil organic matter were calculated for locality zavod, due to the strong mineralization of organic matter that is determined by good aeration and drainage. soil carbon stocks are determined primary by the soil forming processes and the secondary by land use and management. management regime governs the carbon storage. conversion of grassland to cropland can release 0.90 mg c /ha per year in average during a 20-year period. conversion of arable land to permanent grassland generally results in 0.49 mg c /ha per year carbon storage over 20 years (hönigova, i. et al. 2012). according to conant, r.t. et al. (2001) extensive grasslands constitute an important reservoir for atmospheric carbon. our results confirm significant negative correlation only between provisioning and cultural agroecosystem services (table 2). conclusion the agroecosystem services potential value of arable land and grassland sites located in different soil-ecological regions of slovakia differ in all categories of services. the most significant differences are in provisioning and regulating services. agricultural management practices are the key for realizing the benefits of ecosystem services, especially if trying to induce synergism effect. in other words, a synergism occurs when ecosystem services interact with one another in a multiplicative or exponential fashion (felipe-lucia, m.r. 2014). these can be positive, i.e. multiple services improving in provision. explicit modelling table 2. the correlation analysis of agroecosystem services correlation coefficient/ agroecosystem services correlation coefficient provisioning services regulating services cultural servicessoil filtration potential soil carbon stock arable land provisioning services 1.00 0.03 -0.41 -0.84 regulating services soil filtration potential soil carbon stock 0.03 -0.41 1.00 0.62 0.62 1.00 0.35 0.56 cultural services -0.84 0.35 0.56 1.00 grassland provisioning services 1.00 -0.35 -0.61 -0.85 regulating services -0.35 -0.61 1.00 -0.39 -0.39 1.00 0.05 0.57 0.35 0.56 cultural services -0.85 0.05 0.57 1.00 makovníková, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 37–42.42 of agroecosystem services is considered to be one of the main requirements for the implementation of the concept of these services in institutional decision-making. the assessment of the potential of the country to provide agroecosystem services allows us to evaluate the impacts of land use change on the capacity to adapt aess and management for local conditions. acknowledgement: the authors acknowledge the slovak research and development agency for the financial support via contract no. apvv-0098-12 analysis, modelling and evaluation of agroecosystem services. r e f e r e n c e s barančíková, g. 2014. monitoring of quantitative and qualitative composition of soil organic mater. in soil monitoring of the slovak republic. actual state and development of monitoring soil properties as the basis for their protection and land use (the period 2007–2012). ed.: kobza, j., bratislava, nppc-vupop, 53–89. bateman, i.j., day, b.h., jones, a.p. and jude, s. 2009. reducing gain-loss asymmetry: a virtual reality choice experiment valuing land use change. journal of environmental economics and management 58. 106–118. bujnovský, r., balkovič, j, barančíková, g., makovníková, j., vilček, j. 2009. assessment and valuation of ecological functions of agricultural land in slovakia. bratislava, vupop. burkhard, b., kandziorai, m.s. and müller, f. 2014. ecosystem service potentials, flows and demands – concepts for spatial localisation, indication and quantification. official journal of the international association for landscape ecology. regional chapter germany. http://dx.doi.org/10.3097/lo. 201434. accessed 21.02.2015. conant, r.t., paustian, k. and elliott, e.t. 2001. grassland management and conversion into grassland effects on soil carbon. ecological applications 11. 343–55. c r o s s m a n , n . d . , b u r k h a r d , b . ‚ n e d k o v , s . ‚ willemen, l.‚ petz, k.‚ palomo, i.‚ drakou, e.g.‚ martín-lopez, b.‚ mcphearson, t.‚ boyanova, k.‚ alkemade, r.‚ egoh, b.‚ bunbar, m.b. and maes, j. 2013. a blueprint for mapping and modelling ecosystem services. ecosystem services 4. 4–14. daily, g.c. ed. 1997. nature’s services: societal dependence on natural ecosystems. washington, dc, island press. dominati, e., patterson, m. and mackay, a. 2010. a framework for classifying and quantifying the natural capital and ecosystem services of soils’. ecological economics 69. 1858–1868. feld, c.k., martins da silva, p., paulo sousa, j., de bello, f., bugter, r. and grandin, u. 2009. indicators of biodiversity and ecosystem services: a synthesis across ecosystems and spatial scales. oikos 118. 1862–1871. doi: 10.1111/j.1600-0706.2009.17860.x felipe-lucia, m.r., comin, f.a. and bennett, e.m. 2014. interactions among ecosystem services across land uses in a floodplain agroecosystem. ecology and society 19. (1): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5751/ es-06249-190120. accessed 21.02.2015. gelaw. m.a., singh. b.r. and lal. r. 2014. soil organic matter and total nitrogen stocks under different land uses in semi-arid watershed in tigray, northern ethiopia. agriculture, ecosystems and environment 118. 256–263. http://dx.doi. org/10.1016/j. agle. accessed 03.02.2014. hönigova, i. et al. 2012. survey on grassland ecosystem services. report to the eea european topic centre on biological diversity. prague, nature conservation agency of the czech republic. makovníková, j., barančíková, g. and pálka, b. 2007. approach to the assessment of transport risk of inorganic pollutants based on the immobilisation capability of soil. plant, soil and environment 53. (8): 365–373. makovníková, j., kanianska, r. and kizeková, m. 2015. an approach to evaluating potential of cultural agroecosystem services. ecology and safety 9. 24–33. mea 2005. millennium ecosystem assessment. in ecosystems and human well-being: biodiversity synthesis. washington, dc, world resources institute. naidoo, r., balmford, a., costanza, r., fisher, b., green, r.e., lehner, b., malcolm, t.h., and ricketts, t.h. 2008. global mapping of ecosystem services and conservation priorities. proceedings of the national academy of sciences of the usa 105. 9495–9500. power, a.g. 2010. ecosystem services and agriculture: trade-offs and synergies’. philosophical transactions of the royal society b 365. 2959–2971. sanfrord. g.r. 2014. perennial grasslands are essential for long term soc storage in the mollisols of the north central usa. in soil carbon. eds.: hartemink, a. and mcsweeney, k., heildelberg, springer cham, 281–288. schulp, c.j.e., alkemade, r., goldewijk, k.k. and petz, k. 2012. mapping ecosystem functions and services in eastern europe using global-scale data sets. international journal of biodiversity science, ecosystem services and management 8. (1–2): 156–168. vihervaara, p., kumpula, t., tanskanen, a. and burkhard, b. 2010. ecosystem services – a tool for sustainable management of human-environment systems. case study finnish forest lapland. ecological complexity 7. (3): 410–420. zhang, w., ricketts, t.h., kremen, c., carney, k. and swinton, s.m. 2007. ecosystem services and disservices to agriculture. ecological economics 64. 253–260. foth, m., brynskov, m. and ojala, t. (eds.): citizens’s right to the digital city: urban interfaces, activism and placemaking 297 book review foth, m., brynskov, m. and ojala, t. (eds.): citizens’s right to the digital city: urban interfaces, activism and placemaking. dordrecht, springer, 2015. 259 p. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.65.3.7 hungarian geographical bulletin 65 2016 (3) since the world wide web was launched, a lot has happened in the everyday life of the people. more and more of us have had access to the latest information and reach friends or establish business via internet and social media. no doubt, this has dramatically changed the traditional interactions of people. as an urban trend, in the last decades the need for urban public spaces for spontaneous public life and involvement with the environment have increased due to the decrease of space, especially greenspace, resulting from phenomena such as fast urbanisation and privatisation of spaces. in consequence, and as potential solution to the problem, new virtual and digital spaces are created as public spaces thanks to the development of ict. whether it will be successful or not is still uncertain. public space has new senses and meanings. it is not only a physical place but more like a virtual platform, which provides space for interactions formerly taking place in physical, material form. the changing dynamics of urban activities and lifestyles as well as the use of public spaces have been becoming more and more important in urban context. for this reason researchers have increasingly been focusing on the new interfaces and platforms of urban changes, which have not altered a lot in meaning, but more in their manifestation. claiming equal rights for every citizen not only in ‘real’ material life but in the digital world as well has justifi ably become a main issue, what has strong infl uence on public participation methods and the ways of urban planning and development. the world of internet seems to be equal and democratic, providing the freedom of speech to everyone, while disadvantages are less articulated. optimised and safe places are created which are claimed to be accessible for everyone, but actually only if certain preconditions, such as suffi cient internet connection, are given. this creates a digital divide between various groups of various societies. moreover, the networks which we are constantly gett ing connected to are algorithm-based, and they are fi ltered by the network-operators according to our search history or temporarily saved internet fi les. so the information we receive is essentially modifi ed. therefore the real decision-making is neither in the hands of the people, nor in the hands of politicians, but, in several cases, in those of companies, which make recommendations on what is relevant and important for the people in order to create clicks and site visits, and actually profi t. the owner, may it be a political actor, an enterprise or a civil movement, has the right to exclude someone from the created virtual place, what means that they own a public and collective place, which is digitally existing and nowadays used in a similar way as ‘material public spaces’ were before. this creates inequality in the digital world. so while people are using digital platforms to interact and live public life, exclusion and unequal access to the space and the city still exist in the digital world just as they did before in material public spaces. the shift to using digital spaces instead of material ones has not resulted in many changes in terms of which groups are excluded, either. they are more or less the same as they were before. in light of these processes the book suggests that harvey’s concept on the production of space and lefebvre’s theory on the right to the city 298 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 297–301. should be rethought and adapted to the digital world to help remedy inequalities. one of the main aims is to highlight and demonstrate the technology-created and recently highly debated forms of injustice and inequality and to off er alternative solutions for eliminating the mentioned unjust situations by using various modes of ict. the book has three main editors and 28 contributors, what enables a broad insight into the various aspects of how an increasingly digitalised world infl uences the everyday life of the city and its citizens. as the seventh volume of the ‘digital cities series’, the anthology, not breaking with traditions, embraces peer-reviewed publications from the digital cities workshop. the workshop was established in 1999 in order to answer the challenges of the ict boom. since then a vast amount of papers has been published on urban informatics. this book is one of the newest ones. the book is an interdisciplinary work, which brings urban planning and urbanisation, it-development and informatics, fi nancial issues and economics under the umbrella of spatial theory and geography. the authors are opinion leaders in the topic of urban informatics and urban interaction design with various research topics embracing urban futures, social media, food and digital security, community engagement and development, sociotechnical innovation, environmental and urban sustainability, creative social entrepreneurship, and city networks. marcus foth, one of the editors and founder of the urban informatics research lab in brisbane has great experience in researching human-computer relations. in his works he applies informatics in order to understand urban changes caused by technology (e.g. foth, m. 2009, 2014). martin brynskov from the aarhus university in denmark is member of the participatory it centre and digital design lab and the founder of the ‘smart aarhus’. ‘smart aarhus’ is a laboratory conducting digital urban research aimed at improving urban life by testing smart investments and facilities. it involves people, local governments and the private sector, and tends to establish collaboration between cities as well to promote sustainability. brynskov’s main research interests are digital urban living and architecture and the adaptation of digital architectural elements in urban planning. timo ojala is leader of the urban computing and culture research group in oulu, finland. ojala participated in several multidisciplinary projects focusing on personal urban interactions and ict related changes. his main research fi elds include the digital city and hybrid (virtual and real world) reality. the volume presents diff erent viewpoints and aspects on urban informatics and digital urbanism, what makes it a useful handbook with its thirteen individual but connected chapters for geographers, sociologists, economists and urbanists, who are working in ictbased urban development and design. the book not only proves and approves the importance of smart city concepts and projects but extends the idea with a new aspect replying to the critics of smart development, who consider the concept too technocratic and insensitive to the interests of society and community. the authors present current trends, tools and platforms in ict and their adoption in everyday life and routine, and also in urban place use practices. the technologybased aspect gives practical insight for the reader. in the meantime authors present theories and policy patterns as well through in-depth case studies. the fi rst chapter focuses on technology-driven changes in the use of urban public space and the fl ow of products, people and capital within the cities. it accepts and rethinks jan gehl’s idea about places and activities. here the activities of people in public urban places are categorised as necessary, optional and social activities, but gehl does not calculate with the new digital activities as option. digital activities sometime connect the ‘original activities’ of gehl and connect them. in the digital city people are doing not just necessary activities. a typical example is waiting, during which people can also contact with their friends, family or business partners, and establish social activity through their mobile devices. there is a declining trend in the public activities in public spaces described by gehl in his seminal work. yet, in the meantime social activity taking place in digital public spaces is on the rise. this shift oft en causes some misunderstandings in research about public space, since the relocation of activities from the physical world to the digital world makes the original categories permeable and hard to measure. the authors introduce new alternatives and methods aimed at stopping the constant decrease of public activities in public spaces, which is due to the spread of digital devices. in the chapter ‘digital design interventions for creating new presentation of self in public urban places’ by seeburger, j. et al. interesting ideas and new programmes are presented which help through digital access to apps and soft wares in avoiding that material public spaces lose their function. on capital music and yourscreen people can anonymously share music and video with each other. placetagz enables people to tag visited public spaces and post their experiences, similarly to the japanese keita mizu place-specifi c game, which uses photos taken by the mobile phone cameras to identify places. these programmes have a lot in common with the newly released pokémongo, which has created new practices in urban public spaces, but has also generated worldwide debates. the authors underline that these apps can increase the ‘urban experience’ by enabling people to live the public spaces, which in their traditional form have become dull and boring for the younger generations, as eventful and exciting places full of content. a tree becomes a niche for pokémons, 299book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 297–301. a statue with a qr code becomes a place with message. the mentioned apps and similar ones can make people interact more or fi nd hidden beauties of the cities. moreover, these programs make aware both the public and policy-makers and entrepreneurs that cityscape can be understood in many diff erent ways, in form of pictures, videos, sounds or noise, and they can help people get in touch along commonly perceived and similarly lived situations. all senses play an important role in bett er understanding the cities, but visual experiences are undoubtedly considered as the most important impressions for the majority of the people. technology has reformed building facades since the early 20th century by placing neon lights on them. as behrens, m. et al. state in the chapter ‘designing media architectural interfaces for interactions in urban spaces’ digital technologies are now embedded in the cityscapes, as is well exemplifi ed by times square in new york or federation square in melbourne. beyond bringing forth architectural renewal, these changes also raise debate about human-computer interactions (hci) given that public displays have become highly incorporated in the built environment. these digital screens serve multiple purposes. they can be used in place-marketing and advertisement, to help people adapt information, and might prove fundamental as architectural building component. the question may emerge whether these screens can be used as cultural intermediaries, as a specifi c mode of interaction, or as a platform for civic participation or resistance. the book also suggests new steps and strategies in implementing these technologies in urban design and planning to avoid worst practices, and to create more successful and more equal urban development for the excluded groups as well. as melgaço, l. et al. show in the chapter ‘case study of a rural brazilian community’, the expression of opinion can be empowered by digital devices. still, long-term management is needed to enable people through these new techniques to use public spaces or tell their opinion. the veiv programme in london and the scsd in são paulo let people engage with newly implemented projects and comment them. public spaces are not only physical sites of activities, but sites of awareness and action too. through the new interfaces mediated by the new digital architectural components people can be bett er and more equally informed about urban development and planning. in the last decades urban policy has signifi cantly changed due to these processes. the notion of smart cities has become essential in urban planning and design, especially in the western countries. besides, more and more countries in the global south are developing and realising their own smart city concepts. adapting technology in urban life helps to make cities greener and more sustainable, and to connect citizens with the city in new ways and on new platforms, like e-governance, information fl ow or e-commerce. aft er the fi rst main focus which was about urban interactions and new interfaces for that, the second major focus of the book is on the citizens’ action which can be articulated by using ict. the chapters in this part highlight three main components of the technical agency necessary for citizen action. these are power, knowledge and appropriate occasion. the latt er means those circumstances and spatial sett ings, when and where knowledge and power stands together and both are ready to be used for urban changes. as it was described above, the spread of ict does not cure that marginalised groups are oft en excluded from the fl ow of information and, hence, from decision-making. in some extreme cases powerful actors consciously exploit this sort of social disparity, resulting in that technological development is rather intensifying social struggle. for this reason, technology-driven social inequity should be treated as policy issue as well. the volume presents a case study in cape town, south africa, where technology is used to promote social justice through community based action. the distribution of infrastructure and (social) services is highly unequal due to the historical heritage of the apartheid system. the digital divide shows similar patt erns, strongly correlated with racial, gender, education and age diff erences. researchers started a digital campaign to underline that community activism can never be just digital. other types of activism, including informal or interactive, must also be involved. digital activism can surely help people use basic services for which they have constitutional rights, but, in practice, no actual access as the chapter ‘from the fringes: south africa’s smart township citizens’ from mitchell, h. et al. presents. it is worth noting that in the east central european (ece) region there are also initiatives to increasingly use digital devices in order to help people, but a complex program like the one in south africa has not been launched yet. to foster such progressive trends, smart cities should be opened up for people and thus become sociable smart cities. the key is to extend public-private partnerships with ‘people’, and promote pppps by making data accessible for a broad public and enabling meaningful involvement in development. the authors also envisage the sociable smart city, which means that cooperative designing and/or planning and research are connected to, and the cooperation of people and other stakeholders are essential parts of, planning and policy making processes, not only in the beginning, but also in later phases. the authors highlight the importance of monitoring and benchmarking as well. this notion is based on the participatory action research (par) approach, which is becoming more and more common in western societies, although also fuelling debates in the ece region. the strategy of the par is to democratise decision-making and link it to real community needs. 300 in order to improve problem-solving, it implements the ‘learning through involvement’ method, which helps to increase human resource capacities. in east central europe the transition opened the fl oor for rapid privatisation and economic deregulation, which resulted in many ppp projects with a lot of unexpected outcomes leading to intensive political debates. corruption was also broadly claimed to be a concomitant of these kinds of partnerships. as another burden, throughout the socialist times there was hardly any space for civil initiatives and cooperation. this legacy will presumably hinder the evolvement of socially extended pppps in east central europe. technology has become a basic issue policies address, what has several advantages, but many disadvantages as well. in many terms it does not close the gap between various social groups. technology and open data have always played an important part in military strategies, national security issues, mass communication and propaganda. the book presents a brazilian case study about how technology is used by the political power to hinder grassroots initiatives or civil resistance. lea rekov discusses the process of empowerment through media in the chapter ‘police, protests, and policy in rio de janeiro–mega-events, networked culture, and the right to the city’. in fact, digital deprivation of people is not a unique issue in brazil, but increasingly a global one. national governments are taking steps to regulate digital liberty and use cyber-monitoring in order to ‘guarantee law and order’, which might constrain human rights in pseudo-authoritarian ways, even in cases the majority of society does not regard this as justifi ed. digital protest and empowerment is also connected to the arab spring which, in the book, is partly stated as a good example for empowering people. it is still questionable whether protest and resistance against a regime or an event through digital interfaces can work at all, or will be able to work successfully in the long term in the ece region. some examples show that social and mass media campaigns where political parties and organisations try to mobilise their voters oft en prove less effi cient than expected (lau, r.r. and pomper, g.m. 2004; vergne, c. 2009). the third part of the book discusses democratic and participation-based forms of city-making processes. the knowledge, time and money of the people oft en help to contribute in urban improvement and development, may it be local or global scale. the authors investigate whether urban development can be fostered by participatory budgeting (pb) in a world where crowdfunding and crowdsourcing have become everyday phenomena. also in the ece region several crowdfunding pages appeared, which can be useful for small-scale and community-led neighbourhood developments and urban renewal. democratic decision-making is impossible without suffi cient access to information and organising debates about which strategies people prioritise in public issues. these are essential prerequisites for making feasible proposals, which then should be evaluated and voted about on basis of participation and planning in the same time, usually referred to as co-design. the book presents case studies and analyses on open government and participatory budgeting and discusses the pros and cons of actually implemented projects. such projects have several challenges, among which the book highlights some major issues. politicians have a fear of losing power in case they involve people in the decision-making process. it is hard to defi ne which data should be open. security, privacy and copyright issues involve legal challenges. applying ict in planning and design demands resources, such as human resources (e.g. knowledge and free time), infrastructure and suffi cient funding. this is oft en a bott leneck in east central europe, because if fi nancing is reliant on local and national authorities, it oft en falls short from what the project would actually necessitate. the lack of funding also can hinder it-based participatory planning. the authors come to the conclusion that in a democratic country people want to be involved in planning from the very beginning without being asked whether they want to do so. several issues are identifi ed concerning participatory budgeting (stortone, s. et al.), data-based value-added city services (ilhan, a. et al.) and community-building frameworks (mcginley, t. et al.), as well as several goals to achieve, like commonly funded public developments, rational and effi cient data-use or co-design supported by diverse groups of stakeholders. there is a need to have common ideas and fi nd solutions providing the most for all stakeholders. in the epilogue saskia sassen addresses how technology has increasingly becoming urbanised, and how new, digital, cities have appeared. ict can make cities outlive and overgrow companies and even nation-states in terms of power and technology. since the cities are in constant change and, therefore, in a ‘permanent beta’ state of using it language, there is a perpetual need for change and innovation. rapid shift s can also lead to fast fall, however, in case of lack of innovation and ability for adaptation. so the new type of city, the digital city must be paid att ention to by all participants. sassen emphasises that we shall not forget that although the city is oft en adaptive, but sometimes it is resistant, since it is the residence of people with diverse individual goals, ideas and preferences. the precondition for open-source and participatory urban informatics is that diy and grassroots movements are fostered by focused policies. hardware cannot work without soft ware. both are needed for proper operation. sassen underlines the need for technology resulting from social activity within the city. metaphorically, the city and its built environment can be considered as the hardware, and book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 297–301. 301 the people and their practices, such as the use of ict and innovation, as the soft ware. until we do privilege technology over people and cannot fi nd the balance how to create not only smart, but sociable smart cities, ict and cities as soft ware and hardware will not be cooperating fruitfully. considering the long-existing social, political and economic disparities between the global economic core formed by developed countries and the relatively newly emerged democracies in east central europe, the outcome of adapting urban informatics in the latt er is doubtful. firstly, the current digital divide can increase, since soft ware and hardware necessities cannot be fulfi lled by deprived and disadvantaged groups in terms of socio-economic status. secondly, there is a lack of adequate education and training in the ict sector, and language profi ciency is not always suffi cient for adapting innovations, especially in lower status groups. thirdly, digital freedom is decreasing in some eastern countries, and there is growing control over the internet and the use of digital devices. in case these tendencies are not cured, the divide between east and west cannot be reduced. the wealthier and more powerful groups, like upper class and upper middle class people will be closing the gap, while the poor and deprived will become more and more excluded. the other scenario is that digital inclusiveness will be reached. this is possible, however, only in case of full engagement of all actors. the book gives helpful and operative examples, not only for developed, but also for developing countries, which in certain cases and in certain respect are much similar to east central european ones. the book is a ‘serial key’ to the knowledge and the soft ware. the question is whether east central european countries can adapt it to their hardware. gyula nagy1 1 university of szeged, szeged, hungary. e-mail: geo.nagy.gyula@gmail.com references foth, m. 2009. handbook of research on urban informatics: the practice and promise of the real-time city. hersey, igi global. foth, m., rittenbruch, m., robinson, r. and viller, s. 2014. street computing: urban informatics and city interfaces. london, routledge. lau, r.r. and pomper, g.m. 2004. negative campaigning: an analysis of us senate elections. new york, rowman and litt lefi eld. vergne, c. 2009. turnout in developing countries: the eff ect of mass media on national voter participation. clermont-ferrand, cerdi working papers number 29. available at: htt ps://halshs.archives-ouvertes. fr/halshs-00553622/document. book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 297–301. the role of conservation agriculture in landscape protection 167 hungarian geographical bulletin 59 (2) (2010) pp. 167–180. the role of conservation agriculture in landscape protection ádám kertész1–balázs madarász1–béla csepinszky1 and szabolcs benke1 abstract because of population growth the global demand for food is rapidly increasing. as a consequence of this agriculture is expanding and becoming more intensive. agricultural land use has the highest share among land use categories in the world therefore it is very important that farming activities are sustainable for the landscape and environment friendly. the aim of this paper is to present the positive role of conservation agriculture in landscape protection on the example of the results of the sowap (soil and surface water protection) project, supported by eu life and syngenta. within the framework of the project tillage plots were established at two locations in hungary, near lake balaton on luvisol and cambisol soils. the experimental program included soil erosion, biodiversity, soil microbiology measurements and agronomic traits. runoff from the conservation tillage treatments was reduced by 66.8%, soil loss by 98.3%, toc loss by 94.1%, nitrogen loss by 86.8%, phosphorus loss by 95.6% and potassium loss by 78.8% relative to values measured on the conventional plots. soil moisture conditions have improved in the upper 20 cm under conservation tillage. rainfall simulation experiments indicate the protection of plant residues resulting in the reduced number and volume of rills under conservation tillage. yields of winter wheat, winter oilseed rape, sugar beet and maize were similar from plowed fi elds and conservation-tilled fi elds. there was a considerable improvement of biodiversity conditions on the conservation plots. the results of the sowap project give a reliable evidence that conservation agriculture is sustainable and it is an adequate tool for landscape protection. keywords: landscape protection, conservation agriculture, soil erosion, biodiversity introduction world population is growing very rapidly. according to the united states census bureau the population of the world is 6.8 billion as of today and by 2020 it will reach 8 billion (un 1996). it is well known that the rate of population growth is much higher in the third world. by 2020 84% of the estimated population will live in the third world. demand for food will rise with popu1 geographical research institute, hungarian academy of sciences. h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mail: kertesza@helka.iif.hu, madaraszb@mtafk i.hu, h5535cse@helka.iif. hu, benkesz7@freemail.hu 168 lation increase and food supply will be extremely important. from the aspect of geography the key question is where this huge amount of food will be produced. the answer is very simple: the food will come from the agricultural areas. the possible impact of intensifi ed and expanded agricultural activity on the soils and landscapes has to be addressed properly. at least the present quality of soils should be preserved and the landscapes be protected. the relationship between population growth and food supply has been recognized long ago. the theories of malthus and ricardo are notorious (held, r.b. and clawson, m. 1965). these concepts overemphasize the role of population increase and take no notice of technological development. if technological changes are considered part of a state of the art, complex and dynamic socio-economic environment the danger and risk related to food supply can be minimized. the development of landscape and environmental protection is also part of continuous technological change. conservation agriculture is one of the most up-to-date methods of sustainability. the solicitude about food supply and soil degradation can be supported by the striking fact, that altogether 22% of the earth surface is cultivatable (wicherek, s. 1999), however, only half of it is cultivated today. reserves of cultivatable land diminish very quickly. the objective of this paper is to present the positive role of conservation agriculture in landscape protection not only generally but also on the example of the results of the sowap project (see below), concerning soil erosion, runoff , soil moisture and those of the ecological studies. landscape protection is understood here in a very broad sense, but concentrating only on those aspects which are included in the sowap project to be able to show exact measurement data supporting the positive role of conservation agriculture in landscape conservation. landscapes and agriculture in the developed countries of the world natural landscapes have been transformed by human activity and today human society is the main landscape forming agent. the public opinion about the impact of the society upon landscapes is that the landscape forming activities are associated with urbanization, industrial plants and facilities and transport lines. the reason for this is obvious: the above activities cause dramatic and sometimes irreversible changes in the landscape. a natural, or semi-natural landscape is going to be transformed to a man-made, artifi cial environment, the “green” will turn into “grey”. we are inclined to forget that replacing natural vegetation by agricultural fi elds and forests means also a change of natural conditions, it is also a landscape transformation, in spite of the fact that “green” remains “green”. 169 the infl uence of agriculture on the landscape and landscape functions is as important as that of other anthropogenic activities. another signifi cant aspect is that the percentage of agricultural areas among land use categories is the highest in the world hence the eff ect has extended over a very large territory (see table 1). the table presents interesting data about the development of agriculture. it is surprising that while the percentage of agricultural land in europe and in hungary is decreasing, it is increasing in the world. the areas used for agriculture today had been covered by some kind of natural vegetation before and this vegetation cover was removed, extirpated. the situation is even more alarming if the area was deforested. landscape change begins with preparing the soil for agricultural production by various cultivation treatments. in order to carry out a successful plant production the landscape will undergo several interventions over the year, especially in the vegetation period by various cultivation and plant protection procedures. the character of the interventions is critical for the future of the landscape (tóth, a. and szalai, z. 2007). as already mentioned global increase of agricultural area is needed to ensure growing food supply. those areas which can be used for agriculture in the future are in the tropics. areas with bett er conditions are already in use so that agriculture can expand only to land with unfavourable conditions, i.e. to slopes with shallow soils. transforming them into agricultural areas will immediately lead to severe land and soil degradation problems (jakab, g. and szalai, z. 2005). soil degradation has not been considered to be a major problem in many european countries until recently. in europe, according to oldeman, l.r. et al. (1991), water erosion endangers 12% of the total land area and wind erosion 4%, and an additional 16% of the cultivated land is prone to diff erent kinds of soil degradation. table 1. agriculture in hungary, in europe and in the world (the world bank 2007) territory agricultural land (% of land area) land under cereals (thousand hectares) fertilizer consumption (100 g/ha of arable land) agricultural employment (% of total employment) 1992 2005 1992 2005 1992 2005 1992 2005 hungary europe (emu*) world 70.7 49.7 37.7 65.4 47.5 38.3 2,803 32,976 704,675 2,940 31,419 677,585 796 2,332 925 993 2,059 1,020 11.3 7.3 41.8 6.0 4.9 – *emu – european monetary union 170 conventional and conservation agriculture two thirds of the area of hungary is used for agriculture (see table 1) and roughly half of the country is arable land. these arable fi elds are important habitats of numerous plant and animal species. the intensive agricultural activity on hilly areas may lead to severe soil erosion and biodiversity loss. conservation agriculture is a sustainable way of farming playing an important role in soil and biodiversity conservation. conservation agriculture is the new discovery of “old fashioned” agriculture (i.e. of the agriculture practised before the discovery and application of high-tech machinery in agriculture). even before the usage of modern soil cultivation machines, inverting the soil was performed by using a plow or similar tools. conventional agriculture is based on tillage and it is highly mechanised. conventional agriculture causes severe land degradation problems including soil erosion, pollution, loss of biodiversity and wildlife, low energy effi ciency and a contribution to global warming (boatman, n. et al. 1999). the sowap project (soil and surface water protection using conservation tillage in northern and central europe, 2003–2006, eu life project, id. number: life03 env/uk/000617) defi ned conservation tillage as tillage practices specifi cally intended to reduce soil disturbance during seedbed preparation. the objective is to improve soil structure and stability. conservation tillage encompasses a range of tillage practices up to and including “zero (no) tillage”. conservation agriculture (ca) is a holistic approach to crop production, which encompasses conservation tillage and also seeks to preserve biodiversity in terms of both fl ora and fauna. activities such as integrated crop, weed, and pest management form part of conservation agriculture. the concept of “as litt le as possible, as much as is needed” will be the guiding principle when it comes to chemical usage for sowap crop production. generally it can be said that ca is an important tool in those regions of the world where soil erosion is a major problem and where the retention of soil moisture is an important goal. keeping water in the soil is equally important if fl oods and droughts are to be avoided. conservation agriculture is benefi cial for the landscape. the positive eff ects apply to the landscape as a whole and to the landscape forming factors. it is very diffi cult to characterize the eff ects on the totality of the landscape in an exact form. the present paper presents the infl uences on several landscape forming factors. conservation agriculture is benefi cial for the soil. the main benefi t of conservation agriculture is that the soil will be preserved more or less in seminatural conditions as soil disturbance by cultivation is minimized and physi171 cal and chemical depletions are reduced. soil structure remains very good with enhanced drainage, porosity, adsorption capacity and structural stability (lavier, b. et al. 1997). compaction and loss of soil structure can be reduced or stopped by applying ca since there is less traffi c on the fi eld and crop residues are not buried in the soil. it is good for soil organic matt er, too. as it is well known, organic matt er infl uences soil structure, soil stability, buff ering capacity, water retention, biological activity and nutrient balance, all of which also aff ect erosion risk (holland, j.m. 2004). erosion losses can lead to catastrophic diminishment of organic matt er (szűcs, p. et al. 2006). the organic matt er content of the soil decreases under conventional cultivation rather quickly. kinsella, j. (1995) estimated that most agricultural soils loose 50% of initial soil c. when conservation agriculture is applied crop residues remain on the soil surface off ering very good protection against erosion. the environmental benefi ts of conservation agriculture include on-site and off -site eff ects, the latt er having local, regional or global importance. from global aspects, carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases have to be mentioned fi rst. conservation agriculture means the reduction of energy consumption and mechanical work, reducing the emissions of co2 and co gases. ca promotes carbon sequestration in soils. reduced mechanical activity means less so2 emissions from motors mitigating acidifi cation of the atmosphere. as a consequence of conservation agriculture, air pollution is also reduced. concerning global biodiversity, conservation agriculture off ers bett er nesting sites and bett er food supplies (belmonte, j. 1993). conservation agriculture fi elds host higher bird, small mammal and game populations (guedez, p-y. 2001). the benefi ts for soil biodiversity are self-evident. excellent food and habitat are provided for micro-organisms, earthworms and insects, promoting bioactivity and biodiversity of the soil. as mentioned above, soil moisture conditions are much bett er, than under conventional agriculture. an improvement of water management of the soil is manifested in reduced runoff by 15–89% (holland, j.m. 2004). in addition to the positive infl uence of conservation agriculture on infi ltration, runoff and leaching, conservation agriculture helps to reduce the risk of pollutants to reach surface and groundwater. there is an indirect positive aff ect on aquatic ecosystems, too. the sowap project recognizing the benefi ts of conservation agriculture, a demonstration project (sowap, soil and surface water protection using conservation tillage in northern and central europe, 2003–2006, eu life project, id. number: life03 172 env/uk/000617) was launched in 2003 supported by the eu life programme, involving several organizations2. this three-year, 4 million eur project is cofunded (50:50) by eu life and syngenta. the project ended in 2006 but the measurements in hungary are ongoing, fi nanced by syngenta. the objective of the sowap project is to assess the viability of a more “conservation-oriented” agriculture, where fewer tillage practices replace diff erent ways of cultivation carried out under more “conventional” arable farming systems. the main study topics of the project include soil erosion, aquatic ecology, biodiversity, soil microbiology, agronomy and economics. in hungary two sites were selected near lake balaton (figure 1). the fi rst site, szentgyörgyvár is for soil erosion studies. four large plots (120 m2 each) were established on a slope with 10% gradient. the parent material of the soil is sandy loess, the soil type is luvisol. mean annual precipitation is 700 mm. an automatic weather station is installed, too. 2 agronomica, u.k.; cwi technical ltd, u.k.; fwag, u.k.; harper adams university college, u.k.; geographical research institute of hungarian academy of sciences, hu; national trust, u.k.; cranfi eld university – nsri, u.k.; rspb, u.k.; syngenta, u.k./hu; the allerton trust, u.k.; the ponds conservation trust, u.k.; university of leuven, belgium; vaderstad, u.k./hu; wocat, the netherlands; yara (uk) ltd, u.k. fig. 1. location of study sites 173 the second site, dióskál (figure 1) is for farm scale demonstration and for ecological studies. it is a farm of 107 ha situated on a gently sloping, hilly area with similar environmental conditions as the fi rst site. methods a) erosion plots. runoff amount is determined aft er each event. runoff and soil loss are measured aft er each tank emptying, followed by sampling. the samples will undergo the following analyses. runoff : ph, soluted n, p, k, total suspended sediment, toc, total salt content, herbicide content; eroded soil: dry mass, particle size distribution, n, p, k and organic matt er content. crop quality, quantity and biomass are also investigated. economic viability of the practices employed (e.g. production costs) will be calculated whenever applicable. b) ecological plots. for the terrestrial ecology survey 24 plots were identifi ed at dióskál (12 conventionally tilled and 12 minimum tilled). the ecology experiment includes the survey of weeds, soil micro-organisms, birds and earthworms-insects-seeds as important food sources for birds. conservation tillage was direct drilling and, if soil conditions were not appropriate, direct drilling was preceded by a shallow discing. results runoff , soil loss and soil moisture the main results concerning runoff and soil loss are presented in figure 2. the results show that there was a remarkable diff erence between the two tillage types. runoff and soil loss on the conservation plots were always less than on the conventional plots. average runoff on conservation plots was only 33.2% of that on conventional plots and the percentage of soil loss was only 1.7% (figure 2). these results support the positive environmental eff ect of conservation tillage, especially with regard to soil loss. the average soil loss per year was 2.44 t ha-1 versus 0.08 t ha-1 (figure 3), and the average runoff volume per year was 453.8 m3 ha-1 versus 172.6 m3 ha-1 (figure 4). the diff erence between the two treatments is less in case of runoff . this can be explained by the characteristics of surface cover and soil structure under the two treatments. if a high intensity rainfall hits the soil surface the minimum tilled soil may not off er the best structure for infi ltration. 174 gravimetric soil moisture measurements were carried out at dióskál (figure 5). the upper 20 cm of the conservation plots had higher soil moisture content values (8.8% on the average). below 20 cm the diff erence between conservation and conventional plots diminishes and conventional plots have slightly bett er conditions (on the average 1.77% higher moisture content). as soil moisture in the upper 20 cm is more important for plants and the diff erence below this level is negligible, conservation tillage appears to provide bett er soil moisture conditions. fig. 2. average runoff , soil loss, toc and nutrient loss on conservation plots as a percentage of that on conventional plots (2004–2006) fig. 3. soil loss on conventional and conser vation plots fig. 4. runoff on conventional and conser vation plots 175 organic matt er and nutrient contents of runoff figure 2 shows that not only soil loss and runoff values are lower on the conservation plots but nutrient loss is much less, too. toc, nitrogen, phosphorus and potassium concentrations of sediments were aff ected by tillage remarkably. in the case of conservation tillage these values are higher than with conventional tillage, which shows the bett er nutrient status and higher toc content of the topsoil. presumably the diff erence in the nutrient concentrations of the sediment from the two plot types is also due to the higher humus and nutrient content on the conservation plots. fig. 5. soil moisture content curves representing conventional (c) and conservation (m) fi elds at dióskál 1 (d1) and dióskál 2 (d2). samples were taken at 3 points along the slope profi les and the data shown are mean values of these for each curve a) spring 2005 b) autumn 2005 176 rill erosion a rill erosion survey was performed on the dióskál 1 experimental fi eld (plots c4 and m3, see figure 1) in early june 2005 and. rill widths and depths were measured on 120 m long and 10 m wide plots. in 2005 the plots were covered with maize sown in early may. the amount of precipitation during the preceding two months was 105.2 mm. there was a striking diff erence between conventional and conservation tillage fi elds. on the conventionally tilled fi elds, rills occurred almost in every row while there were hardly any rills on the conservation plot. the total volume of rills on conventional tillage was 13 m3, versus 0.5 m3 on conservation till. soil loss due to rill erosion was 141.7 t ha-1 on conventional plot, versus 5.4 t ha-1 on conservation plot. there is a slight diff erence in bulk density values (1.3 g cm-3 versus 1.36 g cm-3). the soil of the conventional plot was less compacted because of the eff ect of plowing. the explanation of much bett er conditions on the conservation plot is due to the protection of plant residues from the previous year and the remnants of the winter cover crop (rasp) which was disced into the soil aft er the harvest. aft er plowing, the soil surface of the conventional plot was bare, without any protection against erosion. ecological survey conservation agriculture off ers bett er conditions for the activity of earthworms. the number of earthworms on the conservation plots was signifi cantly higher than on the traditional plots. this was the case during the whole monitoring period of two years under two diff erent crop rotations (figure 6). altogether 37 bird species were registered during two winter seasons including 28 protected species (76% of total). one third of these species are signifi cant from european perspective indicating that agricultural areas are also important from the aspect of nature conservation. seeds play a key role in the nutrition of 22 species (60%) and, as a consequence of this, an important function of agricultural fi elds is to provide food during the critical winter period (figure 7). conservation agriculture plots proved to be more favourable for birds, fi rst of all for small warblers like skylark (alauda arvensis), goldfi nch (carduelis carduelis), yellowhammer (emberiza citrinella), greenfi nch (carduelis chloris) and tree sparrow (passer montanus), than traditional plots did in both of the winter seasons investigated. conservation agriculture provides a bett er food supply and improves winter survival reducing the negative eff ect of agriculture on bird fauna. 177 fig. 6. average earthworm number and average biomass per square meter at dióskál fig. 7. total number of birds recorded at dióskál between october 2004 and march 2005 178 crop yield and production costs crop yield on the dióskál plots was practically the same under the diff erent tillage systems (figure 8). the same is valid for the production costs (figure 9). conclusions agricultural activities have an important impact on the landscape. conservation agriculture is a sustainable way of farming with favourable eff ects on the landscape. the results of the sowap project support this statement. conservation tillage techniques have reduced soil loss and water runoff from fields compared to conventional plowing. according to the statistical analysis under conservation tillage runoff was reduced by 66.8%, soil loss by 98.3%, toc loss by 94.1%, nitrogen loss by 86.8%, phosphorus loss by 95.6% and potassium loss by 78.8% relative to quantities measured on the conventional plots. soil moisture conditions were better in the upper 20 cm under conservation tillage. rainfall simulation experiments indicated the protection of plant residues under conservation tillage. the number and volume of rills diminished unfi g. 8 . c ro p yi el d s at d ió sk ál (2 00 4– 20 09 ) a nd th e av er ag e va lu es fo r z al a co un ty 179 der conservation tillage. yields of winter wheat, winter oilseed rape, sugar beet and maize were similar from both plowed and conservation-tilled fi elds. biodiversity conditions were also much more adequate on the conservation plots. conservation tillage has signifi cant advantages for the soil itself and the environment alike. acknowledgement: the sowap project was funded by the eu life programme and by syngenta ltd. this support is gratefully acknowledged. references belmonte, j. 1993. estudio comparativo sobre la infl uencia del laboreo en las poblaciones de vertebrados en la campine de jerez. bolentin san. veg. plagas 19. 211–220. boatman, n., stoate, c., gooch, r., carvalho, c.r., borralho, r., de snoo, g. and eden, p. 1999. the environmental impacts of arable crop production in the european union: practical options for improvement. a report prepared for directorate-general xi of the european commission. 179 p. guedez, p-y. 2001. environmental aspects of conservation agriculture in europe. world congress on conservation agriculture. madrid, spain. 6 p. held, r.b. and clawson, m. 1965. soil conservation in perspective. baltimore maryland: the john hopkins press. holland, j.m. 2004. the environmental consequences of adopting conservation tillage in europe: reviewing the evidence. agriculture, ecosystems and environment 103. 1–25. fig. 9. average values of production costs at dióskál (2004–2006) 180 jakab, g. and szalai, z. 2005. barnaföld erózióérzékenységének vizsgálata esőztetéssel a tetves-patak vízgyűjtőjén (erodibility measurements in the tetves catchment using rainfall simulator). tájökológiai lapok 3. (1): 177–189. kinsella, j. 1995. the eff ects of various tillage systems on soil compaction. in farming for a bett er environment: a white paper. soil and water conservation society, ankeny, ia, usa. 15–17. lavier, b., viaux, p. and rass, g. 1997. erosion et travail du sol, bilan en france. itcf, monsanto. oldeman, l.r., hakkeling, r.t.a. and sombroek, w.g. 1991. world map of the status of human-induced soil degradation. an explanatory note (revised ed.). uuep and isric, wageningen, the netherlands. 41 p. htt p://www.isric.org/isric/webdocs/ docs/explannote.pdf wicherek, s. 1999. l’agriculture et sa place dans la vie socio-économique. in paysages agraires et environnement principes écologiques de gestion en europe et au canada. ed. wicherek, s. paris, cnrs éditions. szűcs, p., csepinszky, b., sisák, i. and jakab, g. 2006. rainfall simulation in wheat culture at harvest. cereal research communications 34. (1): 81–84. tóth, a. and szalai, z. 2007. tájökológiai és tájtipológiai vizsgálatok a tetves-patak vízgyűjtőjén (landscape ecological and landscape typological. investigations on the tetves catchment). tájökológiai lapok 5 (1): 131–142. the world bank 2007. agricultural inputs. in: world development indicators 2007. world bank, washington, usa. 130–133. un (united nations) 1996. world population prospects: the 1996 revisions. new york, united nations. the global problem of land degradation and desertification 19 hungarian geographical bulletin 2009. vol. 58. no 1. pp. 19–31. the global problem of land degradation and desertifi cation ádám kertész1 abstract it’s a well known fact that land(scape) degradation is an ensemble of negative processes extending over immense areas. the methodologies of physical and social geography are the best tools for the investigation of land degradation processes, due to the complex nature of these processes. it is well known that environmental factors contribute to land degradation processes. socio-economic factors and the role of human society is equally important, and in some cases, even more important, than natural factors. degradation processes within subhumid, semi-arid and arid areas are defi ned as desertifi cation processes to draw att ention to the specifi c dangerous situation in these areas. hungary signed the convention on desertifi cation, as increasing aridity is a real national danger, especially on the danubetisza interfl uve. there are areas in hungary corresponding to desertifi cation defi nitions. thus, desertifi cation research is an important challenge for hungarian geography. key words: water erosion, land degradation, desertifi caton, danube–tisza interfl uve introduction the degradation of the earth’s surface (i.e. land degradation) is one of the most severe problems of our times. the concept of land degradation originates from soil degradation and it is oft en used as a synonym for soil degradation. it is evident that if soil is degraded it has huge impacts on both the land and landscape, because soil degradation prevents or impedes plant growth. land and soil are not identical notions, but they are oft en used interchangeably. to avoid this confusion, i propose to use the term ‘landscape degradation.’ landscape degradation means much more than just the degradation of the uppermost layer of the earth’s crust. it means the decline of all landscape forming factors and of their synthesis, which is called landscape in physical geography and landscape ecology. landscape ecology and physical geography deal with various aspects of landscape development (tóth, a.–szalai, z. 2007). however, despite its importance, few scientifi c papers in hungary report degradation processes. ¹ geographical research institute, hungarian academy of sciences. h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mail: kertesza@helka.iif.hu 20 soil degradation processes soil degradation processes are grouped in diff erent ways by various authors. a more practical classifi cation is presented below (eea environmental assessment report 2003). (1) soil sealing. it is not by accident that soil sealing is given fi rst place amongst soil degradation processes. soil sealing is the result of construction activities (including roads, railways and buildings). due to soil sealing, the soil does not function properly, as it has no contact with the atmosphere and is devoid of vegetation. on the sealed soil surface, water runs off without being fi ltered, with increased velocity and volume. the highest share of sealed soil surface (16–20%) is in belgium, the netherlands and denmark. the share of sealed soil has been continuously growing within the eu. reaching an average value of 8–9% in 2000. (2) soil erosion (photo 1). in europe water erosion is more important than wind erosion, but wind erosion also causes huge damage. as an example of the importance of wind erosion in the world we should remember that the establishment of the us soil conservation service took place primarily because of the sand storms of the 1930s. soil erosion risk and the damage caused by erosion are also very remarkable in hungary (jakab, g.–szalai, z. 2005). photo 1. gully erosion near bergville, south africa 21 (3) soil contamination can originate from both diff use and local sources. contamination from the atmosphere, from running water or from the soil belong to the fi rst group. these processes may cause acidifi cation, eutrophication and other severe damage. the direct application of chemicals (fertilizers, pesticides and sewage sludge), sometimes also containing heavy metals, are also diff use sources. local contamination sources can be of diverse origins and are usually connected with industrial activity. (4) salinization. near-surface salt accumulation is present in several european countries, including hungary. the most important areas aff ected by seashore, inland and secondary salinization due to irrigation are in the mediterranean countries, hungary and several countries of the former soviet union (photo 2). (5) soil compaction is the result of the activity of soil cultivating machines. subsoil compaction is an extremely damaging and is diffi cult to rectify. the fi rst world assessment of soil degradation is glasod (global assessment of soil degradation, oldeman, l.r. et al. 1991), which assesses the following degradation processes: the extension of various forms of soil degradation water erosion – ▪ photo 2. saline spot on the danube-tisza interfl uve, near apajpuszta 22 wind erosion chemical degradation physical degradation. the rate of degradation light moderate strong extreme. the causes of degradation (deforestation, overgrazing, improper farming, overexploitation, contamination). according to oldeman, l.r. et al. (1991) 3.7% of the earth’s surface is aff ected by physical and chemical degradation and 12% by water and wind erosion (tables 1 and 2). especially high is the proportion of physical and chemical degradation in europe and in central america and the share of the areas aff ected by soil erosion is also the highest here. studying these tables, it is evident that soil degradation is a major problem in europe. the concept of land degradation as mentioned above, land degradation means much more than the degradation of the land/soil. because of the complex nature of land degradation processes it is essentially a geographical subject matt er. in this paper, land degradation will be discussed from the perspective of physical geography. however, land degradation can result from both physico-geographical and socio-economic causes. an evident example is overpopulation of humans and animals launching well-known degradation processes. the investigation of land degradation processes together with land use change studies represent the most up-to date and innovative research trends in modern geography. according to barrow, c.j. (1991) it is impossible to give a precise defi nition of land degradation. it may be defi ned “as the loss of utility or the reduction, loss or change of features or organisms which cannot be replaced” (barrow, c.j. 1991). the land is degraded when “it suff ers a loss of intrinsic qualities or a decline in its capabilities” (blaikie, p.–brookfield, h. 1987). the unep (1992) defi nition emphasized the reduction of the potential of natural resources as a result of processes acting in the landscape. johnson, d.l.–lewis, l.a. (1995) underlined the role of human interventions in land degradation and focused on the reduction of biological production and/or utility of an area. distilling the essence of these cited defi nitions, it is evident that there are common elements in them. hence, even thought it is diffi cult to give a precise defi nition acceptable to all disciplines, the concept of land degradation is fairly clear. it means the reduction or loss of biological productivity ▪ ▪ ▪ – ▪ ▪ ▪ ▪ – 23 ta bl e 1. g lo ba l e xt en t o f c he m ic al a nd p hy si ca l s oi l d eg ra da ti on , b y re gi on (o ld e m a n , l .r . et a l. 19 91 ) r eg io n c he m ic al ly d eg ra d ed a re a p hy si ca lly d eg ra d ed a re a total degraded area total degraded land as % of total land used loss of nutrients salinization pollution acidifi cation compaction, sealing and crusting water-logging loss of organic matt er (m ill io n he ct ar es ) a fr ic a a si a so ut h a m er ic a c en tr al a m er ic a n or th a m er ic a e ur op e a us tr al ia w or ld 45 15 68 4 – 3 + 13 6 15 53 2 2 + 4 1 77 + 2 – + + 19 – 21 1 4 – – + + – 6 18 10 4 + 1 33 2 68 1 + 4 5 – 1 – 11 – 2 – – – 2 – 4 81 86 78 12 1 62 3 32 3 4, 8 3, 0 5, 1 6, 0 + 7, 7 – 3, 7 t he „ +” s ig n m ea ns n eg lig ib le , t he „ –” s ig n m ea ns n on e re po rt ed . ta bl e 2 g lo ba l e xt en t o f s oi l d eg ra da ti on d ue to e ro si on , b y re gi on (o ld em an , l .r . e t a l. 19 91 ) r eg io n a re a er od ed b y w at er e ro si on a re a er od ed b y w in d e ro si on to ta l ar ea er od ed to ta l ar ea s eri ou sl y er od ed to ta l a re a se ri ou sl y er od ed as a % o f t ot al la nd u se d l ig ht m od er at e st ro ng an d e xtr em e to ta l l ig ht m od er at e st ro ng an d e xtr em e to ta l a fr ic a a si a so ut h a m er ic a c en tr al a m er ic a n or th a m er ic a e ur op e o ce an ia w or ld 58 12 4 46 1 14 21 79 34 3 67 24 2 65 22 46 81 3 52 6 10 2 73 12 23 – 12 22 2 22 3 22 7 44 1 12 3 46 60 11 4 83 10 94 88 13 2 26 24 6 3 3 16 26 9 89 75 16 4 31 38 – 25 4 9 15 – 1 1 1 27 26 18 6 22 2 42 25 1 35 42 46 54 8 41 3 66 3 16 5 51 95 15 6 99 16 42 26 7 40 5 93 50 78 13 2 3 10 29 16 15 6 25 7 17 3 12 24 and negative eff ects on the functioning of the land and related ecosystems (hudson, p.f.–alcántara–ayala, i. 2006). functioning of the land involves the interaction of environmental factors and connections between landscape components, such as hillslopes and fl oodplains. these defi nitions and explanations show very clearly that land degradation is much more complex than soil degradation. land degradation processes can have both natural and human (anthropogenic) origins. it is obvious that since the appearance of human beings on the earth the importance of anthropogenic processes is enormous and has grown exponentially with time. among natural processes, climate change is extremely signifi cant, considering that the rapid rate of climate change today is largely a human-induced process. however, most authors who have tried to defi ne land degradation restrict it to human-induced processes. in this sense, landscape development always involves degradation processes of natural origin, but these processes will then be compensated by the regenerating capacity of the landscape (bádonyi, k. 2001). this approach excludes the infl uence of natural processes, such as natural climate change, natural catastrophes or geologic soil erosion. global processes like global climate change, land use and land cover change, together with population increase, accelerate and increase land degradation. especially, third world countries suff er from degradation processes. in these countries overexploitation of natural resources in environmentallysensitive areas also contribute to the acceleration of degradation processes. the eff ect of global warming on already degraded land also increases the intensity of degradation. according to menshing, h.g.–seuffert, o. (2001) it is very important that no irreversible damage occurs in the landscape due to improper land use. this is actually the application of the principles of sustainable development (i.e. the regenerating capacity and potential of the landscape should remain under the circumstances of any kind of land use or landscape use). as mentioned before, soil and land degradation are oft en used interchangeably (e.g. imeson, a. c.–emmer, i. 1992). consequently, the salient processes of soil degradation and land degradation are identical (i.e. various processes of physical and chemical degradation belong to them). it is extremely important whether these processes are understood as landscape degradation or soil degradation processes. some 38% of the agricultural area of the earth can be considered as degraded (fig. 1). most of the areas in question are in the third world (the share of degraded territories in africa is 65%, in central america 74% and in south america 45%). the proportion of degraded pasture and forests is much smaller (21 and 18%, respectively). considering only used land (agricultural area, permanent pasture and forests; table 3) the proportion of degraded area is 23% and that of strongly degraded land is 14%. 25 table 3. global estimates of soil degradation, by region and land use (sources: fao 1990, oldeman, l.r. et al. 1991 and scherr, s.j. 1999) region agricultural land permanent pasture forests total degraded % total degraded % total degraded %(million hectares) (million hectares) (million hectares) africa asia south america central america north america europe oceania world 187 536 142 38 236 287 49 1475 121 206 64 28 63 72 8 562 65 38 45 74 26 25 16 38 793 978 478 94 274 156 439 3212 243 197 68 10 29 54 4 685 31 20 14 11 11 35 19 21 683 1273 896 66 621 353 156 4048 130 344 112 25 4 92 12 719 19 27 13 38 1 26 8 18 region all used land total agricultural land, pasture and forests degraded % seriously degraded % (million hectares) (million hectares) africa asia south america central america north america europe oceania world 1663 2787 1516 198 1131 796 644 8735 494 747 244 63 96 218 104 1966 30 27 16 32 9 27 17 23 321 453 139 61 79 158 6 1216 19 16 9 31 7 20 1 14 fig. 1. estimates of soil degradation in the world, by region and land use (aft er fao 1990, oldeman, l.r. et al. 1991 and scherr, s.j. 1999). 26 desertifi cation processes desertifi cation processes represent a special group of land degradation processes. according to the united nations intergovernmental convention to combat desertifi cation “desertifi cation means land degradation in arid, semiarid and dry sub-humid areas resulting from various factors including climate variation and human activities” (uncod 1977). the term ‘desertifi cation’ has emotional connotations and therefore its use is preferred to the term “land degradation.” it must be emphasized, however, that desertifi cation has a different meaning than “desertation” (i.e. the formation of deserts). the concept of desertifi cation is much older than uncod. it dates back to the 1920s (bovill, d.w. 1921, cited by herrmann, s.m.–hutchinson, c.f. 2005) when the extension of the west african sahara into the sahel zone was fi rst observed. the term ‘desertifi cation’ was fi rst used by aubreville, a. (1949) to describe the change of productive land into a desert (herrmann, s.m.– hutchinson, c.f. 2005). according to this fi rst defi nition, the term desertifi cation is always connected with human activities (i.e. with land mismanagement). the nairobi uncod conference (united nations conference on desertifi cation) in 1977 came about following extremely arid periods in sahelian africa. climate change as a consequence of the greenhouse eff ect is a major global process. as it is the main factor infl uencing desertifi cation processes, the global importance of desertifi cation will increase and it is and it will be the most important group of land degradation processes in those regions of the world where there the climate is arid, semi-arid or dry subhumid. the atmospheric conditions of arid, semi-arid and subhumid climates are those that create large water defi cits, that is, where potential evapotranspiration (etp) is much greater than precipitation (p). these conditions are evaluated by various indices. one of these is the fao-unesco (1977) bioclimatic index: p/etp. the threshold values of the bioclimatic zones are given below: arid zone:0.03 <p/etp <0.20 semi-arid zone: 0.20 <p/etp <0.50 subhumid zone: 0.50 <p/etp <0.75 whereas desertifi cation occurs under the climate conditions given in the defi nition, desertifi cation processes are also evident in other climate zones (e.g. associated with salinization). on the other hand, there are examples where drought did not lead to desertifi cation under arid climatic conditions, because of proper land management. desertifi cation is the result of a combination of drought with land mismanagement (le houérou, h.n. 1996). desertifi cation processes aff ect 42 million km2 (33% of the earth’s land surface, eswaran, h.–reich, p. 1998), eff ecting some 1 billion people. fao/unep (1984) proposed a system of criteria for the evaluation of desertifi cation status (table 4). the matrix contains data on plant cover, water – – – 27 ta bl e 4. f a o ’s m at ri x. e xa m pl e of th e cr it er ia fo r th e ev al ua ti on o f d es er ti fi c at io n st at us p ro po se d by f a o /u n e p (1 98 4) v ar ia bl e c la ss li m it s sl ig ht m od er at e se ve re v er y se ve re p la nt c ov er pe re nn ia l p la nt c ov er >5 0 50 –2 0 20 –5 <5 g ra ss la nd c on d it io n (% ) >7 5 50 –7 5 20 –5 0 <2 5 a ct ua l p ro d uc ti vi ty (% p ot en ti al ) 85 –1 00 65 –8 5 25 –6 5 <2 5 w at er e ro si on su rf ac e st at us (% a re a) g ra ve l a nd s to ne s <1 0 st on es a nd b ou ld er s 10 –2 5 b ou ld er s an d r oc ks 25 –5 0 b ou ld er s an d r oc k ou tcr op s >5 0 ty pe o f e ro si on a e xp os ed s ub so il (% a re a) <1 0 10 –2 5 25 –5 0 >5 0 g ul ly a re a (% ) <1 0 10 –2 5 25 –5 0 >5 0 so il th ic kn es s (c m ) >9 0 90 –5 0 50 –1 0 <1 0 so il lo ss o ri gi na l s oi l d ep th < 1 m 25 25 –5 0 50 –7 5 >7 5 o ri gi na l s oi l d ep th > 1 m 30 30 –6 0 60 –9 0 >9 0 a ct ua l p ro d uc ti vi ty (% p ot en ti al ) 85 –1 00 65 –8 5 25 –6 5 <2 5 w in d e ro si on b a re a co ve re d b y hu m m oc ks (% ) <5 5– 15 15 –3 0 >3 0 su rf ac e gr av el p er ce nt c ov er <1 5 15 –3 0 30 –5 0 >5 0 sa lin iz at io n m or ph ol og yc so il el ec tr ic al c on d uc ti vi ty (m m ho s/ cm ) <4 4– 8 8– 16 >1 6 e xc ha ng ea bl e so d iu m (% ) <5 5– 20 20 –4 5 >4 5 c ro p yi el d (% p ot en ti al ) 85 –1 00 65 –8 5 20 –6 5 >4 5 a ff ec te d a re as (% ) <5 5– 20 20 –5 0 >5 0 a sl ig ht : s lig ht to m od er at e in s he et e ro si on a nd r ill s. m od er at e: m od er at e to s ev er e in s he et e ro si on a nd r ill s. s ev er e: s ev er e in s he et e ro si on , r ill s an d g ul ly e ro si on . v er y se ve re : v er y se ve re in s he et e ro si on , r ill s an d g ul ly e ro si on . b in cl ud es s ev er al o f t he s am e ch ar ac te ri st ic s us ed fo r w at er e ro si on . c sl ig ht : n o sa lt s. m od er at e: s al t s po ts . s ev er e: s al t s po ts a nd fi la m en ts . v er y se ve re : c ry st al lin e effl or es ce nc es a nd s al t c ru st s (s ol on ch ak ). 28 and wind erosion and salinization. verón, s.r. et al. (2006) criticized the matrix from several perspectives, particularly the subjective nature of the data. desertifi cation processes also aff ect hungary, therefore hungary is a signatory of the desertifi cation convention. it is interesting that even iceland belongs to the countries suff ering from desertifi cation problems and research activities on the topic are remarkably advanced (arnalds, o. 1997; arnalds, o.–kimble, j. 2001). the original concept of desertifi cation from the 1920s and 1940s is slightly diff erent from the uncod defi nition, which puts much more emphasis on the formation of deserts and considers desertifi cation as a process leading to desert development. according to menshing, h.g.–seuffert, o. (2001) we can describe a landscape desertifi ed only if geoecological characteristics of a landscape have already reached the representative values of the desert or these values will be reached within a certain period of time. authors supporting this concept of desertifi cation concentrate fi rst of all on marginal and zones surrounding deserts, which are especially sensitive to desertifi cation, as in the sahara–sahel marginal belt. there is continuous debate on the defi nition and understanding of desertifi cation (bádonyi, k. 2001). all concepts agree upon the fact that desertifi cation means severe degradation problems of territories with water defi cits and ongoing aridifi cation. the main triggering factor of desertifi cation is usually the removal of natural vegetation by human society. this includes all forms of vegetation, not only forests, but also shrubs, weeds and grasses. vegetation removal leads to climatic changes in the atmospheric boundary layer and increases aridifi cation. consequently, surfaces indurate, sometimes accompanied by crusting, and infi ltration rates decrease. soil crusting and the lack of vegetation then exacerbates the destructive eff ects of both water and wind erosion. soil erosion removes the upper soil layers, which are usually rich in humus and nutrients, so reducing the feasibility of both vegetation re-establishment and agricultural land uses. thus, landscape potential diminishes. the chance of reclaiming and regenerating vegetation in arid areas is less feasible if the climate is variable, especially if extreme events like extreme changes of moisture conditions are frequent (e.g. long periods of drought and catastrophic high intensity rainfall events). reclaiming degraded, or desertifi ed land is an important issue in combating these processes (mitchell, d.j. et al. 1998). prevention, if at all possible, may even be more important than reclaiming already damaged land. just one example of prevention against runoff and soil erosion is conservation agriculture or minimum tillage (bádonyi, k.–madarász, b. 2004). desertifi cation is fi rst of all related to specifi c climatic conditions and vegetation destruction and consequent soil erosion. all physico-geographical (environmental) factors contribute to desertifi cation, at least as modifying 29 agents. relief, physical and chemical soil properties and soil parent material play important roles in the speed, rate and extent of desertifi cation. desertifi cation rate depends also on initial soil moisture content and human interventions, and the latt er can be a positive interference. the course and consequences of the process are clear, from the initial status (i.e. subhumid, semi-arid or arid conditions) proceeding sequentially through the stages (e.g. if the area in question had a subhumid climate, then undergoing transformation to semi-arid and then arid conditions. as a consequence of ongoing aridifi cation the area may become hyperarid. in terms of vegetation, steppe will turn into savanna, followed by thorny savanna and then into semi-desert, reaching the ultimate stage of a desert. conclusions land (landscape) degradation is an ensemble of negative processes extending over immense areas. the methodologies of physical and social geography are the best tools for the investigation of land degradation processes, due to the complex nature of these processes. it is well known that environmental factors contribute to land degradation processes. socio-economic factors and the role of human society is equally important, and in some cases, even more important, than natural factors. land degradation was fi rst appreciated by soil science as where the possibilities of agricultural use on degraded land are restricted or prevented because of soil degradation. various forms of soil degradation are striking phenomena themselves, with saline areas being a good example. if the degraded area is not used for agricultural production, then the degradation of natural vegetation can also be striking. land(scape) degradation processes are also present in hungary, off ering a major challenge to hungarian geography. degradation processes within subhumid, semi-arid and arid areas are defi ned as desertifi cation processes to draw att ention to the specifi c dangerous situation in these areas. the poorest regions of the earth belong to here, totalling 40% of the earth’s surface. these regions are continuously struggling with famine. there is debate about the defi nition of desertifi cation. should the threshold values of the p/etp index be taken literally, in which case the term desertifi cation does not refer to desert formation? or should the defi nition relate to the possibility of desert formation? or it should it be restricted to those territories where the result of desertifi cation will or may really lead to desert conditions? hungary signed the convention on desertifi cation, as increasing aridity is a real national danger, especially on the danube-tisza interfl uve. there are areas in hungary corresponding to desertifi cation defi nitions. thus, desertifi cation research is an important challenge for hungarian geography. 30 because of the complexity of the processes, future desertifi cation research should concentrate on revealing all environmental and landscape ecological aspects of the problem, aimed at presenting a full ecological synthesis of the landscape. based on this synthesis, precise and practical suggestions should be developed on how to arrest land degradation, or how to redirect it towards positive directions, that is towards landscape reclamation and rehabilitation. references arnalds, o. 1997. desertification in iceland. desertification control bulletin 32, pp. 22–24. arnalds, o.–kimble, j. 2001. andisols of deserts in iceland. soil science society of america journal 65, pp. 1778–1786. aubreville, a. 1949. climats, forêts et désertifi cation de l’afrique tropicale. société des editions geographiques, maritimes et coloniales, paris. bádonyi, k. 2001. a tájdegradáció napjainkban. – földrajzi értesítő. 50/1–4, pp. 321–334. bádonyi, k.–madarász, b. 2004. the sowap project in hungary – measuring the environmental consequences of conventional and conservation tillage. – in: kertész á. (ed.) proceedings volume – 4th international congress of the essc. 25–29 may 2004 budapest, hungary. mta fki. budapest. pp. 332–335. barrow, c.j. 1991. land degradation: development and breakdown of terrestrial environments. cambridge university press, cambridge. 295 p. blaikie, p.–brookfield, h. 1987. land degradation and society. london: methuen. – in: barrow, c.j. (ed) 1991. land degradation: development and breakdown of terrestrial environments. cambridge university press, cambridge. pp. 1–4. bovill, d.w. 1921. the encroachment of the sahara on the sudan. journal of the african society 20. pp. 174–185. and pp. 259–269. eea environmental assessment report. 2003. europe’s environment: the third assessment. european environmental agency (eea), copenhagen eswaran, h.–reich, p. 1998. desertifi cation: a global assessment and risks to sustainability. international soc. soil sci. montpellier, france. fao 1990. fao production yearbook. rome: fao. fao/unep 1984. provisional methodology for assessment and mapping of desertifi cation. food and agriculture organization of the united nations, united nations environmental programme, rome, 73 p. herrmann, s.m.–hutchinson, c.f. 2005. the changing contexts of the desertifi cation debate. journal of arid environments 63. pp. 538–555. hudson, p.f.–alcántara–ayala, i. 2006. ancient and modern perspectives on land degradation. catena 65. pp. 102–106. imeson, a. c.–emmer, i. 1992. implications of climatic change for land degradation in the mediterranean. – in: jeftic, l.–millman, j.d.–sestin, g. (eds.) climate change and the mediterranean: environmental and societal impacts of climate change and sea-level rise in the mediterranean. unep. vol. 1. pp. 95–128. jakab, g.–szalai, z. 2005. barnaföld erózióérzékenységének vizsgálata esőztetéssel a tetvespatak vízgyűjtőjén. tájökológiai lapok 3. 1. pp. 177–189. 31 johnson, d.l.–lewis, l.a. 1995. land degradation: creation and destruction. oxford. le houérou, h.n. 1996. climate change, drought and desertifi cation. journal of arid environments 34. pp. 133–185. menshing, h.g.–seuffert, o. 2001. (landschafts-) degradation – desertifikation: erscheinungsformen, entwicklung und bekämpfung eines globalen umweltsyndroms. zeitschrift für geound umweltwissenschaften. petermanns geographische mitt eilungen. 6–15. justus perthes verlag gotha gmbh. mitchell, d.j.–fullen, m.a.–trueman, i.c.–fearnehough, w. 1998. sustainability of reclaimed desertifi ed land in ningxia, china. journal of arid environments 39. pp. 239–251. oldeman, l.r.–hakkeling, r.t.a.–sombroek, w.g. 1991. world map of the status of human-induced soil degradation: an explanatory note. wageningen, the netherlands and nairobi, kenya: international soil reference and information centre and united nations environment programme. scherr, s.j. 1999. soil degradation a threat to developing-country food security by 2020? washington: international food policy research institute. tóth, a.–szalai, z. 2007. tájökológiai és tájtipológiai vizsgálatok a tetves-patakvízgyűjtőjén. tájökológiai lapok 5. pp. 131–142. uncod 1977. proceedings of the desertifi cation conference. nairobi: unep and new york. pergamon press. 448 p. unep 1992. world atlas of desertifi cation. – unep – nairobi and edward arnold – london. 69 plates. verón, s.r.–paruelo, j.m.–oesterheld, m. 2006. assessing desertifi cation. journal of arid environments 66. pp. 751–763. far from the core – regions and industrial parks in economic 241 hungarian geographical bulletin 59 (3) (2010) pp. 241–254. far from the core – regions and industrial parks in economic shadow in hungary1 part two tibor tiner2 abstract the fi rst part of the paper (hung. geogr. bull. no 2. 2010) was an att empt to evaluate the level of development of nuts2 regions of the country on the basis of data for the leading 500 companies. the main results of the analysis showed close correlation between the geographical position and success (or failure) in business. the second part of the paper deals with economic effi ciency of top fi rms that are sett led into industrial parks of modestly developed and less favoured counties. analyses were carried on using fi nancial and statistical indicators published by diff erent institutions and fi rms (e.g. central statistical offi ce, creditreform ltd.) electronically or in printed version. the conclusion of the study is that the economic crisis burst in 2008 has aff ected adversely both the annual revenues and profi ts of the top fi rms sett led into industrial parks of the counties mentioned above. keywords: top 500 fi rms, revenues, profi ts, less favoured counties, industrial parks introduction in the second part of the study our foci are the counties and inside them only those of the leading fi rms that belonged to the top 500 in 2005 and 2009 by the volume of their annual revenues and profi t and sett led into industrial parks of selected counties during the last decades. the investigation consisted of three phases. in the fi rst phase annual revenues and profi t of the leading 500 enterprises of hungary were analysed and compared to each other for the year of 2005 and 2009 by counties. in the second phase the counties were evaluated by the change of ranking of their fi rms belonging to the top 500 ones. 1 the project was sponsored by national scientifi c research fund (otka). id. no: 75906. 2 geographical research institute, hungarian academy of sciences, h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mail: tinert@mtafk i.hu; j. selye university, ul. hradná 21. 94501 komárno 1. slovakia. e-mail: tiner.tibor@selyeuni.sk – – 242 in the third phase there were analysed the activities of the relatively small group of top 500 producing or servicing fi rms accommodated inside the industrial parks. to avoid overfl owing verbalism this part of paper tries to demonstrate the results by the help of several tables and fi gures. processes on county level the change in the number of fi rms and in the volume of annual revenues by counties based on parameters of relatively small groups of their fi rms belonging to the top 500 fi rms in 2005 and 2009 indicates a highly distorted structure (table 1). the fourth column of the table shows that between 2005 and 2009 nearly half of the counties had lost 36 top fi rms altogether and – without pest county – only 7 counties gained 11 top fi rms altogether. – table 1. the change in number of top fi rms and in the volume of their total annual revenues by counties between 2005 and 2009 county number of fi rms belonging to top 500 change, 2009/2005 total volume of annual revenues of the fi rms, bn huf change, 2009/2005, bn huf 2005 2009 2005 2009 pest komárom-esztergom fejér győr-moson-sopron borsod-abaúj-zemplén jász-nagykun-szolnok hajdú-bihar csongrád somogy heves vas bács-kiskun szabolcs-szatmár-bereg veszprém tolna baranya nógrád békés zala 46 25 27 25 20 11 15 15 5 10 10 12 10 11 2 8 3 6 8 66 27 22 25 23 12 13 16 7 7 10 8 5 6 3 5 4 3 2 + 20 + 2 – 5 0 + 3 + 1 – 2 + 1 + 2 – 3 0 – 4 – 5 – 5 + 1 – 3 + 1 – 3 – 6 3,018 2,311 1,659 1,759 973 350 641 391 477 443 420 225 201 264 123 276 51 106 132 4,846 3,879 2,259 2,221 1,344 1,126 853 811 606 460 374 240 231 226 188 159 92 77 39 + 1,828 + 1,568 + 600 + 562 + 371 + 776 + 212 + 421 + 129 + 17 – 46 + 15 + 30 – 38 + 65 – 117 + 41 – 29 – 93 source: creditreform ltd. 2006–2010 243 during this period the number of top fi rms in pest county had increased considerably and their total annual revenue exceeded 1,800 bn huf. in komáromesztergom county the volume of annual revenue was produced by the high incomes of nokia hungary ltd. located in the town komárom. in case of jász-nagykunszolnok county the spectacular increase in the volume of annual revenue owed to samsung hungary ltd. (located in jászfényszaru) which captured the 9th position in 2009 among the leading 500 fi rms in hungary (its position was only the 39th in 2005). in 2009 three companies of the energy sector have realized considerable result in csongrád county, and stepped to the 47th, 49th and 94th place of the ranking. at the other extreme baranya and zala counties were the biggest losers in this process. there had been a serious fall in the nominal value of annual revenue of their top fi rms, because due to the sharp competition on the hungarian energy market the biggest companies have lost their previous favourite position. there were also drops in the nominal values of annual revenues in vas, veszprém and békés counties. additionally, between 2005 and 2009 four counties (bács-kiskun, heves, szabolcs-szatmár-bereg and nógrád) had experienced only very modest increase. analysing the change in the number of fi rms and the volume of profi ts by counties based on parameters of the relatively small groups of their fi rms belonging to the top 500, considerable regional inequalities could be observed between 2005 and 2009 (table 2). looking at the fourth column of the table it can be seen that between 2005 and 2009 there was a dramatic fall in the number of fi rms with top profi tability in the majority of the counties. only few counties showed a modest positive change in the number of top fi rms. this process marks heavy concentration of profi ts produced by top 500 fi rms at budapest. it is a negative spatial trend with the strengthening position of budapest versus the rest of hungary. there is more evidence for it: 1. the number of profi table top fi rms in budapest has increased from 224 (2005) to 296 (2009), so the rate of the capital had grown from 44.8 per cent (2005) to 59.2 per cent (2009) among the top 500. 2. in 2005 the profi t realized by all the top fi rms was 838.6 bn huf in the 19 counties, which has increased only up to 982.1 bn huf in 2009. (diff erence: 143.5 bn huf, rate of increase: 17.1 per cent) 3. in contrast: in 2005 the total volume of profi t of the top fi rms in budapest has emerged to 1,382.4 bn huf, and it reached 2,092.7 bn huf until 2009. (diff erence: 710.3 bn huf, rate of increase: 51.4 per cent) consequently the economic crisis had really hit hard at the leading fi rms operating in the countryside, while largest companies with headquarters at budapest and being active in the most profi table sectors of the hungarian economy (energy supply, banking, insurance, public services) have managed to preserve their strong positions and even were able to further develop. 244 the direction of changes in the case of 14 modestly or weakly developed counties3 according to the annual revenues and profi t of their top fi rms between 2005 and 2009 is demonstrated on figure 1. studying the direction of changes in revenues–profi t relation it becomes clear that the position of four counties (hajdú-bihar, jász-nagykun-szolnok, csongrád and vas) has improved by 2009 compared to 2005. on the other hand the position of the so-called “marginal countries” (zala, baranya, nógrád, békés and szabolcsszatmár-bereg) changed only to a minimum extent. evaluating the counties by the change in ranking of their fi rms within the top 500 category further negative processes can be observed (table 3.) data on table 3 refl ect not only the fact that two thirds of these counties have lost their more favourable position in the ranking of their top fi rms since 2005, but there were merely two counties (szabolcs-szatmár-bereg and csongrád) which were able to step on much higher stages of the ranking list 3 baranya, somogy, tolna, veszprém, vas, zala, heves, nógrád, hajdú-bihar, jász-nagykunszolnok, szabolcs-szatmár-bereg, bács-kiskun, békés and csongrád counties. table 2. the change in number of top fi rms and in the volume of their profi t by counties between 2005 and 2009 county number of profi table fi rms belonging to top 500 change, 2009/2005 total volume of profi t of the fi rms, bn huf change, 2009/2005, bn huf 2005 2009 2005 2009 pest győr-moson-sopron komárom-esztergom fejér borsod-abaúj-zemplén vas hajdú-bihar heves veszprém csongrád jász-nagykun-szolnok bács-kiskun tolna somogy szabolcs-szatmár-bereg baranya békés nógrád zala 45 33 24 29 21 8 11 10 12 14 7 10 2 4 12 11 4 4 5 42 18 18 14 11 10 11 7 8 9 11 12 2 3 11 5 5 2 4 – 3 – 15 – 6 – 15 – 10 + 2 0 – 3 – 4 – 5 + 4 + 2 0 – 1 – 1 – 7 + 1 – 2 – 1 203.5 132.1 109.6 89.1 89.2 24.3 24.7 26.6 27.9 18.6 25.6 11.2 2.6 17.7 7.2 8.2 11.8 3.3 5.4 298.0 172.3 103.5 70.2 59.0 52.9 51.9 31.1 30.8 29.9 29.3 22.3 19.5 17.9 12.0 11.1 8.7 5.4 3.5 + 294.5 + 40.2 – 6.1 – 18.9 – 30.2 + 28.6 + 27.2 + 4.5 + 2.9 + 11.3 + 3.7 + 11.1 + 16.9 + 0.2 + 4.8 + 2.9 – 3.1 + 2.1 – 1.9 source: creditreform ltd. 2006–2010 245 table 3. the change in ranking of top fi rms according to the volume of their total annual revenues between 2005 and 2009 in 14 counties county number of fi rms belonging to top 500 average rank value of increase (+) or fall (–) of average rank2005 2009 2005 2009 jász-nagykun-szolnok hajdú-bihar csongrád somogy heves vas bács-kiskun szabolcs-szatmár-bereg veszprém tolna baranya nógrád békés zala 11 15 15 5 10 10 12 10 11 2 8 3 6 8 12 13 16 7 7 10 8 5 6 3 5 4 3 2 302 259 306 217 200 208 305 392 233 216 242 302 303 376 289 261 260 304 195 291 289 330 267 263 278 345 304 389 + 13 – 2 + 46 – 87 + 5 – 83 + 16 + 62 – 34 – 47 – 36 – 43 – 1 – 13 source: creditreform ltd. 2006–2010 fig. 1. changing position of the top fi rms of 14 counties on the annual revenues–profi t diagram. ar = annual revenue; p = profi t 246 of the top 500 companies. the positive change in the case of jász-nagykunszolnok and bács-kiskun counties was only modest. the position of heves, békés and hajdú-bihar counties has not changed signifi cantly. evaluating the above mentioned 14 counties by the change in ranking based on the profi t realized by the fi rms also negative trends could be observed (table 4.) data on table 4 demonstrate the results of a curious process. namely, most of modestly or weakly developed counties managed to preserve profi table fi rms, and at the same time the latt er had replaced the unprofi table ones. their number was 116 in 2005 and 110 in 2009, so during four years they experienced only a minor decrease. in the case of some counties the changing position of some dominant fi rms had resulted in higher or lower average values in ranking. (e.g. the fall in average rank of jász-nagykun-szolnok county owed to the lower rank of the samsung electronic hungary ltd. and electrolux lehel refrigerator factory ltd.) a spectacular increase could be recorded in tolna county where the position of paks nuclear power plant co. stepped forward from the 110th place (2005) to 28th place (2009) among the top 500 fi rms by profi tability. similarly the position of the e.on southern transdanubia ltd. (energy supply) has advanced from 96th place (2005) to 77th place (2009) in baranya county. the tendency of changes between 2005 and 2009 in the case of top fi rms of the 14 modestly or weakly developed counties according to the average ranks based on annual revenues and profi t is shown on figure 2. table 4. the change in the ranking of top fi rms by the volume of their annual profi t between 2005 and 2009 in 14 counties county number of fi rms belonging to top 500 average rank value of increase (+) or fall (–) of average rank2005 2009 2005 2009 jász-nagykun-szolnok hajdú-bihar csongrád somogy heves vas bács-kiskun szabolcs-szatmár-bereg veszprém tolna baranya nógrád békés zala 6 10 14 3 11 10 11 10 13 2 12 5 4 5 11 11 19 3 7 10 12 11 8 2 5 2 5 4 194 281 267 227 262 144 297 395 252 266 366 315 277 311 269 278 220 270 250 198 278 363 204 176 257 254 222 387 – 75 + 3 + 47 – 43 + 12 – 54 + 19 + 32 + 48 + 90 + 109 + 61 + 55 – 24 source: creditreform ltd. 2006–2010 247 evaluating the diff erent positions of countries by the tendency of change and its dimension ranking by annual revenues–profi t context, the following four groups (i–iv) can be identifi ed. between 2005 and 2009 the top fi rms in 5 counties of the fi rst group – and partly in békés county too – turned to a positive direction of development. the ranks have improved both by annual revenue and profi t. a majority of top fi rms in the second group of 4 countries (members) were able to step forward and ranked higher by profi t but their annual revenue increased only in small measure. owing to this negative fact their position became unfavourable and these counties were dropped in the rank of annual revenues. (close to the origo hajdú-bihar county belongs to this group but its position remained practically unchanged between 2005 and 2009.) – – fig. 2. change in the ranking of the top fi rms of 14 counties on the annual revenues–profi t diagram. rar = rate of change by annual revenue; rp = rate of change by profi t 248 only one county forms the third group. top fi rms of jász-nagykunszolnok county have managed to improve positions in the ranking by annual revenues, but they lost a lot in that by profi t. top companies of the three transdanubian counties belonging to the fourth group were the real losers. they have lost their position in the ranking by annual revenues and by profi t alike. nevertheless one of them (vas county on the hungarian-austrian border) has an advantage over the others. the closeness of austria might bring some prosperity in the county’s economy and probably would contribute to raise the rank values of the top companies of the county. – – table 5. the change in the ranking of top fi rms located in industrial parks by the volume of their total annual revenues between 2005 and 2009 county profi le of companies belonging to top 500 and located in industrial parks rank by annual revenues value of increase (+) or fall (–) of rankbranch, profi le seat 2005 2009 csongrád csongrád csongrád csongrád csongrád csongrád csongrád csongrád csongrád csongrád csongrád békés békés békés bács-kiskun hajdú-bihar hajdú-bihar jász-nagykun-szolnok jász-nagykun-szolnok jász-nagykun-szolnok baranya somogy somogy vas vas vas vas vas construction rubber industry food industry rubber industry car trade machinery food industry machinery trade building material tobacco trade food industry glass industry car accessories food industry food trade electronics machinery electronics car accessories machinery electronics electronics energy supply electronics car accessories wood industry car accessories metalworking szeged szeged szeged makó szentes szentes szentes hódmezővásárhely hódmezővásárhely hódmezővásárhely hódmezővásárhely orosháza orosháza szarvas kecskemét debrecen debrecen jászfényszaru jászárokszállás törökszentmiklós pécs kaposvár siófok szombathely szombathely szombathely szentgott hárd sárvár 162 372 150 290 – 464 185 311 358 291 – 327 230 250 325 205 – 20 – 367 215 – – 190 74 322 41 – 266 283 188 323 471 430 258 470 437 313 231 364 249 301 355 145 333 9 277 303 174 446 493 167 75 461 282 499 – 104 + 89 – 38 – 33 (+) + 34 – 73 – 159 – 79 – 22 (+) – 37 – 19 – 51 – 30 + 60 (+) + 11 (+) + 64 + 41 (+) (+) + 23 – 1 – 139 – 241 (+) source: creditreform ltd. 2006–2010 249 table 6. the change in the ranking of top fi rms located in industrial parks by the volume of their profi t between 2005 and 2009 county profi le of companies belonging to top 500 and located in industrial parks rank by profi t value of increase (+) or fall (–) of rankbranch, profi le seat 2005 2009 csongrád csongrád csongrád csongrád csongrád csongrád békés békés békés békés bács-kiskun hajdú-bihar jász-nagykun-szolnok jász-nagykun-szolnok jász-nagykun-szolnok baranya somogy vas vas vas vas vas construction rubber industry machinery food industry machinery trade building material glass industry glassware car accessories food industry food trade machinery electronics car accessories machinery electronics electronics electronics car accessories wood industry car accessories metalworking szeged szeged szentes szentes hódmezővásárhely hódmezővásárhely orosháza orosháza orosháza szarvas kecskemét debrecen jászfényszaru jászárokszállás törökszentmiklós pécs kaposvár szombathely szombathely szombathely szentgott hárd sárvár 325 171 476 242 341 164 78 84 191 457 352 271 187 88 157 79 285 137 188 222 194 245 423 305 84 202 384 492 121 49 162 428 (–) + 34 + 287 (–) (–) (–) – 144 – 110 – 54 (–) – 71 (+) (+) (–) – 15 (+) (+) – 33 (+) (–) – 83 – 143 source: creditreform ltd. 2006–2010 top fi rms in industrial parks of modestly or weakly developed counties surveying the location of fi rms operating or producing inside the industrial parks of the 14 modestly or weakly developed counties and belonging to top 500 by their annual revenue revealed that their number is very low, i.e. merely 28. here it has to be mentioned that the total number of fi rms located in this group of counties is also far below the value of 100 (only 74). consequently, 37.8 per cent of top fi rms of the 14 counties investigated are located in a kind of industrial parks. looking at table 5 and 6 considerable regional inequalities can be found. a closer examination of the data makes clear that 14 top fi rms have lost their position in ranking between 2005 and 2009. the average position loss exceeded the value of –73. only 7 companies have managed to get higher position in this period, but this step was not spectacular (their average win has reached + 46 only). further 7 fi rms managed to join to the club of top 500 between 2005 and 2009. most of the winners represent electronics (n.i. hungary ltd., debrecen; samsung electronics hungary co., jászfényszaru; elcoteq hungary ltd., pécs; 250 videoton electro plast ltd., kaposvár; epcos ltd., szombathely) and machinery industry (legrand hungary co., szentes; fag hungary ltd., debrecen; claas hungary ltd., törökszentmiklós). the losers belong to food industry (sole mizo co., szeged; hungerit poultry processing co., szentes; gallicoop co., szarvas ), car accessories (linamar hungary co., orosháza; general motors powertrain ltd., szombathely) and diff erent type of trade companies (e.g. bravotech ltd. and tabán tafi k co., hódmezővásárhely; hansa kontakt ltd., kecskemét). the regional patt ern of winners (figure 3) demonstrates the relatively good position of fi rms located in the industrial parks of the counties belonging to northern great plain region and partly in southern transdanubia. the losers are mainly concentrated in the counties of southern great plain region with few exceptions (e.g. contitech rubber industrial ltd., szeged; legrand hungary co., szentes), and in vas county within western transdanubia region. when the profi t of these fi rms accommodated in industrial parks is investigated the picture seems to be mixed. firstly it can be stated that among the fi rms located in industrial parks of the 14 modestly or weakly developed counties and belonging to top 500 by their profi t only 22 are profi table. the total number of fi rms belonging to this group of counties is relatively small (only 86). the rate (22 to 86) is an unfavourably low (25.6 per cent), marking a low economic effi ciency of top fi rms located in industrial parks of the 14 sample counties. the data of table 6. clearly demonstrate that 7 of 22 top fi rms have lost their previous position and fell out from the list of 500 most profi table companies of hungary between 2005 and 2009. further 8 of 22 have lost their former more favourable position on the list. this average position loss exceeded the value of –78. merely 2 companies have managed to get higher position in this period, and only one of them (legrand hungary co. located in szentes industrial park) has got a spectacular profi t increase since 2005. additional 5 fi rms managed to join to the club of 500 most profi table companies between 2005 and 2009. out of the few profi table top companies sett led in industrial parks of modestly or less favoured counties one belongs to rubber industry by profi le (contitech rubber industrial ltd., szeged), and another one to machinery industry (legrand hungary co., szentes). three of the fi ve companies having entered the club of top 500 by the volume of profi t represent electronics (samsung electronics hungary co., jászfényszaru; elcoteq hungary ltd., pécs; videoton electro plast ltd., kaposvár), one of them – machinery industry (n.i. hungary ltd., debrecen) and one –car accessories manufacturing (luk savaria kuplung producing ltd). 251 fi g. 3 . t en d en cy a nd th e ra te o f c ha ng e in th e ra nk in g of th e to p fi rm s se tt le d in in d us tr ia l p ar ks o f m od es t o r le ss fa vo ur ed c ou nt ie s by th ei r an nu al r ev en ue 252 it has to be emphasized however, that – opposite to the positive examples mentioned above – the overwhelming part of fi rms sett led in industrial parks of modestly or less favoured counties have lost their previous favourable position in ranking between 2005 and 2009. the biggest losers belong to diff erent branches of economy: amtek hungary co. (metalworking, sárvár), hansa kontakt ltd. (food trade, kecskemét), guardian hungary ltd. and glass manufacturing ltd. (glass industry and glassware products, orosháza), linamar hungary co. (car accessory products, orosháza) and epcos ltd. (electronics, szombathely). the regional patt ern of these 22 fi rms (figure 4) demonstrates the falling of profi t of the top fi rms located in industrial parks of the 14 counties. their substantial part (9 per cent) belong to southern great plain region (with a concentration in csongrád and békés counties), a smaller group (4 per cent) to western transdanubia (vas county). tendency of change in the case of the fi rms located in northern great plain region and southern transdanubia seems to be positive, but the size of this group is unfavourably small. conclusions comparing the change in revenues with that in profi ts in the case of nuts2 regions in hungary a very negative tendency can be seen. between 2005 and 2009 in case of profi ts of leading companies a serious decline or stagnation can be observed in all regions except central hungary. this process is a result of heavy concentration of profi t onto budapest and its agglomeration zone. between 2005 and 2009 the relative annual profi t (profi t per company) has changed also in the regions, showing a tremendous gap between developed and underdeveloped regions. problematic hungarian nuts2 regions and their counties have a modest dynamism of economic development. most of them is characterised mainly by processing industry, food industry and has agrarian character, which goes together with lower personal income and with a higher rate of unemployment than the national average. 14 counties of six nuts2 regions belong to the category of modestly or weakly developed counties. in spite of a large number of industrial parks with good regional accessibility these counties have only few important industrial fi rms and service companies realizing high annual revenue and profi table production. between 2005 and 2009 nearly half of the 19 counties have lost 36 top fi rms altogether and – without pest county – only 7 counties have gained 11 ones at all. – – – – – 253 fi g. 4 . t en d en cy a nd th e ra te o f c ha ng e in th e ra nk in g of th e to p fi rm s se tt le d in in d us tr ia l p ar ks o f m od es t o r le ss fa vo ur ed c ou nt ie s by th ei r pr ofi t 254 majority of top fi rms of the modestly or weakly developed counties was able to step forward in ranking by profi t but their annual revenue increased only to a minor extent. there is a very small number of fi rms operating or producing inside industrial parks of the 14 modestly or weakly developed counties and belonging to top 500 by their annual revenue. the regional patt ern of these companies demonstrates the falling profi t of the top fi rms located in industrial parks of the 14 counties. references see hungarian geographical bulletin 2010 vol. 59. no 2. 89–106. – – – << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice 3_poesen.indd 293poesen, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 293–299.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.64.4.3 hungarian geographical bulletin 64 2015 (4) 293–299. introduction the total number of research articles on soil erosion in the euro-mediterranean region amounts to ca. 7,000 papers whereas ca. 15,000 papers on soil conservation in this region have been produced (web of science, 2015). an overview of soil erosion processes, their controlling factors, consequences, prevention and control in europe was produced by boardman, j. and poesen, j. in 2006. consequently, one may ask the question: do we still need more soil erosion research that produces even more papers? the answer is clearly “yes” and in the following sections some arguments will be provided, aft er defi ning some important terms and concepts. soil erosion is a geomorphic process that detaches and removes soil material (mineral particles and associated organic matt er) from its primary location by natural erosive agents or through human or animal activity. natural erosive agents include water (ice), wind, and gravity. human activity refers to soil tillage, land leveling, crop harvesting, road and building construction whereas animal activity comprise trampling and soil removal by burrowing animals. soils are a natural resource that play a vital role in daily life given that they perform several important functions, i.e. general capabilities that are crucial for various agricultural, environmental, nature protection, landscape architecture and urban applications. scientists group these in six key soil functions (blum, w.e.h. 1993): 1) food, fi ber and other biomass production; soil erosion hazard and mitigation in the euro-mediterranean region: do we need more research? jean poesen1 abstract soil erosion represents a geomorphological and geological hazard that may cause property damage, loss of livelihoods and services, social and economic disruption, or environmental damage. erosion of our soils not only lowers the quality of soils on site, resulting in a drastic reduction of their ecosystem functions that play a vital role in daily life, but causes also signifi cant sediment-related problems off site. to curb soil erosion problems, a range of soil conservation techniques and strategies are applied. so far, ca. 7,000 papers on soil erosion and ca. 15,000 papers on soil conservation in the euro-mediterranean region have been published (web of science, 2015). one might therefore conclude that we now know almost everything about the various soil erosion processes, their factors and consequences as well as their control so that litt le new knowledge can still be added to the vast amount of available information. we refute this conclusion by pointing to some major research gaps that need to be addressed if we want to use our soils in the anthropocene in a more sustainable way and improve environmental conditions worldwide. more specifi cally the following research needs are addressed: 1) improved understanding of soil erosion processes and their interactions, 2) scaling up soil erosion processes and rates in space and time, 3) innovative techniques and strategies to prevent or reduce erosion rates. keywords: soil erosion processes, anthropogenic soil erosion, upscaling, soil conservation 1 division of geography and tourism, department of earth and environmental sciences, ku leuven, heverlee, belgium. e-mail: jean.poesen@ees.kuleuven.be poesen, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 293–299.294 2) environmental interaction such as water fi ltering, carbon storage and transformation of substances; 3) biological habitat and gene pool; 4) source of raw materials; 5) physical and cultural heritage and 6) platform for human-made structures such as buildings and roads. soil quality refl ects how well a soil performs these functions (tóth, g. et al. 2007). the 68th united nations general assembly has declared 2015 the international year of soils in order 1) to raise awareness of and improve teaching on the importance of soils for food security and essential ecosystem functions and 2) to stimulate sustainable soil management (soil conservation) (htt p://www. fao.org/soils-2015/about/en/). in many parts of the world, soil erosion lowers soil quality, resulting in for instance environmental degradation and poverty. soil erosion thus represents a geomorphological and geological hazard that may cause property damage, loss of livelihoods and services, social and economic disruption, or environmental damage (unisdr 2009). erosion not only affects the quality of soils on site, resulting in a drastic reduction of their ecosystem functions that play a vital role in daily life, but causes also signifi cant sediment-related problems off site (e.g. surface water pollution, fl ooding, river morphology changes, reservoir siltation and coastal development). this explains the relatively large number of soil erosion studies conducted so far. however, given the large body of literature on this subject, one might conclude that we now know almost everything about the various soil erosion processes, their factors, consequences and their control so that litt le new knowledge can still be added to the vast body of information that has been collected so far. i will refute this conclusion by pointing to some major research gaps that need to be addressed if we want to use our soils in a sustainable way and improve environmental conditions worldwide. need for improved understanding of soil erosion processes and their interactions water erosion assessing the impacts of climatic and land use changes on rates of soil erosion by water has been and is still the objective of many research projects. during the last 50 yrs, most research dealing with soil erosion by water has mainly focused on sheet (interrill) and rill erosion processes operating at the (runoff ) plot scale. this is seen in (1) the numerous fi eld experiments where runoff plots have been installed in order to assess soil loss rates due to sheet and rill erosion under various climatic conditions or land use practices (e.g. for the euromediterranean zone (see maetens, w. et al. 2012a) and (2) the use of both empirical and processbased fi eld-scale and catchment-scale soil erosion models, addressing mainly sheet and rill erosion, for assessing soil erosion induced by environmental change or for establishing soil erosion risk maps at various scales (poesen, j. et al. 2003). however, in many landscapes under different climatic conditions and with diff erent land use types, one can observe the presence and dynamics of various gully types, i.e. ephemeral gullies, permanent or classical gullies and bank gullies (e.g. for hungary, see kertész, á. and jakab, g. 2011). field-based evidence suggests that sheet and rill erosion as measured on runoff plots are therefore not always realistic indicators of total catchment erosion nor do they indicate satisfactorily the redistribution of eroded soil within a fi eld. it is through (ephemeral) gully erosion that a large fraction of soil eroded within a fi eld or catchment is redistributed and delivered to water courses. over the last decade, signifi cant progress has been made in the understanding of the mechanisms and factors controlling gully erosion in a range of environmental conditions. however, we are still far from being capable to predict soil loss rates by gully ero295poesen, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 293–299. sion. we also know very litt le about conditions and factors governing gully infi lling. yet we know that many gullies worldwide have undergone cut and fi ll cycles. in general, we understand quite well the conditions that lead to gully channel incision, but what caused gully infi lling by natural processes? subsurface erosion leading to the development of pipes, tunnels (piping, tunneling) and possibly to (discontinuous) gully channels has been observed in a wide range of environments where it may cause very signifi cant soil loss rates (verachtert, e. et al. 2011). yet we still do not fully understand all mechanisms involved nor are we capable to predict soil losses by subsurface erosion rates (verachtert, e. et al. 2013). anthropogenic soil erosion most research eff orts dealing with soil loss caused by environmental change have hitherto mainly focused on natural erosion processes, i.e. water and wind erosion, mass movements (landsliding). much less att ention has been given to anthropogenic soil erosion processes that during the last century have become more important and even dominant in a number of environments. tillage erosion, caused by soil translocation during tillage operations, is a soil degradation process that cannot be neglected in most cropland areas located on rolling or steep topography in all continents when assessing overall soil erosion rates (e.g. govers, g. et al. 1994; poesen, j. et al. 1997). likewise, leveling of badlands (e.g. in the mediterranean; photo 1.) to prepare cropland or grassland induces very high erosion rates (poesen, j.w.a. and hooke, j.m. 1997). harvesting certain crop types, particularly root and tuber crops, may also induce signifi cant soil losses leading to soil quality losses and signifi cant off site eff ects (poesen, j. et al. 2001; ruysschaert, g. et al. 2007). by far the largest erosion rates occur during soil excavations for constructing for example buildings and roads or during military activities (e.g. certini, g. et al. 2013). particularly “bombturbation” (hupy, j. and schaetzl, r. 2006) and digging of trenches in soils of confl ict zones causes signifi cant erosion rates, far more important than for instance splash erosion rates. a recent study calculated the following mean soil loss rates (during 4 years) in the vicinity of the world war 1 frontline in west belgium: i.e. 615 ton/ha due to bomb craters in a 1,262 km² aff ected area, 279 ton/ha due to trench digging in a 697 km² area and 114 ton/ha due to mine craters in a 109 km² area (hermans, l. 2015). integrating these soil losses over a total area of 1,262 km² that was severely affected by the war resulted in a mean soil loss of 780 ton/ha/4years. very few studies have att empted to quantify soil loss rates by such processes. it has become obvious that soil erosion in the anthropocene mainly occurs as a consequence of not only natural erosion processes but by a combination of natural and human-induced soil erosion processes and in an increasing number of case studies mainly due to anthropogenic soil erosion processes. the latt er are rarely considered in environmental impact studies. most studies investigating soil erosion-related topics in a particular study area, dealt with only one particular erosion process. however, in the real world often several processes causing soil loss are at play and usually they interact with each other resulting in a reinforcement or compensation in terms of soil loss. for instance, concentrated fl ow erosion and tillage erosion (and deposition) are two processes that oft en operate simultaneously on cropland and that reinforce each other (poesen, j. et al. 2011). other examples are land leveling interacting with gullying and shallow landsliding (borselli, l. et al. 2006), landsliding interacting with piping erosion (verachtert, e. et al. 2013), or the interaction between gullying, landsliding and sediment export by rivers (de vente, j. et al. 2006; vanmaercke, m. et al. 2012) . in order to make more realistic assessments of soil loss rates and sediment yield at catchment scale, more research att ention should go to these interacting erosion processes. poesen, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 293–299.296 apart from these interactions, more research is also needed about how erosion processes interact with other earth surface processes. for instance, how does gully erosion aff ect hydrological processes such as groundwater seepage (exfiltration) or recharge (poesen, j. et al. 2003)? how does soil erosion aff ect geochemical processes such as organic carbon storage and depletion (van hemelryck, h. et al. 2011)? to what extent is catchment sediment yield controlled by seismic activity (vanmaercke, m. et al. 2014b)? there is a clear need for an improved understanding of interactions amongst diff erent erosion processes as well as between these processes and other earth surface processes. scaling up soil erosion processes and rates in space and time: need for improved models and data mining many fi eld studies of soil erosion are limited by the size of the study area and the period over which the observations have been made. as to water-related erosion processes the emphasis has been on the runoff plot scale (0.001–0.01 ha; maetens, w. et al. 2012a) or relatively large catchments (10–100,000 ha; vanmaercke, m. et al. 2011). relatively few studies have investigated entire hillslopes or relatively small catchments (0.01–10 ha). to scale up fi eld measurements to larger areas and to longer periods, several procedures are followed, typically involving the use of erosion models. a whole range of models are available: from data-based to physicsor process-based, from simple to complex ones that need many input data (de vente, j. et al. 2013). building these models has aided to bett er understand signifi cant factors that control erosion processes and rates. however, all of them have limitations. for instance, most water erosion models only predict soil loss by sheet and rill erosion, not by gully erosion or piping erosion. almost all erosion models do not incorporate anthropogenic soil erosion processes such as tillage erosion or soil loss due to crop harvesting, nor do they account for the interactions between these processes. catchment sediment yield has been shown to both increase photo 1. land leveling of former badlands to create cropland has induced very large soil losses and soil profi le truncation (central spain, april 2012) 297poesen, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 293–299. and decrease with drainage area. the lack of simple relationships demonstrates complex and scale-dependent process domination throughout a catchment and emphasizes our uncertainty and poor conceptual basis for predicting plot to catchment-scale erosion rates and sediment yields. changing process domination and process complexity occurring with increasing spatial unit is not represented in most models which are typically formulated on empirical observations made on smaller spatial units, despite the recognition of the role of scale in controlling dominant erosion processes (de vente, j. et al. 2013). in order to support model calibration and validation, large-scale data collection and analysis (data mining) of published data on soil erosion rates and controlling factors is now increasingly needed, because of the data availability from many case-studies (oft en published in the grey literature), but also because scientists lose their data at a rapid rate. the availability of research data typically declines rapidly with article age, as shown recently in ecology (vines, t. et al. 2014). the same certainly holds for soil erosion and sediment yield data. hence there is an urgent need to compile and analyze such valuable metadata before they are lost for future generations. first att empts in this research direction have been recently published: e.g. erosion plot data in europe (maetens, w. et al. 2012b); catchment sediment yield data in europe (vanmaercke, m. et al. 2011); topographic thresholds for gully headcut development (torri, d. and poesen, j. 2014). innovative techniques and strategies to prevent erosion or reduce erosion rates overall, there has been much more research focus on rates and factors of particular soil erosion processes than on new techniques and strategies to avoid or to control these processes. moreover, the relative effi ciency of these techniques (as compared to conventional land use practices) has been poorly documented. what can be learned from failures and successes of soil erosion control programs? critical evaluations of past soil and water conservation programs are crucial as the past is the key to the future. analysis of large datasets (case-studies) is one way to solve this issue (e.g. maetens, w. et al. 2012a). innovation in erosion control research is rather limited compared to innovation in erosion process research (poesen, j. et al. 2003). for instance, we still control gully erosion with techniques (e.g. grassed waterways, check dams) that were already in use ca. 80 years ago (bennett, h. 1939). application of these techniques is not always feasible. therefore more eff orts should be made to further develop or to improve erosion control techniques. control of soil losses in erosion hot spots (e.g. gully heads and channels, river banks, landslide scars, construction sites, rural settlements in third world countries) remains a big challenge. traditionally, hard engineering structures (e.g. check dams, gabions, retention walls, anchors or retention ponds) have been installed in such spots as they provide an immediate solution for (gully) channel and slope stability and for reducing sediment production. however, these interventions may not necessarily be sustainable in the long run. alternatively soft engineering structures, making use of live vegetation (i.e. plant species that have optimal above and below-ground biomass characteristics; de baets, s. et al. 2009; reubens, b. et al. 2009), brush layers or fascines made from live plant cutt ings can be used to control erosion rates, but these take longer to fully stabilize soils. more research is needed to combine hard and soft engineering approaches in a balanced way that helps ecological restoration of erosion hot spots and that provides a broad spectrum of ecosystem services (stokes, a. et al. 2014). along these lines, a bett er understanding of root properties of indigenous plant species and their potential to control soil erosion by incisive processes, such as concentrated fl ow erosion or shallow landsliding, is much needed (vannoppen, w. et al. 2015). poesen, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 293–299.298 a major factor in the implementation of soil erosion control and soil conservation techniques is the social-economic situation (e.g. poverty, level of development, status of forest transition, subsidies, …) in a given target area (e.g. see garcia-ruiz, j.m. et al. 2013 for the mediterranean). what are the optimal pathways to implement soil conservation measures and to reduce soil erosion rates: a top-down or a bott om-up approach? if the latt er is more eff ective, how can we stimulate such an approach? these questions require a bett er understanding of human (society) – environment interactions. conclusions despite the vast number of research papers on soil erosion and soil conservation in the euromediterranean region published so far, there are still several major challenges for soil erosion researchers which have been discussed above . if future research focuses on these research gaps, we will not only bett er understand processes and their interactions operating at a range of spatial and temporal scales, their rates as well as their on-site and off -site impacts (which is academically spoken rewarding), but we will also be in a bett er position to select the most appropriate and eff ective soil erosion control techniques and strategies which are badly needed for a sustainable use of our soils in the anthropocene. acknowledgement: i acknowledge the support of the eugeo 2015 organizers and of zoltán kovács in particular which made my participation in this congress possible. thanks also go 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(1): 94–97. web of science, 2015. all databases, accessed on june, 21, 2015, htt p://thomsonreuters.com/thomson-reuters-web-of-science/ poesen, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 293–299.300 changing ethnic patt erns of the carpatho–pannonian area from the late 15th until the early 21st century edited by: károly kocsis and patrik tátrai hungarian academy of sciences, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences budapest, 2015 ----------------------------------price: eur 12.00 order: geographical institute rcaes has library h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. this is the third, revised and enlarged edition of the changing ethnic patt erns of the carpatho–pannonian area. the work is georeferenced and comes with a cd-appendix. the collection of maps visually presents the ethnic structure of the ethnically, religiously and culturally unique and diverse carpathian basin and its neighbourhood, the carpatho–pannonian area. the volume – in hungarian and english – consists of three structural parts. on the main map, pie charts depict the ethnic structure of the sett lements in proportion to the population based on the latest census data. in the supplementary maps, changes in the ethnic structure can be seen at ten points in time (in 1495, 1784, 1880, 1910, 1930, 1941, 1960, 1990, 2001 and 2011). the third part of the work is the accompanying text, which outlines ethnic trends in the past fi ve hundred years in the studied area. this volume presents the carpatho–pannonian area as a whole. thus, the reader can browse the ethnic data of some thirty thousand sett lements in various maps. << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.3 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice 1_kassam.indd 3kassam, a. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 3–11.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.66.1.1 hungarian geographical bulletin 66 2017 (1) 3–11. introduction a scrutiny of agricultural production systems, their functioning and organization must consider how appropriate and sustainable the current agricultural paradigm is for the future for farmers, their communities and the society at large, and how environmentally sustainable it is? the agricultural supply side is generally analysed by mainstream scientists in terms of available resources and inputs for agriculture to meet future demand. only more recently analyses have begun to address externalities of the production systems, such as environmental damages, associated input factor efficiencies and system resilience against major external challenges. however, relatively rarely do mainstream researchers question the conventional agricultural paradigm regarding its appropriateness for the sustainable development agenda and the environmental challenges the world is facing. equally, the delivery of ecosystem services by conventional agricultural has not been an area of serious mainstream research concern (mea 2005; beddington, j. 2011; lal, r. and stewart, r.a. 2013). this article elaborates on the nature of the supply side of food and agriculture systems and discusses: how much food is being promobilizing greater crop and land potentials sustainably amir k a s s a m 1, gottlieb b a s c h 2, theodor f r i e d r i c h 3, emilio g o n z a l e z 3, paula t r i v i n o 3 and saidi m k o m wa 4 abstract the supply side of the food security engine is the way we farm. the current engine of conventional tillage farming is faltering and needs to be replaced. it is faltering because it causes unacceptable level of soil erosion and land degradation, and loss in yield potential, productivity, efficiency, resilience and ecosystem services. ‘business as usual’ is no longer considered to be a suitable option for the future. this article addresses the supply side issues of agriculture to meet future agricultural demands for food and by industry with the alternate conservation agriculture (ca) paradigm (involving no-till seeding and weeding in soils with mulch cover and in diversified cropping) that is able to raise productivity sustainably and efficiently, reduce costly inputs, regenerate degraded land, minimize soil erosion, and harness the flow of ecosystem services. ca is an ecosystems approach to farming capable of enhancing not only the economic and environmental performance of crop production and land management, but also promotes a mindset change for producing ‘more from less’, the key attitude towards sustainable production intensification. ca is spreading globally in all continents at an annual rate of some 10 million hectares of cropland. in 2013–2014, ca covered more than 157 million hectares of rainfed and irrigated cropland and it is likely that its current spread is close to some 200 million hectares. in addition, perennial cropping systems such as orchards and plantations are being transformed into ca systems in all continents. in addition to being a best option for large-scale farmers, ca offers a real pro-poor agricultural development model to support sustainable agricultural intensification for low input smallholder farmers. keywords: conservation agriculture, supply side, demand side, tillage agriculture, no-till, sustainable intensification 1 university of reading, uk. e-mail: amirkassam786@googlemail.com. correspondent author. 2 university of evora, portugal 3 university of cordoba, spain. 4 act kenya kassam, a. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 3–11.4 duced currently? how much more do we need to produce to meet our future needs? how appropriate is the current production paradigm of tillage agriculture for meeting future food and agriculture needs? the article illustrates and discusses the inherent destructive nature of the conventional tillage agriculture itself in causing soil, land and environmental degradation, and its consequent inability to function at maximum output with efficiency and resilience, or to deliver ecosystem services. the article shows how sustainable production intensification can be and is being mobilized with the alternate paradigm of no-till ca that has been spreading in all continents since the 1990s (goddard, t.m. et al. 2007; kassam, a. et al. 2009, 2013, 2015, 2016; jat, r.a. et al. 2014; farooq, m. and siddique, k.h.m. 2015). nature of the supply side latest estimates from fao suggest that the world needs to produce some 60 per cent more food to meet the demand of the expected global population of 9.2 billion at 2050 (fao 2012). recent fao forecast indicates that this can be achieved if we can maintain an annual increase in food production globally at an average rate of 0.9 per cent, with a variation in regional rates from 0.3 per cent in europe to 1.6 per cent in africa (fao 2014). in terms of the actual output of food, this corresponds to an increase in cereal production from 2.53 billion tons in 2014, from an area of 715 million hectares (3.54 t/ha), to 3.28 billion tons in 2050, from an area of some 736 million hectares. this output equates to an average yield of 4.3 t/ha to meet food, feed and biofuel demands as well as losses of some 40 per cent. if wastage was halved, the yield required would drop to 2.64 billion tons, corresponding to average yield of 3.44 t/ha, and not much more than what the world agriculture is producing currently. reducing wastage is not going to be a simple matter because the issues involved are to do with our food habits and life styles as we become more affluent, urbanized and globalized, and the way the modern food system operates to store, process, and package and deliver food to meet demands. however, we can presume that there will be increasing pressure in the future from the consumers and governments to minimize wastage of food as cost of production and consumer prices rise, particularly in view to comply with the sdg 12 on responsible consumption and production. to characterise the nature of the supply side, we have used cereal output required, and the corresponding net land area and average yield, to set the quantities involved. this is because cereals meet two-thirds of our calorie needs. also, the proportion of net land area under cereals to annual noncereal crops is generally about 50:50 (bontefriedheim, c. and kassam, a. 1994), and as cereal production increases, so does the non-cereal production. thus the total agricultural land area required to meet global agricultural needs from annual cropping at 2050 will be some 763 x 2 = 1.53 billion hectares. assuming that there is additional need for land for permanent crops of various kinds of some 0.5 billion hectares would suggest a total net land area needed for annual and perennial crops of around 2 billion hectares. currently the total agricultural cropped area is 1.6 billion hectares. according to fao (fao/iiasa 2002; (fao 2012), potential suitable agricultural land area globally (i.e. very suitable, suitable and moderately suitable land combined) is some 4.5 billion hectares. thus, the net current cropped land area corresponds to some 36 per cent of the total global available suitable land area. in addition to the suitable agricultural land, there is some 2.7 billion hectares of marginal lands. we believe that this includes some 0.4 to 0.5 billion hectares of land area that was once suitable agricultural land but has been abandoned over the years (dregne, h.e. and chou, n.t. 1992; pimentel, d. et al. 1995; montgomery, d.r. 2007; gibbs, h.k. and salmon, j.m. 2015), particularly since the world war ii, due to severe land degradation and erosion arising 5kassam, a. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 3–11. from the unsustainable way land is managed under the tillage-based agriculture in industrialized countries and in developing countries (montgomery, d.r. 2007). for the expected plateau population of 10 billion around 2100 and beyond, the total cereal required could be some 5 billion tones, if everyone were to demand some 500 kg per capita of cereals, which is the current level in europe to meet food, feed and biofuel demands and the amount that is wasted. this equates to a yield of some 6.55 t/ha assuming no more area expansion in the net cropped area beyond 2050 (i.e. 763 million hectares) and no decrease in wastage, or 5.24 t/ha assuming 50 per cent decrease in wastage. alternately, if we assumed an expansion of net land area for cereal cropping to 1 billion hectares, then the corresponding yields would be 5 t/ha, assuming current levels of food wastage, or 4 t/ha assuming a 50 per cent decrease in food wastage. whichever way the future unfolds, it would seem that the total net area required to meet global food and agricultural needs would be between 2 and 2.5 billion hectares. based on the assessments of land and water resources available, fao and their collaborators have maintained that it should be possible to meet 2050 global food, feed, biofuel demand (including wastage) within realistic rates for land and water use expansion and yield development (fao 2014). the ‘hidden’ reality and societal cost of conventional tillage agriculture while the quantities of yield and total output supply involved to support the food demand at 2050 appear agronomically doable, and there appears to be enough available land and water resources to support the required output, the reality on the ground on farms tells a different story. the fao future projections are based on assessments that assume the continued use of the tillage-based agricultural production systems (fao 1978–l981, 2012, 2014; fao/ iiasa 1984, 2002). however, the assessments do not explicitly take into account the resulting degradation and loss of crop and land productivity that has been occurring over the past years and which will continue in the future, leading to loss in productivity and marginalization and abandonment of agricultural lands. the marginal suitability category of land in the fao assessments includes much of the degraded and abandoned agricultural land whose original agroecological suitability status is unknown. additionally, it is assumed that yield gaps can continue to be filled based on the current practice of intensive tillage and increased application of costly and excessive production inputs, assuming the same or even higher production increase rates than in the past. in other words, the paradigm assumed to meet future food demand in the future scenarios of fao and their collaborators is the degrading ‘business as usual’ (fao 1978–1981, 2012, 2014; fao/iiasa 1984, 2002). this ‘more of the same’ approach to intensification can no longer be considered to be sustainable economically, environmentally and socially anywhere including in the industrialized nations and in the emerging economies. in the low income countries, tillage agriculture based on the use of hoes and animal traction to pull simple ploughs leads to land degradation and loss of top soil to the point where land is eventually abandoned. often, the lack of mineral fertilizers accelerates the loss in crop and land productivity. further, in many important high yield production areas the yields have reached a ceiling (brisson, n. et al. 2010), with declining or even negative rates of yield increase. conventional tillage-based production systems (sometime referred to as the green revolution (gr) agriculture paradigm) have generally become unsustainable for the future. this is because they have been causing land and ecosystem degradation, including loss of agricultural land, and loss of productivity and ecosystem and societal services (montgomery, d.r. 2007; goddard, t.m. et al. 2007; kassam, a. et al. 2009, 2013; kassam, a. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 3–11.6 lindwall, c.w. and sontag, b. 2010; basch, g. et al. 2012; jat, r.a. et al. 2014; farooq, m. and siddique, k.h.m. 2015). this gr approach does not seem to be going anywhere now even in the nations where it is claimed to have made an impact in the 1960s and the 1970s. for example, it is often stated that countries in asia were the first to benefit from the gr, but the question is why did it not continue to spread? in fact, the conventional ‘modern’ approach to crop production intensification based on expensive intensive tillage, seeds, agrochemicals and energy is often not affordable by resource poor smallholder farmers, nor does it lend itself to socio-culturally inclusive development, given that all the individual production enhancing interventions of increased inputs must fit into some form of a ‘neoliberal business model’ in which it is assumed that farmers must purchase additional inputs from retail dealers in the supply chain who are buying those inputs from the wholesale dealers who are supplied by the manufacturer. the point we are making is that the so called gr approach has led, particularly since world war ii, to a paradigm for production intensification that is based on intensive tillage and the notion that more output can only come from applying more purchased inputs, and that farmers and their service providers and governments do not need to worry about the negative externalities that may arise as a result of the production practices being applied (pretty, j. 2002; beddington, j. 2011). nor is there any concern being expressed in the conventional gr agriculture approach about agricultural land area continuing to be severely degraded and abandoned due to the negative impact of the conventional tillagebased production paradigm (kassam, a. et al. 2009, 2013). many areas, which in human history were the cradle of culture and intensive agriculture, are deserts today (montgomery, d.r. 2007). some 400 million hectaresof agricultural lands are reported to have been abandoned since the world war ii due to severe soil and land degradation; and yields of staple cereals in industrialized regions appear to have stagnated under tillage agriculture (montgomery, d.r. 2007; brisson, n. et al. 2010, gibbs, h.k. and salmon, j.m. 2015). these are signs of unsustainability at the structural level in the society, and it is at the structural level, for both supply side and demand side, that we need transformed mind sets about production, consumption and distribution. intensification under the gr paradigm globally has led to more intensive and aggressive mechanical soil tillage, input use and the application of economic models such as the specialization leading to extended monocropping. the result is more land degradation, erosion, pollution and vulnerability of agriculture related to extreme climatic events under a climate change scenario. these practices in the tillage-based conventional production systems have all contributed, at all levels of development, to soil degradation and loss of agricultural land, decrease in attainable yields and input factor productivity, and excessive use of seeds, agrochemicals, water and energy, increase in cost of production, and poor resilience. they have also led to dysfunctional ecosystems, degraded ecosystem and societal services, including water quality and quantity, nutrient and carbon cycles, suboptimal water, nutrient and carbon provisioning and regulatory water services, and loss of soil and landscape biodiversity. they all constitute the unacceptable food, agricultural and environmental costs being passed on to the public and to the future generations. this is why we say that if we are to: (i) mobilize greater crop and land potentials sustainably to meet future food, agriculture and environmental demands; (ii) maintain highest levels of productivity, efficiency and resilience (‘more from less’); and (iii) rehabilitate degraded and abandoned agricultural land and ecosystem services, we need to replace the faltering production ‘engine’– the conventional tillage-based production paradigm – and transform the food and agriculture systems that are built upon it. this transformation is now ongoing and needs to be acceler7kassam, a. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 3–11. ated (goddard, t.m. et al. 2007; kassam, a. et al. 2009, 2013, 2015, 2016; lindwall, c.w. and sontag, b. 2010; jat, r.a. et al. 2014; farooq, m. and siddique, k.h.m. 2015). replacing the faltering conventional tillage-based production engine with no-till ca soil’s productive capacity is derived from its many components (physical, biological, chemical, hydrological, climate) all of which interact dynamically in space and time within cropping systems and within agroecological and socio-economic environments. a productive soil is a living biological system and its health and productivity depends on managing it as a complex biological system, not as a geological entity. a regularly tilled soil, whether with a hand hoe or with a plough, eventually collapses and becomes compacted, cloddy and self-sealing. instead of having 50 to 60 per cent air space in a healthy undisturbed soil, tilled soils have much lower volume of air space and no significant network of biopores. of the 50 to 60 per cent pore space in a healthy soil, some 50 per cent can be filled with water, thus serving as a major buffer against climate variability. on the other hand, a regularly tilled soil would hold much less water due to its low pore volume and poor aggregate stability. scientific studies and empirical evidence worldwide have shown that the biology of the soil and all the biological processes along with the other chemical, hydrological and physical processes depend on soil organic matter content. so the real secret of maintaining a healthy soil is to manage the carbon cycle properly, so that the soil organic matter content is always as high as possible above 2 per cent, that the soil is not disturbed mechanically to minimize the decomposition of organic matter, and that the soil surface is protected with a permanent layer of organic mulch cover which also serves as a substrate for soil microorganisms. in addition to maintain and support natural enemies of pests, a food web must be allowed to establish itself in the field, and this can only occur if there is a source of decomposing organic matter upon which to establish a food web above and below the ground surface, providing habitats for the natural enemies of pests. as fao’s ‘save and grow’ approach shows (fao 2011, 2016), to harness the conditions that are sufficient for achieving sustainable production intensification, agriculture must literally return to its roots and rediscover the importance of healthy soils, landscapes and ecosystems while conserving resources, enhancing natural capital and the flow of ecosystem and societal services at all levels – field, farm, community, landscape, territory and national (and beyond). the no-till production paradigm, known as ca (ca), is totally compatible with the above multi-dimensional goal as defined by its following three interlinked principles (www. fao.org/ag/ca): 1. no or minimum mechanical soil disturbance. avoiding tillage and sowing seed or planting crops directly into untilled soil in order to: lessen the loss of soil organic matter and disruptive mechanical cutting and smearing of pressure faces, promote soil microbiological processes, protect soil structure and connected pores, avoid impairing movement of gasses and water through the soil, and promote overall soil health. 2. maintaining a permanent mulch cover on the soil surface with growing plants and crop residue. use crop residues (including stubbles) and cover crops to: protect the soil surface, conserve water and nutrients, supply organic matter and carbon to the soil system and promote soil microbiological activity to enhance and maintain soil health including structure and aggregate stability (resulting from glomalin production by mycorrhyza), and contribute to integrated weed, pest and nutrient management. 3. diversification of species. use of diversified cropping systems with crops in associations, sequences or rotations that will contribute to: diversity in rooting morphology, kassam, a. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 3–11.8 root compositions, enhanced microbiological activity, crop nutrition, crop protection, and soil organic matter build-up. crops can include annuals, trees, shrubs, nitrogen-fixing legumes and pasture, as appropriate. implementing the above three principles using locally appropriate practices, along with other good practices of crop, soil, nutrient, water, pest, energy management, the above principles appear to offer entirely-appropriate solution, potentially able to slow or reverse productivity losses and environmental damages. they also offer a range of other benefits, which generally increase over time as new and healthier soil productivity equilibrium is established, including: – increase yields, farm production and profit, depending on the level of initial degradation and yield level (ecaf 2011; soane, b.d. et al. 2012; jat, r.a. et al. 2015; farooq, m. and siddique, h.k.m. 2015; li, h. et al. 2016; kassam, a. et al. 2013, 2016). – up to 50 per cent less fertilizer required if already applying high rates, and greater nutrient productivity with increased soil organic matter level (sims, b. and kassam, a. 2015; lalani, b. et al. 2016; kassam, a. et al. 2016). – some 20–50 per cent less pesticides and herbicides required if already applying high rates, and greater output per unit of pesticide or herbicide. in the case where pesticides and herbicides are not used or available, integrated weed and pest management can achieve adequate pest and weed control with less labour requirements (lindwall, c.w. and sonntag, b. 2010; lalani, b. et al. 2016; kassam, a. et al. 2016). – up to 70 per cent less machinery, energy and labour costs. in manual production systems there can be a 50 per cent reduction in labour requirement as there is much less or no labour required for seedbed preparation and for weeding (sims, b. and kassam, a. 2015; freixial, r. and carvalho, m. 2010). – decrease in soil erosion and water runoff (derpsch, r. 2003), increase water infiltration, water retention and up to 40 per cent reduced water requirement and increased water productivity in rainfed and irrigated conditions (landers, j. 2007; basch, g. et al. 2012; jat, r.a. et al. 2015). – greater adaptability to climate change in terms of more stable yields, and lower impact of climate variability from drought, floods, heat and cold (thierfelder, c. et al. 2015; kassam, a. et al. 2016). – increased contribution to climate change mitigation from increased soil carbon sequestration, reduced greenhouse gas emissions, and decrease in the use of fossil fuel. additionally, lower carbon and environmental footprint due to reduced use of manufactured inputs such as agrochemicals and machinery (ecaf 2011; corsi, s. et al. 2012; gonzalez-sanchez, e.j. et al. 2012; kassam, a. et al. 2009, 2013). – lower environmental cost to the society due to reduced levels of water pollution, and damage to infrastructure such as roads, bridges and riverbanks as well as water bodies due to reduced erosion and floods (mello, i. and van raij, b. 2006; ecaf 2011; laurent, f. et al. 2011; ana 2011; itaipu 2011). – rehabilitation of degraded lands and ecoservices from all agricultural land under use as well as from abandoned agricultural land in which the eroded topsoil and the soil profile need to be rebuild (kassam, a. et al. 2013). – greater opportunity for establishing large scale, community-based, cross-sectorial ecosystem service programmes such as the watershed services programme in the parana basin in brazil, and the carbon offset trading scheme in alberta, canada (mello, i. and van raij, b. 2006; haugen-kozyra, k. and goddard, t.m. 2009; kassam, a. et al. 2011, 2013; laurent, f. et al. 2011; ana 2011; itaipu 2011; ccc 2011). the above benefits have now been documented on large and small farms throughout the world (goddard, t.m. et al. 2007; jat, r.a. et al. 2015; farooq, m. and siddique, k.h.m. 2015; kassam, a. et al. 2015, 2016). 9kassam, a. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 3–11. consequently, increasingly greater attention is being paid to support the adoption and upscaling of ca by governments, international research and development organizations, national research and development bodies, ngos and donors. they all see it as a viable option for sustainable production intensification to support local and national food security, poverty alleviation, especially of smallholders, improving ecosystem services, and reducing cost of production and minimizing land degradation. in 2013–2014, the global spread of ca was 157 million hectares of annual cropland, and since 2008–2009, the global area under ca has expanded at an annual rate of expansion of 10 million hectares. some 50 per cent of the area is located in the developing regions and 50 per cent in the industrialized world. increasingly, ca is also seen to be complementary to system of rice intensification (sri) because sri performs best when aerobic soil conditions are maintained. integrating sri into rice crop management under ca increases significantly the water saving and yield potential. in practice, the sri crop management method of planting in wide square spacing appears to benefit not only rice but many other crops including wheat, millet, tef, pulses and oilseeds, and vegetables (uphoff, n. 2015). concluding remarks in light of the above, we draw the following conclusions: – meeting 2050 food demand is agronomically doable. however, business as usual, and continuing to rely on conventional tillage-based farming system for further intensification of agricultural production, is not an option to meet future needs sustainably. – for the farming communities, ca addresses the root causes of agricultural land degradation, sub-optimal ecological crop and land potentials or yield ceilings, and poor crop phenotypic expressions and yield gaps. – ca is potentially applicable in most landbased agro-ecosystems and all cropping systems in rainfed and irrigated conditions. – ca is increasingly seen as a real alternative and constraints to adoption are being addressed. it is now increasing at the annual rate of 10 million hectares and covered some 157 million hectares in 2013–2014. – land, water and climate constraints affect regions differently. all regions, but especially resource-poor regions, and areas affected by climate change would benefit immediately from ca. – for developed regions, ca can improve profit, sustainability and efficiency at high yields with less degradation and more resistance to climatic shocks. for the high output farmer, ca offers greater efficiency (productivity) and profit, resilience and stewardship. – for developing regions, ca offers greater output and profit to small and large farmers with less resources and land degradation. ca not only provides the possibility of increased crop yields for the low input smallholder farmer, it also provides a propoor rural and agricultural development model to support agricultural intensification in an affordable manner and an affordable way to adapt to climate change. – ca is capable of rehabilitating degraded lands and ecosystem services on landbased production systems world-wide. – policy and institutional (including education and research) support, farmer organizations and champions are needed to mainstream the adoption of ca globally. as national economies expand and diversify, more people become integrated into the economy and are able to access food. however, for those whose livelihoods continue to depend on agriculture to feed themselves and the rest of the world population, the challenge is for agriculture to produce the needed food and raw material for industry with minimum harm to the environment and the society, and to produce it with maximum efficiency and resilience against abiotic and biotic stresses, including those arising from climate change. kassam, a. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 3–11.10 there is growing empirical and scientific evidence worldwide that the future global supplies of food and agricultural raw materials can be assured sustainably at much lower environmental and economic cost by shifting away from conventional tillage-based food and agriculture systems to no-till ca-based food and agriculture systems. to achieve this goal will require effective national and global policy and institutional support (including research and education). r e f e r e n c e s 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geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 27–39.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.69.1.3 hungarian geographical bulletin 69 2020 (1) 27–39. introduction grain size is a fundamental property of the soils and sediments, which can provide information on their origin with particular regard to transport dynamics, deposition and post-depositional alterations of sedimentary mineral particles. these properties can be deciphered from the particle size distribution. generally, the sedimentary deposits may contain a wide range of particle sizes from boulder fraction to the smallest size, clay and colloid (mccave, n. and syvitski, j.p.m. 1991). in most landscape development system, the particle size distribution of the constituent sediments reflects the morphological characteristics associated with the physical processes of development processes (switzer, a.d. 2013). the importance of the particle size distribution lies in resembling the physico-chemical properties of materials (e.g., particle size) which are determined by the power and capacity of the transporting agent. furthermore, sediments and soils have 1 eötvös loránd university, faculty of science, department of environmental and landscape geography, pázmány péter sétány 1/c. h-1117 budapest, hungary; geographical institute, research centre of astronomy and earth science. budaörsi út 45. h-1112 budapest, hungary. e-mail: gresina.fruzsina@csfk.mta.hu comparison of pipette method and state of the art analytical techniques to determine granulometric properties of sediments and soils fruzsina gresina1 abstract the determination of particle size distribution is a crucial issue in various fields of earth sciences (e.g., quaternary research, sedimentology, stratigraphy, structural geology, volcanology), environmental sciences as well as diverse industrial applications (e.g., pharmaceuticals, cement industry). new measurement techniques developed as a result of industrial demands have also gained ground in environmental and earth sciences research. the new techniques (especially laser diffraction) have enabled the particle characterisation in the broader size-range with a more detailed resolution. still, they have to be compared with data obtained by classical methods. in light of the above, the primary aim of our research is to examine the methods of particle size determination critically. excessive oversimplifications of particle size analyses routinely have used in paleo-environmental and paleo-climatological reconstructions, and other sedimentary studies, as well as insufficient knowledge of the background of the applied methods, distort the interpretation of the results. over the past four decades, laser diffraction particle size analysers have proven to be practical tools of particle size characterisation. however, the shape of the natural sediment and soil particles are irregular and, therefore, affects the particle size distribution results obtained by different methods. the results of the traditional pipette method differed from laser diffraction results. the presence or absence of the pretreatments did control the differences between the two techniques. the results of fraunhofer optical method were significantly different from mie theory because it can detect much lower volume percentages of finer particles. grain size results of coarse-grained samples measured by different laser diffraction devices were more comparable than the results of more clayey samples. the ratios of different sizes were changed due to the hydrochloric acid and hydrogen peroxide pretreatments. the comparison of different techniques is necessary to revaluate standards in grain size measurements which can enable the shift from conventional methods to more productive and reproducible methods. still, light scattering techniques have not yet been able to displace classical methods in earth sciences completely, in contrast to industrial applications. keywords: grain size analysis, laser diffraction, pipette method, particle shape gresina, f. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 27–39.28 specific features that depend on their particle size distribution, e.g., hydraulic properties (porosity, mass density, water content, water retention), thermal conductivity, and specific surface area (campbell, g.s. and shiozawa, s. 1992; udvardi, b. et al. 2017). before the recent paradigm shift (blott, s.j. and pye, k. 2006; újvári, g. et al. 2016; varga, gy. et al. 2019a) particle size distribution was measured by sieving and sedimentation method. this can be expressed as a percentage by size class, as a fraction of total dry grains by volume or weight. the relatively new and fast-spreading of laser diffraction methods raises the question of how similar are the data by laser particle sizing and classical techniques. numerous studies were published to discuss the difference between the results of new particle size determination methods and conventional approaches (e.g. syvitski, j.p.m. et al. 1991; konert, m. and vandenberghe, j. 1997; beuselinck, l. et al. 1998; di stefano, c. et al. 2010; centeri, cs. et al. 2015a, b). the object of these studies is generally to determine and compare the clay fraction with the results obtained by the different methods. simultaneously, the question may arise, where to draw the boundary of the clay fraction. the limits of the ranges may change during sample preparation (aggregates disintegration, removal of grain coatings by chemical pretreatment). from these studies, it can be concluded that the clay content of a sample depends on its clay mineral composition and properties, including particle shape characteristics. materials and methods recent soil and sediment samples were investigated in the present study. various methods analysed the particle size distribution of gleysol horizon b, haplic luvisol horizon bt and podzolic luvisol horizon c. furthermore, loess and sandy loess were included in the particle size studies. samples were collected from hungarian locations with special attention to the representation of samples with generally different granulometric character (from clayey to more sandy texture). loess and sandy loess were collected from kőszárhegy, podzolic luvisol and haplic luvisol samples were taken from sopron, lastly, gleysoil was collected from ceglédbercel (figure 1). table 1. shows the applied methods which performed on the samples. large aggregates and rock-fragments were separated using a 2 mm sieve. before the first set of measurements, the samples were only pretreated with sodium pyrophosphate (5%) to disintegrate aggregates into individual particles. during the next series of measurements, the organic matter and caco3 coatings were also removed from the test samples by using hydrogen peroxide (30%) and hydrogen chloride (10%). pipette method and laser diffraction were used during the study. the pipette method is based on the change in density over time calculated from suspension settling time (t) and depth (z), which gives all the grains in the original concentration (vs ≤ z / t). this assumes that the particles settle independently, there is no flocculation, and the temperature is constant. the solid material content of the test sample is determined by evaporation and mass measurement. a correction value is used to subtract the dissolved salts of the sample. the cumulative curve of the mass of sedimentation fractions can be determined by the stokes law: vs = δρ . g . d2 / 18μ, where δρ is the density difference between the liquid and the particles, d is the diameter of the particles, μ is the molecular viscosity, and g is acceleration by gravity (mccave, n. and syvitski, j.p.m. 1991). the pipette method expresses the number of particle size classes by weight. during the procedure of pipette method, 25–25 g of material was weighed together with 1 litre of distilled water in the settling cylinders (5 sets). larger particles were trapped using a 250 µm sieve. three (podzolic luvisol horizon c, haplic luvisol horizon bt, and loess) of the five samples were used for the evaluation of the pipette method. 29gresina, f. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 27–39. deviations from the results calculated using the theoretical stokes law (suspecting spherical particle shapes) can be expected if the particles are irregularly shaped, as most clay particles have a flat, lamellar shape. the non-spherical particles settle with their maximum cross-section projection perpendicular to the settling direction. consequently, this situation increases the expected tensile strength of the particle and reduces the settling rate. the particle shape affects the results, as an overestimation of the so-called fine fraction (di stefano, c. et al. 2010). the pipette method has more other drawbacks: it is time-consuming, highly dependent on laboratory technique and operator error (syvitski, j.p.m. et al. 1991). it requires a large volume of samples (at least 20–25 g) for analysis. hence, the speed of the method is not sufficient to accurately analyse large numbers of samples (beuselinck, l. et al. 1998). the laser diffraction particle size analysis is based on the interaction of laser light and the particles, as reflection, refraction, absorption and diffraction of light (caused by the particle) result in a specific light scatter pattern depending on particle size. the angle and intensity of scattered light are transformed into particle size distribution by different optical theories. the traditional laser diffraction analysers are based solely on the principle that particles of a given size diffract the light at a given angle. the angle of diffraction increases with decreasing particle size (mccave, n. and syvitski, j.p.m. 1991). generally, two optical models can be used to calculate particle size from the light intensity: fraunhofer and mie theories (gee, g.w. and or, d. 2002). fraunhofer diffraction calculates only by the angle of light diffraction (de boer, g.b.j. et al. 1987), while mie theory also takes into account the events of light absorption and refraction during particle size determination (eshel, g. et al. 2004). both theories assume that the particles are spherical. thus, the particle diameter obtained from the laser diffraction is equivalent to the sphere that gives the same diffraction as the particle (di stefano, c. et al. 2010). the sphere is the only shape which crosssectional diameter is constant, regardless of the angle at which it is viewed. the problem is that natural particles have different cross-sections in all directions. thus, the cross-sectional area of a non-spherical particle is larger than that of a sphere having the same volume as the particle. it places this tested particle in a larger size range than can be inferred from its apparent radius. thus, there is a shift in size distribution towards coarser fractions (eshel, g. et al. 2004). the laser diffraction gives the particle size distribution as a percentage by volume. the laser diffraction devices which originate from different manufacturers usually differ from each other. these differences based on the laser systems, the number of detectors and the measuring range (table 2). during the refraction and absorption adjustments, the mie theory was applied to the fig. 1. map of the sampling areas table 1. applyed grain size analysis methods in the case of different samples samples measurements by pipette method laser diffraction loess luvisol podzolic luvisol sandy loess gleysol 5 repetiton ø ø 5 repetition hungaryhungary romaniaromania ukraineukraine slovakiaslovakia polandpoland czech republicczech republic austriaaustria croatiacroatia serbiaserbia sloveniaslovenia bosniaherzegovina bosniaherzegovina sopron ceglédbercel kőszárhegy gresina, f. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 27–39.30 horiba partica la 950 v2 with a refractive index of 1.45 and a light absorption value of 0.1 (according to the recommendations of varga, gy. et al. 2019b). the other device which was used during the study was the fritsch analysette 22 microtec plus. quartz refractive index of 1.54 and light absorption value of 0.1 was selected in the measurements settings (additionally, the fraunhofer settings were also applied during the fritsch measurements). measurements were made in wet dispersion in the case of both devices (ri of water [1.33] was applied). the shape of the particles can be characterised by various properties, e.g., shape, roundness, and sphericity of the irregularity (blott, s.j. and pye, k. 2008). the shape of a particle can be described by its three-dimensional characteristics, which are defined by the ratio of length, thickness, and width (sneed, e.d. and folk, r.l. 1958). convexity describes how closely the shape of a given particle approximates the form of a real sphere (in two dimensions, this property is called circularity). if the surface of a particle has significant depressions (concavity) and protrusions (convexity), its shape can be sensed irregular (blott, s.j. and pye, k. 2008). the method was applied to each of the five samples in order to obtain information on the shape of the particles examined. the shape information of the tested sediments and soils was provided by the malvern morphologi g3-id automated static image analyser. recently, morphological characterization of grains is a dynamically developing method for investigating various sediments (moss, a.j. 1966; rogers, c.d.f. and smalley, i.j. 1993; varga, gy. et al. 2018; varga, gy. and roettig, c.-b. 2018; király, cs. et al. 2019). the number of analysed grains was not sufficient for robust statistical analysis. this problem has been successfully overcome with automatized systems (cox, m.r. and budhu, m. 2008). image analysis provides direct observational data of particle size, and due to the automatic measurement technique, a large number of particles are characterised allowing us a more robust and objective granulometric description of particles compared to manual microscopic approaches (varga, gy. et al. 2018). image analysis-based measurements were organised into a number-based database, which can be transformed into a volumetric database as well. all of the particles have their identity number (id). the applied greyscale intensity threshold was 0–45 with 20× objective. the shape parameters were determined automatically. circularity and aspect ratio were analysed in this study as attributes of the individual particles. aspect ratio is the ratio of width and length, and circularity parameter of a particle describes the proportional relationship between the circumference of a circle equal to the object’s projected area and perimeter. particle size ranges of pipette method were also used in the case of laser diffraction to compare the results of the two approaches adequately. however, during comparison of the results of the two laser diffraction devices, the three distribution curves (fritsch analysette 22 mie and fraunhofer models, horiba partica la 950 v2 mie theory) with the original grain size bin allocations were plotted together. for samples that only have undergone laser diffraction measurements, table 2. measuring properties of laser diffraction devices manufacturer device measuring range, µm number of sensors optical method type of laser horiba ltd. la-950 laser particle size analyser 0.01–3,000 n.d. mie 650 nm (red), 405 nm (blue) fritsch gmbh. analysette 22 0.01–2,100 57 fraunhofer, mie 532 nm (green), 850 nm (infrared) n.d. = no data. 31gresina, f. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 27–39. a different representation was used. this definition applies to sandy loess and b horizon of gleysol. the same chart shows the results of untreated and pretreated samples per device. bar chart and connected dot chart types were used to display data. beyond the visual evaluation of the graphs, the results were compared by performing the linear regression analyses (n = 13). results comparison of laser diffraction and pipette results for the untreated sample of loess (figure 2, a), the <2 µm fraction can be characterised by the highest volumetric proportion compared to other ranges. this trend is valid for all four distributions. the results of the pipette method were not significantly different from the laser diffraction. for the pretreated samples (figure 2, b), the proportion of the <2 µm range decreased and the volumetric contribution of silt fractions (10–20 µm and 20–50 µm), increased in the case of all four methods. based on figure 3 (a), and figure 3 (b), it can be stated that the hydrochloric acid and hydrogen peroxide pretreatment resulted in a more even distribution in all three cases. typical loess distribution was obtained with a minor deviation for the smallest fractions. in the case of untreated (figure 3, a) elemental particles, there are some differences in the distribution curves, especially in the sub-micron fraction. it is also important to note that the difference between fraunhofer diffraction and mie theory was also apparent, although the same instrument measured it. the fraunhofer optical model does not show a secondary maximum in the untreated sample, in contrast to the mie theory. besides, the result obtained by the horiba instrument shows the highest secondary peak for the same sample. so, the difference was reflected in the results obtained by the same optical model, which was measured with different manufacturers’ equipment. in the case of the pretreated sample (figure 3, b) the difference is reduced, partly because of the larger particle size ranges converge. the regression coefficient between the two devices was above 0.94 (r2untreated = 0.93). in the case of luvisol, similarly to loess, pretreated (figure 2, d and figure 3, d) samples show a more uniform distribution than the untreated ones (figure 2, c and figure 3, c). the ratio of the <2 µm particles was materially reduced by hydrogen peroxide pretreatment, especially in the case of horiba particle size analyser, where the volume percentage of the <0.5 µm fraction decreased from 12 to 0 per cent. simultaneously, the proportion of larger particle increased, especially for 31–63 µm and 63–125 µm. the regression coefficient showed a higher value for pretreated samples of laser diffraction devices (r2untreated = 0.72; r2pretreated = 0.89). the third sample, the horizon c of podzolic luvisol, was subjected to pretreatment combined with the pipette method. the comparison was made by using two series of pipette measurements. as a result, the size of the particles was influenced by the duration of pretreatment (figure 2, g). the mass proportions of the finest and the coarsest size fractions showed a significant decreasing trend as a function of pretreatment time. a general increase of silt-sized particles could be detected after longer pretreatment. the parallel measurements size distribution with longer pretreatment time was much more similar to the results obtained by laser diffraction. that is why it was used to compare the different method’s grain size distributions. in the case of podzolic luvisol sample, there were substantial differences between the untreated and pretreated samples. figure 2 (e) shows that the distributions of untreated samples are following two types of curves. the mie and fraunhofer results of fritsch device are almost identical. however, they differ from the horiba values and the results of the pipette method. the former has detected a larger ratio in size range of <20 µm. the latter shows a steady increase in diameter towards the larger particles. as an effect of the pretreatment (figure 2, f), the size data which were obtained by fritsch device got closer to the gresina, f. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 27–39.32 fig. 2. particle size distributions of the samples as regards the results obtained by the laser diffraction method and pipette. – pipette = percentage by weight; laser diffraction = percentage by volume; a = loess, untreated; b = loess, pretreated; c = luvisol, untreated; d = luvisol, pretreated; e = podzoic luvisol, untreated; f = podzolic luvisol, pretreated; g = podzolic luvisol, pretreated by two methods <2µm 2–5µm 5–10µm 10–20µm 20–50µm 50–250µm 250µm< 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 % grain size <2µm 2–5µm 5–10µm 10–20µm 20–50µm 50–250µm 250µm< 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 % grain size <2µm 2–5µm 5–10µm 10–20µm 20–50µm 50–250µm 250µm< 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 % grain size <2µm 2–5µm 5–10µm 10–20µm 20–50µm 50–250µm 250µm< 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 % grain size <2µm 2–5µm 5–10µm 10–20µm 20–50µm 50–250µm 250µm< 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 % grain size <2µm 2–5µm 5–10µm 10–20µm 20–50µm 50–250µm 250µm< 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 % grain size pretreated for a shorter period pretreated for a longer period pretreated for a shorter period pretreated for a longer period pipette horiba, mie fritsch, mie fritsch, fraunhofer pipette horiba, mie fritsch, mie fritsch, fraunhofer <2µm 2–5µm 5–10µm 10–20µm 20–50µm 50–250µm 250µm< 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 % grain size a c e g b d f 33gresina, f. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 27–39. fig. 3. particle size distributions of samples based on laser diffraction results. comparison of different instruments. – a = loess, untreated; b = loess, pretreated; c = luvisol, untreated; d = luvisol, pretreated; e = podzolic luvisol, untreated; f = podzolic luvisol, pretreated horiba’s and pipette method’s results. the value of the r2 increased to 0.93 between the two laser diffraction devices obtained by the mie theory (r2untreated = 0.0). in the case of the fritsch instrument (figure 3, e), there are two secondary maxima in the fraunhofer as well as in the mie distributions. the maximum is at 14 µm, and the other two additional peaks are at 200 µm and 1,000 µm. in the case of the horiba instrument, the distribution is much smoother, since the smallest value of the distribution is ~3.4 µm, while the maximum is at ~100 µm. all in all, the results of the two devices are entirely different. the pretreatment, however, resulted in much more uniform distributions of podzolic luvisol samples (figure 3, f). similar significant differences were reported by varga, gy. et al. (2019b). 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 0.01 0.1 1 10 100 1000 v o lu m e ( % ) grain size (µm) horiba, mie fritsch, mie fritsch, fraunhofer 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 0.01 0.1 1 10 100 1000 grain size (µm) horiba, mie fritsch, mie fritsch, fraunhofer 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 0.01 0.1 1 10 100 1000 grain size (µm) horiba, mie fritsch, mie fritsch, fraunhofer 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 0.01 0.1 1 10 100 1000 grain size (µm) horiba, mie fritsch, mie fritsch, fraunhofer 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 0.01 0.1 1 10 100 1000 grain size (µm) horiba, mie fritsch, mie fritsch, fraunhofer 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 0.01 0.1 1 10 100 1000 grain size (µm) horiba, mie fritsch, mie fritsch, fraunhofer a c e b d f v o lu m e ( % ) v o lu m e ( % ) v o lu m e ( % ) v o lu m e ( % ) v o lu m e ( % ) gresina, f. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 27–39.34 comparison of different optical models of laser diffractometry and effects of sample pretreatments results of laser diffraction measurements of sandy loess samples are presented in figure 4 (a) and (b). volumetric proportions of <10 µm fractions of treated and untreated horiba results were significantly different from each other; the pretreatment resulted in a substantial decrease in this range, but, the two secondary maxima remained the same. the mie results of fritsch device shows a similar tendency: as a result of the pretreatment (figure 4, b), the percentage of <10 µm fraction has decreased. the value of the regression coefficient increased as a result of pretreatment as measured by the horiba and fritsch instrument using mie theory: r2treated = 0.87; while r2untreated = 0.43. it is worth noting that results calculated by using the fraunhofer theory were profound than the grain sizes of mie settings. however, the three laser diffraction curves are moving together in the ranges above 100 µm. the result of the horizon b of gleysol obtained by the horiba laser diffraction particle size analyser shows typical characteristics of the tendency in the literature (figure 4, c), that the proportion of smaller particle size diameters increases after pretreatment procedures (di stefano, c. et al. 2010). the same tendency can be observed in the case of fritsch device (figure 4, d), with only a slight shift towards smaller particle size ranges. in the case of the fraunhofer optical model, it should be emphasised that the pretreatment did not perform the expected result, as no secondary maximum was achieved after the pretreatment. howfig. 4. particle size distributions of samples based on laser diffraction results. comparison of different instruments. – a = sandy loess, horiba partica la 950 v2; b = sandy loess, fritsch analysette 22; c = gleysol, horiba partica la 950 v2; d = gleysol, fritsch analysette 22 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 0.01 0.1 1 10 100 1000 v o lu m e (% )v o lu m e ( % ) grain size (µm) horiba, mie untreated horiba, mie pretreated a 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 0.01 0.1 1 10 100 1000 v o lu m e (% )v o lu m e ( % ) grain size (µm) horiba, mie untreated horiba, mie pretreated c 0 2 4 5 6 7 8 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 0.01 0.1 1 10 100 1000 v o lu m e (% )v o lu m e ( % ) grain size (µm) fritsch, mie untreated fritsch, mie pretreated b 0 1 2 3 4 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 0.01 0.1 1 10 100 1000 v o lu m e (% )v o lu m e ( % ) grain size (µm) fritsch, mie untreated fritsch, mie pretreated d 3 1 35gresina, f. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 27–39. ever, the value of the regression coefficient decreased in this case as a result of pretreatment between horiba and fritsch instrument results: r2treated = 0.63 and r 2 untreated = 0.8. table 3 summarises the average values of two malvern morphologi g3-id particle shape parameters (circularity and aspect ratio). the size-dependence of these properties were also tested; the circularity values decrease from the smaller fractions towards the larger sizes (figure 5, a–e), but larger grains typically have high aspect ratio, although their circularity parameter is relatively low. discussion by the spread of new techniques, several research groups have tried to compare and match the results obtained with different techniques. these studies reported the clear uncertainties of determination of the clay and fine silt fractions, and unknown particle morphology was proposed to be a possible cause of the mismatches (konert, m. and vandenberghe, j. 1997; beauselinck, l. et al. 1998; pieri, l. et al. 2006; di stefano, c. et al. 2010). the results of this paper only partially reflect the trends found in the literature. according to di stefano, c. et al. (2010), the laser diffraction underestimates the proportion of clay fraction compared to the pipette method, however, this tendency is only partially true for our results since the ratios of different size fractions (including the claysized particles) were changed (primarily) due to the hydrochloric acid and hydrogen peroxide pretreatments. in the case of loess, the laser diffraction detected a higher proportion of the <2 µm fraction in the untreated sample than the pipette method. however, this phenomenon reversed as a result of carbonate removal. the smallest particles of luvisol has practically disappeared according to pipette method after the pretreatment (<2 µm fraction of the untreated sample was ~29.8%). the case of podzolic luvisol was different; the emphasis was on the >10 µm ranges and their changes. these phenomena are because the investigated materials had different mineral composition and organic content. the disintegration of aggregates and removal of grain coatings which were responsible for the larger grain size these established smaller particles, even nanometres in size which can no longer be detected by these methods. so the emphasis shifted towards the relatively larger size ranges. the particle size distribution measured by laser diffraction particle size analyser does not match the values determined by classical methods, which has several causes. laser diffraction gives a percentage by volume, whereas conventional methods (sedimentation, sieving) give a percentage by weight. the result of laser diffraction is generally independent of the density of the particles, whereas the pipette method is based on the change of density over time (syvitski, j.p.m. et al. 1991). these few differences are enough to give different results for the same sample. the literature on the results of laser diffraction instruments is controversial, according to di stefano, c. et al. (2010) there is no significant difference between the cumulative distribution curves determined by the two optical theories. while baywel, l.p. and jones, a.l. (1981) and de boer, g.b.j. et al. (1987) report significant differences in the smaller grain size ranges. based on our study, results of fraunhofer diffraction are significantly different from mie theory, because it can detect much lower volume percentages of finer particles. this theory assumes that the laser beam is parallel, and the sensors are at a great distance relative to table 3. comparison of the volume-weighted mean shape properties of the untreated tested samples, malvern morphologi g3-id samples circularity aspect ratio loess luvisol horizon bt podzolic luvisol horizon c sandy loess gleysol horizon b 0.921 0.960 0.884 0.933 0.944 0.841 0.879 0.821 0.844 0.885 gresina, f. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 27–39.36 the size of the diffracted particle (loizeau, j.l. et al. 1994). if the particles are larger than the wavelength of the light, the interaction can be interpreted as diffraction (de boer, g.b.j. et al. 1987). the fraunhofer theory becomes inapplicable when the particle diameter approaches the wavelength of light. as the refraction of the grain falls within this size range, this principle is no longer applicable (loizeau, j.l. et al. 1994). therefore, any comparison of fine-grained (clayand fine silt-sized) fractions measured by different laser and traditional methods will provide different results for each sedimentary sample (varga, gy. et al. 2019b). according to varga, gy. et al. (2019b), if only one laser diffraction device is used with the same optical settings for all samples from the investigated profile, the significant relative changes of measured data and calculated values will reveal the general trends. nevertheless, absolute values can only be compared if the same optical settings and the same devices were used. unfortunately, fig. 5. comparison of the volume weighted mean shape properties of the size ranges of the untreated tested samples, malvern morphologi g3-id. – a = loess; b = luvisol; c = podzolic luvisol; d = gleysol; e = sandy loess 37gresina, f. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 27–39. a large proportion of research papers still do not discuss the applied laser diffraction measurement settings properly, and the specification of the applied optical approach and complex refractive index are the most commonly missing pieces of information (varga, gy. et al. 2019b). all in all, horiba and fritsch grain size results of samples with a higher volumetric proportion of larger particles (sandy loess, podzolic luvisol, loess) were more comparable than the results of more clayey samples. this may be because the coarse-grained samples are characterized by a higher proportion of more spherical particles than the clayey gleysol with more irregular mineral grains. the shape of sand-sized grains is more similar to a sphere than the particles of smaller size ranges (polakowski, c. et al. 2014). therefore, the methods were more compatible with sandy samples. the results of particle shape analysis by optical microscope were also contradictory since particle circularity of smaller size ranges (<4 µm) were closer to 1 than the larger grains. this was contrary to the trend found in the literature. the reason for this was probably due to the presence of adhesives (caco3, organic matter ), which formed aggregates in the sample, thus were distorting the shape distribution. the number of pixels decreases with grain size. the smaller particles have smaller area covered by pixels, which can lead to simplified shape properties compared to larger grains. in the case of luvisol the circularity property was the highest among the other samples. this sample had a relatively large amount of small particles (0.5–2.0 µm) which did not led to proper shape properties over the whole sample. consequently, analysis by separating aggregates is warranted. however, the device does not show a three-dimensional image of the shape of the particles. the third dimension of particles cannot be accurately determined by automated static image analysis as the orientation of individual particles is not random, they are facing into the ccd-camera with their largest surface area (varga, gy. et al. 2018). conclusions nowadays, the laser diffraction technique is one of the most advanced methods for determining particle size distribution. in contrast to the classical techniques, these measurements are faster, more reproducible, and need a relatively small amount of material. depending on the purpose of the measurements, the question of the need for chemical pretreatment of samples has to be taken into account too. it can be stated that it greatly influences the obtained results. it may be questionable to what extent it is advisable to use hydrochloric acid pretreatment for loess since a significant part of the sediment is composed of carbonate. is it worth removing carbonates completely if they build up real grains? if the purpose of the measurements with different devices is data harmonization, it is advisable to use the same unit of measurement. it is not advisable to represent the measurement methods together in various dimensions, treating them in the same plane since they measure different properties of the particles. when combining data from different laser diffraction devices, special care should be taken to ensure that measurements are made with the same optical adjustment, with particular reference to the value of the refractive index. in the case of measurements of the smallest grain fractions, the obtained results must be treated with caution. the laser diffraction devices which were used in this study have different structure, the results obtained by them may not be the same; dual laser systems developed by different manufacturers do not operate in the same wavelength range, however, according to varga, gy. et al. (2019b), the wavelength of built-in laser(s) do(es) not have an effect on the results. it may be advisable to include a device capable of measuring in the submicron range (photon correlation spectroscopy). an inter-laboratory comparison could help for optimizing techniques for different sediment types as well as set new standards in particle size determination methods. also, gresina, f. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 27–39.38 it is worth getting some information about the mineral composition and shape of the particles (optical microscopy, electron microscopy), which can help to explain certain phenomena and differences between the distribution curves. when using an optical microscope, it is worth considering the irregularity of the particles as a function of the aspect ratio of the particles rather than the circularity parameter. even before the expansion of the laser diffraction technique, the standardisation of particle size distribution was difficult. for more than two decades, syvitski, j.p.m. et al. (1991) have stated that although there are many methods for determining particle size, none in sedimentology and geomorphology can be accepted as an uncompromising procedure. in the present study, the particle size distributions were compared, however, beyond these methods there are more complex analyses which can be used depending on what property is desirable (simple statistical methods, ratio-based indicators, mathematical-statistical methods). in geomorphology and sedimentology, the determination of particle size distribution is rarely the ultimate goal. the objectives are to determine the evolution of surface forms, and the conditions of transport as well as the deposition of the grains. one of its key components is the determination of particle size distribution (switzer, a.d. 2013). interpretation of granulometric (particle size and particle shape) data enables understanding and reconstruction of sedimentation environments and processes controlling surface evolution. acknowledgements: the study is supported by the únkp-19-3 new national excellence program of the ministry for innovation and technology. support of the national research, development and innovation office nkfih k120620 and kh130337 are gratefully acknowledged. r e f e r e n c e s bayvel, l.p. and jones, a.r. 1981. electromagnetic scattering and its applications. applied science, london, englewood n.j. beuselinck, l., govers, g., poesen, j., degraer, g. and froyen, l. 1998. grain-size analysis by laser diffractometry: comparison with the sieve-pipette method. catena 32. 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a fourth principle, related to the integrated management of weeds, has also been suggested (farooq, m. and siddique, k.h.m. 2015). these principles, taken together, primarily aim at reducing soil erosion: this was in fact the main goal pursued when such practices became popular in north america in the 1930s, following the ecological and social catastrophe of the dust bowl in the american mid-west. however, a number of additional benefits have also been largely suggested or demonstrated, including an increase in soil water retention, a reduced need for mineral fertilization, the enhancement of biodiversity and so on (hobbs, p.r. et al. 2008; dordas, c. 2015; nawaz, a. and ahmad, j.n. 2015). it is important to note that such advantages may be atsupporting transition toward conservation agriculture: a framework to analyze the learning processes of farmers hélène c r i s t o fa r i 1,2, nathalie g i r a r d 1 and danièle m a g d a 1 abstract conservation agriculture (ca) is based on 3 principles, namely reduced soil disturbance, permanent soil cover, and more complex and legume-rich rotations; and multiple studies have shown its positive impacts. because ca relies on a variety of ecological processes, it is more deeply rooted in a specific ecological context than conventional agriculture. the complexity of these processes makes it difficult to elaborate general recipes to be applied by farmers, who therefore need to learn to make their own choices adapted to their own agroecosystem. consequently, helping farmers to move toward ca requires supporting them in learning to develop their own practices. farmers’ learning remains poorly investigated at the individual level, with in particular very little work focusing on learning in ca. we hypothesize that the processes involved in learning to practice ca may differ from those involved in conventional agriculture: for instance, the current lack of detailed reference documents may induce farmers to experiment more. against this background, we here aimed at describing how farmers experienced in ca learn, by qualifying their learning mechanisms and processes. to do so, we conducted five comprehensive interviews with farmers experienced in ca, and then inductively analyzed the data to explore the diversity of learning mechanisms involved, i.e. the elementary actions or cognitive activities which, organized together, constitute a learning process. we, thus, propose a descriptive framework of non-ordered and non-obligatory learning mechanisms that appear to be mobilized by farmers experienced in conservation agriculture, as a first step toward a deeper analysis of their learning processes. we further emphasize the often unintentional aspect of learning, as well as the importance, for farmers who wish to implement ca practices, of developing new standards of comparison. a better understanding of these learning processes would help improving extension services and training for farmers. keywords: agroecology, conservation agriculture, farmers’ learning, learning mechanism, learning process, qualitative analysis, inductive approach 1 agir, université de toulouse, inra (french national institute for agricultural research), inpt, inp-ei purpan, castanet-tolosan, france. e-mail: helene.cristofari@toulouse.inra.fr. corresponding author. 2 université toulouse iii paul sabatier, toulouse, france. cristofari, h. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 65–76.66 tained – at different degrees – through a diversity of practices: following the three main principles may, thus, encompass different levels of soil disturbance, from “zero disturbance” to strip-till or a very shallow tillage, different choices of cover crops and cover crop management, more or less diversified rotations. these practices tend to share a common characteristic: they are mostly based on the management of ecological processes to replace technological inputs. for instance, the introduction of sorghum in the crop rotation results in a partial compensation of the absence of tillage by the fissuring effect of the sorghum deep taproots. consequently, conservation agriculture practices can be considered as agroecological practices, in the sense of practices based on the management of ecological processes. an adoption still limited in europe despite the manifold advantages brought to farmers and society as a whole by conservation agriculture practices, their adoption remains somehow limited in europe, with wide differences between countries. diverse possible explanations have been put forward, at the political, economic and cognitive levels. basch, g. et al. (2015) underline the important role of the common agricultural policy (cap) in this matter: they argue that because of a historical orientation of the cap toward high yields, farmers tend to think more in terms of maximizing their yields and the subsequent subsidies, rather than reducing their production costs or investing in long-term soil amelioration. it has also been suggested that conservation agriculture is difficult to adopt because of its “knowledge-intensive” character (friedrich, t. et al. 2009; ingram, j. 2010): it relies on ecological processes that are only very partially known, and very specific to a particular place (lahmar, r. 2010; de tourdonnet, s. et al. 2013). farmers, thus, need to change the way they make their daily decisions, and the objects they observe to found such decisions (de tourdonnet, s. et al. 2013). consequently, a better understanding of the way farmers learn may help mitigate such a cognitive issue. farmers’ learning: overview and missing aspect a number of authors have studied how farmers learn, but usually focusing on specific situations where learning occurs. for instance, some studies explored the learning situations involving an “expert”, such as a more experienced farmer or a technician (labarthe, p. 2009), while other works concentrate on the transmission of knowledge between newcomers and more experienced farmers (mcgreevy, s.r. 2012; chrétien, f. 2013). some authors examined learning situations involving knowledge exchange groups: building on two case-studies of australian breeders, millar, j. and curtis, a. (1997), thus, suggested that farmers may undervalue their own knowledge, and that exchange among peers may help them get aware of their own knowledge, as well as facilitate the construction of common understandings between farmers and scientists. others focused on the origin of the information used: kilpatrick, s. and johns, s. (2003), thus, proposed a typology of farmers according to the learning sources they mobilize (extension agents, peers, single individuals or a diversity of persons). finally, a growing body of studies explores the modalities and consequences of farmers’ experiments (e.g. kummer, s. et al. 2012; vogl, c.r. et al. 2015). however, fewer works deal with farmers’ learning in a more comprehensive way, as a process encompassing a diversity of such specific learning situations. some efforts were made in this direction by authors such as lyon, f. (1996), who described diverse aspect of the learning processes of british farmers, without a specific focus on a certain learning situation. more recently, chantre, e. et al. (2014) proposed 10 learning styles defined by the learning source used and/or typical action (e.g. “autonomous testing of an idea coming from an extension agent”) undertaken by farmers reducing their chemical inputs doses. 67cristofari, h. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 65–76. such studies shed light on the way farmers learn, but they are not concerned with complex agroecological practices such as conservation agriculture: thus, the question remains of how farmers learn to develop these practices based on the management of ecological processes, in the absence of exhaustive technical references. moreover, it is noticeable that quite a few authors (table 1) interested in farmers’ learning processes usually base their analysis on rather convergent views of learning: they tend to consider it as an intentional process based on problem resolution and occurring through roughly similar steps, namely defining a problem, conceiving a solution, testing the solution, monitor the outcome and decide if the solution is adequate or not. we thought that such a view of learning may be relevant mostly for farmers who are intentionally trying implement a specific change of practices (such as reducing synthetic fertilizers doses, for instance). however, in the case of farmers who are learning to practice conservation agriculture, there is not one single clear-cut change of practice: quite the contrary, switching to this type of agriculture requires an evolution of the whole system, as well as a deep change in the way the system is perceived (ingram, j. 2010; de tourdonnet, s. et al. 2013). furthermore, learning does not necessarily result from the intentional resolution of problems, it may also happen as a consequence of a surprise, an unexpected outcome (lyon, f. 1996; darnhofer, i. et al. 2010). as a result, it is possible that such a representation of learning, organized in ordered steps starting from a problem to be solved, may not be the most accurate one for farmers experienced in conservation agriculture. our research goal in this study, we therefore adopt an inductive approach to see how farmers’ learning may be described. to do so, we here explore the diversity of learning mechanisms involved – i.e. the elementary actions or cognitive activities which, organized together, constitute a learning process – with an aim at proposing a descriptive framework of the learning mechanisms that appear to be mobilized by farmers experienced in conservation agriculture, as a first step toward a deeper analysis of their learning processes. method study area: south-western france we focused on a region located in southwestern france (roughly between the cities of toulouse and carcassonne), because it presents several issues which make the implementation of conservation agriculture table 1. example of sequences of learning steps for farmers* steps of learning authors – expectation – planning – scale – observation – repetition – documentation leitgeb, f. et al. 2014 – warning sign stage – experimenting stage – evaluation stage chantre, e. et al. 2015 – choice of a technique, decision to apply it and preparation for the implementation. – several tests and errors, adaptation of specific monitoring and operational methods, amplification. – evaluation of consequences of new practices on the cropping system. toffolini, q. 2016 *according to recent studies. cristofari, h. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 65–76.68 especially interesting. soil erosion is particularly high in this area, causing regular problems to both farmers and other citizens (e.g. loss of fertile soil, mudslides); moreover, the warm summers occasion frequent drought periods. finally, it has been suggested that the past crops, such as the widespread culture of vine, has led in different places to an important reduction in soil organic content. accordingly, the potential benefits of conservation agriculture in terms of reduction of soil erosion, enhancement of water retention and increase in soil organic matter would be especially promising in that region. sample of learning mechanism our study is based on 5 in-depth qualitative case studies of farmers experienced in conservation agriculture practices. we chose farmers based on two sets of criteria. – first, they had to be sufficiently experienced: we considered that this was the case when they had been implementing the three principles of conservation agriculture for at least 10 years: it has been shown (pittelkow, c.m. et al. 2015) that switching to conservation agriculture leads to a yield decline during the first few years after starting their transition, and that the yields increase again, back to the initial level or sometimes higher, over the later years. as a result, choosing farmers with at least 10 years of experience enabled us to select people who had some hindsight on the whole transition, and who learned to overcome the more difficult moments. moreover, the 5 farmers selected were recognized by their peers as particularly advanced in conservation agriculture practices. – second, since our aim was the construction of a framework to describe the diversity of learning mechanisms, we had to select a sample of learning mechanisms as diverse as possible. it has been suggested that the way we learn depends on different factors, such as individual personality (kolb, d.a. 1984), the object of learning – “what we learn about”– or the learning situation (chantre, e. and cardona, a. 2014). consequently, we selected our sample according to the theoretical sampling strategy (eisenhardt, k.m. 1989), trying to include diversity for all these factors. practically speaking, this means that the selected farmers were characterized by a diversity of professional paths (more or less academic education, different family ties to agriculture), a diversity of relationships with other farmers and with extension agents, a diversity of productions (arable crops alone, with vines, with livestock), and a diversity of current conservation agriculture practices (from direct seeding to shallow tillage, different ways to manage cover crops, varied uses of chemical inputs…). qualitative data collection through comprehensive interviews our qualitative data was gathered through comprehensive interviews, i.e. a type of interview which leaves the informants ample room to develop their ideas and follow their own line of thought from one topic to another, while the interviewer only gives some prompting to re-launch the discourse and go deeper in details, or refocus the speech around the main topics of the interview, here exposed in table 2. our interviews lasted for a total duration of 11 hours and 30 minutes. inductive data structuring the interviews were then integrally transcribed and we structured the resulting scripts using the nvivo qualitative analysis software. taking one interview after the other, in random order, we coded the learning mechanisms in the inductive way characteristic of conventional coding (hsieh, h.e. and shannon, s.e. 2005). consequently, there was no previously defined list of nodes to be used. each time the interviewee talked about how he learned something, we coded this excerpt of the text with a short expression describing “how the farmer learned”. 69cristofari, h. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 65–76. we used words that were as close as possible to the farmer’s, while also trying to choose an expression not too specific to one particular excerpt, so that it could be re-used to code other parts of interviews dealing with the same mechanism. in the end, twelve different nodes were created (such as “monitor the system”, “analyze the information acquired during monitoring”…), and 169 excerpts, ranging from a few words to several paragraphs, were coded with these nodes: these 169 excerpts constitute our total sample of learning mechanisms. we observed that saturation (or the absence of apparition of any new learning mechanism) was reached around the end of the fourth interview, thus, confirming the adequacy of our sample. data analysis the data, thus, structured into smaller units through coding was then analyzed following a strategy close to the grounded theory construction (glaser, b.g. and strauss, a.l. 2009). as a first step, we went through all excerpts coded with each node, and organized them in hierarchical categories. we then identified possible links between the twelve hierarchical systems of categories obtained, and merged part of them, thus, building the grid of learning mechanisms presented hereafter. because the categories of learning mechanisms had to be sufficiently general to include elements of discourse from different farmers, we could not strictly keep the words used by interviewee: consequently, the labels of the categories mechanisms of learning exposed in our results are often our own scientific terms, chosen because they were large enough to encompass the diverse specific expressions used by different farmers. results a grid to describe the diversity of learning mechanisms we organized the learning mechanisms emerging from our interviews into five categories corresponding to different steps in the learning process (table 3) these possible steps are not always present for each farmer, nor do they represent a logical sequence which is necessarily followed. they are merely larger cattable 2. comprehensive interview grid to analyze the learning processes of farmers experienced in conservation agriculture i general information surface? soil type(s)? irrigation? how long have you been working on this farm? is it a family heritage? other family links to agriculture? initial training? have you had any other profession? how long have you been a farmer? since you started farming, which productions have you had? ii technical themes types of questions crop choices/rotation soil management (including soil erosion) cover crops weeds pests choices of varieties/seed production what are your current practices? how long has it been so? what did you do before? why were such changes implemented? how were such changes implemented? where did you get the idea from? how did you judge if the practice was satisfactory? are you considering any other change now? iii if not alluded to before relationships with peers (either in conservation agriculture or not, neighbours or farther away, casually or through networks, associations…). relationships with extension agents. relationships with researchers. cristofari, h. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 65–76.70 table 3. learning mechanisms of farmers experienced in conservation agriculture* learning steps learning sources personal experience peers’ inputs scientific inputs get an idea of a new practice. conceive a new possible practice. find an idea of a new practice together with peers. imagine a new practice, by getting inspiration from peers’ practices. find an idea of a new practice from a scientific source. imagine a new practice, based on a similar phenomenon scientifically understood. implement a new practice. choose a time scale. choose a spatial scale. choose a degree of intensity of change. experiment in a planned way. experiment in an opportunistic way. experiment in a fortuitous way. rely on scientific methods to conceive an experimental design. implement a new practice individually. implement a new practice collectively. monitoring the state of the system. monitor the system in a quantitative or qualitative way. monitor a specific experiment, or monitor the system in a more general way. choose a frequency and spatial scale for monitoring activities. find indicators for the information desired. analyze the information obtained through monitoring in a more or less formal, quantitative way. choose a time and spatial scale for analyzing the information obtained through monitoring. take into account independent variables. develop standards of comparison. reject peers’ standards. compare one’s system with peers’ systems. construct and share common ideals. judge the state of the system with respect to scientific standards. construct a principle of action. confirm or disprove information coming from a scientific source. confirm or disprove information coming from a personal observation. confirm or disprove information coming from a personal observation. confirm or disprove information coming from peers. confirm or disprove information coming from a scientific source. confirm or disprove information coming from peers. put together different personal experiences. put together different opinions from peers. put together different scientific sources. find among peers a direct explanation for an observed phenomenon. find in a scientific source a direct explanation for an observed phenomenon. elaborate an explanation of a phenomenon based on an analogy with an explanation of a similar phenomenon heard from peers. elaborate an explanation of a phenomenon based on an analogy with a scientific explanation of a similar phenomenon. take a piece of information coming from a peer as true without further inquiry, based on credit given to this peer. take a piece of information coming from a scientific source as true without further inquiry, based on credit given to this source. * the left-side column indicates the main possible steps of the learning process, and the upper line presents the different sources that a farmer may mobilize when going through these different steps. 71cristofari, h. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 65–76. egories which we defined, based on our data, to cluster more specific learning mechanisms. get an idea of a new practice. this may happen on one’s own, or it may result from exchanges with peers, either directly (i.e. getting the idea from another farmer ) or indirectly (i.e. on the basis of exchanges with peers, geting inspiration to personally conceive a new practice). for instance, this farmer directly used the idea of simplified sowing coming from a peer, but he adapted the idea of the observed crop rotation: “for two years, we watched him do that…he’d sow, and it would work! and so yeah, we talked with him. from the start, he did a four-year rotation. so he had: wheat, sunflower, pea, rape. a wheat every four years, and he turned like that. and for us, we tried to do wheat-sunflower, wheat-soy, wheat-stuff…” it may also come from scientific sources, this time again, directly or indirectly. implement a new practice. farmers talked about implementing new practices at a variety of spatial scales (for instance, trying a cover crop on a smaller area first, or on a whole field at once) and time scales (e.g. trying direct seeding of corn just one year, or try it over several years to see whether the specific climatic conditions of the first year made a difference or not). new practices may also be implemented more or less progressively: some farmers try stopping tillage altogether, whereas others go through gradual change, from a 50 cm ploughing to 30 cm, 15 cm and so on, assessing the results as they proceed. a farmer may implement a new practice in a more or less planned way, and we here suggest to distinguish three types of experiments: planned experiments, that are willingly foreseen and conducted by a farmer, opportunistic experiments, that happen when some mishap puts a farmer in an unexpected situation, prompting him to try something new which he would not otherwise have tried, and fortuitous experiments, that are not decided by a farmer but happen anyway. for instance, when a mistake or unforeseen climatic event leads to interesting results (because this last category is wholly unplanned, it can happen simultaneously to a group of peers, but it cannot include any scientific input, hence the exclusion of the “scientific inputs” column in table 3). a case of opportunistic experiment was narrated by this farmer, who tried simplified sowing for the first time because of a machine breakdown: “and so, it took the plough to break down, in 1992. it was broken. so, we needed two days to repair it, to get the parts. and the weather was not propitious. i finished sowing with a cultivator, and actually, when i saw the results, the wheat, it made no difference.” a farmer may implement a new practice on his own, but exchanges with peers may also affect how he decides to go about experimenting. scientific documents or extension agents may also provide methodological inputs to plan an experimental design. it was for example the case for this farmer, who set up a complete scientific design: “this year, i tried localized fertilization on soy (…). so, trials with liquid fertilizers, solid fertilizers formulas and mycorrhiza. there were six treatments, i believe … six treatments, four control plots, and that’s it!” monitor the state of the system. it includes two aspects: the acquisition of information about the system, and the subsequent analysis of such information. farmers may acquire information about their system or parts of it in a qualitative or quantitative way, at different frequencies and spatial scales, with a variety of indicators (coming from scientific sources, co-developed with peers, and/or personally developed). the analysis of such information may also be more or less formal (from a very rough guess to a computer-aided statistical analysis including a diversity of independent variables). a mere observation of a change in colour can provide evidence for the farmer that his practices are being successful, as was the case for this farmer who saw his soil darken because of the increase of organic matter due to conservation agriculture practices: “it isn’t the compost that blackens the soil. but i see, each time the neighbouring ploughs, and it gets dry after, in my place the soil is much more coloured.” cristofari, h. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 65–76.72 this monitoring activity can apply either to a specific change of practice, or more broadly to the evolution of the system. it may be conducted in relation to several changes of practices (for instance, the effect of a simultaneous reduction of tillage and implementation on cover crops on soil erosion), or in relation to no conscious, planned change in practice, but a simple overall acquisition of information about the evolution of the system. construct standards of comparison. farmers form an idea of what their system – or parts of it – should be like and what its performances should be. this can be based on exchanges with peers leading to the construction of a common ideal, on comparisons with other farmers’ systems, or it can be inspired by scientific standards. developing new standards seems to be particularly important for practicing conservation agriculture, as illustrated by a farmer who satirically talked about the idea of a “beautiful” soil for those who do not take into account the importance of soil life and organic matter: “so you took out all weeds, your soil is moon-like it is like flour…it’s wonderful! it’s beautiful! there isn’t one single plant! (…) so every year in winter you add 500 to 1,000 kg of organic matter granules that you buy at the cooperative because your soil actually lacks organic matter…” construct a principle of action. farmers may construct a general principle of action based on different factors: for instance, they expressed to different degrees their needs to understand the cause of an observed phenomenon in order to consider it as generally true. such an explanation may come directly from peers or scientific sources, or be more indirectly inspired from such sources. a farmer, thus, described how his crop rotation was based on his understanding of the ecological mechanisms at work: “sorghum has a very efficient root system, (…) it explores the soil, it pumps everything that’s available. which is another advantage for growing peas after that, in my opinion. because the peas don’t find any nitrogen leftover, they have to install the symbiosis to be able to develop. (…) i found elements that go in this direction in the literature. but it’s not validated.” the different learning sources we chose to organize the diversity of learning mechanisms identified in our data according to two dimensions that appeared important, the sources mobilized by farmers to learn, and the main learning steps. obviously, the three sources of learning (personal experience, peers’ input and scientific inputs) are to be seen as widely overlapping, rather than distinct categories: for instance, knowledge exchanges among farmers often include scientific information. however, distinguishing those three main poles may help identify different ways in which they participate in farmers’ learning. as an example, our data suggest that farmers may turn toward peers or scientific inputs in different situations: peers’ inputs seem to be mobilized when a solution to a specific, localized problem is needed, whereas scientific inputs seem to be more used as a mean to explain the biological processes underlying an observed phenomenon, thus, enabling the farmer to make generalizations, or to adapt a practice observed in another farmer’s system to his own system, since he is able to understand why this practice leads to interesting outcomes. an analytical framework based on non-ordered and non-obligatory learning steps the 5 steps we proposed to describe the learning process (table 3) are not to be understood as a fixed sequence: they are rather meant as non-ordered and non-obligatory categories of learning mechanisms. learning can occur without the completion of each one, and our case studies showed examples of farmers going through these steps in different orders, as exemplified in figure 1. explanation of patterns a and b: a: by performing soil analysis, a farmer realizes that he has a problem of low organic matter content (mss). then he hears from a peer that this could be improved through the implementation of cover crops (gi np). 73cristofari, h. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 65–76. consequently, he decides to try this for a couple of years (im np) and the following soil analysis indicates slightly higher organic matter content (mss). he decides to integrate cover crops in his whole system because he considers this is a solution for him (cpa). b: because of a machine breakdown a farmer is unable to till as usual on a given year (im np). however, he sees that the yields are satisfactory (mss) and that even though the soil does not look as good as he usually likes to see it, he has less problems of soil erosion this year (mss). in consequence, he starts rethinking about what makes a soil “good” or not (dsc), and decides that reduced tillage may be a better opinion for him (cpa). discussion a new framework for describing the learning processes the analytical framework that emerges from our study cases significantly differs from the “classical” view of learning from experience, on a number of aspects: the initiation of the learning process through problem identification, the underlying hypothesis regarding the conscious and deliberate quality of the learning process, the importance given to the construction of standards of comparison, and finally, the leeway left for diversity in the learning processes of farmers. initiation of the learning process. drawing on our results, we would like to emphasize the fact that learning does not necessarily start with the definition of a specific problem or a “warning sign” (chantre, e. et al. 2015): it can also occur either when the farmer wants to try something new in his system, which may be not a response to a problem identified as such, but simply a new practice that seems interesting. we, thus, suggest talking about “implementing a new practice” rather than “defining a problem” and “testing a potential solution”. moreover, as some authors already noted (lyon, f. 1996; darnhofer, i. et al. 2010) learning can occur through chance events as well. such chance events were often alluded to in our case studies, leading us to distinguish between the planned, opportunistic and fortuitous experiments detailed in the results. varied degrees of internationality and consciousness. the fact that a learning process can start with a chance event underlines the idea that not all learning is decided by the learner. the initiation of the process may occur without planning, and other learning steps as well; they may even happen without the awareness of the learner. for instance, our interviews illustrated the fact that “monitoring the state of the system” may happen on an everyday basis, anytime the farmer goes around the fields, without having necessarily a specific monitoring purpose. likewise, constructing a principle of action may be done implicitly by the farmer. such unconscious learning can be related to the notions of embodied, encultured or embedded knowledge (blackler, f. 1995), but it seems to be quite absent from the classically described learning processes of farmers. we would therefore like to highlight the importance of taking into account unplanned and unconscious cognitive mechanisms as part of the diversity of farmers’ learning processes. fig. 1. two different possible patterns (a, b) of learning mechanism for farmers experienced in conservation agriculture, drawn from our case studies. explanation for a and b is in the text. gi np = get an idea of a new practice; im np = implement a new practice; mss = monitoring the state of the system; d s c = d e ve l o p s t a n d a r d s o f c o m p a r i s o n ; cpa = construct a principle of action. cristofari, h. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 65–76.74 a crucial role for the development of standards of comparison. the idea of developing standards of comparison seemed to be of crucial importance for farmers who had switched to conservation agriculture. it is often considered that monitoring the outcome of an experiment is enough to lead to a decision about the adequacy of the experimented practice, and in fact the development of standards of comparison is not explicitly present in the previous models of farmers’ learning. however, it is important to realize that in order to judge whether or not the practice is adequate, the experimenter needs to know what the outcomes of this practice are, but he also requires some standard or ideal against which the observed outcome is to be judged. a farmer may acquire information about the outcome of a reduced tillage practice by examining the soil characteristics, but he also need some sort of mental grid of criteria or standards, some idea of what makes a soil “good” or not, to decide if this is a satisfactory outcome. in the case of conservation agriculture, this may be particularly important: the soil starts to be seen as a rich and complex ecosystem rather than an inert substrate; the crops are evaluated not only according to their yield and corresponding profit, but also in relation with their influence on soil structure and composition. we therefore argue that changing the standards of comparison is a major step in learning to practice conservation agriculture. the framework we presented, thus, differs from the classical models of farmers’ learning essentially in the fact that it enables us to account for a large diversity of learning processes, including multifarious starting steps, diverse possible orders of learning mechanisms, and varied degrees of planning and consciousness. practical implications the implications of this work are mainly related to the improvement of extension services, farmers’ workshops and other types of training. clarification and discussion of the standards of comparison used. given the apparent importance, for farmers who switched to conservation agriculture practices, of developing new standards of comparison, it seems that an explicit clarification of what these standards are would help in improving the impact of training. indeed, a farmers’ workshop or extension service may lack efficiency if the arguments that are put forward ignore the existing standards. for instance, when the notion of a “beautiful field” implies a soil without any crop residue or small weed, discussing this standard with the farmers may be necessary so that practices such as reduced tillage are not argued against solely because they do not comply with the requirement for “beauty”, in some farmers’ acceptance of this term. roles for science in the learning processes of farmers. our results show that scientific sources are mobilized by farmers in a diversity of ways: for instance, they can be used to provide ideas of new practices, indicators used by farmers to monitor the state of the system, explanation for a phenomenon observed by farmers, or scientific methodology which may be applied to a certain degree when farmers experiment. distinguishing the different roles that scientific information play in farmers’ learning processes will help in identifying when to include such information in training, extension services and so on. for instance, as presented in our results, scientific explanation of an observed phenomenon may be especially sought after by farmers who are trying decide whether or not to apply and adapt a successful practice observed somewhere else. such hypotheses obviously need to be strengthened through the analysis of a broader sample of farmers, but nonetheless, they highlight the importance of a better understanding of how farmers actually use scientific information, in order so the accuracy of extension services and agricultural training design. 75cristofari, h. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 65–76. conclusion through an in-depth analysis of discourses of farmers experienced in conservation agriculture, we proposed a framework to describe and analyze the learning mechanisms and their articulation over time. the study of a broader sample of farmers across different regions, (which we are currently doing) and complementary qualitative as well as quantitative work should then enable us to identify the more common learning mechanisms processes for farmers experienced in conservation agriculture. this would also enable us to assess potential relationships between the learning mechanisms and the objects of learning, or in other words, potential links between “how farmers learn” and “what farmers learn about”. such an understanding would help highlighting ways in which such learning processes may be fostered, in the case of conservation agriculture, but also potentially for other types of agricultural practices based on the management of ecological processes. r e f e r e n c e s basch, g., friedrich, t., kassam, a. and gonzalezsanchez, e. 2015. conservation agriculture in europe. in conservation agriculture. eds.: farooq, m. and siddique, k.h.m. springer international publishing, 357–389. blackler, f. 1995. knowledge, knowledge work and organizations: an overview and interpretation. organization studies 16. 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(3): 140–148. 149ženka, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 149–161. introduction there are several reasons why wayfinding in hospitals requires systematic research. many authors document increasing difficulties with wayfinding in large complex buildings, including hospitals (hölscher, c. et al. 2006; anagnostopoulos, g.g. et al. 2017). patients and visitors of healthcare facilities may face considerable anxiety and stress resulting from navigational issues (wolstenholme, d. et al. 2010; devlin, a.s. 2014). staff members also face difficulties in wayfinding and are often asked for advice by hospital patients and visitors, which may negatively affect their productivity (mollerup, p. 2009). navigational needs and strategies, spatial and wayfinding skills are associated with gender (lawton, c.a. 2001), age (harris, m.a. and wolberts, t. 2014), education (ženka, j. et al. 2021), culture (davies, c. and pederson, e. 2001), and, most importantly, mental and health (dis) abilities (souza, r.f. and martins, l.b. 2019). wayfinding in a large complex building such as a hospital is also context-dependent, being affected by the specificities and history of the building, its architectural setting, urban design factors, and the connection of the place to other parts of the city. dealing with the increasing complexity of large buildings requires the adoption of technology-based smart solutions to complement traditional navigational issues, such as maps, plans, signs, arrows, or colour signs. recently, one of the most progressive solutions to navigational issues has been the adoption of smartphone navigation applications for indoor positioning. the development and/or implementation of a useful smartphone navigation app should be based on a survey of navigational needs among the potential users. 1 department of social geography and regional development, faculty of science, university of ostrava, chitntussiho 10, 710 00 ostrava, czech republic. e-mails: jan.zenka@osu.cz, jan.machacek@osu.cz, ludek.krticka@osu.cz 2 agel a. s., jungmannova 28/17, nové město, 110 00 praha 1, czech republic. 3 agel research and training institute, mathonova 291/1, krasice, 796 04 prostějov, czech republic. acceptance of a smartphone navigation application by hospital patients and visitors: the role of gender, age, and education jan ženka1, jan macháček1, luděk krtička1, pavel michna2 and pavel kořízek3 abstract this paper analyses the acceptance of a smartphone navigation app in a hospital among its patients/visitors. we tested the effects of socio-demographic factors (gender, age, and education) on technology acceptance and on perceived difficulties with wayfinding in the hospital complex. the empirical research is based on a survey among 928 patients/visitors of the vítkovice hospital in ostrava, czechia. we found that the acceptance of smart navigation increases with the level of education and decreases with age. no significant gender differences were observed. keywords: technology acceptance, hospital, gender, age, education, smartphone navigation received march 2021, accepted may 2021 doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.70.2.4 hungarian geographical bulletin 70 2021 (2) 149–161. ženka, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 149–161.150 thus, our first research question is to what extent the respondents (patients and visitors) accept smartphone navigation apps and use them for orientation in the hospital. the second research question is to what extent are the navigational preferences of hospital patients/visitors associated with socio-demographic factors: gender, age, and education. finally, we also ask to what extent are the perceived wayfinding difficulties associated with gender, age, education, and location. do men and women, younger and elderly people, or less educated and more educated people perceive the same hospital departments as difficult to find, or are there any significant differences? based on these answers, we aim to provide specific recommendations for designing hospital navigation systems that will be based not only on theoretical arguments but also on the empirical identification of the navigational preferences and needs of hospital patients and visitors. the empirical analysis in this paper draws on a case study of the vítkovice hospital (official name: ‘nemocnice agel, ostravavítkovice’) in the city of ostrava (czechia). with an area of 4.2 ha and 11 pavilions, it is rather a small hospital. therefore, patients and visitors are not in urgent need of a more technologically advanced navigational system, allowing them to cope with the complexity of the site (see ženka, j. et al. 2021 for a more detailed description of the navigational system in the hospital). nevertheless, our empirical research (see section ‘results’) revealed that even in a hospital complex of this size, there are frequent issues with wayfinding among both patients and visitors. we conducted 928 questionnaires with hospital patients and visitors, focusing on their perception of the current navigational system in the hospital, on the preferences of various types of navigational cues, and, most importantly, on their acceptance of a smart navigation application. while the existing literature on wayfinding in hospitals is abundant, we would like to contribute by connecting two different avenues of research: a) theoretical papers testing the effects of gender, age, and education on wayfinding (lawton, c.a. 2001; iaria, g. et al. 2009; anacta, v.j.a. and schwering, a. 2010; silber-varod, v. et al. 2019; mendez-lopez, m. et al. 2020); b) applied studies analysing the technological or management aspects of hospital navigation systems (balata, j. et al. 2013; calderoni, l. et al. 2015; anagnostopoulos, g.g. et al. 2017). in the next section, we discuss the determinants of people’s willingness to use smart navigational applications, focusing on the effects of age, gender, education, and their possible interactions. the third section provides the characteristics of data sources and methods, while the fourth presents the selected results of statistical tests. in the fifth section, we compare our empirical findings with those of other authors. the sixth section concludes. gender, age, education, and their effects on technology acceptance the primary dependent variable in our research is technology acceptance: the propensity of patients/visitors to use a smart navigation app in the hospital. the traditional explanation of the adoption and usage of telecommunication technologies is provided by the digital divide model (rice, r.e. and katz, j.e. 2003), based on the effects of gender, age, and education. the adoption of technology improves with the level of education and declines with increasing age. younger people and people with a higher level of formal education should adopt technology faster than older people and people with a lower level of education. older individuals tend to face greater difficulties in processing new or complex information, which affects their use of modern technologies (custodio, r. et al. 1986; morris, m.g. et al. 2005). this problem can be attributed to a decline in cognitive and memory skills related to the ageing process (posner, r.a. 1997; venkatesh, v. et al. 2012). these authors contend that the adoption and 151ženka, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 149–161. use of mobile internet technology lessens with age, as older men in particular rely more on established habits than on mobile internet technology. harwood, j. (2007) argued that different age groups have different behavioural patterns in mobile technology use. men are generally assumed to adopt technology faster than women, but this applies only in the early phase of the adoption of the technology. several authors have documented small gender differences in the ability and willingness to use smart navigation technologies (hwang, k.h. et al. 2016; silber-varod, v. et al. 2019; ženka, j. et al. 2021). custodio, r. et al. (1986) argue that less-educated users may be financially constrained in the use of modern technologies. educated young users, on the other hand, are increasingly using e-maps and other mobile apps because they are encouraged to do so in school and when using social networks (lapon, l. et al. 2020). nevertheless, interactions between gender and education or gender and age may affect patterns of individual willingness to use technology more significantly than the isolated effects of these sociodemographic variables. to capture these associations, we discuss briefly two sophisticated theories that are useful for the explanation of individual technology acceptance. in general terms, our point of departure is the theory of planned behaviour (tpb) (ajzen, i. 1991). this psychological theory explains an individual intention to perform behaviour by the effects of three variables: attitude toward a behaviour, subjective norm, and perceived behavioural control (pbc). the attitude toward using technology is defined as a respondent’s effective evaluation of the benefits and costs of using the technology (morris, m.g. et al. 2005); in our paper it is the perceived usefulness of the smart navigation app. subjective norm is ‘the perceived social pressure to perform or not to perform the behaviour’ (ajzen, i. 1991, 188): e.g. public/marketing pressure and the recommendations of ‘important people in my life’ to use the smart navigation app in the hospital. pbc is related to the availability of skills, resources, opportunities, and their importance in the achievement of the outcome, defined as the ‘perceived ease or difficulty of performing the behaviour’ (ajzen, i. 1991, 188). in this case, it covers financial costs, necessary knowledge to manage the smart navigation app, own control over the app, and its compatibility with other relevant software systems and applications. for our research, we employ also the unified theory of technology adoption (utaut) in the second version (venkatesh, v. et al. 2012; – see also venkatesh, v. et al. 2003 for the first version), applying the principles of tpb to explain individual intention (not) to use technology. according to this theory, gender and age moderate the relationship between the explanatory variables (performance expectancy, effort expectancy, social influence, facilitating conditions, price value, hedonic motivation, and habit) and the intention to use a new technology (venkatesh, v. et al. 2012).. gender differences in the importance of facilitating conditions (training, support) become more distinctive with age (morris, m.g. et al. 2005). older women place more emphasis on facilitating conditions and effort expectancy (ease of consumer’s use of the technology) when adopting a new technology, especially in the early stages of adoption. they are more determined to use these technologies when they become aware that these technologies will make their lives easier (hwang, k.h. et al. 2016). men, on the other hand, tend to rely less on facilitation conditions and more on performance expectancy (perceived benefits associated with the use of technology) when considering the use of a new technology (morris, m.g. et al. 2005). this can also be partly explained by the effect of gender roles in society, where men tend to be more task oriented (lynnot, p.p. and mccandless, j. 2000). for users with less experience of modern technologies, the effect of age and gender on their technology acceptance will be more significant than for more experienced users. finally, we turn to the geographical aspects of technology acceptance in hospitals, considering the role of gender, age, and education. ženka, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 149–161.152 to our best knowledge, no theoretical framework linking technology acceptance and spatial factors exists. the intention to use a smart navigation app should be higher in large, complex, and uniformly designed buildings. the absence or low visibility of landmarks and other navigational cues (arrows, maps, colour strips) is expected to increase technology acceptance. women should be more sensitive to these issues for several reasons: a) they exhibit higher levels of uncertainty and spatial anxiety than men (lawton, c.a. 1994; mendez-lopez, m. et al. 2020); b) women perform slightly worse in spatial orientation in the real environment than men (coluccia, e. and louse, g. 2004); c) women rely on a ‘route strategy’ in their navigation (lawton, c.a. 1994; liao, h. and dong, w. 2017), following the sequence of landmarks and left-right turns, while men prefer cardinal directions (north–south), global reference points (central square, airport, sun in the sky) and euclidean distances (see also lawton, c.a. et al. 1996, or ženka, j. et al. 2021). therefore, men are expected to evaluate orientation in the hospital complex as a whole, while women may view some buildings/parts of the complex as very easy and the others as very difficult to find. they should be more polarized in their evaluations of particular buildings and their perceived wayfinding difficulties should be more spatially concentrated at the level of buildings in the hospital complex. correspondingly, the same differences are expected between younger and older people and between people with elementary, secondary, and tertiary education. with increasing age, the spatial abilities of elderly people deteriorate (newman, m.c. and kaszniak, a.w. 2000; devlin, a.s. 2014), and elderly people rely more on the route strategy than younger people (rodgers, m.k. et al. 2012). less educated people show lower orientation scores (ulrich, s. et al. 2019) and are likely to follow a route strategy, while empirical evidence for the latter is missing. to sum up, we expect that the acceptance of smart navigation apps will differ among particular hospital pavilions and departments, depending on the perceived difficulties of finding these places. this relationship will be stronger among women and among elderly or less educated people. in the next section we describe the data and methods used to test these relationships. data and methods to collect data from our respondents (patients and visitors of the hospital), we used structured questionnaires in the paper form. respondents were asked to evaluate the hospital navigation system and assess their acceptance of a smartphone application for navigation in the vítkovice hospital. however, smartphone applications were not highlighted in the questionnaire, as we did not want to influence the decisions of the respondents. focus groups, including doctors, nurses, and other medical and technical staff, were employed to improve the design of the survey (based on the approach of brown, m. et al. 2016). in the first step, we piloted the survey among 100 respondents to check the adequacy, relevance, and comprehensibility of the questions. based on the results, we adapted or reformulated several questions to improve their comprehensibility. next, 4,000 questionnaires were distributed to the selected departments of the vítkovice hospital (according to the mean weakly number of patients) between 26th june and 3rd july 2019 (a working week). the response rate was 23.2 per cent, as we collected 928 filled questionnaires. respondents answered 13 questions about their previous experience with wayfinding in the hospital/department, their willingness to use the smartphone application, or traditional navigational cues. in this paper, we analyse six selected questions (table 1). some questions were not answered by all respondents or were answered incorrectly. therefore, the number of valid responses (n) among the various questions varied slightly. 153 table 1. variables employed in the statistical analysis variable name type scale description wayfinding difficulties dependent ordinal is it easy to find this department for the new comers?1 = easy; 2 = some difficulties; 3 = difficult. smartapp acceptance binary would you use a smartphone for navigation in the hospital? 1 = yes; 2 = no. smartphone ownership descriptive do you have a smartphone? 1 = yes; 0 = no. location explanatory nominal hospital pavilion, where the respondent filled the questionnaire and evaluated the difficulties with finding a way to the pavilion. gender binary 0 = male; 1 = female age ordinal 1 = 0–20; 2 = 21–40; 3 = 41–60; 4 = more than 60 years education 1 = no or elementary; 2 = secondary; 3 = tertiary source: ženka, j. et al. 2021; own survey. ženka, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 149–161. to measure the spatial concentration of perceived wayfinding difficulties in the hospital complex (based on the answers of respondents to questions concerning the difficulty of finding a hospital department), we employed the herfindahl–hirschmann index, constructed as: hhi = ∑n s2, i=1 i where si is the share of answers (that the hospital department in that pavilion was difficult to find or to be found with some difficulty), we collected in pavilion i in the total number of answers in the hospital complex. apart from basic descriptive statistics, we used two kinds of statistical tests: crammer v and the binary logistic regression model. in the first step, two dependent variables (smartapp acceptance and wayfinding difficulties) were associated with the explanatory variable location to test potential geographical effects on technology acceptance and orientation in the hospital complex. to capture the potential effects of gender, age and education, statistical tests were conducted separately for men and women, people in different age groups, and people with elementary, secondary and tertiary education. in the next step, we focused on the single most important dependent variable: smartapp acceptance. a binary logistic regression model has been constructed, with gender, age, education, and the interaction between gender and age as explanatory variables (see the next section for details and interpretation). results let us start by presenting the selected descriptive statistics of the sample (figure 1). newcomers and people visiting the hospital after a long time accounted for 44.1 per cent of all respondents. not surprisingly, the major groups in the sample were middle-aged people (41–60 years old) and the elderly (over 60 years old) who visit the hospital department regularly or often. these respondents may be fig. 1. basic descriptive statistics of the sample. source: author’s own survey. ženka, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 149–161.154 more reluctant to use smartphone applications and changes in the navigational system of the hospital. while two-thirds of respondents answered that wayfinding in the vítkovice hospital is easy, many of them (31.2%) are regular visitors. correspondingly, this is also one of the reasons why only 35.4 per cent of respondents affirmed that the navigational system in the hospital needed to be improved (14.1% ‘yes’, and 21.3% ‘rather yes’). despite the high share of regular visitors and the elderly, 68.9 per cent of respondents are willing to use smartphone navigation in the hospital. the survey (see ženka, j. et al. 2021 for details) showed that almost 60 per cent of respondents had their smartphones in the hospital (figure 2). nevertheless, only 46.8 per cent of them would definitely use their smartphone for navigation in the hospital and another 31.3 per cent would use it only if they got lost. while the ownership of a smartphone is higher among women, men are slightly more willing to use it for navigation. in line with our expectations, the willingness to use a smart navigational app was the lowest in the group of 60+ people (below 20%) and highest in the group 21–40 (young respondents below 20 were underrepresented, so their real numbers might be different). more interestingly, the share of patients/ visitors refusing to use a smart navigational app is high in all age groups. a positive association between educational level and acceptance of the smartapp has been found. the most perceived wayfinding difficulties differed significantly among particular pavilions and departments of the hospital (table 2, figure 3). almost half of the answers that the hospital department was rather difficult to find were concentrated in pavilion i, the most remote building from the gateway. contrary to our expectations, women’s perceived wayfinding difficulties were not more spatially concentrated at the level of buildings compared to men. gender differences in the perception of particular pavilions were rather minor and did not show any systematic pattern. surprisingly, neither the elderly nor less educated people showed systematically higher perceived wayfinding difficulties than younger and more educated respondents. perceived wayfinding difficulties of people with elementary education were more spatially uneven than in the case of more educated respondents. most of the abovementioned spatial differences in perceived wayfinding difficulties appear to be statistically significant (table 3). these findings apply both for men and women, age groups 21–40 and 41–60, and people with secondary and tertiary education. on the other hand, significant differences in wayfinding among particular pavilions were found neither for people with elementary education nor for the age group 60+. the latter can be explained by more frequent visits to the hospital complex by the elderly. however, the expected gender, age, and education differences were fig. 2. share of respondents having/willing to use a smartphone for navigation in the hospital according to gender, age, and education, in per cent. source: author’s own survey. 155 table 2. share of the hospital pavilions in the total number of answers*, in per cent variable name a b d e f h1 h2 h3 i hhi gender men 0.0 0.1 6.8 5.1 14.7 0.3 23.8 0.8 48.5 1,984 women 0.1 0.4 6.9 6.9 19.2 0.8 14.0 1.3 47.4 1,786 age, years 21–40 – 33.3 75.0 39.1 29.7 50.0 38.7 42.9 35.6 2,437 41–60 7.7 60.0 70.0 25.0 43.5 35.7 24.4 29.4 46.1 1,875 60 + 22.2 25.0 33.3 36.4 28.4 30.0 25.4 22.2 40.4 2,013 education elementary 2.4 4.1 2.4 8.9 18.7 0.8 35.0 2.4 25.2 2,322 secondary 1.8 1.9 5.4 11.0 19.2 3.2 25.4 5.4 26.1 1,894 tertiary 4.6 1.7 12.1 14.9 14.9 3.4 14.9 2.9 30.5 1,788 *answers for the whole hospital, that the patients/visitors had difficulty with finding the place. a–i are signs of hospital pavilions, hhi = herfindahl–hirschmann index. source: authors’ own survey. ženka, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 149–161. fig. 3. spatial distribution of perceived wayfinding difficulties in the hospital complex. source: author’s own survey. not found. women, elderly and less educated people do not show higher spatial differences in wayfinding than men, younger and more educated respondents. more importantly, substantial spatial differences were found also in the rate of smartapp acceptance. significant effects of the variable location on the intention to use a smartphone ženka, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 149–161.156 table 3. spatial differences in perceived wayfinding difficulties and the smartapp acceptance variable name location x wayfinding difficulties smartapp acceptance n v p n v p gender men 384 0.251 < 0.001 382 0.188 0.095 women 199 0.199 0.020 478 0.200 0.006 age, years 21–40 185 0.267 0.049 186 0.207 0.461 41–60 341 0.296 < 0.001 342 0.172 0.454 60 + 318 0.136 0.982 317 0.254 0.005 education elementary 115 0.271 0.663 117 0.373 0.017 secondary 588 0.177 0.024 587 0.162 0.062 tertiary 159 0.424 < 0.001 159 0.276 0.108 source: authors’ own survey. for navigation were found in the group of men, women, seniors 60+, and people with elementary education. while not strong, there is a positive association between perceived wayfinding difficulties and smartapp acceptance at the level of hospital pavilions. respondents in the difficult-to-find pavilions and departments were generally more keen to use a smartphone for navigation. in the next step, we tested the effects of gender, age, education, and location on smartapp acceptance (table 4). we constructed many combinations of regression models, including also all other explanatory variables listed in table 1. these variables, however, did not increase the explanatory power of the model substantially or show a significant effect on the dependent variables. after all pre-tests, we decided to keep the model as simple as possible, including only the variables gender, age, education, location and interaction of gender, and age (following venkatesh, v. et al. 2012) as the explanatory variables. the dependent variable was dichotomous: intention to use a smartphone application for navigation in the hospital: smartapp acceptance (yes or no). education showed the strongest positive association with the dependent variable: the intention to use a smart application for navigation in the hospital is highest in the group of people with tertiary education. while statistically significant, there were no major differences between men and women: men showed only slightly higher rates of technology acceptance. the model explained a relatively low share of the variability of the dependent variables (16.1%). smartapp acceptance decreases with rising age; it is significantly lower in the age group 60+. the spatial variable pavilion showed the second strongest effect, reflecting the high share of the remote pavilion in the total number of perceived wayfinding difficulties. discussion we found no major gender gap in the intention to use smart apps for navigation in the hospital: in accordance with hwang, k.h. et al. (2016), or silber-varod, v. et al. (2019). this contrasts with the traditional digital divide model (rice, r.e. and katz, j.e. 2003), which favours males and their higher willingness to use new technologies and overcome the associated difficulties with their adoption. while many respondents (especially the elderly ones) may have no experience with the use of navigation smart apps, these 157 table 4. correlates of patient and visitor acceptance of a smart navigation app variables in the equation step 1* b s.e. wald df sig. exp(b) n11_gender(1) n12_age n12_age(1) n12_age(2) n12_age(3) n13_education n13_education(1) n13_education(2) age_gender age_gender(1) location location(1) location(2) location(3) constant -0.385 – -3.439 -1.859 -0.963 – 0.715 0.017 – -0.096 – 0.137 0.297 0.483 0.637 0.194 – 1.070 0.299 0.194 – 0.032 0.240 – 0.453 – 0.265 0.236 0.229 0.316 3.929 51.456 10.334 38.660 24.702 6.866 4.647 0.005 0.045 0.045 4.812 0.267 1.582 4.472 4.055 1 3 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 3 1 1 1 1 0.047 0.000 0.001 0.000 0.000 0.032 0.031 0.942 0.832 0.832 0.186 0.605 0.208 0.034 0.044 0.680 – 0.032 0.156 0.382 – 2.043 1.017 – 0.908 – 1.147 1.346 1.622 1.891 *variable(s) entered on step 1: n11_gender, n12_age, n13_education, age-gender, section_agr_reduced. -2 loglikelihood = 805.946; cox&snell r square = 0.161; nagelkerke r square = 0.215. source: authors’ own survey. ženka, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 149–161. technologies are currently not in the early stage of development. therefore, perceived ease of use – while generally an important predictor of technology acceptance (davis, f.d. et al. 1989; mehra, a. et al. 2020) is probably not a key factor affecting the willingness to use smart navigation apps (arning, k. et al. 2012). gender differences in some spatial abilities favouring men (galea, l.a.m. and kimura, d. 1993; lawton, c.a. 2001) and higher spatial anxiety/uncertainty of women in the real environment (lawton, c.a. et al. 1996; mendez-lopez, m. et al. 2020) do not translate into higher demand for smart navigation apps among women (ženka, j. et al. 2021). we, thus, do not confirm the assumption that people who are good at navigating themselves are not in an urgent need to use an indoor navigation system and may be less willing to adopt a smart indoor navigation system (smirnov, m. 2007; wichmann, j. and leyer, m. 2021). age was by far the most important factor of technology acceptance, confirming the findings of rice, r.e. and katz, j.e. (2003). technology acceptance decreases with increasing age (olson, k.e. et al. 2011), which was clearly supported also for the case of smart navigation apps in the hospital. statistical tests of the interactions between age and gender and education showed nonsignificant results. this is probably caused by the limited number of answers, when disaggregated according to the age/education category and gender, despite using the broadest possible age categories (less than 40 and 40+). despite nonsignificant results in the regression models, the interaction between gender and age has effects on the dependent variable: younger males are the most willing to use smart navigation apps, 40+ women the least. interestingly, gender differences between the younger respondents are much higher than between the 40+ respondents. therefore, our results contrast sharply with the conclusions of morris, m.g. et al. (2005, 79), who stated that “…gender differences decline dramatically among the younger cohort of workers and a more unisex pattern emerges”. we agree with the statement “mobile service adoption and usage may vary significantly among young users, thus, treating them as a homogeneous group is not appropriate” (rao, s. and troshani, i. 2007, 68). smaller gender differences between the 40+ respondents – more frequent visitors to the hospital – may be caused by their higher familiarity with the hospital complex ženka, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 149–161.158 and perhaps also by generally higher selfconfidence in spatial abilities compared to younger people (de beni, r. et al. 2006). in addition, elderly men tend to rely more on established habits, so their technology acceptance is lower compared to younger men (venkatesh, v. et al. 2012). we found positive effects of education on the smartapp acceptance in the hospital. in this case, the formal educational level should be viewed as a proxy of general cognitive abilities (see elias, m.f. et al. 1997, or le carret, n. et al. 2003), spatial abilities (proust-lima, c. et al. 2008; ulrich, s. et al. 2019), and an intention to gain new (technical) skills. arning, k. et al. (2012) argue that smart navigation technology acceptance is affected by the level of individual technical self-efficacy (tse), defined as the confidence in one’s own ability to solve technical problems. wichmann, j. and leyer, m. (2021), on the other hand, found no significant effects of perceived behavioural control, operationalized as the individual perception of own control and the ability to use applications for indoor navigation. even more importantly, these authors also documented the negative effects of individual spatial abilities on the intention of visitors/patients to adopt an indoor navigation and localization system in the hospital. our results, however, support the assumption that cognitive abilities, represented in our model of formal education, increase the acceptance of smart navigation technologies. this effect is stronger for younger respondents. we did not find empirical evidence for our initial assumption that perceived wayfinding difficulties will be more spatially concentrated in the case of women, the elderly, and people with elementary education compared to men, younger and more educated respondents. principal differences in spatial abilities and orientation strategies (lawton, c.a. 1994) between men (cardinal directions) and women (landmarks), younger and older (less and more educated) people do not result in significant variations in perceived wayfinding difficulties among the pavilions in the hospital complex. on the other hand, significant spatial differences were found not only in perceived wayfinding difficulties, but also in the intention to use a smart navigation application. the latter finding corresponds with the conclusion of arning, k. et al. (2012) that disorientation is the most powerful predictor of navigation device acceptance. conclusions the main aim of this paper was to determine if hospital patients/visitors intend to use a mobile navigation application. to answer these questions, we conducted a questionnaire survey among 928 respondents in the vítkovice hospital in ostrava, czechia. despite the high share of elderly and regular visitors, almost 70 per cent of respondents answered that they accept a smart navigation app in the hospital. we tested the effects of age, gender, education, and location in the hospital complex on individual acceptance of the smart navigation app. age was the key factor of technology acceptance, which was found to be the lowest in the group of 60+ respondents. education showed a strong and positive effect on smartapp acceptance, which was highest among respondents with tertiary education. no major gender gap in technology acceptance was observed, which supports the previous findings of ženka, j. et al. (2021). the assumptions of the unified theory of technological acceptance that gender differences are more pronounced in older age groups were, thus, not supported by empirical evidence. on the contrary, respondents 40+ were more homogeneous in their answers than their younger counterparts, while men below 40 were much more willing to use the smart navigation app than women in the same age group. the higher homogeneity of the 40+ age group might be explained by the familiarity of many (especially elderly) respondents with the hospital complex be159ženka, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 149–161. cause they are relatively frequent visitors of the vítkovice hospital complex. finally, the location was another major factor of perceived wayfinding difficulties and smartapp acceptance for navigation in the hospital. we confirmed the finding of arning, k. et al. (2012) that disorientation is a strong determinant of navigation device acceptance. on the other hand, we did not get sufficient empirical evidence for our assumption that general gender/age/educational differences in spatial abilities and navigational strategies translate into the specific spatial pattern of perceived wayfinding difficulties and technology acceptance in the hospital complex. there were no major and systematic gender/age/educational differences among particular hospital locations (pavilions, departments). surprisingly, in the group of people 60+ relatively small variations in perceived wayfinding difficulties among the hospital pavilion/departments were found. this could be explained by relatively frequent visits and, thus, a high familiarity with the hospital complex. future research on technology acceptance should develop a further link between the spatial factors and the intention to use a smart navigation device. empirical evidence shows that disorientation in complex buildings and compounds increases people’s acceptance of smart navigational devices. however, little is known about the mechanisms and interactions with other nonspatial factors, such as gender, age, and individual cognitive abilities. if we turn to some practical implications of our research, the findings suggest the importance of efficient navigational cues located near the entrance to the hospital complex. the perceived wayfinding difficulties of respondents were spatially concentrated mostly in the most remote pavilion in the hospital complex, which is obscured by other buildings. therefore, differences among other pavilions/departments in landmarks and other navigational cues were of minor importance. a key factor for wayfinding success was the ability to form a cognitive map of the whole hospital complex. in small hospitals, the navigational system should focus on cardinal directions and the presentation of the entire hospital complex. acknowledgements: this research was founded by the ministry of education, youth and sports through a research grant ú smart technologies to improve the quality of life in cities and regions (no. cz.02.1.01/0.0/0.0/17_049/000 8452). r e f e r e n c e s agel 2020. international sources of the vitkovice hospital. ajzen, i. 1991. the theory of planned behavior. organizational behavior and human decision processes 50. 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(3): 1–20. ženka, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 149–161.162 201liptay, z.á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 201–214.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.70.3.1 hungarian geographical bulletin 70 2021 (3) 201–214. introduction river ice development was directly observed on the danube in january 2017, and the subsequent icy flood was extensively studied on the tisza in february of the same year. these events highlighted that rivers can still present unexpected challenges in river ice management. a comprehensive report on these events was published by the international commission for the protection of the danube river (mladenović, b.m. et al. 2018). these events are serious threats and may profoundly impact local infrastructure and human life; hence, safe management is not only a priority but also a complex engineering task. prediction and mitigation of events of this type are priorities and among the main tasks of fluvial hydrology. the importance of river ice prediction on the danube was first mentioned by lászlóffy, w. (1934) for the optimal utilisation of the autumn navigation season. this is still one of the key reasons for river ice prediction because floating ice discs and sheets often reach a thickness of 60 cm and a diameter of 5 metres (keve, g. 2012). floating ice of this size may cause severe damage to ships and ferries, not just risking cargo but also threatening the lives of crew members and passengers. navigation signs may also be damaged or destroyed by ice. safe navigation of ice-breakers, however, is important, and their deployment has to be planned early enough for cost and time-efficient ice removal. industrial utilisation such as hydroelectric power generation or cooling-water 1 hungarian hydrological forecasting service. general directorate of water management. h-1012 budapest, márvány u. 1/d. hungary. e-mail: liptay.zoltan@ovf.hu, orcid: 0000-0001-8984-9366 2 institute of geography and earth sciences, university of pécs, h-7624 pécs, ifjúság útja 6. hungary. e-mail: sczigany@gamma.ttk.pte.hu, orcid: 0000-0002-9158-3162 3 institute of geography and earth sciences, university of pécs, h-7624 pécs, ifjúság útja 6. hungary. e-mail: pirkhoff@gamma.ttk.pte.hu river ice and water temperature prediction on the danube zoltán árpád l i p tay 1, szabolcs c z i g án y 2 and ervin p i r k h o f f e r 3 abstract this paper presents a modification of the theory of weighted mean temperatures for rivers. rodhe, b. (1952) assumed the dominance of sensible heat transfer on ice formation. we aimed to improve the method for the evaluation of ice and water temperature based on a relatively low number of inputs. we further developed the model by introducing the effect of pre-existing ice, hence increasing the accuracy of the model on the timing of ice disappearance. prediction accuracy of ±1 day was reached for the timing of the appearance of ice. additional outputs have also been added to the model, including the termination of ice and the prediction of water temperature. the temperature calculation had a coefficient of determination of 95 percent, and a root mean square error of 1.33 °c during the calibration period without the use of observed water temperatures. the validation was carried out in a forecasting situation, and the results were compared to the energy balance. keywords: hydrology; ice dynamics; forecast; water temperature; danube received february 2020, accepted august 2021 liptay, z.á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 201–214.202 of fossil and nuclear power plants is another key reason for river ice prediction. river ice forecast is closely connected to water temperature forecast due to the environmental regulations of cooling-water outlets. riverrelated recreation and entertainment services can also rely on water temperature forecasts. the research site was the hungarian danube reach with three selected gauging stations, namely at the settlements of nagybajcs, budapest and paks (figure 1). the study sites are characterised by a semi-humid temperate climate with oceanic (mostly in summer months), continental (mostly in winter months) and mediterranean influences (antal, e. 1997; ács, f. and bauer, h. 2013). river ice typically occurs between december and early march. the average temperature of the coldest month (january) is around 0 °c. the number of frost days (daily minimum temperature < 0 °c) and the number of winter days (daily maximum temperature < 0 °c) reflects the local ice generation potential of winter seasons. several studies on the longterm evaluation of the number of frost days are available (antal, e. 1997; szalai, s. and szentimrey, t. 2005; bihari, z. 2018) that indicate a slight decrement of 0.14 days/year. the number of frost and winter days shows a wide variation across the country with an average of 90 to 100 frost days and 20 to 30 winter days along the danube (bihari, z. 2018). most of the water temperature models are either deterministic or statistical (benyahya, l. et al. 2007). deterministic models are mathematical representations of the physical processes, generally based on the energy balance approach. they require a great number of input data, but they are efficient tools for analysing the components of heat flux. statistical models are classified into either parametric (regression and stochastic models) and nonparametric models (machine learning, artificial neural networks). westhoff, m. et al. (2007) published results of a detailed energy balance and temperature transport model on sub-catchments of the maisbich catchment (luxemburg). a small stream of approximately 600 m length with an average discharge of 1.21 l/s during the fig. 1. locations of the three selected stations in the danube catchment 203liptay, z.á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 201–214. observations was analysed. high-resolution temperature measurements were compared to the simulated results in order to identify the quantity and location of groundwater sources. the root mean square error (rmse) of the model was only 1.01 °c. the results of statistical water temperature modelling were published by ahmadinedushan, b. et al. (2007) on the canadian moisie river (annual mean discharge of 466 m3/s). a sinusoidal annual component was estimated with the annual rmse from 1.66 °c to 2.21 °c for the calibration period, and residual short-term variations were implemented by additional models of 4 to 9 parameters. the presented rmse ranged from 0.502 °c (9 variables) to 0.511 °c (4 variables) during calibration and from 0.521 °c (5 variables) to 0.533 °c (6 variables) on validation. a large-scale study was presented by van vliet, m.t.h. et al. (2012) on the modelling of streamflow and water temperature on catchments of several hundreds of thousands of km2, including the danube. the authors used a grid-based hydrological routing model coupled with a one-dimensional stream temperature model with daily time-step over a period of more than 20 years. observations from 13 stations were compared to simulated water temperatures on the danube, and the average rmse of 2.5 °c was achieved. certain components of the deterministic models are often derived from empirical relations, but there are also models that are physically-based only on sensible heat transfer but either completely neglect other terms or use conceptual and experimental additions to imitate the behaviour of the full energy balance. toffolon, m. and piccolroaz, s. (2015) published a hybrid model called air2stream, defining water temperature as a function of air temperature, discharge and a sinusoidal function for fictitious lateral inflows and heat fluxes. they selected three rivers in switzerland with different hydrological conditions: the mentue for a natural lowland type, the rhτne at sion for a regulated type, and the dischmabach for a snowmeltfed type. the largest among the three is the rhτne with an annual average discharge barely above 100 m3/s at the city of sion. however, besides its large number of input parameter requirements, high uncertainty of the heat fluxes was associated with the model. the rmse values ranged from 0.58 °c (8 input parameters) to 0.91 °c (3 parameters) on calibration, and from 0.62 °c (8 parameters) to 1.05 °c (both 5 and 3 parameters) on validation. the model performance on the rhτne was the least efficient, nash-sutcliff model efficiency coefficient (nse, nash, j.e. and sutcliffe, i.v. 1970) were 0.89 for 8 and 7 parameters and 0.79 for 5, 4 and 3 parameters. an ensemble approach of water temperature forecast was published by ouelletproulx, s. et al. (2017). they modelled two canadian catchments, the regulated nechako (discharge regulated between 170–283 m3/s) and natural southwest miramichi rivers (mean discharge is 120 m3/s at the selected station). their method was based on a semidistributed rainfall-runoff model called cequeau and the estimation of energy balance terms at each grid cells. the rmse values of the operational forecast system ranged from 0.81 °c on day 1 to 1.48 °c on day 3 based on an autoregressive model. the parameters of the thermal model were calibrated to get the best model performance over the summer period since the main target of their water temperature forecast was to minimise the exposure of aquatic organisms to high water temperature. rmse values of 0.78 °c on nechako and 1.23 °c on miramichi were achieved during calibration on summer period, while 0.95 °c and 1.46 °c during validation. the year-round comparison resulted in 1.38 °c on nechako and 1.37 °c on miramichi for calibration and 1.54 °c and 1.51 °c for validation. comparisons of six statistical models were carried out by zhu, s. et al. (2018) on the missouri river (qmean ≈ 4,500 m 3/s) at three stations: three regression-based parametric models with linear, non-linear and stochastic expressions, and three machine learning procedures (artificial neural networks, gaussian process regression, bootstrap agliptay, z.á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 201–214.204 gregated decision trees). poor performance of linear and non-linear regression was found, rmse values ranged from 2.99 °c to 3.94 °c. the stochastic model performed better, rmse values ranged from 1.72 °c to 2.14 °c. machine learning procedures all performed better, their rmse ranged from 1.4950 °c to 1.9784 °c. an earlier study on the missouri is available from zhang, z. and johnson, b.e. (2017), where they applied the temperature transport of hec-ras (hydrologic engineering center – river analysis system) but observed data were heavily limited. rmse values of the hec-ras simulation are not published, but the rmse values of linear regression at boundary conditions are published from 1.744 °c to 3.532 °c. tavares, a. et al. (2018) applied the model proposed by toffolon, m. and piccolroaz, s. (2015) on the river cebollati, uruguay (qmean ≈ 1,377 m 3/s at lagoon mirim) using water temperature derived from remote sensing (landsat and modis) data. the rmse of 1.296 k during calibration and 1.245 k were achieved. piotrowski, a.p. and napiorkowski, j.j. (2018) aimed to find an effective calibration method for air2stream model. they compared twelve different calibration algorithms on six different streams of lowland, hilly and mountainous types with catchment size under 1,000 km2 (qmean < 10 m 3/s in each case). a comparison was also done with classical data-driven models, namely the multiple linear regression, the mohseni, o. et al. (1998) four-parameter model and its modified version by van vliet, m.t.h. et al. (2011) with five parameters. the air2stream model produced an rmse of 1.123 °c for calibration and 0.909 on validation for the largest river but also indicated a strong dependency on the optimisation method. zhu, s. et al. (2019) published a comparison of three machine learning methods (feedforward neural network, gaussian process regression and decision tree) and the 8, 5 and 3 parameter version of air2stream model on seven rivers. one of the rivers studied was the drava with two selected gauging stations at botovo and donji miholjac (qmean ≈ 500 m3/s). an almost identical calibration rmse was obtained for the two stations: 0.876, 1.002, 1.046 °c at botovo and 0.876, 0.959, 0.955 °c at donji miholjac with 8, 5 and 3 parameters. validation rmse values showed a greater difference: 0.891, 1.000, 1.006 °c at botovo and 1.247, 1.310, 1.370 °c at donji miholjac. their results showed that air2stream models generally outperform machine learning methods. numerous river ice prediction techniques and models have been developed and analysed in recent years. these approaches include statistical models such as the cumulative negative air temperature degreedays published by graf, r. and tomczyk, a.m. (2018), analytical formulations such as rice (lal, w.a.m. and shen, h.t. 1991) and rivice (lindenschmidt, k-e. 2017) coupled with one-dimensional river hydraulics, and the two-dimensional dynarice (kolerski, t. 2018). these models are capable of simulating small-scale dynamic river ice processes, but they require geometrical (digital terrain model for 2d, cross-sections for 1d) and hydrological (water levels and discharges for initial and boundary conditions) data for hydraulic simulations and data due to the deterministic approach on heat flux. comparative testing of such models was also carried out by carson, r. et al. (2011). the above overview highlights that there are several methods tested and published for water temperature simulation, but their performance is highly dependent on the number of variables. furthermore, the large number of variables makes the calibration procedure unavoidable. findings also show a decreasing performance with increasing annual flow. in this paper, we aim to introduce a conceptual method with lumped parameters and minor data requirements, which at the same time provides satisfactory results on the danube river. such a model is highly flexible, easy to apply on rivers of similar characteristics and quickly provides results for decision-makers, stakeholders and operational application managers. 205liptay, z.á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 201–214. materials and methods we chose the theory of weighted mean temperatures (rodhe, b. 1952, 1955) as a basis. the theory, published by the swedish meteorologist bertil rodhe in 1952 and later in 1955, was an answer to the uncertain approach of temperature sum based methods (östman, c.j. 1950; nusser, f. 1950; palosuo, e. 1951) of that era. this approach was specifically developed for marine application, but the u.s. army cold regions research and engineering laboratory experimented with river application (bilello, m.e. 1963) and also recommended further testing. rhode assumed that all terms of the full energy balance are neglected but the direct energy transfer between water and air. the governing equation (1) is based on heat transfer which is induced on the boundary of water and air of different temperatures. following rodhe’s derivation from the newtonian law of heat transfer and the equation of temperature change of water due to this transfer, we get to the continuous form of the basic equation: where t is the air temperature (°c), τ is the water temperature (°c), t is the time (s), and k is the time inverse coefficient (1/s) or a constant with an inverse dimension of time (rodhe, b. 1952, 1955; bilello, m.e. 1963). the equation simply describes the change of water temperature as a proportion of the difference of water and air temperatures, where the rate is symbolised with a time inverse coefficient. from the derivation, it is clear that the physical content of the k constant is the summation of all the material parameters of heat exchange: where k is the time inverse coefficient (1/s), α is the heat transfer coefficient (w/m2/°c)], c is the specific heat of water (j/kg/°c), h is the depth of heat exchanging water layer (m), γ is the ratio of the change in surface temperature and the change in the mean temperature of the heat exchanging subsurface layer (0 < γ < 1), and ρ is the density of water (kg/m3). after the solution and discretisation of the basic differential equation (1), the final form is equation 3. where tn is the average air temperature at a time step tn-1-tn (°c), τn is the temperature of the water surface at tn (°c), τn-1 is the temperature of the water surface at tn-1 (°c), δt is time step (s) and k is a constant with an inverse dimension of time (1/s). since the method was developed for the prediction of the onset of ice formation, the free variable k should be selected in such a way that the series of τ reached a freezing point when the first patch of ice was observed. promising results were obtained by applying the method on the danube river in hungary on the ice events from 2008 to 2017 (liptay, z.á. 2018). during the process of adaptation, we focused on empirical approaches for maximising the efficiency of the method while conserving its modest need for data and computational capacity. the first step of adaptation was to introduce the ability to predict the disappearance of ice. by dividing the lag parameter with different values at sub-zero temperatures then at above freezing the method becomes capable to simulate this phenomenon. we simplified this to a ratio of the original lag value, therefore only one new variable was introduced. where r is the correction of k when the τ function is negative [-] (1 < r). the second adaptation step was to estimate the evolution of water temperature. we calibrated the parameters towards water temperature and obtained a close correlation between the τ series and observed water temperatures. (1) (2) (3) (4) liptay, z.á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 201–214.206 a difference in the temperature gradients was found at 4 °c, comparing the observed and calculated water temperatures. the τ series calibrated for water temperature calculation continues to react intensively for further cooling; however, observed water temperatures show only moderate changes. mohseni, o. and stefan, h.g. (1999) analysed the relationship between water temperature and air temperature based on physical interpretation and defined four ranges: 1) air temperature is under -10 °c, and the equilibrium water temperature is around 0 °c; 2) air temperature is between -10 and 0 °c while stream temperature is above 0 °c and increased significantly with air temperature, but the slope of their relationship is defined by groundwater; 3) air temperature is between 0 and 20 °c, and water temperature tends to change linearly with air temperature; 4) high air temperatures, and water temperature rises slowly with air temperature. these ranges resemble an s-shaped relation of water temperatures and air temperatures. figure 2 shows the relation of weekly water temperature and air temperature measures at the budapest gauging station from 2008 to 2017. the s-shaped relation is clearly visible, and while both linear and polynomial regressions have high and nearly equal r2 over the entire set of data, linear regression shows poor performance in ranges 2 and 4. as a result, we divided the lag value into two parts at the arbitrarily selected 4 °c threshold to follow this relation: an example is presented in figure 3. the first parameterisation (rodhe 1/k = 10 days) adequately reproduces the observed water temperatures but gives an erroneous ice prediction. the second parameterisation (rodhe 1/k = 17.7 days) scheme gives an accurate ice prediction but overestimates water temperatures. a combination of the two (rodhe combined) gives a method applicable to both situations. as a third adaptation step, we assumed that water temperature calculated at tn is not only the function of water temperature at tn-1 and the mean temperature of the station but also the mean temperature of the upstream station at tn-m, where m is the distance of the stations in time. where tn is the resulting daily mean air temperature at time step tn-1-tn (°c), tn, local is the fig. 2. relation of weekly water temperature and air temperature on the danube at budapest (5) (6) 207liptay, z.á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 201–214. local daily mean temperature (°c), tn-m,upstream is the daily mean air temperature at the upstream station (°c), z is a factor dependent on flow regime [-]. where z is a factor dependent on flow regime [-], mtn is the daily value of flow regime (%), s is a calibration parameter [-]. the value of z should be chosen to simulate the local impact during low flow and the increasing weight of upstream impact with the rising water level. the daily flow values were derived from the observed water levels in the hindcast period and from predicted water levels in the forecast period. upscaling and positioning the aforementioned methods to a new perspective of complex hydrological networks, the influence of tributaries is a key factor on ice formation and dynamics. by analysing the ice event of january 2017 on the danube river, the influence of the váh river is evident on the ice formation of the main stream. satellite images, acquired by for instance, the sentinel-2a satellite at a spatial resolution of 10×10 metres, may also provide important information on riverine ice dynamics. for the current study, sentinel-acquired satellite imagery taken on 8 january was used (figure 4). the light coloured pixels of floating ice sheets were easily recognisable without any further image analysis; however, an averaging of bands was done to obtain a grayscale version. there were no drifting ice formations upstream of the junction, whereas drifting ice was observable on the váh river. the ice sheets floated along the left bank following their arrival into the confluence with the danube. subsequently, using the available ice forming potential of the danube, the ice cover broadened and covered the entire water surface on the right side of the image near the town of almásfüzitő. it is challenging to explain this phenomenon with the theory of weighted mean temperatures; hence, we assumed that the selected set of parameters explain the general ice dynamics. results and discussion calculations with the original and the modified rhode method were carried out for the period of 1 july 2008 to 31 august 2017. the initial conditions were the monthly average air temperatures of june 2008 in each case. four ice cover events (2008–2009, 2009–2010, 2011–2012 and 2016–2017) occurred in this period. the first event was used solely for fig. 3. the combination of water temperature and ice forecast (7) liptay, z.á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 201–214.208 calibration purposes at each station, whereas the other three events were for validation. the values of lag and the later introduced parameters of equations (5) and (7) were calibrated using a trial-and-error approach with the target functions to minimise the rmse and hit the day the ice run started and ended. nagybajcs station is downstream of gabčikovo reservoir (slovakia); thus, the outflow from the reservoir heavily influences the water temperatures and ice formation resulting in only two observed ice events in 2011–2012 and 2016–2017. according to mohseni and stefan (1999) range 1 and range 2 of the water temperature and air temperature relation are influenced by the artificial upstream water temperature. table 1 includes the results of the prediction of ice appearance and disappearance with both the modified and original methods in brackets. a zero value means an exact match with observations; a negative value refers to ice predicted prior to the observed onset of icing; and a positive value means that ice was predicted later than the actual timing (all units are in days). the last two rows of table 1 indicate the efficiency of water temperature calculation of the modified method, namely the root mean square error and the determination coefficient. the ice appearance prediction efficiency of the original method in our case was between +2 and -2 days, and two out of the seven validation dates were precisely given. after the implementation of the modifications, this efficiency increased to ±1 day, and three out of the seven validation dates were precisely simulated by the model. the original method did not provide usable results regarding the disappearance of the ice, but after the modification, the validation succeeded, with only one icy period (2009–2010) being a major error. the rmse and r2 values of water temperature simulation of 1.46 °c and 93.3 percent were achieved at the nagybajcs gauging station during the calibration. this station is the most upstream station, meaning equation (6) is not applicable. the rmse and r2 values at budapest were 1.19 °c and 96.3 percent, while 1.32 °c and 95.7 percent at paks, respectively. the most recent heavy icy event on the danube was observed in january and february 2017 (figure 5). after an abrupt drop in air temperature, a thick layer of ice cover was formed on the river covering more than 80 percent of the river surface at budapest on 8 january 2017. the modified algorithm fig. 4. sentinel-2a image, 08.01.2017. 209liptay, z.á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 201–214. exactly hit the day that the ice run started and the day it finally stopped, and it also represented the dynamics, a clear advancement from the original method (figure 6). the calibration of the water temperature simulations was carried out for the entire study period, while the validation was only done for the period of 1 july 2017 to 30 june 2018. the rmse and r2 are presented in table 1. validation rmse at nagybajcs station was 1.80 °c, a slightly lower efficiency was obtained by the calibration. the rmse of validation reached 1.17 °c and 1.22 °c at budapest and paks, respectively. the reason for better performance during the validation is assumed to be the ice-free period chosen for validation when water temperature remained mainly in ranges 3 and 4. further analyses were also done by simulating operative forecast and providing ecmwf temperature predictions as input. we compared the results to the estimation of energy balance (eeb) at paks station. the rmse values for the calibration period between 2010 and 2017 based on observed and forecasted water temperature values are presented in figure 7. the initial condition of the energy balance was the latest observed water temperature, while the results of the modified rodhe method were corrected with table 1. validation results on ice occurrence and disappearance prediction efficiency on the danube* and correlation of observed and calculated water temperatures ice observation period ice prediction error, days nagybajcs, 1,801.0 rkm budapest, 1,646.5 rkm paks, 1,531.3 rkm 2008–2009 2009–2010 2011–2012 2016–2017 – – calibration -1; 0 (2; 0) calibration 0; 7 (0; 15) 1; 1 (-2; 11) 0; 0 (-1; 19) calibration -1; 9 (-1; 15) -1; 1 (-2; 12) 0; -1 (0; 18) correlation of observed and calculated water temperature rmse, calib./valid., °c r2, calib./valid., % 1.46 / 1.80 93.3 / 92.8 1,19 / 1.17 96.2 / 97.5 1,32 / 1.22 95.7 / 97.3 *results with the original method of rodhe, b. (1952) are in brackets. fig. 5. ice event in january 2017 at budapest on the danube compared to the results of the modified rodhe method liptay, z.á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 201–214.210 the error on the day of the forecast, and both of the calculations were driven by the daily mean air temperature derived from ecmwf meteorological forecast of the exact day. the correction technique was a simple deduction of error of the day of forecast. the ecmwf based analysis was also done for the validation period. rmse values are listed in table 2 for all three stations, while figure 8 presents the comparison of the results at paks with archived published six forecasts: – no. 1 presents the result with the modified rodhe method without taking into account water temperature observations. – no. 2 shows the result with the modified rodhe method without hindcast but started from the observed value at the time of forecast. fig. 6. ice event in january 2017 at budapest on the danube compared to original rodhe method with different lag time values fig. 7. rmse values of water temperature forecast based on the estimation of energy balance (eeb) and the modified rhode method from 2010 to 2017 on the danube at paks. 211liptay, z.á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 201–214. – no. 3 is similar to no. 1, but the predicted water temperatures are corrected with the error measured on the day of the forecast. this approach provides the best results regarding the rmse of the water temperature forecast. – no. 4 shows the results with the modified rhode method after the correction with the error measured at the time of forecast, similarly to series no. 3. the difference is that the mean air temperature values are not from ecmwf forecasts, but directly from the averaging of hourly observations. the difference between series no. 3 and 4 indicates the uncertainty introduced by the meteorological forecast. – no. 5 shows the published water temperature forecasts of this period calculated by the estimated energy balance based on ecmwf temperature forecasts. – no. 6 presents the results of an ongoing update of the estimated energy balance based method. this update includes the recalibration of parameters on the period of 1 july 2015 to 30 june 2017 and validation from 1 july 2017 to 30 june 2018 and also includes the introduction of a new approach for the estimation of the albedo of water surface compared to the previously used constant value. the input for this calculation was purely observed data, and no ecmwf forecasts were included. conclusions we found the weighted mean temperatures model of rodhe, b. (1952) applicable for the simulation of ice dynamics on the danube table 2. rmse (°c) of water temperature forecast based on ecmwf temperature prediction in the validation period 01.07.2017–30.06.2018 lead time, day station 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 nagybajcs budapest paks 1.91 1.20 1.25 2.02 1.22 1.32 2.13 1.31 1.38 2.25 1.41 1.46 2.34 1.50 1.53 2.41 1.59 1.61 2.49 1.68 1.68 2.58 1.76 1.75 2.68 1.85 1.84 2.77 1.92 1.92 fig. 8. rmse values of water temperature forecast based on the estimation of energy balance (eeb) and the modified rhode method with and without correction from 01/07/2017 to 30/06/2018 on the danube at paks. liptay, z.á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 201–214.212 ta bl e 3. c om pa ri so n of w at er te m pe ra tu re m od el lin g re su lt s w it h ot he r pu bl is he d st ud ie s a ut ho r m od el c la ss n am e of r iv er a nn ua l m ea n d is ch ar ge o f s tu d ie d ri ve rs , m 3 / s r m se o f ca lib ra ti on , ° c r m se o f va lid at io n, ° c a hm ad in ed us ha n , b . e t a l. (2 00 7) st at is ti ca l ( pa ra m et ri c) m oi si e 46 6 0. 50 2– 0. 51 1 0. 52 1– 0. 53 3 w es th of f, m . e t a l. (2 00 7) d et er m in is ti c (p hy si ca l) m ai sb ic h 0. 00 12 1* 1. 01 va n v li et , m .t .h . e t a l. (2 01 2) d et er m in is ti c (p hy si ca l) d an ub e 13 s ta ti on s* * 2. 5 t of fo lo n , m . a nd p ic co lr oa z, s . ( 20 15 ) d et er m in is ti c (h yb ri d ) m en tu e, d is m ab ac h an d r hτ ne 1. 7– 11 2. 0 0. 58 –0 .9 1 0. 62 –1 .0 5 o ue ll et -p ro ul x, s . e t a l. (2 01 7) d et er m in is ti c (p hy si ca l, en se m bl e) n ec ha ko a nd m ir am ic hi 12 0– 28 3 0. 78 –1 .2 3 (s um m er ) 1. 37 –1 .3 8 (y ea rro un d ) 0. 95 –1 .4 6 (s um m er ) 1. 51 –1 .5 4 (y ea rro un d ) z ha n g, z . a nd jo hn so n , b .e . (2 01 7) st at is ti ca l ( pa ra m et ri c) m is so ur i 4, 50 0 1. 74 4– 3. 53 2 z hu , s . e t a l. (2 01 8) st at is ti ca l ( pa ra m et ri c) m is so ur i 4, 50 0 1. 72 –3 .9 4 z hu , s . e t a l. (2 01 8) st at is ti ca l ( no npa ra m et ri c) m is so ur i 4, 50 0 1. 49 50 -1 .9 78 4 t av ar es , m .h . e t a l. (2 01 8) d et er m in is ti c (h yb ri d ) c eb ol la ti 1, 37 7 1. 29 6 (p ub lis he d in k ) 1. 24 5 (p ub lis he d in k ) p io tr ow sk i, a .p . a nd n ap io rk ow sk i, j.j . ( 20 18 ) d et er m in is ti c (h yb ri d ) b ia la t ar no w sk a 9. 5 1. 12 3 0. 90 9 z hu , s . e t a l. (2 01 9) st at is ti ca l ( no npa ra m et ri c) d ra va 50 0 0. 95 6– 2. 58 4 1. 30 2– 2. 73 2 z hu , s . e t a l. (2 01 9) d et er m in is ti c (h yb ri d ) d ra va 50 0 0. 87 6– 1. 04 6 0. 89 1– 1. 37 0 c ur re nt r es ea rc h d et er m in is ti c (c on ce pt ua l) d an ub e n ag yb aj cs : 1 ,8 30 b ud ap es t: 2, 23 8 pa ks : 2 ,3 24 1. 46 1. 19 1. 32 1. 80 1. 17 1. 22 *a ve ra ge d ur in g ob se rv at io n. * * e .g . p as sa u 58 0; v ie nn a 1, 90 0; b ud ap es t 2 ,2 38 ; b el gr ad e 4, 00 0. 213liptay, z.á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 201–214. at the three selected stations. we further refined the model for increased accuracy on the temporal dynamics of ice cover. the original equation predicted ice cover for ice-free periods and predicted icy periods with an accuracy of ±2 days. (liptay, z. á. 2018). the empirically based modifications affected the results positively and strengthened the validity in the study area. a precision comparable to the estimated energy balance method was achieved based on the theory of weighted mean temperatures with a simple algorithm and fewer parameters. findings of five statistically and seven deterministically based former studies indicate that water temperature modelling is generally less efficient on larger rivers (benyahya, l. et al. 2007; westhoff, m. et al. 2007) (table 3). while the rmses ranged between 0.5 °c and 1 °c for a river of qmean < 500 m 3/s for both deterministic and statistic models, they increase to the range of 1–4 °c for larger rivers. the proposed model of the current study is in the middle of the list regarding the rmses if flow values are disregarded but shows superior performance for rivers with nearly equal or higher discharge and performs better than any other model used for the danube. the number of free parameters for water temperature calculation is four in the present study, namely the two lag (1/k) values above 0 °c and the calibration variable (s) for flow regime, with another variable (r) being introduced during ice formation. toffolon and piccolroaz (2015) presented a 3-parameter version of the air2stream model, also applied by zhu, s. et al. (2019), but its performance is poor compared to the very well performing 8-parameter version. nonetheless, the large number of parameters is the price for simplicity and comes with significant dependence on the calibration method (piotrowski, a.p. and napiorkowski, j.j. 2018). r e f e r e n c e s ács, f. and bauer, h. 2013. biofizikai éghajlatosztályozási módszerek (biophysical climate classification methods). budapest, eötvös loránd tudományegyetem. ahmadi-nedushan, b., st-hilaire, a., ouarda, t.b.m.j., bilodeau, l., robichaud, é., thiémonge, n. and bobeé, b. 2007. predicting river water temperatures using stochastic models: case study of the moisie river. hydrological processes 21. 21–34. doi: 10.1002/hyp.6353 antal, e. 1997. éghajlat (climate). in magyarország a xx. században, ii. kötet. editor-in-chief: kollega tarsoly, i. szekszárd, babits kiadó, 27–38. 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(in hungarian) bilello, m.e. 1963. method of predicting river and lake ice formation. hanover. u.s. army cold regions research and engineering laboratory. carson, r., beltaos, s., groenveld, j., healy, d., she, y., malenchak, j., morris, m., saucet, j-p., kolerski, t. and shen, h.t. 2011. comparative testing of numerical models of river ice jams. canadian journal of civil engineering 38. 669–678. doi:10.1139/l11-036. graf, r. and tomczyk, a.m. 2018. the impact of cumulative negative air temperature degree-days on the appearance of ice cover on a river in relation to atmospheric circulation. atmosphere 9. 204. doi: 10.3390/atmos9060204 keve, g. 2012. 2012. évi dunai jégészlelés tapasztalatai (experiences of ice observation on the danube in 2012). adu-neki beszámoló jelentés a 2012. évi dunai jégészlelésről. baja, alsó-duna-völgyi vízügyi igazgatóság. 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(3–4): 220–227. ouellet-proulx, s., st-hilaire, a. and boucher, m-a. 2017. water temperature ensemble forecasts: implementation using the cequeau model on two contrasted river systems. water 9. 457. 1–21. doi: 10.3390/w9070457 östman, c.j. 1950. om sambandet mellan köldsummor, isläggning och istjocklek. meddelanden írån sveriges meteorologiska och hydrologiska institute, serie a. no. 1. palosuo, e. 1951. ice in the baltic and the meteorological factors. journal du conceil international pour l’exploration de la mer 17. (2): 124–132. piotrowski, a.p. and napiorkowski, j.j. 2018. performance of the air2stream model that relates air and stream water temperatures depends on the calibration method. journal of hydrology 561. 395–412. available at https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jhydrol.2018.04.016 rodhe, b. 1952. on the relation between air temperature and ice formation in the baltic. geografiska annaler 34. 175–202. rodhe, b. 1955. a study of the correlation between the ice extent, the course of air temperature and the sea surface temperature in the åland archipelago. geografiska annaler 37. 141–163. szalai, s. and szentimrey, t. 2005. melegedett-e magyarország éghajlata a xx. században? (has hungary’s climate warmed in the 20th century?). statisztikai szemle 83. (10–11): 978–989. tavares, m.h., da cunha, a.h.f., ruhoff, a. and de motta marques, d. 2018. applying a water temperature model to river and calibrating it with downscaled remote sensing data. geophysical research abstracts 20. available at https://ui.adsabs.harvard. edu/abs/2018eguga..2015016t/abstract toffolon, m. and piccolroaz, s. 2015. a hybrid model for river water temperature as a function of air temperature and discharge. environmental research letters 10. 114011. doi:10.1088/1748-9326/10/11/114011 van vliet, m.t.h., ludwig, f., zwolsman, j.j.g., weedon, g.p. and kabat, p. 2011. global river temperatures and sensitivity to atmospheric warming and changes in river flow. water resources research 47. w02544. available at https://doi. org/10.1029/2010wr009198 van vliet, m.t.h., yearsely, j.r., franssen, w.h.p., ludwig, f., haddeland, i., lettenmaier, d.p. and kabat, p. 2012. coupled daily streamflow and water temperature modelling in large river basins. hydrology and earth system 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models for daily river water temperature prediction. peerj 7:e7065. available at http://doi.org/10.7717/ peerj.7065 free movement of people and the brexit 421gellér-lukács, é. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 421–432.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.65.4.9 hungarian geographical bulletin 65 2016 (4) 421–432. introduction simon ross, the chief executive of population matters, the uk’s leading charity on population and sustainability issues, claimed that natural resources could not sustain the number of people in britain or on the planet indefinitely: “it is imperative that we address the factors contributing to increased numbers. we are all affected adversely by the rapid population growth of recent decades, from pressures on housing and public services to the environment and climate change,” he said.” it’s time we addressed the population problem, by improving sex education and family planning provision and by increasing public awareness of the strains population and consumption growth place on us. if we are to live sustainably and happily in the long-term, population growth is an issue that cannot be ignored.” – he emphasised. according to the same medium coverage the uk population is projected to reach 70 million by mid-2027. this mysterious absolute number may function as a threshold in the country of isles (cangiano, a. 2016) where there is no chance to extend arable lands and the areas overcrowded are everyday experience for citizens.4 unlike most countries of the european union with declining population britons might not be satisfied due to population increase. the old idea of free movement of people and the brexit éva g e l l ér -l u k ác s 1, ágnes t öt t ös 2 and sándor i l l és 3 abstract this paper deals with the development of free movement of people principle during the initial phase of united kingdom (uk) exit from european union (eu). utilising descriptive methods we highlighted the cornerstones of negotiations till the deal. the conclusions adopted by the heads of state and government of the eu member states on 19 february 2016 laid down a set of arrangements between the uk and the eu that try to find a solution for the questions around four problematic areas of eu integration mentioned in the 10 november 2015 letter of david cameron, in order not to make the concerns of the uk so pronounced that it would lead to the exit of the country from the eu. the study examines the agreement’s the fourth policy area (immigration) and the british concerns attached to the social benefits and immigration aspects of the free movement of eu nationals to uk, as well as answers of eu heads of state and government and the declarations of the european commission’s will. the analysis covers the abuses experienced by the uk, their legal roots and the possibilities to act against them. the contribution places great emphasis on exploring to what extent the future directions of amendments could be considered clear, how they could be transformed into eu norms, how they could affect the eu legal system and its application. we concluded that the idea of a multi-speed europe has reached the freedom of movement of people principle. finally, in light of the brexit referendum, the authors also try to explore disputable scenarios of how the results could affect the uk’s relation with the eu in the near future. keywords: brexit, international migration, free movement of people, labour market, integration, european union, united kingdom 1 senior lecturer, jotoki postgraduate law institute, faculty of law, eötvös loránd university, h-1053 budapest, egyetem tér 1–3. e-mail: drlukacseva@gmail.com 2 migration expert, ministry of interior, h-1051 budapest, józsef attila u. 2–4. e-mail: agnes.tottos@bm.gov.hu 3 director, active society foundation, h-1094 budapest, liliom u. 8. e-mail: dr.illes.sandor@gmail.com 4 http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/oct/29/uk-population-expected-to-rise-by-almost-10-million-in25-years. retrieved: 10.03.2016. gellér-lukács, é. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 421–432.422 rigid physical, geographical isolation is supported with fresh thoughts of sustainable development. in fact the united kingdom is one of the most fertile countries in eu with net migration over 300,000 people a year. based on an official scenario the uk population is projected to increase by 9.7 million over the next 25 years from an estimated 64.6 million in mid2014 to 74.3 million in mid-2039. it is more than 10 percent growth.5 assumed net migration accounts for 51 percent of the projected increase over the next 25 years, with natural increase (more births than deaths) accounting for the remaining 49 percent of growth. over the 10-year period to mid-2024, the uk population is projected to increase by 4.4 million to 69.0 million. this is 249,000 higher than the previous (2012-based) projection for that year. the population is projected to continue ageing, with the average (median) age rising from 40.0 years in 2014 to 40.9 years in mid-2024 and 42.9 by mid-2039. it means that one in 12 of the population is projected to be aged 80 years old or over. 6 free movement of people is one of the basic principles of the european union (eu) (urry, j. 2007; gellér-lukács, é. 2011). this basic right was originally related only to workers (european economic community, predecessor of eu), but later it was extended to family members of workers like children, economically inactive adults, retirees, and finally to all citizens of the european union (gellérlukács, é. 2004; gyeney, l. 2006). the eu became an area of freedom, security and justice without inner borders where free movement of people testifies the basic freedom of the single market (illés, s. and gellér-lukács, é. 2002; gellér-lukács, é. and illés, s. 2003; okulicz-kozaryn, a. 2014). this general principle was disputed (castles, s. 2014) by the uk fuelled by the plan of britain’s exit (brexit) from the european union. the rea5 http://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/populationandmigration/populationprojections/bulletins/nationalpopulationprojections/201 5-10-29#tab-main-points. retrieved: 10.03.2016. 6 ibid. sons behind brexit were mainly supported by news on abuses of the principle of free move and stay in the uk (blinder, s. and allen, w.l. 2016). nevertheless, it should be noted that the separate way aimed by the uk that would distant itself from the rest of the eu is indeed not the first instance of such kind. according to protocol 21 of the treaties the united kingdom and ireland shall not take part in the adoption by the council of proposed measures pursuant to title v of part three of the treaty on the functioning of the european union (area of freedom, security and justice), including article 79 of tfeu aiming at developing a common immigration policy. consequently, no measure adopted pursuant to that title, no provision of any international agreement concluded by the union pursuant to that title, and no decision of the court of justice of the eu interpreting any such provisions or measures shall be binding upon or applicable in the uk (peers, s. 2015). additionally, in the field of coordination of social security rights the uk has opted out from granting rights for thirdcountry nationals under the renewed coordination mechanism (eisele, k. 2014). the main objectives of this paper are twofold. firstly and dominantly it aims at documenting the background and negotiation strategies of the brexit process in the field of free movement of persons including special aspects relevant for hungary. secondly, in light of the result of the brexit referendum we would like to assess the impact of the brexit deal on future negotiations related to the actual split of the uk from the eu. supplementary issues like the role of statistical evidence or the long-lasting special status of the uk in the eu are also tackled upon. the new settlement between the eu and the uk on 10 november 2015 prime minister, david cameron, put his thoughts into writing regarding the eu membership of the uk, highlight423gellér-lukács, é. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 421–432. ing four key areas where the uk was seeking reforms.7 these areas were the economic governance, competitiveness, sovereignty, and immigration. within the theme of immigration the reform plan contained the following. – firstly, it was proposed that free movement will not apply to new members to be admitted to the eu in the future until their economies have converged much more closely with old member states. – secondly, the importance of the goal of fighting abuses of free movement, which includes tougher and longer re-entry bans for fraudsters and people who collude in marriages of convenience, stronger powers to deport criminals and stop them coming back, as well as preventing entry in the first place, and also addressing european court of justice (ecj) judgments that have widened the scope of free movement in a way that has made it more difficult to tackle this kind of abuse. – thirdly, cameron proposed that people coming to britain from the eu must live there and contribute for four years before they qualify for in-work benefits or social housing, furthermore, that the practice of sending child benefit overseas is to be ended. the third proposal clearly aims to decrease the number of those arriving to the united kingdom by reducing the attractiveness of the british welfare system. on 7 december 2015 president of the european council (ec), donald tusk, informed the ec on where the member states stand on the issue of the uk’s proposals.8 he emphasised that “while we see good prospects for agreeing on ways to fight abuses and possibly on some reforms related to the export of child benefits, there is presently no consensus on the request that people coming to britain from the eu must live there and contribute for four years before they qualify 7 https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/ uploads/attachment_data/file/475679/donald_ tusk_letter.pdf retrieved: 02.02.2016. 8 http://www.consilium.europa.eu/hu/press/pressreleases/2015/12/07-tusk-letter-to-28ms-on-uk/ retrieved: 31. 01.2016. for in-work benefits or social housing.”9 he also envisaged a concrete proposal to be prepared and finally adopted in february 2016. on 17 december 2015 the general affairs council discussed the british reform proposals. the member states confirmed their readiness to reflect to the british request with the intention to keep the uk in the eu.10 in line with his promise tusk quickly, already on 2 february 2016, disclosed the multi-point package of proposals, which aimed at – in case of a positive outcome of the british referendum – enacting a number of measures handling the british requests in an appropriate manner.11 he set a goal that the package of proposals should be adopted by the council of the heads of state or government on its meeting on 18–19 february 2016. the uk also welcomed the package of proposals. a heated discussion began on the proposed text. all information leaked confirmed the information of the press so far that the free movement of persons is the most controversial topic, and the agreement was practically delayed until the evening because of the questions of family benefits (the bargaining lasted for 40 hours).12 the negotiations were successful as the heads of state and government could agree and consequently accepted ec conclusions on brexit (“new settlement”) on their meeting on 18–19 february 2016.13 the document 9 furthermore: “all in all it is my assessment that so far we have made good progress. we need some more time to sort out the precise drafting on all of these issues, including the exact legal form the final deal will take. we also have to overcome the substantial political differences that we still have on the issue of social benefits and free movement.” 10 http://www.consilium.europa.eu/hu/press/pressreleases/2015/12/18-euco-conclusions/ retrieved: 31.01.2016. 11 http://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/pressreleases/2016/02/02-letter-tusk-proposal-newsettlement-uk/ retrieved: 10.03.2016. 12 http://www.bruxinfo.hu/cikk/20160220-negyvenora-alkudozas-utan-megszuletett-az-eu-britmegallapodas.html retrieved: 10.03.2016. 13 http://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/pressreleases/2016/02/19-euco-conclusions/ retrieved: 10-03-2016 gellér-lukács, é. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 421–432.424 contained seven legal texts: the conclusions of the ec (including issues of migration and external relations); a decision of the heads of state or government concerning a new settlement for the uk within the eu; a statement of the ec containing a draft council decision on the effective management of the banking union and a declaration of the ec on competitiveness; four declarations of the european commission among which three are related to free movement (migration). section d of annex 1 (“social benefits and free movement”) is the most relevant regarding the free movement of persons (and therefore will be discussed in details in this paper). it was clear that – in case the uk voted for remaining in the eu – the commission would present proposals on the modification of the relevant secondary eu law and a proposal on a new draft of directive on residence rights was to be expected, as well. the general expectation was that the commission would present these proposals in line with the above mentioned ec conclusions and the commission’s declarations. background of the family benefits and immigration issues after the global financial crisis the net inflows from eu countries to uk grew significantly (wadsworth, j. et al. 2016). an estimated number of about 300,000 eu citizens arrived to the united kingdom who wanted to work, study or reunite with family in 2015. the uk’s social welfare system seems to be quite attractive: anyone who works for a minimum wage can receive 6,000–7,000 pounds extra from ’inwork’ benefits per year.14 leaving aside the special characteristics of these benefits it should be stressed that these benefits are only available for low wage earners. they can be claimed by those whose annual income does not exceed 15,000 pounds, but the amount varies stepwise. the maximum support is available at a yearly 14 child tax credit, working tax credit and universal credit. income of 8,000 pounds, but then it starts to decrease, and at the 15,000 pounds threshold it ceases. in fact, this ‘in-work ‘ benefit is a supplement, which guarantees a minimum of 15,000 pounds annual income for the person concerned. this is considered as a sort of minimum subsistence level. in an international comparison it should be emphasised that the other two major migration destination countries (germany and france) do not per se link such benefits with low-paid jobs. the uk classifies itself the fourth most generous country in europe on the basis of benefits paid after denmark, luxembourg and ireland.15 nor should it be overlooked that non-eu citizen workers cannot be employed in the united kingdom as unskilled labour (for ‘low-skilled jobs’)16 meaning that these jobs are available – in lack of available british workers – mostly for eu citizens. indeed, it may be therefore that a major limitation of the benefits would affect the financial motivation of potential migrants with regard to migration to the uk.17 obviously, theoretically speaking, a huge burden can fall by the amount of these benefits on the british budget, when each year hundreds of thousands of workers arrive and some of them also apply for benefits. but what is the proportion of those applying for benefits in practice? in 2015 10 percent of people born in the uk and 12 percent of those born in other eu countries applied for benefits.18 in the area of non-work-related benefits, however, the share of benefit receivers among citizens of other eu countries was only 2.2 percent 15 http://www.migrationwatchuk.org/briefingpaper/284 retrieved: 10.03.2016. 16 https://www.gov.uk/tier-2-general/overview retrieved: 11.03.2016. 17 http://archive.openeurope.org.uk/article/page/en/ live?id=22825&page=pressreleases# „restricting these in-work benefits would make a huge difference to potential migrants’ financial incentives while allowing free movement to stand.” retrieved: 12.03.2016. 18 http://www.migrationobservatory.ox.ac.uk/ commentary/pulling-power-why-are-eu-citizensmigrating-uk retrieved: 10.03.2016. 425gellér-lukács, é. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 421–432. (and among those of working age, 6.8%). moreover, if british citizens and citizens of the eu-10 countries are compared in terms of getting social housing, it can be seen that mobile workers from eu-10 countries have much less recourse to social housing.19 further data support what is also described in a recent material of the oxford university migration observatory, namely that the primary motivation of eu citizens for migration is not to get welfare benefits, but to work (78%) and these are followed by pursuing studies, and by family reunification. according to a survey conducted in 2015 the fastest growing group of workers is formed by citizens of eu10 countries, among them the employment rate is high, 90 percent for men and 75 percent for women, both figures are higher than the rate of uk citizens.20 table 1 shows the actual numbers of top sending countries. according to table 1 out of the six most dynamic sending countries three are situated in east-central-europe. in absolute term poland (white, a. 2014) is leading both for volumes and dynamism. the number of polish migrants grew from 615,000 to 818,000 people during the investigated five years. the change was the highest with 203,000 more im19 http://www.eurofound.europa.eu/sites/default/ files/ef_publication/field_ef_document/ef1546en_3. pdf eurofound (2015), social dimension of intra-eu mobility: impact on public services, publications office of the european union, luxembourg. retrieved: 10.03.2016. 20 ibid. migrants which means ca. one-third increase. the most dynamic increase was produced by romania with 150 percent growth which equals to 136,000 net surplus. from an eastcentral-european angle hungary has the third place in absolute terms. the number of hungarian immigrants staying in the uk was 50,000 in 2011, while this number increased to 96,000 by 2015. the growth was nearly 100 percent within five years. in addition, lots of migrants arrived to the uk from other countries of east-central-europe as well in the examined five year period. data on the number of hungarians living in the uk vary greatly. according to the data of the office of national statistics (ons) on population and community in 2015 there were 82,000 hungarians living in the uk.21 at the same time the overall number of hungarian nationals who were registered in the national health service amounted to 210,000 until mid-2016. the differences between the two data-set are noted by the ons in its explanatory document,22 namely that the latter statistic contains also those who 21 https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/populationandmigration/internationalmigration/datasets/populationoftheunitedkingdombycountryofbirthandnationality. retrieved: 10.06.2016. there is a 13,000 condience limit foreseen. 22 https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/populationandmigration/internationalmigration/articles/noteonthedifferencebetweennationalinsurancenumberregistrationsandtheestimateoflongterminternationalmigration/previousreleases. retrieved: 10.06.2016. table 1. six most dynamic sending countries regarding eu migrants in the uk in 2011 and 2015 origin country 2011 2015 change 1,000 migrants poland romania spain italy hungary portugal eea total six most dynamic sending countries ratio of top six countries in all eea, % 615 87 63 126 50 96 2,580 1,037 40 818 223 137 176 96 140 3,277 1,590 49 203 136 74 50 46 44 696 553 79 source: migration observatory analysis of lfs data, quarterly averages, all ages. http://www.migrationobservatory.ox.ac.uk/commentary/pulling-power-why-are-eu-citizens-migrating-uk retrieved: 10.03.2016. gellér-lukács, é. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 421–432.426 have already left the country. unofficial estimates on the number of hungarians living in the uk oscillate between 80,000 and 150,000. the conclusion to be drawn is that if the uk aims at achieving savings, it is not worth limiting the kind of benefits that are not necessarily taken by the migrants (non-work-related benefits) but those which are granted to them. that is why the uk wanted to reach a solution on the basis of which it became entitled to restrict access to in-work benefits for newcomers during a four-year-long period. however, neither the term of ’newcomer’ nor that of ’four-year period’ is clear. while it is believed that the newcomers as primarily east-centraleuropean guest workers, during the negotiations there was no distinction made amongst eu nations. however, the most sensible reaction came from the polish side. abuse i – family benefits if we talk about the coordination of family benefits, it is important to be aware of further statistical data. already in the beginning of 2013 the amount of child benefits paid overseas was discussed in the uk.23 at that time – based on data from 2012 – there were child benefit awards in respect of 40,171 children who lived in another country (overwhelmingly in poland). prime minister david cameron started elaborating on the topic and in january 2014, speaking to bbc1’s andrew marr show he said: “i don’t think that is right and that is something i want to change.”24 he referred to polish workers and the benefits paid to them and their families. poland’s foreign minister has soon reacted and criticised david cameron for judging the export of benefits as a ‘wrong’ thing. radoslaw sikorski accused the prime minister of ‘stigmatising’ poles by singling out the 23 http://www.migrationwatchuk.org/briefingpaper/288. retrieved: 10.06.2016. 24 read more: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/ article-2534738/poland-hits-cameron-plan-stopchild-benefit-exported-eu.html#ixzz45vizrb9a. retrieved: 10.03.2016. nation’s migrant workers in his comment. mr. sikorski posted via the twitter that: ‘if britain gets our taxpayers, shouldn’t it also pay their benefits? why should polish taxpayers subsidise british taxpayers’ children?’25 this incident clearly gave a hint that this topic would be on the sensible political agenda for long. and so it happened. in the spring of 2014 the british media began spreading numbers about exported family benefits. the daily mail newspaper e.g. wrote that “uk taxpayers are spending £30 million-a-year sending child benefit to families who live abroad across the european union” and “uk taxpayer funds payments to 20,400 families with 34,268 children”.26 published data showed that almost two-thirds of the benefits were sent to poland (22,000 children), followed by ireland (2,500), lithuania (1,700), france (1,400) and slovakia (1,200). latvia (1,091) and spain (1,020) also exceeded 1,000 children, all the other countries were lagging behind (e.g. hungary with 196 children). the exact magnitude of the problem was, however, not entirely clear. the above figures were published everywhere with slight changes, but a more serious search was necessary to find how these figures related to all british child-care expenditure. a parliamentary research report27 showed that the above figures should be compared to 7.9 million beneficiaries (families), meaning that the 20,000 eu families amount to a total of 0.25 percent of all the beneficiaries. official comparison can be found from the early 2016 according to which 25 read more: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/ article-2534738/poland-hits-cameron-plan-stopchild-benefit-exported-eu.html#ixzz45vizrb9a ’if britain gets our taxpayers, shouldn’t it also pay their benefits? why should polish taxpayers subsidise british taxpayers’ children’. retrieved: 12.03.2016. 26 http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2632914/ child-benefit-worth-30million-paid-britain-familieseu-cameron-admits-impossible-stop-it.html ’uk taxpayers are spending £30million-a-year sending child benefit to families who live abroad across the european union” and “uk taxpayer funds payments to 20,400 families with 34,268 children’ retrieved: 17.03.2016. 27 http://researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/ sn06955/sn06955.pd pp. 17. retrieved: 17.03.2016. 427gellér-lukács, é. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 421–432. the rate is 0.26 percent, while the house of commons states that 0.26 percent of total uk child benefit claims are paid to eu migrants whose children live in another eu member state (a mass of 13 million children is entitled to be compared to the 35,000 children who do not live in the british isles). it can be seen first, that the number of exports – 20,000 families annually – cannot be considered outstanding compared to the uk population and the number of families (i.e. 7.9 million) living there. secondly, regarding the absolute number of entitled children, it can be seen that the numbers are clearly decreasing, from 40,171 in 2012 to 34,268 in 2015 (i.e. 15% decrease). considering the diminishing trend we can say that the problem is tiny unlike the political attention that was given to it and the debate fuelled in the uk till in/out referendum. david cameron has admitted in the abovementioned marr interview that according to existing eu law it is impossible to stop paying benefits across the borders to the family members of migrant workers. it is clear that he already wanted to change the scope of eu law in order to tackle this issue, although in light of the previous figures prioritization of this issue cannot be fully understood. an important conclusion can be drawn, even if – as indicated – the actual impact will be seen in light of the specific solution given to the problem later, namely that cameron strongly stressed that he wanted to abolish (to decrease) the export of child benefits, even though the magnitude of the issue (0.26% of the families involved and 25 million pound annual savings) does not seem to be paramount for the fifth biggest economy of the world. abuse ii – immigration issues the right to free movement and residence has never been unlimited (wiesbrock, a. 2010; kotef, h. 2015; ahrens, j. et al. 2016), even though member states are obliged to act against abusive exercises of this right. the primary purpose of this restriction is not the sanction as such, but to reduce abuses for the purpose that the mobility bona fide eu citizens and their family members could have positive effects in the most comprehensive way on both the migrants and the member states concerned. the eu system of intraeu mobility presupposes the member states trust towards each other and is intended to enhance mutually beneficial nature of this mobility to all stakeholders. in case this trust is disrupted as a result of the abuse, it risks the uniform and effective enforcement of the entire system (tóth, g. et al. 2014). the uk is, therefore, aiming at regaining the freedom, rights and competences, transferred to the eu in the area of free movement of persons, the freedom which the uk already enjoys in the area of immigration of non-eu nationals (wiesbrock, a. 2010). the uk already used its freedom to focus heavily on managing migration to a great extent. in its 2005 paper controlling our borders: making migration work for britain – five year strategy for asylum and immigration, one of the goals set out was to uphold an immigration system which responds to public concerns. from an immigration perspective, that is from the point of view of the rules of entry and residence, rules of procedure and substantive conditions and limitations regarding exercising the right to free movement the brexit settlement identifies future steps in two respects. one area of law concerns the prevention of the abuse of rights or fraud, which was set out by point c) section d of annex i and in the declaration of the european commission in annex vii. in this area the expressive purpose of the union is to act against the use of false documents, the prevention of marriages of convenience (töttős, á. 2015) and reducing bogus intra-eu mobility (not sufficiently genuine residence in another member state) used for invoking the free movement directive in the eu citizen’s own member state. even though the member states have already received guidelines regarding how to ensure proper implementation regarding the general application of the directive as well as actions against marriages of convenience, gellér-lukács, é. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 421–432.428 the brexit settlement has envisioned further actions against the abuse of rights. while the plan to act against the use of false documents has only been mentioned in the documents, the plans on the fight against marriages of convenience and bogus intra-eu mobility have been set out in more details in the documents. viewing the brexit settlement from the perspectives of eu peripheries it can be concluded that the idea of multi-speed europe has reached the area of free movement of people principle, as well. while the uk already had an opt-out from harmonisation concerning the migration rules valid for non-eu nationals or the schengen acquis, now the political cooperation in the interest of freedom of movement has also become fragmented. furthermore, it is done in a way that as a result of the political bargaining process with one single member state has resulted in providing an opportunity for all the member states to withdraw from the results achieved so far. from a legal perspective we cannot hide the fact that the plans set out in the brexit settlement means a clear step back from the rights ensured by the free movement rules so far. we can therefore observe a unique phenomenon: the legal development that was primarily brought forward by the ecj not only comes to a halt, but a step back is expected compared to the present achievements. consequently, while other areas of eu legislation are usually characterised by including the results of jurisprudence, now limitations contrary to eu case law are about to be expressively set out by eu legislators. as for the future of free movement, the wish of the uk, according to which this right would not be automatically be extended to the newly accessing member states, will most probably come true. the results of referendum and its short-term outcomes the remain/leave referendum (in which 72.2% of registered voters took part) was held on thursday 23 june 2016. 51.9 percent voted in favour of leaving the eu and 48.1 percent voted in favour of remaining a member state of the eu, thus, the leave option won. the final results showed clear geographical pattern. england and wales voted for brexit (together 53.4%), while scotland and northern ireland voted predominantly against (62% and 55.8% respectively).the results of the regions mirrored the general pattern except for the london region (figure 1) where the majority supported the remain option. unfortunately, academic research results have not been published yet since the referendum due to the relatively short time period. but we can hypothesise with great probabilities that retirees favoured brexit in contrast of youngsters who preferred the remain option (hobolt, s. 2016). the academics with low absolute number compared to others segment of society said no to uk fig. 1. brexit referendum results by regions in the uk. source: electoral commission 429gellér-lukács, é. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 421–432. exit (cressey, d. 2016a,b). the residents of dynamic cities and their surroundings wanted to stay in the eu in contrast with declining towns and/or peripheral rural areas. in general voters of local districts with significant immigrant population preferred the remain option against leave. david cameron resigned and theresa may became prime minister on 13 july 2016. well in advance pound had been devaluated by the financial market, with all consequences on other markets. it was interesting that the subject of media news of migration focused more on the potential emigration of the employees of the city rather than the return of the former east-central-european newcomers. “should european union nationals already living in the united kingdom be allowed to stay after brexit? according to a new poll, 84 percent of britons think they should. based on the findings of the survey, which was carried out by icm for think-tank british future, the 84 percent includes those who voted in favour of the uk leaving the eu in the june referendum. as reported online by the week, this is a most surprising finding, given that immigration was the cornerstone of the leave campaign. in fact, 77 percent of those who voted for brexit and 78 percent of ukip supporters agreed eu nationals currently in the uk should be free to remain. although 62 percent of those polled wanted to see a reduction in the number of unskilled migrants coming to the uk, a majority (including leave voters) did not want to reduce the influx of highly-skilled migrants, such as engineers and doctors.”28 medium-term consequences of referendum – scenarios we depicted the short-term outcomes of the referendum with its numerical results in the previous section. based on these facts we tend to conclude that the referendum strengthened tendencies of uncertainty and 28 https://www.neweurope.eu/article/majority-britswant-eu-migrants-stay/. retrieved: 19.07.2016. disintegration in europe (welsh, m. 2014; bachmann, v. and sidaway, j.d. 2016; tabernero, j and ciardiello, f. 2016), discrimination in britain (fow, j.e. et al. 2015) and polarisation and socio-spatial peripheralisation in east-central-europe (lang, t. 2015). it reinforces regional disparities in terms of political opinion of residents with urban and rural background in the uk (hobolt, s. 2016). moreover, it makes the separatist movement in europe and the rest of the world stronger (montanari, a. 2012) and also fortifies the separation of the nations in the uk (hudson, r. and williams, a.m. 1998). it fuels the idea and reality of multispeed eu (carmel, e. 2014). it strengthens the global nuclear status quo originating from the cold war period (cohen, j.h. and sirkeci, i. 2011). in the following we try to make some midterm brexit scenarios based on relevant literature. obviously, we are aware of the uncertainty of projections for the future in general, what overlaps with other sorts of uncertainty stemming from brexit (vaughne, m. 2016). international comparisons are also necessary to collide ideas, conceptual frameworks and results which tend to explain, contextualise (bachmann, v. and sidaway, j.d. 2016) and conceptualise (kagarlitsky, b. 2016; pettifor, a. 2016) this particular event in europe and its potential consequences.29 academic, business and policy debates on the relationship between the free movement of persons (kotef, h. 2015) and the free movement of workers in particular (buckley, m. et al. 2016) are necessary to explore the multi-layered outcomes of the brexit phenomenon.30 29 the most recent legal disputes on the constitutional requirements of the uk for making the decision to withdraw from the eu are, however, not considered among the scenarios. 30 the method used in this study to analyse the subject matter is highly descriptive. this method can be used in other papers and thus enables future comparative studies. nevertheless, for such studies, comparable and reliable data sources and well-founded analyses are needed to be developed at national and international levels. gellér-lukács, é. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 421–432.430 when making the mid-term scenarios we have chosen the analyses of commerzbank (germany), which provides a system of scenarios with numerical probabilities on each version of projection.31 in our view there are four probable scenarios worth mentioning which are enumerated below starting with the less probable outcome: – scenario 1. our odds: 0.01. the probability is one to one hundred on ’hardbrexit’ which would imply a sudden and strict separation from the eu. this scenario would affect the country’s relationship most negatively; therefore, we give almost no probability to its realisation. (as a reference also commerzbank value is shown in every case, for this scenario: 0.2). – scenario 2. our odds: 0.09. the probability of ’adoption of existing norwegian or swiss models’ (tálas, p. et al. 2016) is nine times higher than the hardbrexit. (commerzbank value: 0.5). – scenario 3. our odds: 0.30. the probability is three to ten on a ’peculiar brit solution’ (pisany-ferry, j. et al. 2016). this scenario has below average chance nowadays. it depends mainly on the interference of cameron’s previous deal and may’s future activity under the umbrella of british voters and as things now stands also the british parliament. (there is no commerzbank value for this case). – scenario 4. our odds: 0.60. according to the authors’ subjective judgement the ’postponing brexit’ scenario might function in the near future with the highest probability. this option is built on the idea of a long transition and provides the biggest arena for stakeholders both in the context of the eu and other international organizations (commerzbank value: 0.30). conclusions international comparisons are necessary to conceptualise brexit and its potential consequences (scott, s. 2013; bachmann, v. and sidaway, j.d. 2016; kagarlitsky, b. 2016; pettifor, a. 2016). academic, business and policy 31 http://www.portfolio.hu/gazdasag/milyen_brexit_ harom_honap_alatt_semmi_nem_tortent.237749. html retrieved: 31.10.2016. debates on the relationship between the free movement of persons (kotef, h. 2015) and the free movement of workers in particular (buckley, m. et al. 2016) are necessary to explore the multi-layered outcomes of this particular event in europe. we argued in this paper that the principle of free movement of persons – one of the most sensitive issues in europe – was put to a test through the brexit process, and albeit the settlement symbolised a certain political compromise, it did not satisfy british public concerns. as a result, a new settlement becomes necessary. in our view, the basis of the forthcoming settlement could be very similar to the first settlement because the trends behind the brexit process remained unchanged and the only compromise text available is the brexit deal itself. no real room for manoeuvre seems to exist and this difficult situation supports to a great deal our clear vote for the ‘postponing brexit’ scenario. hungarian literature to date analysed the mobility of hungarian citizens to uk as part of the general emigration process (gödri, i. et al. 2014; hárs, á. 2014; moreh, c. 2014) relating mostly with the special groups of highly skilled workers and low skilled workers (eke, e. et al. 2011; balázs, p. 2012; juhász, r. 2014; irimiás, a. and michalkó, g. 2016). the added value of this paper is that it highlights the cornerstones of the development of the principle of free movement of people during the initial phase of brexit. statistical evidence stresses two basic facts (schwanen, t. and kwan, m.p. 2009) on the brexit debate from a hungarian perspective: – less than 200 children receive british ’inwork benefit’ per year in hungary. – between 2011 and 2015 the increase of immigrants of hungarian origin was the fifth greatest in the uk in absolute terms. typical news in the british media was in august 2016: “poland has overtaken india as the most common non-uk country of birth for people living in the uk, office for national statistics figures show. … india and the republic of ireland have traditionally been the sources of the uk’s largest foreignborn groups. the latest net migration figures 431gellér-lukács, é. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 421–432. show a slowdown in the numbers settling in the uk from poland and seven other former eastern bloc countries – but that was offset by an increase in net migration from bulgaria and romania, which hit record levels of 60 000.”32. the uk is clearly aiming at regaining the freedom, rights and competences, transferred to the eu in the area of free movement of persons, the freedom which the uk already enjoys in the area of immigration of non-eu nationals (wiesbrock, a. 2010). the uk already used its freedom to focus heavily on managing migration to a great extent. already in its 2005 paper “controlling our borders: making migration work for britain – five year strategy for asylum and immigration”, one of the goals set out was to uphold an immigration system which responds to public concerns.33 the only question remains how this system will look like and how it will influence competitiveness of the uk and east–west migration patterns. r e f e r e n c e s ahrens, j., kelly, m. and van liempt, i. 2016. free movement? the onward migration of eu citizens born in somalia, iran, and nigeria. population, space and place 22. 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(6): 72–84. wiesbrock, a. 2010. legal migration to the european union. leiden–boston, martinus nijhoff publishers. 3. haider m..indd 119haider, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 119–135.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.69.2.3 hungarian geographical bulletin 69 2020 (2) 119–135. introduction automobile industries currently face a vast number of challenges (bailey, d. et al. 2010). after decades of large scale plant restructuring including massive investments in greenfield sites combined with development of strategic alliances and global production networks, they are now confronted by different challenges. these include changing environmental regulations (whitmarsh, l. and köhler, j. 2010), environmental reporting using double bottom line and corporate social responsibility (ormond, j. 2015) and dramatic failures related to them like the diesel scandal (jung, j.c. 2017). the list of challenges seems endless when counting in e-mobility, new consumption formats like car sharing, leasing and rental markets (bailey, d. et al. 2010) or new public and private infrastructure investments such as loading stations for electric vehicles. moreover, design and innovation requirements are being transformed by the need for automation in driving and production, e-mobility, new materials enhancing simpler and lighter models as well as greater computing power and digitalization. additionally, rising protectionism combined with upcoming adversaries in china has dramatically increased competition among automobile manufacturers worldwide (bailey, d. et al. 2010). in consequence, automobile firms again need to be restructured in terms of their production network and their production strategy. the financial crises at gm and ford as well as the decline of the american rust belt demonstrate 1 department of geography, ludwig-maximilians university, geschwister-scholl platz 1., 80539 munich, germany; bmw group, strategy plant, munich, germany. e-mail: martin.haider@campus.lmu.de electrifying times: restructuring and decision-making in an automobile concern in the 21st century – the case of bmw group martin haider1 abstract the aim of this paper is to capture the changed location decision-making processes and location factors of the automotive industry, resulting from the current challenges brought by electro mobility. from the taylorist assembly-line production system in the “fordism” era to the just-in-time focused manufacturing of the japanese carmakers during “post-fordism” and at the turn of the millennium with global production and new technologies in the digital age, location analysis has changed massively over time. the same is to be expected for the fourth revolution in the industry. for this reason, the decision-making process of a major german car manufacturer is analysed in a field study conducted over a two-year period. based on this, a decision process that takes the new framework conditions into account is modelled. the relevant location factors are then examined in a survey of the relevant departments in the bmw group. due to the changed production requirements in the course of the electrification, the uncertainty in the technological change and the unstable political trading conditions, the factors: network suitability, risk exposure, optimal sunk cost usage and sustainability play central roles. before the latest economic crisis, the industry was focused on exploiting opportunities and expanding the production network. this tendency now seems to be transformed by a volatile technological future and by cost pressure. this means that ‘sustainability’ is increasingly important in automobile industry decision-making, but in specific ways. keywords: automotive industry, location decision, network suitability, restructuring, sustainability, bmw group received december 2019, accepted february 2020. haider, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 119–135.120 the consequences of delayed restructuring and act as warnings for the whole industry (oxelheim, l. and wihlborg, c. 2008; klier, t.h. and rubenstein, j.m. 2010; financial times, 2017). some of these challenges have been picked up in the economic geography literature, for example, organizing e-mobility and re-planning mobility systems (e.g. tanner, a.n. 2016; cranois, a. 2017) but others have not. notably omissions include emerging new production geographies and restructuring in relation to technological change in business, and this paper aims to address this set of issues. we argue that there have been signs of fundamental change in the decision making frameworks of automobile companies when restructuring their investments and plants. this research considers the decision making of a german automobile industrial company conducting its regular seven-yearly model planning cycle. this kind of planning affects every plant the new models are supposed to be manufactured at. the focus of this paper’s research is on one firm’s smallest and oldest production plant which is located in the downtown area of a major german city, munich. the next product lifecycle of the model assigned to that established plant involves a change to the production of an electric car. so, in addition to the traditional internal combustion engine (ice) models, there will be a plug-in hybrid electric (phev) and an electric vehicle (bev) version. these changes to the power train require a much more complex production and, thus, comprehensive restructuring of the established production site close to downtown. even if the focus is on the bmw group, generalizing assumptions can be transferred to the whole industry. schamp, e. (2005), for example, describes four types of automobile manufacturers when differentiating their strategies. the quality-oriented manufacturers such as bmw and mercedes are strategically very similar. this is also evident from the choice of the locations operated on. based on these considerations and the economic framework, this paper aims to explain why the automobile manufacturer decided to upgrade the established downtown site rather than to relocate to a (new) greenfield site. our expectation is that the site analysis has changed fundamentally due to new challenges. previous analyses, which focus on singular site discussions (schamp, e. 1978) or neglect the time frame (witlox, f. 1999), are no longer sufficient to explain the location decision-making of large manufacturing corporations. in this context, the case study concerning the restructuring process of the large german car manufacturer was conducted over two years. a wide range of field notes was compiled, covering planning sessions, document analysis and expert discussions. the data was documented at regular intervals and evaluated and clustered through key categories. this was followed by a series of interviews with those involved on the planning. subsequently, a conjoint analysis of the decisive management functions regarding the process parameters and the actual meaning of sustainability was conducted in order to check the consistency within the group. the intent was to analyse the interaction among rating patterns and to identify key factors for site selection. this study, thus, allows not only identification of the decision framework used, including its novelty, but also discussion of the implications of this framework and setoff factors for economic geography research on the geographies of automobile restructuring. it turns out that the key factors are shifting: central requirements of recent years are becoming less important. therefore, in this paper we first present a review of the location analysis in the automobile industry and a brief overview of the strategic situation of the bmw group. the specific decision-making related to the munich plant upgrade is analysed. the final discussion focuses on the implications of the revealed decision-making framework and factors for understanding the location decision process. the questions that need to be answered are how a company proceeds in its decision-making process in the changed framework conditions of industrial change and which factors play a key role in this process. 121haider, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 119–135. location analysis in the automobile industry the automobile industry’s changing production geographies have been a prominent focus of economic geography research. over the years, though, the research focus and findings have shifted, with, generally, a change in focus from location decision making related to individual auto assembly plants (de souza, a.r. and stutz, f.p. 1994) to what constitutes the optimal global production network and organization (dicken, p. 2015). this shift in focus is widely understood as a reaction to changing regimes of accumulation or industrial revolutions. most recently, economic geographers (klier, t.h. et al. 2010; fromhold-eisebith, m. 2018; iammarino, s. et al. 2018; palmer, j. and schwanen, t. 2019) are noting signs of a new revolution associated with digitalization, protectionism, e-mobility and environmental regulation. the changing regimes of the industrial environment and technology have always been accompanied by changing location analyses. in these terms, alfred weber’s (1929) work set the starting point. key factors of his costminimized location consideration are transport routes and weights. he demonstrated through reference points for the raw materials and places of sales of the products, the optimal sites in space. many other factors, such as labour costs, agglomeration effects and resource substitution effects, are constantly being accepted and neglected across the entire area. hoover, e.m. (1937) and böventer, e. (1962) picked up on weber‘s theory and expanded it to include agglomeration effects, which lead to relevant contributions to assessing business connectivity in site selection (bathelt, h. and glückler, j. 2012, 154). in the early 1970s, smith, d.m. (1971) introduced a new perspective on site analysis by relaxing the assumption of companies as profit maximizers. thus, an optimal location is not defined to an exact point but can be located within a certain space. smith also primarily considered the costs of site assessment using a spatial cost function with location-dependent costs that include transport costs. in his theory, smith, d.m. described the different effects of, for example, price increases, subsidies and bad management on location decisions. considerations like these shifted the focus to new location factors in economic geography. with the rejection of the explanation of industrial choice by rational action, pred, a.r. (1967) developed the behavioural approach to location theory. he assumed that the total numbers of location-relevant factors cannot be perceived by decision-makers and therefore cannot be included in assessment. the choice of the optimal location, thus, depends on a matrix of two categories: on the one hand, the amount of available location information is relevant; on the other, decision makers must be able to make use of that kind of information. by combining these two categories, a location is decided. the probability of an optimal choice is greatest with high information availability and processing. pred’s approach also helps to explain the occurrence of wrong site decisions. in summary, traditional site theory, as it was developed at that time, represented initial explanations for location decision with an emphasis on profit maximization, cost orientation and the predetermination of location factors. during the “fordist era” the location factors focused on a specific framework of commodity flow and production factors. the distance/cost allocation later shifted from a material-oriented to a customer-oriented view (kellerman, a. and paradiso, m. 2007). the result was the formation of a global manufacturing network of large factories. in terms of location decision making, this shift affected both the framework of location factors itself and the balance of the factors within it. over time, specific organizational needs became increasingly important whereas spatial restrictions lost some relevance (lloyd, p.e. and dicken, p. 1990). holmes, j. (1983) described the fordism period as the first “of major reorganization”. he argued that the spread of production on a global level increased the competition in automobile industry and forced manufacturers to rethink and reorganize their production and work processes. haider, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 119–135.122 after industrial changes to “post-fordist” and into the “information age”, location analysis also went through a logic development (bailey, d. et al. 2010). in this era both the importance of particular location factors and the logic of industrial location theory have again been critiqued. since the value per volume combined with a low weight of the products makes up for a low transport cost share of the sales, the location factor of the transport costs in this time loses importance. accessibility and speed, however, still play a major role. the trend at that time was towards a location factor catalogue in which the different industries can accurately determine the importance of each factor. factors such as agglomeration advantages (with customers, competitions, indifferent ones), labour market aspects, state influences, capital markets as well as environmental and living conditions were actively included in assessments (bathelt, h. and glückler, j. 2012). increasing attention was given to grabow, b. et al.’s (1995) distinction between “hard” and “soft” location factors. the hard factors are the quantitatively measurable cost factors. hardly quantifiable factors such as living conditions, site image and political climate, on the other hand, are soft location factors and are of significant importance for the decision of a location. florida, r. (2002) went a step further and changed the overall decision-making approach. based on the scarcity of resources among highly qualified personnel, he assumed that company decisions are based on the location of the “creative class” and not the other way around. a realistic representation of company decision-making processes provided the approach of a “decision tree”. this method was developed from qualitative data collection from practice and was initiated by rees, j. (1972) (see de souza, a.r. and stutz, f.p. 1994). the advantage of this processing is the integration of the time-sphere in addition to the dominant sphere of space via learning and feedback effects. together, these methods were used to explain the location decisions of the enterprises in this time. foci of recent research are the challenges of the upcoming “fourth industrial revolution” in the automobile industry resulting in the end of the stable geographies of production (fonseca, l.m. 2018). the automobile industry’s future is as uncertain as never before (schade, w. et al. 2012). current technological changes enable a much greater connection between products and their digital environment (krawczyński, m. et al. 2016). moreover, innovative manufacturing processes and it solutions have increasingly been applied regardless of industrial branches and have accelerated the overall economic innovation process (tanner, a.n. 2016). the power of information technology has increased to such a great extent that processing of huge amounts of data in a short time as well as customer-centred production have become possible and highly flexible (büttner, r. and müller, e. 2018). this development also enables revolutionary product innovations such as autonomous driving. nowadays, even the development of the automobile industry to a mobility service provider is conceivable. this research area requires a great deal of human and financial resources and represents a major challenge for the automotive industry in the next decades (verband der automobilindustrie, 2018). despite improved customer access, proximity to the market of production sites has gained greater importance. protectionism has increased significantly since the financial crisis of 2008–2010 (yalcin, e. and steininger, m. 2018). sales figures in the triad (usa, eu, and japan) are stagnating at a high level (verband der automobilindustrie, 2018). a major drop in sales due to a lack of local content in production and associated tariffs has become a problem for carmakers. by contrast, large growth markets are developing in the brics countries (brazil, russia, india, china, south africa) (schade, w. et al. 2012). for example, china is now the largest car market in the world despite a state-regulated economy (dicken, p. 2015; verband der automobilindustrie, 2018). this development requires a strategic position123haider, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 119–135. ing of the original equipment manufacturers (oems) within stable free trade agreements in order to provide for the global market volume without any extra investment (klier, t.h. and rubenstein, j.m. 2017). among the biggest challenges accompanying the current “fourth industrial revolution” are climate policies based on the rejection of fossil fuels. in the course of the climate change debate, governments are trying to ensure the transition to ecologically sustainable mobility concepts through increasing regulation of emission standards (schade, w. et al. 2012). so this advancement of information technologies, the volatility of the sale regions through demand and regulation as well as the emergence of new technologies and greater sustainability orientation require an intelligent factory. such a factory is able to organize itself in a mutable manner, to produce in an efficient way, and to integrate customers and stakeholders into the manufacturing process. the requirements for such a factory are different from the previously relevant location factors and, thus, also affect the decision-making process (pfliegl, r. and keller, h. 2015). the afore-mentioned challenges have barely found their way into economic geographic literature. there is hence a need to work on the combined challenge of global site decisions and environmental conditions in economic geography analysis of the auto industry. bmw’s strategic situation in this study, the focus is on a german car manufacturer, the bmw group. along with daimler, audi and porsche, the munich-based company competes in the premium segment. audi and porsche belong to volkswagen, which is one of the two largest manufacturers in terms of volume in the world. german car production has highly depended on exports and this trend has increased in recent years. with a 77.5 per cent export rate in 2017, a new record was achieved. bmw’s largest sales markets are the eu internal markets, the usa and china (verband der automobilindustrie, 2018). after decades of success producing and selling powerful, fossil-fuel powered, quality vehicles, the bmw group is now confronted by a competitive situation that reflects the challenges of the entire automotive industry. global trade regulations have put massive pressure on the company as they not only boost import tariffs on vehicles but also prices for cross-border trade in components. even stable trade relations, such as those between europe and the united kingdom, are now under threat, in this case from brexit. great britain has played a major role in bmw’s internal combustion engine supplier structure. in order to reduce customs costs for finished vehicles, bmw has positioned its production of certain derivatives in associated main markets. for years, the us has been the largest sport utility vehicle (suv) market, thus, these models are produced locally, mainly in spartanburg. currently the plant produces large suvs for markets worldwide. smaller models are manufactured in rising large markets, and notably in china. china is indeed a special challenge (bmw group 2018). its state-protected economy only allows production in cooperation with a chinese partner. supplying markets outside the country is subject to high tariffs, which can add up to 40 per cent depending on engine performance (germany trade & invest, 2017). apart from a few derivatives, the chinese factories in dadong and tiexi produce almost exclusively for china’s local market. exports from china to the world are currently barely noticeable. adapting to dynamic markets therefore requires regular investment in new regions. small-scale manufacturing in india, brazil and russia, for example, facilitates bmw’s access to the potential growth markets of the brics countries. both the construction of plant in new locations and upgrades of the existing product network present a financial burden. in particular, the conversion to the production of electric vehicles in the same line of conventional powertrains requires great investment. in order to ensure market flexibility despite capital bound in new locations, upgrades and electric vehicles, bmw, haider, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 119–135.124 like its competitors, organizes its production in smaller sub-networks within its established production system. thus, the production volume can be shifted globally among plants and so extensions can be ensured without interrupting the market supply. the central production system of the bmw group comprises five sub-networks. whereas regensburg (germany) and oxford (uk) form a sub-network for small vehicles, munich (headquarters, germany) and san luis potosi (mexico) constitute a network for the compact models. dingolfing (germany) and goodwood (uk) manufacture luxuryclass vehicles. spartanburg (usa) supports rosslyn (south africa) in the production of suvs. the only plant which is currently not part of a sub-network is leipzig (germany), because the factory has a diverse product portfolio and is currently still the only factory, albeit with a different production logic, for e-vehicle production. the new plant in debrecen, which is under construction, primarily serves the purpose of increasing the flexibility of the network and solving dependencies (see molnár, e. et al. 2020). for example, suv models could be manufactured in europe instead of just in the us. but there is also the option of building a competence factory for electric models there. the chinese plants are considered separately because of their characteristics as a joint venture. munich, hams hall (uk), steyr (austria) and shenyang (china) are sites of bmw engine production and form their own supply network (bmw group 2018) (figure 1). from 2008 to 2018 production units increased in all plants with the exception of munich. munich’s decline in production units in 2018, however, is a cyclical effect and is followed by a high-volume year 2019, which is marked by the production of the new 3-series. striking are the increases in units in the us and in china (no plant in 2008). the german locations also produce more units then they did in 2008. oxford and rosslyn have remained at a constant production (unit) level. with the launch of the mexico plant in 2019, the network of the 3-series will be expanded and munich will have spare capacity for an electrified vehicle in 2021. in addition to the expenditure on plant restructuring, there is currently a great need for research on battery technology and autonomous driving. massive spending on r & d is needed to help shape the future industry fig. 1. bmw production network and produced cars, 2008–2018. source: bmw group, 2018. 125haider, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 119–135. standard and to avoid losing competencies. cooperation can significantly reduce expenses, with know-how being available to all partners. bmw has decided to take this step in autonomous driving by cooperating with daimler (hägler, m. 2019). investments in research and in implementation of e-mobility are necessary because of the eu regulatory framework. due to a sustainability concept that is gaining importance at the moment, the new vehicle fleets are subject to strict co2 emission limits. as a premium manufacturer with many large luxury-class vehicles and high engine performance, balancing carbon emissions with electric vehicles is one of bmw’s many key competitive requirements. that is why a fast but efficient integration of bev and phev into the plants of the production network is necessary, and requires major investments in plant infrastructure. since the traditional production process of a conventionally-powered vehicle differs from that of an electrified vehicle, the production sections must be redesigned and rebuilt to be suitable for both production platforms. such a split-line strategy with all types of drive significantly increases the flexibility of a plant, but requires massive expenditure and severe interventions in the existing network (bmw group, 2018). munich plays a special role in this network. this site houses the corporate headquarters and the vehicle, technology and component development research and innovation centre. the campus for autonomous driving is located in close proximity on the outskirts of munich. with the bmw world, the bmw museum and the bmw classic, munich is also the centre of the lived brand history and perception. within these capacities, the bmw plant munich also fulfils its function as a production facility with an annual output of over 200,000 units of midsize vehicles. it is the oldest and smallest plant in the production network. located in the district of milbertshofen, the plant is close to downtown and surrounded by densely populated residential units. therefore, the site entails a variety of peculiar requirements but also offers some advantages (bmw group, 2019). in terms of infrastructure, the plant is integrated in a cooperation network of various partners to reduce negative effects of the mentioned site-specific factors. with the traffic concept 2030+, the city of munich is planning to satisfy requirements that will sustainably improve the traffic situation in the north of munich. such a project would ensure the supply capability of the plant. therefore, the plant participates with its expertise in the goal setting. in the context of plant supply, cooperation with logistics service providers is also an option. with partners like deutsche bahn / schenker and scherm, joint supply centres are founded and operated. parts can be stored and precommitted via these centres. the just in sequence delivery at the plant can then be planned more reliably over a smaller distance between supply centre and plant. in addition, these partnerships enable new supply concepts such as transporting the parts via an e-truck. this truck has limited ranges, but is co2 neutral and can reduce the risk of increased emissions legislation in downtown munich. other partnerships in this regard include supplying the plant with energy or providing a digital infrastructure. within the production network, munich is the lead plant regarding the middle class models and forms a sub-network with the plant in san luis potosi, mexico. should there be an increasing demand for a specific derivative for example within the nafta region, the production volume within the sub-network can swiftly and flexibly be exchanged from munich to mexico. since 2015 the munich plant has undergone a process of continuous restructuring characterized by the vehicle life cycle, technological change, and sustainability and efficiency upgrades. initiated by the new model of the 3-series, reconstruction work in munich factory halls started and saw the construction of a more efficient and sustainable paint shop among others (schulenburg, c. and hemmerle, a. 2015). with the launch of the i4-model, an all-electronic mid-range executive vehicle, further restructuring is necessary (bmw group 2019). haider, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 119–135.126 the bmw group has created opportunities to deal with the challenges of the automotive industry. with the implementation of a shared platform for all types of engines, the bmw group can exploit economies of scale despite niche production. by using and implementing small subnetworks across the globe, it is possible to react flexibly to different market changes. despite the global nature of the production network, three of the four lead plants (munich, regensburg, dingolfing) are concentrated within a radius of 100 kilometres and can exchange information concerning the core tasks of the subnetworks in no time. this results in a mix of global activity and geographical proximity. by focusing on sustainability in production, the company is also trying to prepare for further future challenges (bmw group 2018). analysis of munich plant’s upgrade decision the construction or reorganization of a production site is always a long-term decision that binds large sums of capital. in addition, a site must meet the requirements of many different functions. logistics must ensure optimal supply and sufficient space to supply the production line. the availability of skilled workers over a longer period of time is in the interest of the human resources department. the assembly and production of the painted body relies on a large amount of contiguous and, at best, ground level, surfaces. due to legal regulations, it is the task of the facility management to ensure compliance with fire safety and other safety regulations. for these reasons, interdisciplinary teams are formed for all location decisions, which are to work out and evaluate an optimal cross-departmental solution. these teams are guided by the strategic control of the production system. important parts of the project are the planners of the core technologies, logistics, body shop, paint shop and assembly. for existing sites, other affected technologies are involved. in munich this includes engine construction, seat production and material analysis. in addition, special functions such as facility management, human resources, it, corporate strategy and sustainability as well as the internal structure planners participate. basically, a location decision is based on a strategic and technical framework. in the automotive industry this often combines aspects and interactions among the manufactured product and the related life cycle as well as the overall volume development of the vehicles. depending on the plant, further site-specific challenges may arise. for munich, these are the structural shell of the plant and the urbanity of the location. the product life cycle of the old 3 series ended in 2018/19. the successor model has already been integrated into the structure. from 2021 on, a fully electric vehicle is to be integrated into the factory, requiring large investment. in addition, the plant faces the challenge of having some assembly halls from the early days of production at the site and having conformity risks that entail greater redevelopment efforts. the last difficulty is the urban situation. with an increase in traffic, the supply continues to be burdened, which makes an alternative logistics concept necessary. this bundle of difficulties justifies the range of decision-making latitude, from maintaining the status quo to phasing out the plant in munich that marked the munich plant upgrade decision process. field study of the more than two year-long decisionmaking process of the munich location revealed a framework used for the location decisions process at bmw group (figure 2). the existing production network always represents the starting point. the need for site intervention in this production system can be triggered by either internal or external factors. these stress factors have a fundamental effect on the production network in total. the external parameters include the production volume. this must, sensibly distributed over the network, be produced in the sum of the factories. if the network or one of its sub-instruments is fully occupied, the system must be intervened. new markets constitute a second external factor. in 127haider, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 119–135. the case of strong growth in a single market, such as china, bmw group’s presence in the country should be strived for, or an existing small-scale production should be expanded in its capacity and be more integrated into the network. free trade agreements allow easier and cheaper trade between the countries involved. the emergence or cessation of such regulations will result in changed framework conditions for action in the network (klier, t.h. and rubenstein, j.m. 2017). the last external factor, legislation, can involve many things. from the increased taxation of corporate profits and regulations, for example co2 limits, to subsidies and tax advantages, a change in activity in the state can have positive as well as negative effects. internal factors include the end of a vehicle’s life cycle, which is always linked to investment decisions in the production network. the plant in which the model is manufactured has to be adapted and modernized in its structures. fig. 2. decision making framework in location matters of the bmw group. source: edited by the author. haider, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 119–135.128 production system refers to the clear increase of the hourly output by structural extensions. these are necessary if this increase can no longer be achieved through efficiency improvements. in many plants, space reserves have been created for this purpose. the factor sub-network describes the organization within the large overall network. if the logic is changed, the sites have to be rebuilt for other vehicle classes or drive types. these factors act directly on the production network and must be recognized and evaluated there. if a need for action is derived on the basis of the changed environment, then this results in a location issue. this issue is discussed, evaluated and decided in the central control of the production network. this evaluation includes business, operational and strategic criteria. in the business analysis, scenarios are weighed, for example, against their investment, planning, material, production and transport costs. with the assessment of complexities in start-up and operation, the criticality of the decision, personnel policy issues as well as flexibilities and responsiveness, the operational criteria provide another form of comparability. the strategic criteria focus on risk assessments in the network. dependencies on individual sites play a significant role in the course of regulatory measures. this criterion aims at robustness to changes in a volatile environment, such as volume or technological change to e-mobility. the result of the evaluation leads to an initial location decision. this is achieved without much involvement of the individual sites. the overall optimum of the production system should therefore be in the foreground. this first-level location decision is one of the key findings of the field study and has not yet been taken up in the economic geographic literature. this approach guarantees the network suitability of the decision, which enables a flexible response to customer needs, improves the group’s cost position and creates a balanced risk position. following this site decision, in the case of a network extension in the greenfield, the planning units will be commissioned with the site search and the optimal plant structure. in the case of a brownfield restructuring, the plant departments will be integrated into the valuation process of the existing site and an optimal conversion based on the given decision-making state that will be sought. it is noticeable that the original analysis approaches of site theory are less important in the current model. transport costs as a function of weight and distance are virtually absent from the evaluation. the understanding of space changes from a transport and distance-oriented approach to an assessment of the location in spatial units. these spatial units are shaped by political actors. they do not have to exist constantly or retain their meaning over longer periods of time. so the time frame, which was later included in the analysis (for example, de souza, a.r. and stutz, f.p. 1994), also plays an important role in this model. several determinants, such as a changed network and altered demand developments or life cycles, integrate the time frame into the model. however, a fairly new consideration in the evaluation is the peculiarity of the decision maker per se. the existing production network influences the decision both spatially and temporally. in order to position the company’s locations in the space units, the existing structure must be assumed. if a decision is postponed to a later point in time, the network might have changed by then due to the decisions made in the meantime. this kind of altered framework will be explained in more detail on the basis of the location decision of the munich plant. the field study conducted at the munich plant focuses on the restructuring of the brownfield. in this type of network intervention, various location-specific challenges play a significant role. for munich, these challenges are mainly about the plant’s urban surrounding, its difficult supply situation, its spatially limited factory premises and its established structures. nevertheless, the plant’s proximity to the research and development departments, the availability of many university graduates and high-skilled workers as well as the perception as a region129haider, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 119–135. al player have a positive effect on the munich location. all these aspects must be taken into account to allow a productive discussion about the restructuring of the brownfield. the assessment of the site discussion is made in greater detail by a large number of affected site functions and central offices. the logic here is comparatively similar to the first location decision, but neglects the connection to the network. this connection has already been ensured via the network suitability and its associated premises. at this stage, assessment of the business criteria focuses strongly on the structural investment and the running costs of production. the strategic criteria target personnel strategy issues in particular. here, a potential shift in the future employment structure must be kept in mind. further interesting points of the analysis can be deduced from the operational criteria. while the proportion of qualitative evidence is very high, the evaluating functions enjoy a wide range of interpretation within the assessment. for this reason, improvements in production value flow, flexibility, quality and employee orientation and better adaptation to site-specific challenges can be assessed in a comparative analysis. based on the sum of these three evaluation clusters, a site-specific decision was reached to implement a specific type of restructuring for the singular factory. this choice, by analogy with a decision for a greenfield plant, implies a second-level location decision. thus, the production network is either extended (greenfield) or renewed/ restructured (brownfield). this second decision provides a conclusion and a new starting point for future location decisions. following this logic, two site decisions were also made for the munich plant taking both internal and external factors into consideration. the upper middle class vehicles built in munich have a large market worldwide. both the us and europe as well as asia, which shows strong growth in this segment, require high production volumes. due to the facts that the processes of site search and construction in the greenfield would take too much time and that compensation for the required volume in the network is impossible, munich is already a preferential choice at this time. in addition, the launch of e-mobility requires a new type of vehicle architecture in the plants. in order to make maximum use of the existing structures, to install technological transformations in a leading plant and to distribute the produced volumes optimally to sales markets, munich was chosen as a brownfield restructuring project. this first location decision attests a network suitability and a balanced risk position for future product and market changes to the munich plant. furthermore, the investments that had been made a few years earlier to launch the successor model of the 3 series continued to be used beneficially (schulenburg, c. and hemmerle, a. 2015). the specific challenges which the munich plant brings with itself at the second decision stage have already been explained. of further interest now are the evaluation criteria which were taken into account in the business, operational and personnel strategy analyses. personnel strategic assessment reviews possible implementation of future site scenarios in terms of staffing and residual costs. due to the presence of many different technologies, especially the engine construction at the factory site, both perspectives, business and operational, have one thing in common: uncertainty. since potential modifications in the plant’s structure will affect other technologies in the future, or even possibly displace them, costs for compensation must also be assessed. the transition to e-mobility, for example, results in an evaluation uncertainty. if change is stronger, a scenario of greater displacement of old technologies may be more cost-effective than a weaker one. this would affect almost all categories of business valuation, such as investment or running costs. an alternative perspective is provided by the operational criteria. the parties involved can include their production-relevant framework conditions in a qualitative assessment and, thus, increase comparability to other scenarios. relevant aspects of sustainability, such as neighbourhood acceptance or development minimization can also be added to the equation. haider, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 119–135.130 overall, the location decision from the case study regarding the munich plant is based on a few key criteria. first and foremost, network usability plays a significant role. the location is well integrated in the established system taking the leadership role of a sub-network with well-performing supplier and personnel structures. this key suitability factor has already been discussed in the first location decision. network suitability represents a change in the value of the location, since in previous decisions the topic of network expansion had clearly been more important than its basic suitability. since a complementary network ensures a balanced risk position in this first decision, a closer look must be taken on the second factor. the established structure of the plant also fulfils the factor of risk exposure. with rather stable political conditions and a consistent sales market in the regional economic area, the munich plant holds a relatively secure position. this fact is important in both types of location decisions and manifests itself in different ways. this kind of risk centering also represents a change in the analysis of the locations. in previous years, location decisions were opportunity-oriented. with the uncertain future of the industry, the key driver of risk appetite has also changed. in addition, the bmw group aims to optimize the use of existing structures. to some extent this indicates an escalating commitment to the concept of sunk costs. the need for security seems to correlate with an increased orientation towards existing structures. in this context, ‘sustainability’ has become more prominent in decision-making and represents a special case. in the underlying assessment, some topics are taken up directly by the valuating departments, whereas others are not explicitly mentioned. however, the following discussions point to a stronger position of sustainability in location decisions than is currently the case in the model. further, it is becoming apparent that the assessment of sustainability is geared towards new indicators which make a further perspective on location decision necessary. changes in location factors and location decision how do these findings affect the location research of economic geography? at least since the last economic crisis 2008–2010, the framework conditions in the choice of location have changed massively. this concerns the technological capabilities of the industry as well as their considered location factors. the competitive pressure within the industry, especially in the automotive industry, is also a major cost burden and an uncertain factor for future development. against this background, the risk appetite of the actors is changing from an aggressive investment culture to the passive optimization of proven structures and partnerships (klier, t.h. and rubenstein, j.m. 2012; häntsch, m. and huchzermeier, a. 2016). the large research needs of automotive technology, such as battery technology and autonomous driving, are preferably developed in crosscompetition cooperation in order to spread the risk and the immense costs (eriksson, r.h. 2011; hägler, m. 2019). the change to emobility increases the pressure even further (nieuwenhuis, p. and wells, p. 2015). a conversion of the existing works to a changed and diverse product architecture is necessary. in addition, a worldwide charging infrastructure must be set up. this infrastructure is also to be implemented in europe in a joint venture of european automobile manufacturers (mayr, s. 2018). the questions to be discussed are the following: how does this need for security in the currently challenging situation affect decisionmaking about locations? and how does the approach of location decision-making change in comparison to the existing scientific relevance of economic geography? the location decision analysis has changed in four key criteria. the exposure to risk is one of them. the need for security in terms of costs, benefits and future prospects has significantly increased since the turn of the millennium (klier, t.h. and rubenstein, j.m. 2012). the financial difficulties of large car manufacturers in the wake of the economic crisis are also due to an unbalanced risk posi131haider, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 119–135. tion (klier, t.h. and rubenstein, j.m. 2010). the location factor of the network suitability is closely related to this. the production network is the basis for any global action of a manufacturing company. this network can be used to enter new markets, to serve existing markets in a customer-centred manner, to avoid trade barriers as best as possible and to reduce dependencies on individual sites. in the manufacturing industry, the expansion of production into the world through globalization has been a major driver in site planning for many years. for many automobile companies, this process of expansion has meanwhile been completed: global production networks have already been set up. additions usually only take place when new, large sales markets are emerging. china is the best example in this regard. globalization as a driver of the choice of location therefore loses importance (krawczyński, m. et al. 2016). the focus shifts to an optimal organization of the existing global production network. flexibility and adaptability are the new framework conditions of this network. based on the above mentioned production network, another location factor is derived. it is an optimal use of existing structures and investments made in the past. this sunk cost phenomenon is not new in the field of economic geography research, as the management of sunk costs has long been recognized as an important part of the operational restructuring process. of particular importance when considering the location decisions from an existing production network are the accumulated and the exit sunk costs (clark, g. and wrigley, n. 1995). these costs are largely relevant to the location. the initial investments made result in configurations of production due to a particular geography and/or history. these start-up investments can be very different for each company in the business. if an enterprise wants to shift the basis over a changed production orientation, the initial investments are often hardly recoverable (clark, g. 1994). this special position of sunk costs is also recognizable in the decision-making process of the industry today. in addition, the change to electro-mobility requires a changed production environment and, associated with that, a difficult use of the differently centred investments of the past. for this reason, sunk costs develop in the current consideration to a key factor of the location choice. the last location factor of particular importance is sustainability or, better, a sustainable alignment of the network and the individual plant locations. this factor changed a lot in recent years. in the evaluation departments, economic aspects still dominate. however, social and ecological characteristics are increasingly being integrated into the evaluation. this has two main reasons. first, there is an imbalance in the assessment of sustainability between the clerks and the key management. the focus on social and ecological criteria is receiving much more attention in management and, despite the lack of a monetary assessment, is of greater interest than it is at the operational level. second, the transformation to electro-mobility is largely driven by sustainability considerations. the decarbonisation of the automobile industry is the central content of politics and public perception. this industrial restructuring process will take time due to external factors and the associated large financial outlay (seto, k.c. et al. 2016). but, in the name of ‘sustainability’ a transition to low carbon mobility is underway in the auto industry. however, despite the bmw group chief executive officer’s certainty that electro-mobility is the future, the transition involves risks and therefore careful transition steps associated with this model cycle. relevant for the economic geography is the change in the consideration of all described location factors. the expansion of the network to realize all the opportunities offered, combined with a neglect of socially relevant aspects, is no longer the status quo of the industrial decision-making process. the process at the bmw plant in munich shows that reinforced structures and their location factors can gain in importance in the difficult framework conditions in the industrial environment. this means attention to what the advantages of old or existing factory locahaider, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 119–135.132 tions are. first and foremost, the site is part of the production network. thus, the network and its sub-organizations around this plant co-developed. a high degree of suitability is, thus, ensured. in addition, suppliers and cooperation partners have set up the site in terms of either space or organization. there is a solid structure that can respond more quickly and more effectively to potential risks. moreover, the internal connections, supply networks, cooperation partnerships and research institutions still play important roles in the site analysis of existing plants. these spill-over effects lead to innovation and to advantages in development costs, especially in what is technically a very volatile time (tanner, a.n. 2016). in this context, the munich plant is of course an old factory. it is important to mention that network, cooperation and spillovers play a particularly important role in this plant due to its geography and history. the above-mentioned urban situation not only entails higher costs and challenges, but also has many positive effects. in addition to the corporate headquarters, the research and development centre is in the immediate vicinity. furthermore, three of the four subnetworks are led by bavarian plants. this enables a physical exchange with the other regional plant locations. munich is also home to many large industrial groups that tend to work together more closely in the face of new technological challenges. collaborations with renowned universities are also possible at this location. tanner, a.n. (2016) describes how new technologies in metropolitan areas increasingly occur and are further developed. due to the increasing significance of the new key factors in site analysis, old factory locations are becoming more important. existing investments and cooperation are maintained and tend to be further deepened and optimized. in this technologically and financially uncertain time, it is important to avoid risks and still provide a sustainable structure. to secure the company’s success, a corporation must position itself best in a globalized world. the resulting production network forms the basis for long-term success. if an existing, old location has proven its worth, its suitability and the contribution to the company’s success are secured until the next analysis. a secure base serves as a starting point for the great tasks of the coming years. the change to electro-mobility is the beginning of a major decarbonisation of the automotive industry and other manufacturing industries (seto, k.c. et al. 2016). this requires the development of sustainable vehicle concepts and production structures. the relevance of ‘sustainability’ is growing, driven both by the state and by companies. precisely what this ‘sustainability’ looks like in detail deserves further attention but is beyond the scope of this paper. however, in general this research finds evidence that bmw group is thinking about ‘sustainability’ by rethinking its sunk costs and risk profile, reacting to societal pressure for decarbonisation and paying attention to social issues of work force retention and restructuring. these findings confirm the idea that a ‘fourth revolution’ is occurring in the automotive industry. as described, this revolution is caused by three driving factors. on the one hand, there is the progressive individualization of the product range in ever new niches. on the other hand, states and organizations are putting great regulatory pressure on the industry. the last factor is the advancing digitalization, which enables significantly leaner production by combining high automation with individual demand. the automotive industry decides differently today than ten years ago. the analysis reported in this paper reveals those key parameters that were integrated into location decisionmaking and the framework within which they had effect. these were the decisions and framework used lately. regulations and protectionism are further important drivers that can influence site analysis in the future. exactly how the factors and technologies identified will be integrated into the industry and its production has yet to be seen. the last remaining question is the extent to which this paper’s findings can be general133haider, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 119–135. ized. are the results of the case study of just one automobile company applicable to the whole industry? as discussed, the manner in which location decisions are made depends on several parameters such as production network, type of production, size and historical decisions. these influencing factors allow conclusions for the general validity. all major automotive groups, such as vw, mercedes or general motors, have a production network that spans around the globe. this structural feature is common to almost all oems. the decision history and the type of production, on the other hand, generally allow for selective differentiation in the process. type 2 oems, such as bmw or mercedes, specialize in product quality and individuality. as opposed to that, vw is an economies of scale producer and therefore operates on a different strategy (schamp, e. 2005). nevertheless, the first step of every decision is to aim for structures that are optimal within the company’s network. optimal for a company in this context means to guarantee sustainable company success in connection with the existing structures and networks, and not to take negligent risks. this applies to both a mass producer and a quality leader. in conclusion, it can be said that the data, although they stem from one particular company, do speak for a change relevant to the industry. this can also be seen in large investments in new plants and plant restructuring visible industry-wide (häussler, u. 2020). the form of these investments can of course differ. for example, a mass producer may build a completely separate plant for electric vehicles and opt against the path of plant integration. due to the larger number of production units, the company would still optimize its production networks, which would be a justifiable option. research in another company would further support this thesis. conclusions in addition to the network suitability, sunk costs and risk exposure, the topic of sustainability is revealed as particularly important in this location analysis. in the first three, a contrarian change in the direction is evident. network suitability replaces network expansion, optimizing investments supplant capital stock expansion and avoiding unnecessary risks trump an expansive opportunity orientation. sustainability, however, is a further development. while economic trends have clearly dominated over the past few years, social and environmental factors are becoming increasingly important. a detailed analysis of the changed perception of sustainability is to be considered in further studies, but is already to be regarded as a key factor in the industrial context. with the advent of electromobility, a key technology is now turning into a sustainability-oriented product. this orientation is new in the automobile manufacturing industries and argues for a global trend beside what we have come to know as the economics of plant restructuring. this research reveals that as decarbonisation, digitalization and protectionism grip the automobile industry, location decision-making is already taking on new frameworks, a changed repertoire of factors, and an orientation toward risk averse notions of ‘sustainability’. r e f e r e n c e s bailey, d., de ruyter, a., michie, j. and tyler, p. 2010. global restructuring and the automobile industry. cambridge journal of regions, economy and society 3. 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(3): 427–441. witlox, f. 1999. towards a relational view on industrial location theory. tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie 99. (2): 135–146. yalcin, e. and steininger, m. 2018. weltweite ökonomische folgen einer zunehmend protektionistischen us-handelspolitik. ifo schnelldienst 4. 30–38. haider, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 119–135.136 221book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 209–220.chronicle – hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 221–221. in early march a shocking news reached the representatives of hungarian landscape ecology. one of us, who has been so active in organizing and popularizing this discipline, has left us for good. attila barczi, associate professor of the department for nature conservation and landscape ecology at szent istván university, gödöllő, died with tragic suddenness. he was born in budapest on 26 april 1964, but he attended primary and secondary school in siófok. he began with geographical studies at the józsef attila university of szeged, but finally graduated from the gödöllő agricultural university as an agricultural engineer and began to work there at the department of soil science and agrochemistry. after attending postgraduate courses in soil science and agricultural environmental protection, he defended his phd dissertation in 1997 and became habilitated associate professor in 2004. recruiting eminent scientists from all fields of landscape study, he undertook a leading role in the organization of the first department of landscape ecology in hungary and established the journal tájökológiai lapok (hungarian journal of landscape ecology). he was active as head of the department and of the doctoral school of environmental sciences, vice-dean of the faculty, but, first of all, as an enthusiastic and excellent lecturer of soil science and landscape ecology – not only at gödöllő, but also at other universities. his classroom and field presentations will equally be remembered by the younger generation of soil scientists and geographers. he had a wide range of research interests: from manuring and composting to soil typology, evaluation, conservation and soil-plant interactions. in paleoecology and paleopedology his investigations of buried soils in tumuli are internationally acknowledged and brought him appreciation in international circles. he won széchenyi and bolyai scholarships. he edited a series of full-colour booklets with his professional photos which presented the landscapes of hungary to the interested public. only the blind envy and illwill of his opponents could prevent him from being awarded the title of doctor of the hungarian academy of sciences, which he would have well deserved. attila barczi will be painfully missed by the community of researchers in landscape ecology and soil science, but through his positive attitude to work, self-confidence in his profession and in the use of the english language, friendly and cheerful personality, incessant helpfulness and readiness for action, we will keep him in good remembrance. dénes lóczy c h r o n i c l e in memoriam attila barczi (1964–2020) 6_book reviews.indd 79book review section – book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 73–78. angileri, sylvia (palermo) bajmócy, péter (szeged) balogh, péter (budapest) balteanu, dan (bucharest) baranyai, nóra (győr) benedek, józsef (cluj-napoca) berács, józsef (budapest) bíró, borbála (budapest) bolt, gideon (utrecht) bontje, marco (amsterdam) boros, lajos (szeged) bottlik, zsolt (budapest) buček, ján (bratislava) cavalli, rosa maria (perugia) centeri, csaba (gödöllő) corluka, goran (split) czigány, szabolcs (pécs) deák, balázs (debrecen) deák, márton (budapest) dobrovolný, petr (brno) fabula, szabolcs (szeged) farkas, györgy (budapest) farsang, andrea (szeged) gustafsson, harald (lund) gyöngyösi, andrás zénó (budapest) győri, róbert (budapest) hardi, tamás (győr) houskova, beata (bratislava) hruška, vladan (ústí nad labem) hudec, oto (košice) illés, sándor (budapest) irimiás, anna (budapest) iuga, liliana (budapest) jakab, gergely (budapest) jászberényi, melinda (budapest) jordan, peter (vienna) kaim, dominik (kraków) manuscript reviewers 2017–2019 the editors of the hungarian geographical bulletin would like to thank the following experts who have offered their assistance in reviewing manuscript submissions to our journal issues between number 1 in 2017 and number 4 in 2019. their efforts and useful comments have been of great service for the authors and the journal. karácsonyi, dávid (budapest) kertész, ádám (budapest) kiss, edit éva (budapest) kok, herman (gouda) kolossov, vladimir (moscow) kovács, attila (szeged) kozma, gábor (debrecen) kubeš, jan (české budějovice) kunc, josef (brno) lange, bastian (leipzig) langer-rédei, mária (budapest) lászló, elemér (debrecen) lewis, quinn (urbana) lóczy, dénes (pécs) m. tóth, tivadar (szeged) madari, beáta (brasília) makó, andrás (budapest) mantel, stephan (wageningen) matlovič, rené (prešov) mcintosh, richard (debrecen) michalkó, gábor (budapest) mika, jános (eger) mika, mirosław (kraków) milevski, ivica (skopje) milivoj, gavrilov b. (novi sad) milošević, dragan (novi sad) mitkus, tomas (vilnius) molnár, ernő (debrecen) munkácsy, béla (budapest) nagy, egon (cluj-napoca) négyesi, gábor (budapest) nicosia, enrico (macerata) novák, tibor (debrecen) novara, agata (palermo) pásztor, lászló (budapest) pénzes, jános (debrecen) pichler-milanović, nataša (ljubljana) pogonyi, szabolcs (budapest) probáld, ferenc (budapest) remenyik, bulcsú (budapest) przybylska, lucyna (gdańsk) ryder, andrew (portsmouth) savić, stevan (novi sad) schad, peter (münchen) scott, james (joensuu) šimon, martin (praha) singh, sudhir (allahabad) siwek, tadeusz (ostrava) skarbit, nóra (szeged) smith, melanie (budapest) slach, ondrej (ostrava) slámová, martina (zvolen) solarz, marcin wojciech (warsaw) strba, lubomir (košice) suchodoletz, hans von (leipzig) süli-zakar, istván † (debrecen) szabó, györgy (debrecen) szabó, józsef (debrecen) szabó, judit alexandra (budapest) szabó, szilárd (debrecen) szalai, zoltán (budapest) szilassi, péter (szeged) tátrai, patrik (budapest) tóth, attila (nitra) tóth, géza (budapest) unger, jános (szeged) uzzoli, annamária (budapest) vainikka, joni (oulu) van der wusten, herman (amsterdam) vaszkó, csaba (budapest) voskaki, asimina (athens) zelenakova, martina (košice) 8_kronika.indd 87chronicle – hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 343–344.hungarian geographical bulletin 65 2016 (1) 87 c h r o n i c l e in memoriam saša kicošev (1960–2015) the hungarian community of geography was depressed by the news that saša kicošev, full professor of the university of novi sad, passed away on 29 may 2015. born in novi sad on 18th of november 1960, he graduated from the faculty of natural sciences, geography major in 1983 in novi sad. aft er that he obtained his master’s degree in 1987 at the faculty of natural sciences in belgrade. his master thesis was titled socio-demographic and geographical characteristics of ethnic slovaks in the sap vojvodina, which already indicated his future research interest. aft er receiving his master degree, he started to teach in primary schools in the vicinity of his home town and later in novi sad. in 1989 he received his phd at the faculty of natural sciences, university of novi sad, aft er defending his doctoral thesis with the title geographic and demographic characteristics of ethnic romanians in sap vojvodina. he started his academic career in 1989 as an assistant lecturer and later he was promoted as an assistant professor in 1991 and as a full professor in 2001 at the department of geography, tourism and hotel management, faculty of natural sciences, university of novi sad. he was also for a time-being lecturer at the university of skopje and at the university of niš. aft er its foundation in 1997, he became the head of gis centre at the institute of geography in novi sad. between 2002 and 2012, he was the head of the department of hotel management, and since 2012 the head of human geography chair as part of the department of geography, tourism and hotel management. he mentored 118 diploma papers, 5 master theses, 6 specialist papers, 7 magister theses and 15 doctoral dissertations. he also participated in many extra-curricular activities with the students of the department and he was the organizer of several fi eldtrips and practical trainings abroad. saša kicošev’s research interest covered many fi elds of human geography including spatial planning, demography, geography of population, geography of tourism, ethnic geography, political geography, regional geography, environment studies and gis. in these fi elds he (co-)authored 12 books (mostly textbooks), 234 scientifi c papers and several other publications like ethnic maps and regional atlases. he also held more than hundred scientifi c presentations. in his works he focused mainly on his home region, vojvodina; analysed its demographic, ethnic, social and economic processes; investigated its special multiethnic characteristics. he was also interested in the geopolitical issues of the balkans and its demographic consequences. he was actively involved in international co-operations mainly with colleagues from the neighbouring countries. beyond teaching in some of these countries, he had close links to universities and academic institutions in greece, romania (cluj-napoca and timişoara), bulgaria (sofi a), macedonia (skopje), hungary (budapest) and switzerland (bern). his intense cooperation with colleagues from the geographical institute of the hungarian academy of science and the eötvös loránd university in budapest resulted in joint scientific projects (transmig: integrating (trans)national migrants in transition states, 2009–2012) and several joint papers. he became member of the editorial board of hungarian geographical bulletin in 2009 and supported the cooperation and joint publication activities between serbian and hungarian geographers also in this capacity. in addition, he was member of the editorial board of institute of geography – collection of papers and the editorial board of human geographies journal in 2013. he was also member of the committ ee for social sciences of matica srpska, the executive board of serbian geographical society, the european association for demographic research and the association of balkan statisticians. we hungarian geographers will always keep a good memory of saša kicošev, as a distinguished scholar and close friend of hungarian colleagues. patrik tátrai irodalom.indd 233 márton veress: karst environments: karren formation in high mountains. springer verlag, dordrecht–heidelberg, 2010. 230 p. in mountains of higher elevation the characteristic environmental properties (lower temperature values and higher precipitation amounts, the proximity of glaciers, enduring snow cover or simply the frequent occurrence of bare rock surfaces) modify the karstifi cation process and produce particular assemblages of karst features. author’s investigations on karren (lapiés) in high-mountain environments date back to almost two decades. his fi ndings were published in hungarian in 2007. the book, used widely as a university text-book, is now made available in author’s translation into english for the international public. following a brief historical overview of geomorphological research in high-mountain karst regions, the major characteristics of high-mountain karstifi cation are briefl y presented and illustrated with a general fi gure showing the distribution patt ern of landforms. this fi gure is a good ”appetizer” for a long series of carefully designed and drawn block diagrams and profi les, which are closely integrated into the text. further chapters deal with the nature and rate of karren formation and classify the contributing factors (water runoff and rock structure) distinguishing altitudinal zones according to the presence or lack of vegetation (the pine zone, dwarf pine zone and bare rock zone). the diversity of forms is illustrated with examples from author’s study areas: the julian alps in slovenia, the totes gebirge and the dachstein in austria and the asiago plateau in the southern range of the italian alps. the variable densities of feature occurrence challenge interesting explanations. veress typically favours minute classifi cation as the basic approach to the description of individual features: the morphological properties of rillenkarren, tritt karren, and particularly rinnenkarren are all meticuluously characterized and typifi ed. equally great att ention is devoted to karst features originated by seepage. soe subtypes are identifi ed and denominated in the english language for the fi rst time. for exactly this reason their name may not be perfectly selected but the illustrations (cross-sections, block diagrams and colour photographs) help the reader recognize them and fi nd their equivalent in their own study areas. although s good proportion of karren are of complex origin, such features are oft en neglected in karst literature. naturally, their classifi cation involves the greatest diffi culties. author handles this problem in combination with another typical property of karren features: that they oft en do not occur individually but join in assemblages. such assemblages can be particularly well studied on glacially eroded surfaces: in glacier valleys and on slopes. the latt er topic, karren formation on high-mountain slopes provides an excellent opportunity for the presentation of the local zonality of features. veress describes in detail how karstifi cation processes infl uence general slope development. another major issue treated in the book is the combination of karren features, how they coalesce to form complex morphological units. the causes which lead to establishing connections between karren features are diverse. the fi ndings of their detailed analyses are shown in clearly drawn profi les and map representations. finally, a comprehensive holistic approach, the karren cell concept, is put forward to provide a common framework for the ideas initiated by author and elaborated by his students on the dynamics of karren formation and on the zonation of features. this succintly but precisely writt en monograph should appear on the reading list of all geomorphologists involved in the research of high-mountain karst regions. it is also useful for any geographer who guides fi eld trips of students to the karst mountains of central europe. dénes lóczy 92 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 81–91. manuscript reviewers 2018–2020 the editors of the hungarian geographical bulletin would like to thank the following experts who have offered their assistance in reviewing manuscript submissions to our journal issues between number 1 in 2018 and number 4 in 2020. their efforts and useful comments have been of great service for the authors and the journal. a n g i l e r i , sylvia eleonora (palermo) b a j m óc y, péter (szeged) b a l o g h , péter (budapest) b a lt e a n u , dan (bucharest) b a r c z a , zoltán (budapest) b e k e , szilvia (szeged) b e n e d e k , józsef (cluj-napoca) b ír ó, borbála (budapest) b o n t j e , marco (amsterdam) c e n t e r i , csaba (budapest) ćo r l u k a , goran (split) c z i g án y, szabolcs (pécs) c s a p ó, jános (pécs) d e ák , balázs (budapest) d e ák , márton (budapest) d r a g i c e v i c , slavoljub (belgrade) fa r s a n g , andrea (szeged) g ál , tamás (szeged) g a r c ía -a r n ay, ángel (zaragoza) g av r i l o v, milivoj b. (novi sad) g y u r i s , ferenc (budapest) h äi d e r , martin (munich) h a r m at, ádám (budapest) h o f i e r k a , jaro (košice) h o u s k o va , beata (bratislava) h r u šk a , vladan (ústí nad labem) i r i m i ás , anna (budapest) j a k a b , gergely (budapest) k a r ác s o n y i , dávid (darwin) k e r n , zoltán (budapest) k e r t és z , ádám (budapest) k e v e , gábor (budapest) k i s s , andrás (budapest) k i s s , éva (budapest) k o k , herman (london) k o l o s s v ár y, endre (budapest) k o v ác s , tibor (eger) k u b e š, jan (české budĕjovice) k u l c s ár , balázs (debrecen) l a b a n c z , viktória (gödöllő) l a n g e , bastian (leipzig) l ás z l ó, elemér (debrecen) l ás z l ó, péter (budapest) l e n k a , lisá (prague) l e w i s , quinn w (bloomington) lóczy, dénes (pécs) m a d a r i , beata (brasília) m a k ó, andrás (budapest) m a n t e l , stephan (wageningen) m ár k , lászló (gyula) m at l o v i č, rené (bratislava) m c i n t o s h , richard william (debrecen) m e z e n t s e v, konstyantyn (kiev) m i c h a l k ó, gábor (budapest) m i k a , jános (eger) m i l e v s k i , ivica (skopje) m i l o s e v i c , dragan (novi sad) m i t k u s , tomas (vilnius) n ég y e s i , gábor (debrecen) n i c o s i a , enrico (macerata) n o v ák , tibor (debrecen) o r a n j e , mark (pretoria) pa c h u r a , piotr (częstochowa) pa r a j k a , juraj (vienna) p ás z t o r , lászló (budapest) p e n i z e k , vit (prague) p én z e s , jános (debrecen) p i c h l e r -m i l a n o v i ć, nataša (ljubljana) p o p j a k o v á, dagmar (banská bystrica) r e i d , neil (toledo) r e m e n y i k , bulcsú (budapest) r e p e , blaz (ljubjana) r u s z k i c z ay -r üd i g e r , zsófia (budapest) s av i c , steven (novi sad) s c h a d , peter (münchen) s c h wa r z , ulrich (vienna) šimon, martin (prague) s i n g h , sudhir kumar (allahabad) s i p o s , györgy (szeged) s i w e k , tadeusz (ostrava) s k o k a n o v á, hana (brno) s l a c h , ondrej (ostrava) s m i t h , melanie (budapest) s z a b ó, györgy (debrecen) s z a b ó, péter (brno) s z a b ó, szilárd (debrecen) s z a l a i , zoltán (budapest) s z e m e t h y, lászló (pécs) s z i l a s s i , péter (szeged) t o r m a , csaba (budapest) t u r o k , ivan n. (pretoria) va c c a , andrea (cagliari) v o n s u c h o d o l e t z , hans (leipzig) w i n t e r , johannes (munich) z e l e n a k o va , martina (košice) z i e d , hej-amor (sfax) z i z a l a , daniel (prague) chronicle.indd 82 kiss e.é. 2009. major trends in the development of industrial areas of budapest in the early 21st century, hungarian geographical bulletin 58 (3): 163–180. kocsis k., bottlik zs. 2009. magyarország etnikai térképe, ma. 1: 500 000 = ethnic map of hungary, 2001, mta földrajztudományi kutatóintézet, budapest. kocsis k., schweitzer f. (eds.) 2009. hungary in maps, geographical research institute of h.a.s., budapest, 211 p. kocsis k., tiner t. 2009. geopolitics of pipelines and eastern europe with especial regard to hungary, hungarian geographical bulletin 58 (1): 49–67. kovács z. 2009. hinterland development in: the international encyclopedia of human geography, volume 5 (ed. kitchin, r., thrift, n.), elsevier, oxford, 128–135. kovács z. 2009. social and economic transformation of historical neighbourhoods in budapest, tij dschrift voor economische en sociale geografi e 100 (4): 399–416. lóczy d., kis é. and schweitzer f. 2009. local fl ood hazards assessed from channel morphometry along the tisza river in hungary, geomorphology 113 (3–4): 200–209. michalkó g., rátz t. and illés s. 2009. the gate of happiness: budapest in the focus of european mobility in: migration and citizenship : the role of the metropolis in the european union process of enlargement (ed. morri, r., pesaresi, c.), societa geografi ca italiana, roma, pp 143–152. schweitzer f. 2009. strategy or disaster: fl ood prevention related issues and actions in the tisza river basin, hungarian geographical bulletin 58 (1): 3–17. ágnes, erőss ’searching for neighbours’: summary of an eu research project the three-member research group of the geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences (gri has) participated in an eu fp 6 project called ’sefone – searching for neighbours: dynamics of physical and mental borders in the new europe’. the three-years long research (march 2007–february 2010) was designated to explore and compare models of ’translocal’ neighbourhood within the enlarged european union, where these relations are periodically challenged by „nationalised” political confl icts. the main aims of the project were to understand the interdependency of state borders and mental borders in the creation of good neighbourhood relations, and to try to emphasize what ’good-neighbourhood’ means for people in culturally diverse border regions. a special att ention was laid on bott om-up activities, initiatives, such as those embodied in cultural events, that aimed to strengthen cultural tolerance and neighbouring in culturally diverse communities. the research consortium investigated three diff erent borders, from which the gri has carried out research in the fi rst strand that was dedicated to ’transnational and translocal neighbourhoods across state borders’. in this strand on the one hand the greekturkish cypriot border (studied by the university of nicosia) on the other hand the borders of diff erent grades of permeability in hungary were in focus. in both cases the borders are marked by long-standing political confl icts and separate formerly multicultural sett lements, regions, populations. 83 in the frame of the second strand three multicultural provincial regions were investigated: saxony (chemnitz), upper franconia (bayreuth) and sicily (catania). all these regions marked by more recent forms of cultural diversity. in these sites the studies were mainly focused on those mental borders which exist among migrants and local communities. the researches were carried out by colleagues from chemnitz university of technology, university of southampton and university of catania. the third strand was dedicated to the virtual neighbourhoods of black african migrants mainly in germany and austria. in case of hungarian border regions the team of gri has performed fi eld work in two selected research sites: berehove/beregszász in transcarpathia, ukraine and in oradea/ nagyvárad, romania. the slovak-hungarian border region was represented by komárom/ komárno, while from the austrian-hungarian-slovenian border area szentgott hárd– heiligenkreutz formed the research sites, investigated by colleagues from university of bern. during the three-year long project intensive co-operation has developed between these research groups, which manifested for instance in common fi eld works and shared tasks in event and conference organising activities as well. the aspects of the research carried out by the gri has were twofold: on the one hand to map the changes in cross-border activities both on personal and institutional level, on the other hand to explore shift s and patt erns in local interethnic neighbourhoods. it can be said in a nutshell that in these sites interethnic relations are basically peaceful, but not without tensions, while the cross-border relations are strongly infl uenced by the diff erent permeability of the border. from this point of view in oradea/nagyvárad the eu accession generates increasing co-operation, while in berehove/beregszász the schengen border has become a barrier. the research fi ndings were announced in several conferences and workshops, for instance in debrecen at the ’neighbours and partners on the two sides of the border’, at the ’ixth conference of phd students in geography’ in szeged, at ’descriptio transylvaniae’ in cluj/kolozsvár, at the gemma workshop in budapest and were presented in brussels as well. next to this the gri has has organised two consortium meetings in diff erent research sites (budapest, oradea, komárom), and an international conference in co-operation with the university of bern and selye jános university in komárno. organizing of a cultural event carried out in the frame of the traditional local festival, called ’days of komárom’ meant a real challenge and presented for all of the participants a vivid experience. one of the primary objectives of the sefone project was the bett er understanding of culturally diverse neighbourhoods and it can be stated that during the meetings, workshops or conferences the consortium members also managed to put neighbouring into practice. ágnes erőss kronika_cikk.indd 307 homage to ferenc schweitzer on his 70th birthday professor schweitzer, who has been working in the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences (gri has) for 45 years, started his academic career in the institution then led by márton pécsi. in the fi eld of physical geography he was mainly infl uenced by the heritage of lajos lóczy and jenő cholnoky. at the same time he was supported by and has maintained close contacts with the senior contemporary representatives of geomorphology (zoltán borsy, zoltán pinczés), karst morphology (lászló jakucs), and of related sciences such as paleontology (miklós kretzoi, dénes jánossy), archeology (lászló vértes, miklós gábori), geology (györgy wein), hydrogeology (mihály erdélyi), and hydrology (lászló alföldi). having joined the team led by professor pécsi, f. schweitzer became immediately involved in chronostratigraphical studies on quaternary deposits, mainly on loess and loess-like sediments. broad orientation, capability and diligence in data collection and sampling coupled with sharp-sightedness in fi eld work, observations and mapping have been his strong points from the very beginning. terrace morphological investigations with a special reference to the position of travertine horizons formed the topic of his candidate of sciences (csc) thesis defended in 1983. these and subsequent fundamental studies have greatly contributed to the understanding of the geomorphic evolution in the carpathian basin during late cenozoic and of the interpretation of the plio-pleistocene boundary; schweitzer’s dsc thesis (1993) was mainly based on them. more recently he became interested in climate and environmental cycles in the region during the past 12–10 million years starting with the subarid phase of late miocene, with stages of desertifi cation, and ice ages during the pleistocene. schweitzer’s interest is not restricted to planet earth; the mars mission inspired his recent essay “ventifacts on mars”. along with his involvement in classical problems of morphology, schweitzer was active in applied research in physical geography. these activities started back to the 1970s with engineering geomorphological survey in general and mapping of surfaces aff ected by mass movements (collapses, slumps in loess and other landslides) in particular. they were epitomized in expertises and series of large-scale maps, and led eventually to the methodological issues of the morphological approach to environmental impact analysis of large projects such as the paks nuclear power plant (e.g. transit routes of migration of radionuclides emitt ed). professor schweitzer has acted as member of the expert committ ees on the safe disposal of radioactive wastes of pnpp and on the extension of the operation of the power station. his interest in fl uvial geomorphology led him to important conclusions about natural levee formation and fl oodplain sedimentation and to practical aspects of these processes in fl ood control on the tisza river where he is also among the advisors. 308 two former phd students gábor varga and gizella bátori with the master congratulations by szabolcs ákos fábián, accompanied with profs józsef tóth and zoltán dövényi 309 ferenc schweitzer became deputy director of the gri has in 1994 and he has been serving in the capacity of director since 1997. he is a regular member of szent istván academy of sciences (2002), honorary member of the hungarian geographical society (2001) and its vice president since 2009, honorary member of the hungarian karstand cave research society (2001), member of the hungarian geological society. he held positions in commissions of the international union of quaternary research (inqua), carpathobalkanian geomorphological association, and in those of the has (geography, geomorphology). as participant of congresses and conferences of inqua, igu (international geographical union), iag/aig (international association of geomorphologists), professor schweitzer has travelled extensively. apart from appearances across europe he made professional trips in central asia, siberia, and alaska, israel and iran, india, china and japan, mexico and brasilia, south africa, australia and oceania. these journeys allowed comparative analyses e.g. between warm and cold loesses developed under various environmental conditions. ferenc schweitzer had nearly 250 scientifi c contributions published in hungarian and foreign languages. his teaching activities began by the end of the 1980s as visiting lecturer in environmental and engineering geomorphology at a teachers’ training college in the city of pécs. later his att ractive personality and informality in personal contacts won the sympathy and aff ection of students at the university of pécs, where a school from his disciples was created almost spontaneously. his title of dr. habil dates back to 1995. he has been tutor at a doctoral school since 1997 and numerous phd theses were prepared under his guidance. for his birthday a volume of studies were edited by his former students, now researchers and university lecturers on their own, and most of the authors also belong to this circle (of “schweitzer hussars”). “from travertines to desert varnish” says the title which best refl ects his life work. the about thirty laudations by a university rector, a former minister, academicians, colleagues and disciples cover forty pages, and somebody even wrote seven haikus and a limerick for him. on congratulations and celebrations you may read in another report of chronicle in this issue of the bulletin. éva kis report on the 6th international congress of the european society for soil conservation (essc) 311 c h r o n i c l e hungarian geographical bulletin 60 (2) (2011) pp. 311–319. report on the 6th international congress of the european society for soil conservation (essc) thessaloniki, greece, 9–14 may 2011 the 6th essc congress was held in thessaloniki, between 9 and 14 may 2011, in the conference center of the grand hotel palace. theodore karyotis (institut for soil mapping and classifi cation, nagref) as president of the organizing committ ee and his collaborators prepared everything for a successful congress in an exemplary way. most participants arrived on the fi rst day and the conference began with an essc council meeting, followed by the opening ceremony and a cocktail reception. the presentation of the scientifi c papers and posters started the next day. the papers were classifi ed into 6 sessions. session 1 on policies and thematic strategies started with a keynote lecture by c. kosmas about the indicators and thematic strategies for soil protection. consecutive papers highlighted diff erent eff ects of the topic emphasizing the importance of the interaction between science and policy making. the keynote speech of session 2 on forest fi res, impacts on natural resources and cultural heritage was given by j. rubio, who is a well known specialist of the subject. the subsequent oral communications discussed several aspects of this very important and interesting topic. in addition to the european presentations two papers from asia were also included in this session. the topic of session 3 was sustainable management of wetlands and drylands. d. gabriels and his co-authors put together an interesting and provocative keynote paper on the role of vegetative buff er strips and erosion dams as sediment traps. a wide range of various topics such as soil erosion and desertifi cation studies was provided to the audience. the introductory paper of session 4 (soil and water management under global climatic change scenarios) was given by s. runolfsson and his co-authors from iceland on soil conservation in iceland putt ing the issue in a european context. the session covered many of the aspects of soil and water management. in the session a large variety of conservation techniques were discussed. presentations were not limited to the technical aspects of the methods. several contributions discussed the carbon stock issue and some results obtained by modeling methods. session 5 on conservation and management of soil biodiversity started with an introductory lecture on soil biodiversity given by p. panagos representing also his collaborators. only one paper given by myself discussed also avian biodiversity not only soil biodiversity. carbon dynamics as a very up-to-date issue was also dealt with. 312 photo 1. professor josé louis rubio, past president, professor carmelo dazzi, new president, professor edoardo constantini, general secretary and professor theodore karyotis, president of the organizing committ ee photo 2. discussions in the audience 313 photo 3. participants of the scientifi c conference at boutaris winery in the village of stenimachos photo 4. a phantastic hospitality was provided by our greek hosts, the local organizers. in the middle professor theodore karyotis, the president of the organizing committ ee 314 the question of how to manage already degraded land and to foster education and public awareness were the topics of session 6 (restoration and remediation of degraded lands – education in soil conservation and public awareness). the keynote of n. misopolinos and m. fullen presented by n. misopolinos concentrated mainly on salinization processes and remediation of mediterranean soils. a wide range of papers was presented in this session. a lively discussion followed each paper presented and the discussion continued in the poster room and during coff ee and lunch breaks. there was a one day excursion aft er four days of paper and poster presentations. first the participants visited the archeological site of vergina where two hours were spent admiring the exposed objects of the tomb of philip ii, father of alexander the great. the golden larnax and the golden grave crown of philip are the most fantastic pieces of jewelry i have ever seen. the second stop was a visit to a vineyard in the famous wine growing region of naoussa. the vineyards of naoussa occupy a total area of about 700 hectares, on the slopes of mount vermion at an altitude of 150–3,000 m a.s.l. the continental climate and the slopes provide ideal conditions for wine cultivation. an explanation about wine production was provided by the winery including some information on soil and water conservation. two council meetings were held during the congress. the most important decision of the council was to elect the new council, to nominate members of the executive committ ee including candidates for the positions of the president, vice presidents etc. the most remarkable event of the conference was the election of the new council and executive committ ee. carmelo dazzi was elected as the new president and eduardo constantini became the new secretary. josé rubio is now past president, ádám kertész, mike fullen and peter strauss are the vice presidents. wim cornelis remained the treasurer and donald gabriels the co-treasurer. mike fullen retains the post of editor-in-chief of the newslett er. each participant should be grateful to the organizers for a very well arranged congress. it was agreed that the following conference would be organized in reykjavik, island in four years. ádám kertész györgy enyedi 80 333 györgy enyedi 80 györgy enyedi the world famous hungarian geographer celebrates his 80th birthday this year. he was born in budapest on the 28th of august 1930. after graduating from the budapest university of economics in 1953 he became a lecturer in his mother school, later he moved to the university of agriculture in gödöllő where he was assistant professor until 1960. in the fi rst part of his academic career he concentrated mostly on regional problems of hungarian and world agriculture. in 1960 he became researcher at the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences and was appointed deputy director in 1962. with the change his research gained a new dimension in that socio-economic issues of the development of rural areas became the centre of his interest. his studies revealed many of the negative consequences of socialist modernisation in the hungarian sett lement system and more specifi cally in rural space. this was also the period when his work became internationally known and renowned. györgy enyedi played an outstanding role in connecting hungarian geography with the international mainstream of our discipline. in 1966 he spent a year in berkeley (us) with the scholarship of the ford foundation. between 1972 and 1984 he was chairman of the commission of rural development of the international geographical union (igu). he organised and att ended several international conferences and published a great number of papers in top quality scientifi c journals. in 1984 the union’s general assembly elected him – against the candidate nominated by the hungarian national committ ee – vice president of the igu and he served two terms until 1992. in august 2008 at the 31st congress of the international geographical union in tunis he received the highest recognition by the igu the laureat d’honneur. ron abler president of the union summarised the recognition in the following way: “for decades prof. györgy enyedi has been the voice and the face of hungarian geography in the worldwide community of geographers. this position was built fi rst and foremost on the quality of his own work, but also on his skills at team building. secondly, because of his untiring eff orts at maintaining international academic contacts, he chronicle hungarian geographical bulletin 59 (3) (2010) pp. 333–341. 334 has brought many colleagues from abroad in contact with their hungarian counterparts and this cross-pollination has born rich fruit.” indeed, he built wide range of scientifi c contacts in geography and beyond all around the world, and he helped and encouraged his younger colleagues to set up international relationships with the same enthusiasm. both as a colleague and as a mentor he has touched the professional lives of many colleagues across the world of geography. the 1980s brought new challenges for professor enyedi. in 1984 he founded an interdisciplinary research institute specialised in regional science, the centre for regional studies of the hungarian academy of sciences in pécs. working together with economists, sociologists, geographers, lawyers and representatives of other disciplines he proved again his extraordinary capacities and skills in team building. as director of the centre he played a decisive role in the long-term development of regional science as an independent and integrative discipline. most recently his scientifi c research focused mainly on the sociospatial aspects of urbanisation and urban development at the global and national level. he left his imprint on the academic literature of urban geography forever. during his creative and successful career professor enyedi has authored 18 and edited 26 scientifi c books, and published over 300 scientifi c papers. he was editor-in-chief of the series geography of world agriculture (nine volumes between 1972 and 1984). he founded the journal tér és társadalom (space and society) in 1987 and he has been the chairman of its editorial board ever since. he was editor in chief of the journal magyar tudomány (hungarian science) and he is honorary editor-in-chief of hungarian geographical bulletin. his versatile scientifi c work received a lot of recognitions and awards. györgy enyedi is honorary member of seven geographical societies, member of the academia europaea in london. he became corresponding member of the hungarian academy of sciences in 1982 and full member in 1990. he was vice-president of the hungarian academy of sciences in 1999–2002. professor enyedi lived most of his life throughout the exciting but otherwise troublesome 20th century, with world war, revolutions, oppression and systemic changes. what helped him to cope with all the diffi culties in his professional and personal life was his extraordinary sense of humour. recently he recalled his fi rst visit to paris in a friendly talk in this way: “i planned to att end an igu conference in paris in late 1962. in those years very few were allowed in hungary to travel to the west on offi cial business. if permit was given by the authorities we were obliged to fl y by the hungarian airlines (malév). with the help of my doctor i managed to arrange that instead of fl ying to paris i could take the train and travel through the continent, visit several cities and meet colleagues. once i arrived to paris i went to my hotel. the portiere in the hotel was shocked when i turned up. he informed me that the fl ight i was originally supposed to arrive crashed. in that very moment i decided not to take any fl ight in the future that would crash. this is the secret of long-life”. in the name of all colleagues in hungary and abroad who know him personally we wish professor enyedi on this special occasion light-hearted optimism and good health for the coming years: walk on, walk on, with hope in your heart, and you'll never walk alone… zoltán kovács herrmann, b. and dahlke, c. (eds.): elements – continents. approaches to determinants of environmental history and their reifications 436 herrmann, b. and dahlke, c. (eds.): elements – continents. approaches to determinants of environmental history and their reifications. nova acta leopoldina, band 98, nummer 360. deutsche akademie der naturforscher leopoldina – nationale akademie der wissenschaft en, halle, 2009, 304 p. a universally accepted defi nition of environmental history has yet to to be formulated. in simple terms it is a history that tries to explain why our environment is like it is and how humankind has infl uenced its current confi guration, as well as elucidating the problems and opportunities of tomorrow. the american historian donald worster's defi nition is widely quoted, it states: "environmental history is the interaction between human cultures and the environment in the past." in 2007, the german national academy of sciences leopoldina organized a workshop at georg august university gött ingen in co-operation with the research training program “interdisciplinary environmental history”. this publication contains both lectures of prominent scientists and abstracts of doctoral (phd) students. the fi rst part of the book is devoted to the lectures related to “elements” of nature. britt a allgöwer’s study (university of zurich) is dealing with the role of fi re in landscape and forest evolution in the swiss national park using high resolution remote sensing investigations. petra van damm’s article (free university of amsterdam) analyzes diff erent states of water from the viewpoint of environmental history and she gives an insight into transformations of the aggregate states and their impact on the countryside and lives of people in the netherlands and other european regions. she concludes that water in its different states (ice, steam) became a commodity very early in densely populated northwestern europe. the benchmarks of water transitions in the environment history seem closely connected with those of economic, social and technological history. wolfgang lucht’s study (potsdam institute for climate impact research) focuses on the air, which can be seen as a planetary hybrid. the author provides a holistic view of the air as a joint product of geosphere and biosphere co-evolving throughout the earth’s history. he introduces a new scientifi c approach called geophysiology which aims at analyzing the planetary body changes. professor bork, r. (christian albrechts university in kiel) and his co-authors investigates soil formation in the geological and human history. since the rise of agriculture, human activities determine 437 processes of soil formation and soil degradation. in urban areas former natural soils are nearly totally lost and replaced by anthropogenic deposits. humans are using soils not only for agriculture and forestry but for several other purposes. one of the oldest techniques of soil use are construction techniques such as adobe brick or pott ery production. early fi gures made of soil more than 20,000 years ago were found. some of the oldest pots date back to 11,000 b. c., were found in fukui cave, japan. von tilzer, m. (university of konstanz) analyses the fi ft h element, the emergence and proliferation of life on earth. life formation around 3.5–3.8 billion years ago is seen as a succession of steps of self-organization that were only possible in the absence of oxygen in the atmosphere. the greatest breakthrough during the evolution was the emergence of oxygen photosynthesis at least 2.7 billion years ago. the next major evolutionary change was the development of multi-cellular plants and animals. aft er the termination of the last glaciation ca 10,000 years ago, biological evolution of humanity came to a halt and was replaced by cultural evolution. the past 200 years have been considered a new geological era which is characterized by signifi cant impacts at global scale and called anthropocene. the second part of the publication touches upon the environmental history of different “continents”. professor sieferle, r. (st. gallen university) explores specifi c natural environmental conditions in europe, with special regard to population, productive agriculture and natural disasters (e.g. volcanic eruptions, earthquakes, extreme weather events) in diff erent historical contexts. beinart, w. (university of oxford) deals with historical aspects of plant transfers to south africa. africans welcomed and absorbed many plants including as maize and prickly pear. the author argues that someone needs to be cautious in specifying asymmetrical plant fl ows and also in applying the concept of ecological imperialism. elvin, m. (australian national university in canberra) focuses on two main features of late-imperial pre-modern chinese economy that created strongest pressures on the environment. these were garden-building (horticulture style farming) and distinctive dual style of agricultural management that combined land farming with collective management of water. since the medieval economic revolution good farmland rather than labor force became the factor of production in shortest supply. professor bargatzky, t. (bayreuth university) in his study addresses iconic quality of land in australia and oceania. the land has been of paramount practical and symbolic importance to the aboriginal population. land as an icon is interpreted as occurrences of gods. in oceania land is transformed into iconic landscape through institutions like kinship group and the sacred community center in polynesia. professor mcneill, j.r. (georgetown university, washington) touches on environmental history of american continent. american ecosystems have been buff eted by two main invasions. the fi rst invasion began perhaps 15,000 years ago when wanderers crossed the bridge connecting siberia with alaska. the second invasion started more than 500 years ago when columbus arrived in american waters followed by millions of europeans, enslaved africans and a growing stream from the rest of the world. the study provides an interesting overview of the environmental consequences if this twin invasions. it gives att ention to the themes of earth, air, water and fi re. the second part of the paper is devoted to the industrialization, oil exploration, forestry and land use and urbanization in 19th and 20th centuries. i recommend this book those readers who are interested in interdisciplinary studies like environmental history addressing the changing interactions between man and nature which is also a central theme of the geography since its existence. istván pomázi irodalom.indd 231 l i t e r a t u r e hungarian geographical bulletin 59 (2) (2010) pp. 231–233. kenneth j. gregory: the earth’s land surface. sage publications, london, 2010. 348 p. there has been a marked specialization in geomorphological book publishing in recent decades. the contents of university text-books are increasingly diff erent from those of handbooks and monographs. the former tend to focus on evolutionary concepts, systems operation and interaction rules, methodology (primarily interdisciplinary approaches) in an easily digestable form, while the latt er remain to be the sources of facts, descriptive data on geomorphic processes and landforms. ken gregory’s text-book for undergaduates is a reference book of a particular kind. in the preface author explains the paucity of illustrations, which is obvious from the fi rst sight (in spite of some interesting colour plates towards the end). he claims that most of the fi gures, charts and maps necessary to understand the basics of geomorphology are now available for students through ’googling’ on the world-wide web. consequently, there is no need to publish all of them as a hardcopy any more and, thus, more space can be devoted to the verbal explanation of regularities which are not always clear and coherent enough in the entries of wikipedia or other common electronic sources of knowledge. (it may be remarked, however, that other authors feel the opposite way and do their best to block verbalism for the sake of a wealth of illustrations in our age of visual culture.) it is remarkable that author does not even refrain himself to refer to wikipedia for additional information, a practice oft en criticized. however, there would have been even more opportunities to direct readers to web sources giving url references. aft er each chapter thought-provoking questions off er topics for discussion. anyhow, in chapter 1, a historical review of the discipline entitled ”visualizing the land surface”, nobody lacks fi gures but one fi nds several tables, a mode of transmitt ing information particularly favoured by professor gregory. the total number of tables, which in other books are applied to provide quantitative information, amounts to 81 here but not more than 24 of them serves the above purpose, the overwhelming majority are for summarizing, sytemizing and comparing theories (e.g. the historical evolution of geomorphological thought), methods (like dating techniques), views as well as environments, geomorphic processes, landforms and everything else. they are oft en not really tables but information boxes – although in the present book this category is reserved for the presentation of major fi gures in geomorphology and the related disciplines. (the inclusion of some great scientists outside geomorphology, like charles darwin, is certainly justifi ed. his microgeomorphological fi eld experiments, however, should have been mentioned.) in an undergraduate textbook the concepts central to the discipline have to be formulated clearly. the present volume also excels in this respect. the distinction between erosion and denudation, however, is not expressed successfully. the systems theory and the ecological approach is manifest in every chapter (for instance, in the treatment of fl uvial processes referring to the river continuum, serial discontinuity and other concepts). one of the most important tables, number 2.5, is a very useful summary of author’s views on paradigm shift s. the debate on the signifi cance of extreme events is presented through meaningful case studies. on other occasions the tabulated data, however, are not absolutely correct. for instance, the list of leading geomorphological 232 journals does not show the year when the zeitschrift für geomorphologie started (new series in 1957) and the french géomorphologie: relief, processus et environnement appears under its old name, revue de géomorphologie dynamique. in subsequent chapters it is evidenced again that geomorphology is not only a science of space but also of time – and the latt er aspect raises the really serious problems (e.g. dating various processes). later on it is emphasized that a crucial property of environmental change is its rate as it controls human adaptation. the treatment of geomorphic environments and processes is balanced – although author is slightly biassed towards fl uvial and anthropogeomorphology. (a remark on the use of the adjective ’anthropogenic’: it had been used by german scientists before it spread in the russian literature.) in the section on karst processes minor misspellings occur (kweilin instead of guilin, lapis instead of lapiés). table 5.9 is a brave att empt to present most recent directions in environmental modelling – treated with criticism. in part iii landscape evolution is introduced in a state-of-the-art systems theory approach. a novel appreciation of the impacts of the last glaciation arouses the readers’ interest. with a strong focus on authors from the english-speaking world, an intention to give credit to scentists from other regions, also to russians and even to eastern europeans (e.g. the polish school of periglacial geomorphology) is traceable here. when permafrost sensitivity to climate change is investigated, the use of internet sources is encouraged. the palimpsest analogy of olav slaymaker is borrowed to shed light on the complexity and paradoxical nature of periglacial studies. the inheritance of pleistocene landforms, vegetation sequences as well as human impact are also described systematically. dealing with arid environments, it is emphasized that dust transport is much more important in geomorphology than previously thought. part iv is on the geographical zonality of geomorphic processes in a historical perspective. (unfortunately, the pioneer of vertical zonation studies, alexander von humboldt, is left without mention.) the treatment of geomorphic processes by climatic belts instead of their origins indicates that author turns away from rigid process geomorphology. the description of geomorphic processes in the various belts begins with polar regions. (vatnajökull in iceland mentioned on p. 167 is not a valley glacier but an ice cap – as it appears correctly some pages later.) some results of latest research are also included, e.g. on the subglacial drainage systems of antarctica. less convincing is the chapter on temperate environments but this is explained by their transitional character. (the vistula river is not typically a river of the maritime province.) in the humid tropics weathering processes are highlighted. table 10.2 is a comprehensive summary of all terms related to the savanna landscape. it must have been a demanding task for professor gregory to present the urban landscapes in the slightly more than 20 pages of chapter 11. however, he manages at least to defi ne the most important terms as well as to present the problems of cities in a broad perspective within this limited space. the perception of the urban environment and the processes shaping it are diff erent from those in all other landscapes. a special att ention is paid to urban hydrology, the creation of impervious surfaces, stream channelization, and their ecological consequences. the opportunities for urban water management are also presented in a well-constructed table. chapter 12 is on the future of the discipline and highlights basics in environmental auditing, environmental impact assessment, land evaluation and geomorphological design (soft engineering). this is an appropriate end to a book which is comprehensive in its topics, logical in explanations but at the same time easy to read for both undergraduates and the interested public. a true refl ection of prof gregory’s professional enthusiasm and rich experience. dénes lóczy szirmai, v. (ed.): urban sprawl in europe. similarities or diff erences? 397 l i t e r a t u r e hungarian geographical bulletin 60 (4) (2011) pp. 397–402. szirmai, v. (ed.): urban sprawl in europe. similarities or diff erences? budapest, aula kiadó, 2011. 280 p. perhaps the two most pervasive phenomena of urban development in western societies have been suburbanisation and gentrifi cation for the last fi ft y years. in order to fi nd out the relevance of these terms in urban studies i made a web search in google scholar. for the terms suburbanisation and sprawl the combined result was over 68 thousand items, whereas for the term gentrifi cation 33,200. thus, altogether over 100 thousand items in the global academic records can be directly linked to these two concepts. therefore, we can truly say that urban sprawl in europe can draw great att ention in the academic sphere and it can extend our knowledge about urban development processes in europe. the book consists of three major parts and contains eight chapters. the fi rst part of the book sets the theoretical framework of the topic. in her problem raising introductory chapter viktória szirmai, editor of the volume, provides an overview about the conceptual background of urban sprawl and gentrifi cation. the process of urban sprawl in europe followed the north american model with some delay, and it became the dominant urban phenomenon in the western half of the continent only by the 1960s and 70s. the reasons were more or less the same as in the us, growing motorisation, declining housing and environmental quality in the historic inner-cities, endeavour of the middle-class for single family homes etc., nevertheless, the spatial results were diff erent. european suburbs always had sett lement history; they were never monofunctional in an american sense, they were organically integrated in the settlement system, and their size and morphological appearance were not comparable to those american dormitory estates. yet, according to szirmai there are clear signs of convergence as european and especially east central european cities now face similar tensions that previously characterised mainly american urban societies. 398 our cities have undergone increasing fragmentation, the rise of individualism, the disintegration of community sense and weakening social cohesion, as well as growing segregation of diff erent social strata. these societal trends are coupled with the uncontrolled expansion of the built environment and the shrinkage of natural environment, the shift of investment and consumption from the core city towards the periphery. the reason can be explained with a single word: suburbanisation. in her chapter szirmai not only conceptualise the core topic of the volume, but provides an overview how planning regimes tried to answer the challenges of suburbanisation and urban sprawl from the garden city movement of ebenezer howard to the current planning instruments applied in diff erent european cities including the hungarian act on spatial planning in the agglomeration of budapest from 2005 and its recent amendments in 2011. in the fi nal section of the introductory chapter we can read a comparative analysis about the state of the art in the four cities that are subjects of the subsequent chapters of the book: copenhagen, paris, vienna and budapest. the author concludes that the key terms of urban sprawl and gentrifi cation need to be considered more as complementary concepts, which together can help us to understand and explain the socio-spatial rearrangements of contemporary european cities. the second chapter of the book provides the wider theoretical background of the book. in his conceptual paper györgy enyedi briefl y summarizes and comments the characteristic features of the stage model of modern urbanisation. the phenomenon of urban sprawl can fi t into the second stage of the model, whereas gentrifi cation can be linked to the fourth i.e. re-urbanisation. enyedi not only describes the main features of the diff erent stages but explains their underpinning mechanisms in a comparative manner. arriving at the most recent stage of global urban development he clearly expresses his criticism: “i have never accepted this fourth stage”. according to enyedi moving back to the city centres meant rather a rearrangement within the population of urban agglomeration than a new growth stage. indeed, unlike the previous three stages of urbanisation which spread from their origin to other parts of the world over several decades, the so-called re-urbanisation stage did not mean an abrupt change in the concentration or de-concentration processes of labour force and jobs within urban regions. enyedi explains the renewed growth of city centres by the urbanisation of globalisation. according to his concept globalisation and the emergence of global economy gives rise to new growth centres that are normally located in the heart of global cities attracting knowledge-based branches of the economy and their highly skilled workforce, the creative class. at the same time enyedi also makes self-critique and modifi es his earlier assumption linking the return of people and jobs to the city centres with the spread of it sector. i found his writing a marvellous example how academics should critically revise their concepts and opinions from time to time. the second part of the book focuses on the versatile process of urban sprawl in four european metropolises: copenhagen, paris, vienna and budapest. these cities followed distinct historical pathways which left their imprints on their current socio-spatial structure. they also represent diff erent urban cultures and planning traditions which enable the reader to get a comprehensive picture about the core topic of the book. the third chapter of the book is a masterpiece shedding light to the genesis of urban sprawl, its infl uencing factors and outcomes in denmark. in their lyric paper henrik reeh and martin zerlang approach the main topic of the book in a highly sophisticated and artistic manner. first the so-called fingerplan strategy is introduced that intended to earmark the axes of urban development around copenhagen as early as 1947–1948. there were hardly any signs of suburbanisation around post-war copenhagen at that time but 399 steen eiler rasmussen, chairman of the fingerplan commission and hence father of the strategy set the main directions of future urban development. in the subsequent decades the city and its agglomeration developed according to these guidelines in full harmony. the author martin zerlang could personally follow the aft ermath of the fingerplan as young resident of farum, a quickly growing suburban sett lement at the tip of the second fi nger. his fascinating tale is full of personal impressions, emotions, and anecdotes from that period making the story very enjoyable. the second part of the paper discusses two ongoing large-scale urban planning projects that are aimed to harmonize urban sprawl and sustainability around copenhagen: the køge kyst and the ørestad projects. both of them intend to reduce the psychological boundary between the capital city and the rest of the country, to improve living conditions and to harmonise spatial development within the agglomeration of copenhagen that would, according to the expectations, lead to increasing competitiveness of the city within the european and global urban system. coming from a country where planning in general has a stigma, and oft en considered as a communist type of intervention in our daily life, i was amazed to read the highly sophisticated examples of danish planning practice. the case study on paris from nadine cattan gives statistical evidence that even though the fi rst phase of suburbanisation around the french capital could already be detected in the 1960s, its peak coincided with the late 1970s and early 1980s, and the process is not yet over. in the last half a century suburbanisation took diff erent directions around paris and it has diff erent speed, but it has not stopped yet. i think this is a clear message for ‘model makers’ that urban development is a more complicated issue than one would believe and a couple of indicators is not enough to give convincing explanations for the growth or shrinkage of our cities. the author provides accurate analysis about the population dynamics of diff erent urban zones in the paris metropolitan area; she studies the changes of land use and their environmental consequences. as a reader i found most interesting her gender related analysis about commuting behaviour of residents around paris pointing out the process of ‘spatial entrapment’. similarly to paris, the case study on vienna also confi rms that urban sprawl and gentrifi cation go hand in hand today. peter görgl, marco helbich, walter matznetter and heinz fassmann analyse the population dynamics in the metropolitan area of vienna putt ing emphasis not only on the level of growth but also on the demographic aspects of population change. as they conclude patt erns of suburbanisation and re-urbanisation can be observed side by side in the city and its surroundings. according to their expectations suburbanisation will remain and important factor of urban development in vienna in the coming years. they also point out one specifi c character of vienna. unlike most european urban regions vienna does not face any risk of shrinkage. it is projected for the next decades that both the city proper and the agglomeration will experience a continual population growth in the future, partly as a consequence of international migration. finally, the fourth case study explores the process of urban sprawl and its socio-spatial consequences in the budapest metropolitan region. viktória szirmai and her co-authors put the emphasis on the social consequences of urban sprawl around the hungarian capital city in their case study. basis of the investigation is a representative questionnaire survey and in depth interviews carried out in budapest and its agglomeration. qualitative data confi rm that socio-spatial disparities among diff erent types of sett lements of the urban region have been increasing in the last two decades. although disparities do not show the dichotomy typical in the west, nevertheless the processes leading to dichotomy are already visible. the third part of the book focuses less on urban sprawl, but its complementary process: gentrifi cation. yvonne franz reports on the social consequences of urban renewal in 400 vienna. she concludes that compared to other cities in the world the risk of gentrifi cation is generally lower in the austrian capital mainly because of the strong control and infl uence of local state through a well developed social housing system. franz points out initial pockets of gentrifi cation in the urban fabric and she carefully analyses them as case studies. her investigations confi rm that gentrifi cation became really a complex phenomenon by now, with many diff erent forms and faces. an interesting result of her study is the introduction of the concept of state-led gentrifi cation. this is very similar to the state of the art in many post-socialist cities, including budapest. in this respect we can grasp certain similarities in the gentrifi cation process of the two former k und k capital cities. the fi nal chapter of the book deals with diff erent practices of urban renewal and their social consequences in the inner-city of budapest. in the empirical part of the paper gábor csanádi and his co-authors fi rst investigates core areas of urban renewal in the inner part of the city as possible places of gentrifi cation, then they sharpen the focus of analysis using inner-erzsébetváros as a case-study. the lessons from budapest clearly show that gentrifi cation under post-socialist circumstances diff er from the western model in many respect. the reasons are manifold: the low level of demand on the housing market, the lack of private rental sector, and the relative lack of gentrifi ers. this result should remind us at least two things. first, gentrifi cation has become a container concept in the western literature by now meaning a lot of diff erent changes in inner-city neighbourhoods. secondly, concepts applied in the west are not always applicable for other cities, like post-socialist cities. the one size fi ts all concept is, therefore, misleading. to sum up, i found the eight chapters of this book highly informative and stimulating and i strongly recommend this book for all those academics and stakeholders beyond the academia who are interested in urban studies and would like to know more about the complex nature of urban development of our age. zoltán kovács marvin, s., luque-ayala, a. and mcfarlane, c. (eds.): smart urbanism: utopian vision or false dawn? 444 marvin, s., luque-ayala, a. and mcfarlane, c. (eds.): smart urbanism: utopian vision or false dawn? abingdon–new york, routledge, 2016. 196 p. smart city as a key concept has become prominent in urban planning for the last few years. it is increasingly cited as a fundamental response to meeting present and future challenges of rapid urbanisation. smart urbanism promises to provide optimised, high-tech solutions to our contemporary socioenvironmental urban problems such as transport congestion, resource limitation and climate change. the emergence of the notion of smart city is seen in various strategic programmes and initiatives. according to critical social scientists, smart urbanism is one of the most popular urban development visions of the 21st century (together with resilient and sustainable cities). contrary to the earlier concept of the creative city, this idea has been introduced by a small number of multinational companies. for example, cisco started to use it for the first time in the late 1990s. currently, ibm is one of the largest contributors in developing smart technological initiatives, focusing on data collection systems and public administration management (e.g. urban safety management, healthcare and energy distribution – vanolo, a. 2016). ibm’s own smart ‘philanthropic’ initiative, the smarter cities challenge is one of the best examples of globally circulating smart urbanism policy mobility (wiig, a. 2015). it is also necessary to note that more than 50 percent of the recent smart urban development projects worldwide have focused on innovations in transportation and urban mobility, making the topic of smart urbanism and this book as well very relevant for human mobility research. most of the brand new, state-of-the-art smart or ‘ubiquitous cities’ are concentrated in east asia and the middle east (e.g. songdo, masdar city) but the concept is becoming very popular in europe as well. although several large-scale smart initiatives are financed worldwide to improve the technological efficiency of cities, the actual meaning of the smart city is still unclear and undefined. vanolo, a. (2016) classifies the growing academic and policy literature on smart urbanism into three broad sections. the first one has a focus mainly on the management and technological issues of smart cities. the main points of analysis of this literature are the potential opportunities and problems of smart technology implementations in urban contexts. these analyses tend to have a problem-solving approach focusing on achieving optimal outcomes. second, there are emerging critical debates within social sciences on smart urbanism. here the focal points are the relationship between smart city initiatives and neoliberalism, the corporateand profitoriented characteristics of smart urban development projects, the changing power relations generated by those initiatives, and the management of big data and surveillance within the conditions of smart urbanism. third, a rather new direction in the research on smart urbanism critically explores various smart city initiatives, looking “beyond both the celebrative and always critical approaches,” analysing diverse ways in which new urban technologies are used, negotiated or overturned by citizens (vanolo, a. 2016; p. 28). the chapters of ‘smart urbanism: utopian vision or false dawn?’ can be categorised into the second and third sections of academic literature on smart cities. this edited volume critically evaluates the promises, drivers, potentials and consequences of smart urban planning. it analyses what drives smart city initiatives and it aims at advancing the critical academic research on smart urbanism. the book consists of 11 chapters, including an introduction and a conclusion, written by the three editors (simon marvin, andres luque-ayala and colin mcfarlane, three human geographers based at durham and sheffield universities in the uk) and 17 contributors from doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.65.4.13 hungarian geographical bulletin 65 2016 (4) 445book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 433–446. australia, canada, germany, ireland, south africa, switzerland, the united kingdom and the united states. although critical academic research on smart urbanism is emerging, current investigations are mainly single-city case studies and “fragmented along disciplinary lines” (p. 1). however, ‘smart urbanism’ is truly interdisciplinary. beside human geographers, the contributors have diverse disciplinary backgrounds such as sociology, philosophy, architecture, urban planning, critical media studies or geocomputing. the origin of this edited volume can be linked to the international workshop on ‘smart urbanism: utopian vision or false dawn?’, co-organised by the editors at durham university in 2013. as marvin et al. claim in the foreword of the book, this workshop was one of the first international forums for academics and professionals from all over the world to discuss critically the concepts and practices of smart urbanism. luque-ayala, mcfarlane and marvin state three main objectives of this volume in the introduction. first, developing a critical and interdisciplinary approach and investigating the emergence of smart and digital modes of urbanisation. second, analysing extensively the key trends, forms and consequences of smart urban governance from an internationally comparative perspective. third, exploring how specific urban conditions facilitate and coerce transitions towards smart urbanism and support the co-production of alternative pathways. each chapter of the volume aims at analysing a specific dimension of smart urbanism. chapter 2 by rob kitchin, tracey p. lauriault and gavin mcardle introduces the five most common critiques of smart cities: the promotion of technocratic and corporatised forms of governance; the creation of buggy, hackable urban systems; the implementation of panoptic surveillance and predictive profiling; and a false portrayal of data and algorithms as objective and non-ideological. then, the chapter focuses on urban data and it investigates city benchmarking and real-time dashboards. kitchin et al. challenge the common realist epistemological claim “to show the city as it actually is” (p. 29). chapter 3 continues to clarify the claims to objectivity, truth and evidence in the smart cities discourse. donald mcneill investigates ibm’s smarter cities challenge and argues that visual technologies are crucial to both the ontological (cities that cannot be seen in such a way are by definition not smart) and practical (“cities that cannot be viewed cannot be made to work in a smart manner”) structures of smart cities (p. 35). one of the key contributions of this chapter is identifying a link between the technopolitical practices of 19th century urban transformations and the smart city initiatives pursued by ibm and other corporations. chapters 4 and 5 focus on the emergence of smart urbanism narratives in the global south, respectively in india and south africa. in chapter 4, ayona datta analyses the social and political consequences of local smart initiatives. the empirical part of the research focuses on dholera which is allegedly the first smart city in india. this technology-driven urban project turns its back to the challenges of india’s traditional cities with pollution problems, traffic congestion and slums and engages with the global values of smart urbanism. datta uncovers that india’s smart city programme is a process operating through land accumulation by dispossession, a form of politics connected to dispossession, modernisation and liberalisation. in chapter 5, nancy odendaal investigates the inclusion of e-governance and digital infrastructure development into urban objectives. in contrast with the portrayal of smart urbanism in india, odendaal argues that smart initiatives from the bottom up can play an important role in expanding democratic access and realising a commitment to social development. however, the mobilisation potential of smart initiatives is restricted by the relatively low internet penetration rate and the preference for face-to-face communication in many countries of the global south. chapters 6 and 7 apply foucauldian approaches and examine the power, knowledge and governmentality implications of smart urbanism. in chapter 6, jennifer gabrys emphasises an important but often overlooked part of the smart cities discourse, the re-articulation of smart cities as sustainable cities. one of the dominant ways in which sustainability is achieved in smart cities is through ‘citizen sensing’, sensor-based ubiquitous computing across urban infrastructures. gabrys argues that smart urbanism has the potential to rearrange our understanding of citizenship, where “both cities and citizens become functional datasets to be managed and manipulated” (p. 10) in order to control environmental governance and ways of life. in chapter 7, francisco r. klauser and ola söderström analyse the implication of governing the city through software-mediated techniques of regulation and management at a distance. these mechanisms of regulation and management are based on well managed assemblages of computerised systems that operate as channels for multiple forms of data collection, transfer and analysis. klauser and söderström use foucault’s concept of security in order to uncover the power and regulatory dynamics within smart urbanism. in chapter 8, by using assemblage thinking, gareth powells, harriet bulkeley and anthony mclean investigate how the electricity grid is reconsidered around new conditions of smart urbanism. their research on energy network demonstrates how the making of the smart grid process is a highly unequal process. specific political, social, economic and environmental processes are stressed while other issues are marginalised. powells et al. challenge the traditional urban assemblage literature (which emphasises 446 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 433–446. the multiplicity and complexity of projects, practices and outcomes of cities as assemblages). they suggest that there are some projects and forms of governance that are more central of smart urbanism than others. the resulting uneven power geometries mean that the experience of smart grid is not equal for all citizens. chapters 9 and 10 focus on the future of smart urbanism, both the dystopian and more optimistic perspectives. in chapter 9, nerea calvillo, orit halpern, jesse lecavalier and wolfgang pietsch investigate songdo, a new state-of-the-art smart city in south korea, where cisco plays a crucial role in developing digital connectivity and ubiquitous computing infrastructures. songdo is portrayed as a new form of digital urban experimentation where all urban forms and beings are to be digitally interconnected. in this new urban world, data drives urban transformations and a rearrangement of urban life. the half-built songdo serves new urban ontologies that are digital, abstract and oppressively real (e.g. cameras, control rooms, windowless data centres). chapter 10 offers a different perspective, the possibilities of smart urbanism beyond corporate imaginations. robert g. hollands reminds us of the ideological nature of smart urbanism – neither technology nor its corporate urban reincarnation will make cities more prosperous, efficiently governed, less environmentally wasteful or equal. on the other hand, as an alternative vision of smart urbanism, hollands explores the possibility of more modest and smallscale interventions, where human initiatives and technology are used in democratic ways to support progressive ideas and make cities more sustainable. the conclusion, chapter 11, identifies key implications of the book for urban theory, urban governance and methodological challenges of smart urbanism. mcfarlane, marvin and luque-ayala argue that smart urbanism processes seem less a radical shift in urban socio-environmental governance but more a set of specific types of limited interventions which are connected to our existing ideologies, debates and socio-economic practices. kitchin et al. identify the logics of smart urbanism linked to the technomanagerial vision of urban governance. this view reduces urban problems to technological and datadriven issues where everything can be monitored and measured. apart from the technocratic view, smart urbanism stresses the entrepreneurial and security-oriented imaginaries as well. however, mcfarlane et al. suggest that these visions of smart urban governance are not exhaustive and they are only partially operationalised. hollands argues in chapter 10 that smart urbanism can be linked not only to urban neoliberalisation but to alternative forms of smart urbanism as well that supports a more democratic and participatory use of technology (e.g. using digital media to facilitate collective action in diy urban design). to conclude, this edited volume provides an excellent critical analysis on the emergence of the smart cities discourse and its impact on the urban economy, environment, politics and everyday life. while critical urban theorists need to engage with the analysis and criticism of smart urbanism and develop alternatives to the neoliberal, technocratic, positivist and surveillance-related imaginaries of smart urban projects, it is crucial for this critique not to overemphasise the importance of smart logics in urban governance. since the mechanisms of smart urbanism are still very fragmented, it might be too early to talk about a radically new way of urban governance. although smart urban initiatives are at a very early stage in hungary and other east central european countries (and there are no case studies from this region in the book), it is still necessary to critically understand this new direction in urban governance with its rising popularity in europe. one of the main reasons behind the emergence of the smart cities discourse in the continent is the embeddedness of the concept in the european union research funding system large-scale financial support is provided within the current horizon 2020 programme to reduce greenhouse gas emission through improving the technological efficiency of buildings, energy and transportation systems. although several billion euros are allocated to fund these projects, the actual concept of smart city is still linked to rather simplified visual imaginaries and vague terminology (vanolo, a. 2016). ‘smart urbanism’ is a major reference point in key debates about smart urban governance. the rich and theoretically informed case studies on the global north and south as well make the book a must-read for graduate students and early career researchers in urban studies. lászló cseke1 r e f e r e n c e s vanolo, a. 2016. is there anybody out there? the place and role of citizens in tomorrow’s smart cities. futures 82. 26–36. wiig, a. 2015. ibm’s smart city as techno-utopian policy mobility. cities 19. (2–3): 258–273. 1 interuniversity department of regional and urban studies and planning, polytechnic university of turin, and university of turin, turin, italy. e-mail: laszlo.cseke@polito.it european trends in spatial mobility 317timothy, d.j. and michalkó, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 317–320. from a eurocentric point of view, europe has long functioned as the caput mundi of human mobility – a home and destination for hunters and gatherers, conquerors, colonizers, learners and scientists, pilgrims, tourists, emigrants and immigrants. from europe’s ancient frontiers and marches to today’s precisely delineated and demarcated state boundaries, borders have long affected economic, social, military and political relations between ancient and modern states. during the past half century, however, globalization processes, including the supra-nationalization of europe, have changed inter-state relations and human mobilities perhaps more than any other force in recent history. these geopolitical vicissitudes have had a clear and concise ‘de-bordering’ effect, particularly since the schengen convention of 1990, which paved the way for the abolishment of intra-schengen area border inspections and the establishment of a shared visa regime (timothy, d.j. 2001; timothy, d.j. and saarinen, j. 2013). this de-bordering process has accelerated migration to europe and between states within europe, as well as stimulated tourism as an economic growth engine (etzo, i. et al. 2014). because of its relative location, high standard of living, colonial history, and generous immigrant and refugee benefits, europe has become a magnet for migrants from africa and the middle east across the mediterranean sea and through asia minor. this pattern of migration, especially since 2013, has generated a great deal of pressure on europe, which has flared many debates and spurred legal challenges continent-wide. while much public opinion, thanks largely to the media, concentrates on arrivals from africa, the middle east and asia, intra-regional migration in europe receives much less media attention. there are many migratory flows between european countries in the form of amenity (quality-of-life) migration (gosnell, h. and abrams, j. 2011), labour migration (andrijasevic, r. and sacchetto, d. 2016), student migration (wells, a. 2014) and return migration (illés, s. 2015). together, these form a relatively new and dynamic phenomenon enabled and encouraged by the establishment of the european union and its associated ‘freedom of movement’ treaties, such as the 1985 schengen agreement and the 1990 schengen convention. simultaneously, the entry of europe’s former socialist states into the eu and schengen area, and the concurrent permeation of these countries’ citizens into the western european labour market, has significantly broadened the scope and scale of intra-european migration (andrijasevic, r. and sacchetto, d. 2016), just as economic hardships in mediterranean europe have induced large-scale migrations northward. besides migration, tourism is one of the most widely researched configurations of cross-border human mobility. migration and tourism share a number of symbiotic relationships, which result in several manifestations of tourism supply and demand (hall, c.m. and williams, a. 2002; coles, t.e. and timothy, d.j. 2004; illés, s. and michalkó, g. 2008; lew, a.a. et al. 2015). europe has european trends in spatial mobility dallen j. timothy1 and gábor m i c h a l k ó2 1 school of community resources and development, arizona state university, 411 n. central avenue, suite 550, phoenix, arizona, usa 85004. e-mail: dtimothy@asu.edu 2 geographical institute, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences, hungarian academy of sciences, h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45; department of tourism, corvinus university of budapest. h-1093 budapest, fővám tér 8. e-mail: michalko.gabor@csfk.mta.hu doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.65.4.1 hungarian geographical bulletin 65 2016 (4) 317–320. timothy, d.j. and michalkó, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 317–320.318 been the most visited region in the world for many decades, and the connections between tourism and migration are very apparent. first, migration stimulates a wide range of tourism types, including ‘visiting friends and relatives’ (vfr) tourism, second-home tourism, religious tourism, diaspora tourism and roots tourism. secondly, it provides a heritage resource base for tourism, including ethnic neighbourhoods, cultural landscapes, heritage cuisines and ethnic foods, festivals, and other culture-based resources (coles, t.e. and timothy, d.j. 2004). third, one of the most salient reasons people migrate abroad is to seek work in the tourism sector. labour migrants are eager to find employment and often provide affordable labour for the service industries, including tourism. finally, there is a long history of people being attracted to foreign locales (e.g. the uk to spain) for entrepreneurial reasons, including setting up hospitality-related businesses. migration and tourism are two of the most salient manifestations of human mobility, but so are short-distance and same-day crossborder trade, work, healthcare and shopping trips (michalkó, g. and timothy, d.j. 2001). as noted earlier, the topic of mobility is one of the most researched contemporary themes in human geography (merriman, p. 2009; staeheli, l.a. 2016). there are mounting pressures associated with migration to and within europe, growing trends in cross-border tourism and trans-boundary labour, increasing supranational trade and cross-frontier utilitarian shopping, a need for more cost-effective and convenient forms of transportation (e.g. ride sharing), and the creation of new spaces and places of mobility. therefore, it is incumbent upon geographers and other social scientists to continue examining and debating the spatial and regional dimensions of human mobility and to disseminate knowledge through publications, scientific workshops and conferences. this special issue of the hungarian geographical bulletin does just that by focusing on spatial mobility trends in europe. this issue is comprised of papers presented in the ‘globility’ sessions at the 2015 eugeo congress in budapest, hungary (photo 1). with the support of the international geographical union (igu), the commission on global change and human mobility (‘globility’), was founded in 2000 to specialize in human movement in border areas and huphoto 1. participants of eugeo 2015 congress (budapest) in the „changing world, changing human mobilities: global convergence and divergence” session 319timothy, d.j. and michalkó, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 317–320. man spatial mobility in general. today, the 150 members from 50 countries hold their annual scientific meetings at different locales throughout the world to present research and deliberate about a wide range of issues in numerous conference sessions focusing on a trans-disciplinary understanding of spatial mobilities. in 2015, the eugeo congress in budapest hosted the meetings of the igu globility working group. scholars from a wide range of countries presented some 35 papers on many aspects of human mobility and global convergence in a changing world. the papers in this issue reflect some of the primary themes presented and discussed at the eugeo congress, such as the ‘brain-drain’, retirement migration, labour migration, return migration, the push and pull factors of international refugees coming to europe, transportation innovations, tourism, crossborder economics and collaboration, debordering processes and ‘europeanisation’. the paper by lados and hegedűs in this theme issue deals with hungarian return migration and the effects of identity change through the migratory process. the authors examine the post-return migration experiences of hungarians who had gained significant experience, skills and assets abroad and those who had not. higher-skilled returnees faced fewer socio-economic obstacles to reintegrating into hungarian life, while those who had gained fewer skills were less content with their life back in the homeland. as such, low-skilled migrants appear more likely to re-emigrate abroad in the future than those who are more satisfied with their renewed life in hungary. montanari and paluzzi examine the role of ‘europeanisation’ in increasing people’s relocation from various eu countries to italy. their regional approach to assessing the spatial patterns and concentrations of european migration to italy considered the influential variables of labour needs, age, nationality and tourist behaviour, including amenity migration. gallo and staniscia used a similar spatial clustering and mapping approach to examine the out-migration of italian youth to other eu countries and the possible reasons for such patterns. they argue that the emigration of large numbers of young people in search of economic progress, adventure and lifestyle change may destabilize the social and economic sustainability of the countries and regions of origin. similarly, siska-szilasi, kóródi and vadnai examine the socio-spatial manifestations of hungarian out-migration to other parts of europe and north america. their work highlights many of the socio-economic push factors in hungary that cause people to emigrate, as well as the pull factors in destination countries that draw hungarians there— work, already emigrated friends and relatives, and perceptions of a more stable future. also examining migration patterns, kocsis and his colleagues take a meta-european perspective in surveying the historical geography of migration patterns and their causes from europe, to europe, and within europe. in particular, they look at the demographic implications of these mobility trends and provide a spatio-temporal analysis of recent and current patterns. the authors provide valuable insight into the current trend in mass migration to europe from the middle east, africa and asia, and the concrete sense of hopelessness, despair and persecution that overshadow these contemporary movement patterns more so than the more socio-economic tendencies of past generations. in their study of ride sharing in hungary, bálint and trócsányi touch on many sociospatial aspects of human mobility. ride sharing is an increasingly important part of the new sharing economy (heo, c.y. 2016) and has major implications for employment commuting, commerce, and tourism. the authors examine price sensitivity, settlement size/hierarchy and critical mass of passengers and drivers, as well as demographics and education levels, in mapping the spatial configurations of ride sharing. while most of their data were confined to hungary, their work also illustrated the potential of ride sharing to become a key part of the sharing economy for international travel as well. in their study of worker and retiree migrants in spain, parreño-castellano and timothy, d.j. and michalkó, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 317–320.320 domínguez-mujica investigate the multifarious trends associated with these forms of human mobility. among other things, they focus on pensioners who had worked previously in spain and remained there to spend their retirement years and the reasons for this behaviour. many of these ‘lifestyle immigrants’ had worked in tourism and other services, including owning their own businesses, and had decided to remain in spain’s busiest coastal tourism regions after retirement for quality-of-life and socialisation reasons. the treatise by gellér-lukács, töttös and illés speculates on the implications of the freedom of movement between the united kingdom and the rest of the eu following the brexit vote of june 23, 2016. taking a futuristic, scenarios-based approach, illés looks at the immigration policy portions of the initial negotiation documents and tries to predict some of the likely outcomes of the uk’s departure. his examination of the current situation underscores the potential repercussions of the ‘re-bordering’ process that has become quite evident in others parts of europe and north america. these 8 papers represent a sustained effort to understand human mobility in an increasingly ‘borderless’ europe. today, more than ever, geographers must continue to play a key role in understanding the causes, effects and manifestations of different types of migration and other mobility patterns and paradigms. this is especially the case in light of forecasts that europe’s share of international tourist arrivals compared to other regions will decline in the future while its position as a foremost destination for refugees and other immigrants will continue to swell (oecd 2016, unwto 2016). because of europe’s current refugee crisis and migration predicament, we have seen the beginnings of the re-bordering of a continent that had until 2014 been an example of how a multi-nation region can de-border itself to facilitate freer human mobility (wilson, t.m. and donnan, h. 2012). only time will tell how current geopolitical trends will affect future human mobilities in europe. r e f e r e n c e s andrijasevic, r. and sacchetto, d. 2016. from labour migration to labour mobility? the return of the multinational worker in europe. transfer: european review of labour and research 22. (2): 219–231. coles, t.e. and timothy, d.j. eds. 2004. tourism, diasporas and space. london, routledge. etzo, i., massidda, c. and piras, r. 2014. migration and outbound tourism: evidence from italy. annals of tourism research 48. 235–249. gosnell, h. and abrams, j. 2011. amenity migration: diverse conceptualizations of drivers, socioeconomic dimensions, and emerging challenges. geojournal 76. (4): 303–322. hall, c.m. and williams, a. eds. 2002. tourism and migration: new relationships between production and consumption. dordrecht, springer. heo, c.y. 2016. sharing economy and prospects in tourism research. annals of tourism research 58. 166–170. illés, s. 2015. circular human mobility in hungary. migration letters 12. (2): 152–161. illés, s. and michalkó, g. 2008. relationships between international tourism and migration in hungary: tourism flows and foreign property ownership. tourism geographies 10. (1): 98–118. lew, a.a., hall, c.m. and timothy, d.j. 2015. world regional geography: human mobilities, tourism destinations, sustainable environments. 2nd edition. dubuque, iowa, kendall-hunt. merriman, p. 2009. mobility. in international encyclopaedia of human geography. eds.: kitchin, r. and thrift, n., amsterdam, elsevier, 134–143. michalkó, g. and timothy, d.j. 2001. cross-border shopping in hungary: causes and effects. visions in leisure and business 20. (1): 4–22. oecd 2016. international migration outlook 2016. paris, oecd publishing. staeheli, l.a. 2016. globalization and the scales of citizenship. geography research forum 19. 60–77. timothy, d.j. 2001. tourism and political boundaries. london, routledge. timothy, d.j. and saarinen, j. 2013. cross-border co-operation and tourism in europe. in trends in european tourism planning and organisation. eds.: costa, c., panyik, e. and buhalis, d., bristol, uk, channel view, 64–74. unwto 2016. tourism highlights 2016. madrid, world tourism organization. wells, a. 2014. international student mobility: approaches, challenges and suggestions for further research. procedia – social and behavioral sciences 143. 19–24. wilson, t.m. and donnan, h. 2012. borders and border studies. in a companion to border studies. eds.: wilson, t.m. and donnan, h., oxford, wileyblackwell, 1–25. 7_book review.indd 373book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (4) 369–375.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.66.4.8 hungarian geographical bulletin 66 2017 (4) the klaus tschira foundation has supported the series of symposia entitled “knowledge and space” for more than a decade now, resulting in 17 events and 11 published volumes so far, with the last two, “ethnic and cultural dimensions of knowledge” and “knowledge and action”, already reviewed in this journal previously (illés, t. 2016; sági, m. 2017). the tenth such symposium was held at the studio villa bosch in heidelberg under the title “spatial mobility of knowledge” between 15–18 september 2010 (meusburger, p. 2010), with the participants’ submitted essays published in the volume “mobilities of knowledge” 6 years later. despite the fact that half a decade has passed since then, the topics covered at the symposium are still relevant today, also for readers in central and eastern europe, especially in the light of increasing interdisciplinary cooperation between researchers from western, central and eastern europe. still, the majority of the contributors in this volume are from the british academia, without anybody from universities in countries once belonging to the eastern bloc. the introduction written by the editors heike jöns, michael heffernan and peter meusburger sets out a conceptual framework to the following essays and provides a readily intelligible introduction to the main ideas around the entanglement of the geographies of knowledge and mobility studies (which in itself is a notable achievement). the authors wish to examine “the role of geographical mobilities in the production and circulation of knowledge in different historical and geographical contexts” (p. 2). after bähr, j. (2010), the authors define mobility much more condensed than it is usual in mobility studies, merely as “an entity’s change of position in a specific system” (p. 2). yet, reading the essays reveals that the reason behind such a simplistic interpretation was to escape unnecessary conceptual boundaries instead of circumventing the problem. the editors refer to an expanded version of john urry’s (2007) “five interdependent mobilities” (p. 47), including corporeal travel of people, physical movement of objects, imaginative travel, communicative travel, virtual travel, and knowledge transfer as a newly added category correcting urry’s neglect of the topic. these are each represented in the case studies of the volume. the introduction of knowledge transfer as a new category also symbolises the authors’ critical reading of the “novelty claims and hyperbole of the ‘new paradigm’ language” (p. 4), and also that they emphasise and acknowledge the long-existing lines of enquiry (like manuel castells’, 1996, concept of the space of places), the importance of which is often underestimated in the literature in favour of the more dramatic narrative of the ‘turn’. knowledge, the second concept mentioned in the title of the volume, receives a more familiar treatment, as it is the core idea behind the book series. following the work of stehr, n. (1994), the authors adopt the interpretation of knowledge “as a capacity for social action” (p. 95), which in turn can relate to both codified (explicit) and tacit (implicit) forms of knowledge. this binary is critically dissected by meusburger later in his chapter, but even in the introduction the editors point out that four different types of knowledge (secret, tacit, codified and widely available) should be differentiated based on their spatial ontology (meusburger, p. 2000). as a conclusion of these theoretical considerations, the editors argue that the diverse mobilities of knowledge are characterised by a dialectic relationship between fixed centres and multidirectional flows. at this point they cite the more recent findings of cresswell, t. (2006), merriman, p. (2012) and jöns, h. (2015), and connect them to the notions mentioned above. jöns, h., meusburger, p. and heffernan, h. (eds.): mobilities of knowledge. cham, springer, 2017. 303 p. 374 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (4) 369–375. the volume consists of 13 chapters and the introduction, divided into two parts (a bit arbitrarily in my opinion) following different trends in mobilities research. this division does not follow that of the original 6 sessions of the symposium, mainly since five of the original abstracts had not been developed into a full paper for this volume, whereas five new essays were included (namely the first four chapters and chapter 13). in the first part (chapters 2–7) entitled “circulation, transfer, and adaptation” the authors assess the movement of knowledge and related (im)materialities, while in the second part (chapters 8–14) “mediators, networks, and learning” the essays focus on the interactions between these elements by analysing personal careers and collaborations between different disciplines. the first peer reviewed essay is peter meusburger’s study on the different forms of knowledge transfer mentioned before, with strong emphasis on the role of successful (or unsuccessful) communication and how it is shaped by different environments. in stark contrast with the more theoretical first essay, in the second one jonathan bloom traces the material and technological history of paper and, even more importantly, papermaking, shedding light on the construction of the eurocentric myth that ancient egyptian techniques were reintroduced to europe through china. the fourth chapter, written by innes keighren, presents the case study of the complex geographies of production, circulation and transformative reproduction of william macintosh’s book “travels in europe, asia and africa…” (1782). the author presents how the collection of macintosh’s letters was carefully edited and stylistically upgraded by the publisher john murray. while not affecting the popularity of the book itself, this radical, provocative content filled with criticism geared towards britain’s imperial rule in india provoked an outcry among colonial officials, but locally met with sympathy after it was republished in dublin and in german and french translation as well. these republications “were precisely what permitted the circulation of macintosh’s text, they are also what changed its meaning – placing emphasis on certain parts at the expense of others, offering new juxtapositions and contextualization” (p. 80), thus allowing the publishers to present the text in a politically comfortable interpretation. felix driver’s chapter deals with two different forms of the mobilities of knowledge: exploration and exhibition. the former, which is a geographical knowledge-making process that unevenly represents the subject matter, can be the basis for the latter, which serves as the primary means to disseminate the constructed knowledge to the public. his case study of the “hidden histories of exploration” exhibition organised at the royal geographical society with the institute of british geographers (rgs-ibg) in 2009 serves to exemplify how a critical representation of historical accounts can help question conventional narratives and reveal the hidden histories of european exploration. in the following chapter the authors trevor barnes and carl christian abrahamsson scrutinise the way the mathematical approach permeated spatial studies and geography. the essay is centred on a now legendary diagram (or map?) entitled “quant geog airlines flight plan”, which first appeared in peter j. taylor’s “quantitative methods in geography” (1977), and follows the sites represented there. what that diagram lacks, according to barnes and abrahamsson, the mobility perspective that presents these relations as fluid and multifaceted, as “the disciplinary articulation of geographical ideas became caught up in events played out geographically on the ground” (p. 118). in order to understand these mobilities, “geographical ideas need to be developed to understand the geography of ideas” (p. 118). in chapter 7 peter j. taylor argues that the social sciences and archaeology are focusing on the state as the frame of knowledge production, neglecting the role of cities in the process. in the second part the volume essays shift our perspective toward people as mediators in the process of knowledge production and articulation, with chapters 8 to 10 examining different aspects of the academic sphere in the british empire. the chapter of heather ellis explores the different opinions of british and european scholars to the british imperial project, the facilities of which they actually used. the subjects range from supporters of the empire to those propagating scientific internationalism to some who were openly critical of colonial practices. ellis argues that the mobility of knowledge is often more closely linked to the infrastructural conditions of research than to the political position of researchers. tamson pietsch addresses the changing nature of academic appointment practices in the british empire in chapter 9. with the expansion of progressive professionalisation and specialisation, the academia and universities gradually moved from a patronage system based on personal trust between highly regarded gentlemen toward a centralised committee-controlled approach. although these practices meant that the academic system in the colonies and dominions became more independent from britain over time, they essentially fostered the reproduction of an exclusionary, racialised, genderised and classed british academic world at settler universities. heike jöns investigates the changing geographies of academic travel at the university of cambridge. her study shows that newly emerging research institutions in the united states as well as at imperial and other destinations were visited for different academic 375book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (4) 369–375. reasons. jöns uses the example of sir frank leonard engledow, drapers’ professor of agriculture, who greatly contributed to colonial reform movements in britain and the african postwar empowerment, yet his research focus on the tropics prevented him from participating in the americanised trends of academic travel at cambridge. madeleine herren scrutinises the underlying and hitherto uncovered happenings of knowledge transfer in geneva between 1919 and 1945. she argues that because geneva was not a capital city and therefore did not have a strong presence of official diplomats, the city was able to develop a high level of spatial connectivity. in chapter 12, jonathan v. beaverstock focuses on expatriation, more commonly known as international assignments, which according to his analysis seem to remain a valued strategy for firms to exchange knowledge between subsidiaries and clients, irrespective of the rapid development of transport and icts. since face-to-face communication is still highly regarded in business, world cities, where the tncs are located and where business meetings are held, are going to reproduce themselves as the main global nodes where knowledge is created. in her essay, melanie mbah examines “the triple nexus of education, migration, and integration” (p. 247) by studying migration patterns from nigeria towards germany, the united kingdom, and the united states. she suggests looking at education not only as a goal for migrants, but also as an important instrument to ease migration and integration. although the migration of nigerian university graduates is often seen as harmful for local education, mbah points out that it can be productive as well with the resulting transnational links and the possibility to utilise the highly skilled migrants living abroad through diaspora organisations. in contrast with the case where students need to mobilise themselves to gain knowledge, in the last chapter johanna l. waters and maggi leung investigate how knowledge is mobilised within tne (transnational education) programmes, which can be seen as time-space compressors lifting the spatial barriers for immobile knowledge consumers (students). the authors challenge the view of these programmes as unproblematic, and argue that by the use of the flying faculty model knowledge transfer is hampered by that the internationalised presentations of lecturers are not always understandable for local students due to language barriers or locally irrelevant case studies. this drives the programmes to adapt to the franchise model, where more and more control is handed over to the local partner and knowledge transfer becomes thus more successful, but the transnational nature of knowledge is constrained. the mere existence of this collection of essays demonstrates the potential of placing knowledge at the centre of mobility studies, which is supported by the elegant flow of topics throughout the volume. as one of its main goals, the klaus tschira foundation “champions new methods of scientific knowledge transfer, and supports both development and intelligible presentation of research findings” (p. 287), and this volume fulfils all these expectations in the intersection of two very complex topics. botond palaczki1 r e f e r e n c e s bähr, j. 2010. bevölkerungsgeographie. stuttgart, utb. castells, m. 1996. the rise of the network society – the information age: economy, society, and culture. vol. 1. oxford, blackwell. cresswell, t. 2006. on the move: the politics of mobility in the modern west. london, routledge. illés, t. 2016. meusburger, p., freytag, t. and suarsana, l. (eds.): ethnic and cultural dimensions of knowledge (book review). hungarian geographical bulletin 65. (3): 306–309. jöns, h. 2015. talent mobility and the shifting geographies of latourian knowledge hubs. population, space and place 21. (4): 372–389. macintosh, w. 1782. travels in europe, asia, and africa; describing characters, customs, manners, laws, and productions of nature and art: containing various remarks on the political and commercial interests of great britain: and delineating, in particular, a new system for the government and improvement of british settlements in the east indies: begun in the year 1777, and finished in 1781. vol. 1. london, john murray. merriman, p. 2012 mobility, space and culture. london, routledge. meusburger, p. 2000. the spatial concentration of knowledge: some theoretical considerations. erdkunde 54. (4): 352–364. meusburger, p. 2010. spatial mobility of knowledge symposium – 15–18. september 2010. http://knowledgeandspace.uni-hd.de/symposia/mobility/ index.html sági, m. 2017. meusburger, p., werlen, b. and suarsana, l. (eds.): knowledge and action (book review). hungarian geographical bulletin 66. (3): 269–272. stehr, n. 1994. knowledge societies. london, sage. taylor, p.j. 1977. quantitative methods in geography: an introduction to spatial analysis. boston, houghton mifflin. urry, j. 2007. mobilities. cambridge, polity press. 1 department of social and economic geography, eötvös loránd university (elte), budapest, hungary. e-mail: palaczki.botond@gmail.com filep b.: the politics of good neighbourhood. state, civil society and the enhancement of cultural capital in east central europe 369book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (4) 369–375. b o o k r e v i e w doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.66.4.7 hungarian geographical bulletin 66 2017 (4) studies on inter-ethnic relations in east central europe have tended to emphasise problems and challenges (wolff, s. 2002; mungiu-pippidi, a. 2008), and in contrast “this book pursues a solution-oriented approach, aimed at highlighting good-neighbourly discourses, strategies and practices” (p. 4). the author bases this on a “simple observation that the everyday life of people seems far removed from an emerging violent conflict in contrast to the nationalist state policies and rhetoric of leading politicians” (pp. 4–5). this is a promising and welcome approach considering that topics such as ethnic and neighbourly relations remain “very present in the political, public (and scientific) debate in east central europe, but also in ‘western’ discourses on the region”, even though “there are also ‘good’ examples, ‘best practices’, and peaceful ‘normalities’ to be found, which have received less attention” (p. 5). it is not so much that inter-ethnic relations are no longer burdensome in east central europe, something filep is well aware of (pp. 3–4). ethnonationalist discourses remain key elements of political rhetoric and – i would argue – partly also everyday life; ethnic groups such as roma largely remain excluded (ram, m.h. 2014); and, though perhaps temporarily, an east–west divide in europe was apparent in the handling of the 2015 refugee crisis (cf. balogh, p. 2016). yet considering certain realities, raising the question whether ethno-cultural identities matter more in east central europe than in the western parts of the continent can be legitimate (see joly, d. 1998), for two main reasons. first, ethnicity-related issues have become or remained present in the west as well. apart of sharpened debates around national identities and the integration of migrants and refugees, ethno-territorial claims keep contesting the unity of centuries-old states such as spain or the uk, to a lesser extent belgium and italy. the second reason is that recent efforts of alliance-building among countries of east central europe (e.g. the visegrad cooperation, the three seas initiative, and the balkan four) have partly overshadowed their ethnic tensions. there is no doubt that the newly strengthened intra-regional cooperations remain as fragile as do inter-ethnic relations in the region. but as filep notes, “inter-ethnic relations within these countries and the relationship between hungary and its neighbouring states have generally improved in the years that followed the fall of the iron curtain” (p. 4). this might be related to the fact that most, if not all, east central european countries host ethnic minorities whose kin-states are neighbours, thus one could say that being in the same shoes has taught them to “agree to disagree” on certain ethnicity-related issues. filep’s main empirical research questions are “how good neighbourhood is understood and ‘practised’ by different stakeholders in a multicultural environment. what are their ideas and strategies for the building of good-neighbourly relations?” (p. 4) to investigate these issues, the author conducted more than 130 (!) qualitative interviews between 2007 and 2011 with a variety of stakeholders in two ethno-culturally diverse border regions in east central europe as well as in the european commission and parliament. but also since 2011, filep has kept revisiting his study areas and engaged with locals. he has further enriched his analysis “with the help of scientific and popular literature, documents and strategy papers of eu institutions, national, regional and local adminfilep, b.: the politics of good neighbourhood. state, civil society and the enhancement of cultural capital in east central europe. abingdon–new york, routledge, 2017. 208 p. 370 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (4) 369–375. istrations, cultural associations, newspaper articles, radio and tv interviews, other visual materials and online sources” (p. 4). the author distinguishes his empirical research questions from what he calls ‘analytical’ ones, which are more theory-building. the latter are: “how can good neighbourhood or its politics be conceptualized for the east central european context and beyond? what general factors define and contribute to the building of good-neighbourly relations? how can policy-makers then implement such a concept?” (p. 5) both of filep’s research sites have a hungarian bearing. one is the relatively small town of komárno in southern slovakia, directly bordering hungary; the other is the mid-sized city of subotica in northern serbia, only a few kilometres away from the hungarian border. the author explains these choices in detail. one factor is that ethno-culturally, these places are “among the most diverse areas in these countries”; another is that “the border location also allowed investigating the inter-ethnic question from a different perspective, looking at cross-border processes and how they might influence the inter-ethnic relations” (p. 5). further, “the hungarian population in both countries served as a central comparative element. many challenges in the neighbourly relations between the majority and minority populations (most prominently the hungarians) … show similarities: educational matters, language-related issues, issues of collective rights and historical grievances, to name a few” (p. 5). the author also acknowledges the differences of the two sites: “slovakia and serbia have experienced different paths to nation-building in the past 25 years and even their communist legacy differed” (p. 5). czechoslovakia of course dissolved peacefully whereas yugoslavia violently. subsequently, “although both countries had been hostile towards minorities in the 1990s, in comparison to slovakia, serbia faced much greater challenges in the early 2000s due to its violent recent past” (p. 7). at this point – i.e. still in the introduction – filep reveals one of his findings: paradoxically, “it was not in slovakia, but in the violently disintegrated, post-conflict yugoslavia (more precisely in the autonomous province of vojvodina in serbia), where (more visible) good-neighbourly strategies have since been applied” (p. 7). the author relates this to two possible explanations. one, vojvodina has a historically rooted multicultural character and remained peaceful even during the yugoslav wars. two, those wars can have “generated a necessity to actively ‘repair’ inter-ethnic relations and to engage in interethnic rapprochement” (p. 7). filep mentions one more reason behind his choice of the research sites; namely the criterion to investigate an internal and an external eu border, “because the international framework in which the respective countries are embedded might influence the positioning of the different parties: states, political parties, minority or civil society organizations” (p. 7). conceptually, the author motivates his study by an observed lack of consolidation into a theoretical concept of the frequently used terms ‘good neighbourhood’, ‘good neighbourly relations’, and ‘goodneighbourly policy’ (p. 8). the author takes inspiration from alan henrikson, who conceptualised good neighbourliness according to three principles in inter-state diplomacy: neighbours are to be accepted as being equal; there is an implied acceptance or at least tolerance of difference; and non-interference in the internal affairs of others (p. 12). filep partly accepts these principles and claims they can be applied not just to inter-state but also to inter-ethnic relations (within the same country). at the same time, he rightfully criticises the third principle for possibly leading to ignorance or passivity; instead, in his concept of good-neighbourhood contact between groups is a major condition (pp. 12–13). at the core of the author’s concept, however, is bourdieu’s notion of cultural capital, which filep divides into intercultural, cross-cultural, and multicultural capital (see below). further sources of inspiration are putnam’s notion of bonding and bridging social capital; kymlicka’s ideas of multicultural societies; and brubaker’s and others’ framing of ‘everyday ethnicity’ (p. 8). the structure of the book follows the conventional logic. in part i, the introduction is followed by an overview of earlier studies of theoretical relevance. part ii provides a detailed portrait of the two chosen study areas (komárno and subotica), with an emphasis on ethnicity as a social category in various spheres of inter-ethnic neighbourly relations: politics, education, religion, cultural life, public space, and media. part iii (the lion’s share of the book) largely consists of three chapters each devoted to intercultural, crosscultural, and multicultural capital, respectively. the three together form the analysis, which – in contrast to part ii – builds on culture as the category of analysis, “since it is culture that constitutes the main element of the conceptual framework in which neighbourly relations in east central europe should be embedded” (p. 9). the final chapter is obviously devoted to the conclusions. in the introduction to part iii, the author develops a model entitled ‘the pyramid of good neighbourhood’ that summarises the three forms of capital and the different components of the concept of good neighbourhood (p. 85, p. 186). the pyramid builds on bourdieu’s notion of cultural capital, divided into three sub-categories by filep. the first, intercultural capital, comprises proficiency in local languages, cross-cultural (historical) knowledge, and 371book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (4) 369–375. civic education. the second, cross-cultural capital, can be generated and enhanced in everyday meeting places, in “scenes of cross-cultural contact and intercultural rapprochement” (e.g. events or programs), and through “cross-cultural social contact within the family and among friends” (p. 84). finally, multicultural capital is expressed as “mutual respect, recognition and appreciation between ethnic (or ethnicized) neighbours”, through promoting diversity, historic reconciliation, and granting minority rights (ibid). according to the author, “a lack of intercultural capital involves a lack of mutual understanding” and interest (while its enhancement facilitates communication and raises cross-cultural interest); a lack of cross-cultural capital “results in ethno-cultural segregation”; and a lack of multicultural capital sustains resentment and results in discrimination (pp. 84–85). while all the different elements related to inter-ethnic coexistence raised by filep are highly significant and relevant, they could probably be distinguished and visualised in other ways as well. portraying the three different capitals and their sub-components in a circle for instance (rather than as a pyramid) might be just as good; at least it might make an impression of a less hierarchical order. in the conclusions, the author explains the hierarchy (inherent in the pyramid model) by that “intercultural capital forms the basis of a good multicultural neighbourhood, while cross-cultural social capital and multicultural capital are a function of the first” (p. 186). accordingly, “[t]he intercultural capacities of individuals are the starting point for them to form cross-cultural social capital, while the first two capitals form and at the same time are affected by the level of multicultural capital” (ibid). thus, “the processes that enhance these different forms of cultural capital are not unidirectional; they influence each other” (ibid) – an insight that may have led filep to modify the pyramid in the conclusions, now featuring arrows in between each of the three different layers (i.e. forms of capital). in the last paragraph, the author acknowledges that “[i]t is difficult to make a priority of one of the forms of capital or one of their components” (p. 188). filep’s main conclusion is nevertheless fair, arguing that all the components described contribute to the larger framework of a good neighbourhood. language proficiency is surely a central element, but does not guarantee peaceful coexistence per se (consider e.g. the shared language in the former yugoslavia). the author thus rightly emphasises the comprehensive nature of good neighbourhood and encourages policy-makers to “develop broad goodneighbourly strategies rather than focus on selective policies” (p. 189). in my view, the book is missing some necessary elements. it basically avoids dealing with issues of positionality and (self-)reflexivity, which are even more pressing in a study largely based on personal interviews. we can only learn a little bit about the author’s background in the acknowledgments. a few lines in the introduction indeed describe that “[t]he interviews with hungarian interviewees were conducted in hungarian; conversations with slovak and serbian interviewees were sometimes held in hungarian, sometimes in slovak, serbian or english… for interviews in slovak and serbian, i was accompanied by an interpreter” (p. 9). but how could these have influenced the encounters and the accounts gained? what premises or preconceptions did the researcher have about his field (if any) at the start of his project? did these change during the research process? although the number of interviews conducted is impressively large, at least a paragraph would have been in place in the introduction on who these ‘stakeholders’ (p. 4) actually were. what was the selection process like, what criteria did it include? about how long did these interviews last, and in what kind of environments did they take place? could any of these factors have influenced the encounters and/or the accounts gained? further, and relatedly, there is no section on the methodology or research design whatsoever. were the interviews recorded? how was the material processed, was it transcribed? were any data processed with the help of any software, for instance? finally, i find the conclusions chapter a little too short (four pages). it provides an analytical summary of ‘the pyramid of good neighbourhood’, which is of course in place. but the conclusions tend to remain on a theoretical level. the examples meant to illustrate the model are largely abstract; concrete examples from the empirical material could have been taken. in the end, a paragraph or two would have been in place on the – admittedly difficult – subject of how policy-makers could implement the concept (which was after all one of the research questions). filep also mentions that “many components described throughout the book are easily comparable to other settings” (p. 186), but no potential cases are named. i have perhaps been too critical and picky: this volume is to be praised for a good number of aspects. the amount of (empirical) work behind it is truly outstanding. how many of us (in our mid-thirties) have conducted over 130 interviews on our own? and that in two different, not even adjacent countries; while living in a third, also nonadjacent one. and yet, the author only impresses with his thorough knowledge of the chosen study areas. at the same time, the efforts at theory-building are also to be praised. relatedly, this is a genuinely interdisciplinary work, with conceptual borrowing from fields such as sociology and international relations. this should further serve the enrichment and the open, interdisciplinary character of geography. 372 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (4) 369–375. the book is well-structured and clear-cut. the number of illustrations and maps is well-balanced, and their quality is high. last but not least, the author’s proficiency in english seems at least to me up to the standards of a native speaker (it is probably the first book in which i have not noticed any spelling mistakes). i recommend the volume for scholars interested in ethnic relations, reconciliation, as well as those interested in border cities and borderlands. péter balogh1 1 transdanubian research department, institute for regional studies, hungarian academy of sciences (cers-has), pécs, hungary. e-mail: baloghp@rkk.hu. research for this publication has been supported by the national research, development and innovation office – nkfih grant number nn 114468. r e f e r e n c e s balogh, p. 2016. haynes, a., power, m.j., devereux, e., dillane, a. and carr, j. (eds.): public and political discourses of migration: international perspectives. hungarian geographical bulletin 65. (4): 437–439. joly, d. (ed.) 1998. scapegoats and social actors: the exclusion and integration of minorities in western and eastern europe. london, palgrave macmillan. mungiu-pippidi, a. 2008. the eu as a transformation agent: lessons learned from governance reforms in east central europe. hertie school of governance – working papers, no. 33. berlin, hsog publishing. ram, m.h. 2014. europeanized hypocrisy: roma inclusion and exclusion in central and eastern europe. jemie journal on ethnopolitics and minority issues in europe 13. (3): 15–44. wolff, s. 2002. beyond ethnic politics in central and eastern europe. jemie journal on ethnopolitics and minority issues in europe 1. (4): 1–20. szirmai, v. (ed.): “artificial towns” in the 21st century: social polarisation in the new town regions of east-central europe 179book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 175–186. szirmai, v. (ed.): “artificial towns” in the 21st century: social polarisation in the new town regions of east-central europe. budapest, hungarian academy of sciences, centre for social sciences, institute for sociology, 2016. 501 p. in different parts of the world, artificial towns, new towns and planned cities frequently represent materialised visions and utopian concepts of community. due to the close relation between functional and architectural structures and societal ideals, this type of settlement is influenced by changes of the socio-economic system in a particular way. there is a requirement of adapting to new societal needs, and the question emerges how this adaptation affects socio-spatial relations in different contexts. this is the main focus of the book “artificial towns in the 21st century”. it is dealing with characteristic processes of societal re-evaluation and considers the potentials and problems of fitting such towns to new social realities and needs. the 501-page-long edited volume is an outcome of the research project ‘social polarisation in the hungarian and eastern-central european “new town” regions. impacts of transition and globalisation’. the leader of the project and editor of the volume, viktória szirmai, head of department at kodolányi jános university of applied sciences, proposes the main aim of the volume as follows: “the mission of this book … is to present polarisation mechanisms, contemporary social structural relationships and their economic, political and architectural determination in new towns…” (p. 15). as the subtitle of the book indicates, the focus is the new towns that were developed in communist times in central and eastern europe (cee). however, at the beginning of the book, which introduces the characteristics that are inherent to this type of settlement and distinguish artificial towns e.g. from socialist high-rise housing estates, a clear definition of artificial towns would have been helpful for the reader. new towns are usually interpreted as prototypes of the socialist way of life and, in some cases, nationbuilding projects, as well as a solution of the housing question without reproducing social inequality. their development is associated with forced industrialisation in the communist regime. hence, their economic base was often mining or heavy industry. after the political changes in and after 1990, these economic sectors experienced a fundamental reassessment and devaluation. as a direct outcome of the shift new patterns and dynamics of regional economic development emerged, and socio-spatial polarisation began to increase in the whole of central and eastern europe. these processes had a strong impact on the development of the new towns as well. areas which were affected by the decline of traditional industries and which were not capable of developing a new economic basis often showed high and increasing dependencies on public transfer payments. this is, beyond others, reflected in the standard of housing and living conditions. many regional economies within cee countries are severely challenged by asymmetric power relations in the globalised economy. hence, socio-spatial disparities have been rising considerably in rural as well as urban contexts (see e.g. tsenkova, s. 2006; smith, a. 2007; brade, i. et al. 2009; smith, a. and timár, j. 2010; ehrlich, k. et al. 2015). it is against this backdrop that large-scale high-rise housing estates and new towns from the communist times are frequently struggling with processes of downgrading and depopulation. as different chapters of the volume show, artificial towns established in state-socialist planned economies have managed to cope with the profound transformation of the social and economic framework after 1990 in different ways. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.66.2.7 hungarian geographical bulletin 66 2017 (2) 180 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 175–186. although there are numerous studies on urban development after communism, most of them focus on capital cities (see e.g. stanilov, k., 2007; borén, t. and gentile, m. 2007; andrusz, g. et al. 2008; brade, i. et al. 2009), whereas in-depth analyses of new towns are rather scarce. the present book is bridging this gap to a certain extent in the field of post-socialist urban studies. the development of artificial towns is a prime example for how challenges of the transformation process take shape on the local and national levels, and how they influence the social well-being of the local population. thus, investigating socio-spatial development of these towns seems a particularly relevant issue. moreover, extensive empirical information on socio-spatial structures in case study towns mainly in hungary but also in poland and slovakia, as well as the comprehensive comparison with other urban types, provide a sound basis for urban planning strategies. pierre merlin, professor of the town and regional planning institute of the university paris-sorbonne, emphasises in his recommendation to the book that the variety of the presented studies might help develop strategies to support that “the socialist towns of central europe” are turning to “successful old towns”, even if numerous factors have an impact on the process which are hard to predict (p. 13). detailed description of the eleven new towns in hungary and the specific local trajectories of selected case studies (also including architectural characteristics and urban structural features) provide a remarkable insight into urbanisation processes in the communist and postcommunist periods. still, it would have been a benefit for the book to better embed the results of these studies in contemporary discourses in international urban research. the book consists of four major parts written by sociologists, economists, geographers, architects and urban planners. the first part discusses general theoretical considerations of the development of new towns in the 21st century. it scrutinises such diverse issues like the period when socialist new towns were established, general characteristics of cee urbanisation, and national peculiarities in hungary, poland and slovakia. in her introduction viktória szirmai juxtaposes the development of new towns in eastern and western europe after world war ii with the transition period after 1990, and even makes an outlook to new towns or planned settlements in the developing countries. her main question while looking for signs of failure or successful renewal is “whether the development of new towns was the possibility of a new urban development model or an unfulfilled promise” (p. 38). chapter 2 focuses on the development of socialist new towns, its underlying doctrines of urbanism, as well as their dominant social and ideological mechanisms. szirmai describes the impacts of the transformation during the 1990s on central and eastern european (cee) urbanisation, too. in the scientific literature, the identified processes have often been connected with the question if the urbanisation in communist and post-communist contexts represents a typical catch-up development or follows a specific trajectory (e.g. brade, i. et al. 2009). szirmai takes a modern and global approach to urbanisation. for her, cities are shaped beyond global and transnational power relations “by each country’s specific historical features or regional power and political-social conditions” (p. 48). the following chapters outline the impacts of communism, post-communist transformation and globalisation on urban development and urban socialspatial structures in the national contexts of hungary (szirmai), poland (grzegorz węcławowicz) and slovakia (péter gajdos). here the authors provide detailed historical information on interdependencies between the change from socialist to post-socialist societies and socio-spatial differentiation on the local and regional levels. the focus is the complex connection of urban-rural relations against the backdrop of industrialisation and deindustrialisation. the second part of the book gives an in-depth description of the historical development and social-spatial polarisation in selected new town regions, which were established in line with programmes of rapid industrialisation communist governments implemented in these countries. out of the six new towns the authors of the book scrutinise four are located in hungary. they include the regions of tatabánya (analysed by júlia schuchmann), dunaújváros (nóra baranyai), komló (levente halász) and kazincbarcika (márton berki). a case study from poland on tychy by grzegorz węcławowicz and dagmara mliczynska-hajda, and another study from slovakia on the nová dubnica region by péter gajdos and katarína moravanská supplement the findings of the hungarian case studies. beyond discussing historical considerations, the authors extensively analyse the impact of economic transition and social polarisation on the selected town regions. descriptions are mainly based on census data, the results of in-depth interviews as well as local policy and planning documents. the authors point out key problems that are typical for most of the towns they investigate, like over-aging and depopulation due to declining birth rates and negative migration balances, and social problems, in particular unemployment. it would be interesting here to learn more about the personal living conditions of the inhabitants and about how they evaluate the quality of urban surroundings in the study areas. socioeconomic disparities, both between and within urban areas, also mirror the residents’ ability or inability of social participation, and determine their unequal access to social goods like health and education. 181book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 175–186. the third part of the book takes different comparative perspectives. it aims to identify and explain the ways new towns in hungary responded to the economic crisis. adrienne csizmady and zoltán ferencz investigate whether these towns have been experiencing a similar increase in socio-spatial differences as large towns in hungary with more than 100,000 inhabitants, and juxtapose the two urban types along population statistics and questionnaire surveys. beyond others, the authors consider migration plans of the residents and different structural zones within those city regions. they focus on changing centre-periphery relations and processes of social segregation. as their results reveal, the social structure of inner city areas in bigger traditional cities reflects the conventional western trends with an increase of higher status groups, while this tendency does not apply to the new towns. jános rechnitzer, judit berkes and ádám páthy investigate the position of post-communist new towns in the hungarian urban network. they carry out a cluster analysis based on data concerning occupational structures, employment potential and social indicators like education. they demonstrate that industrial cities in the same cluster are struggling with similar difficulties. nevertheless, some of them managed to cope with the challenges of transformation in a more successful way, while others failed. adrienne csizmady provides detailed explanation for such different urban perspectives through a long-term comparison of socio-economic development in the eleven hungarian new towns, which are gradually becoming old towns. relying mainly on economic and demographic indicators she distinguishes three types of development, namely advanced, stagnant and declining towns. her finding that some cities managed to succeed by utilising their socialist heritage might be surprising on the one hand. on the other hand, it points to the crucial question of how the symbolic and ideological content of new town architecture can contribute to a new urban identity and therefore improve future development prospects. based on urban structure, the image of urban architecture and the location, function and composition of the city centre in the selected six towns kornélia kissfazekas aims to confront planning ideas of communist times with current reality. in fact, she highlights the similarity of planning principles in various countries despite different national contexts due to the massive dominance of soviet-modelled urban planning policy. however, peculiar historical, local and geopolitical trajectories resulted in some differences. an important finding is the need for a new view on communist new towns in light of the fall of communism, and the westernisation of society. kissfazekas emphasises the reinterpretation and increasing attention to the architecture of socialist realism as an important urban strategy. this idea opens up new perspectives regarding the potential of such new towns as loci of national or cultural heritage and social identity-making. the concluding final part discusses the impact of the heritage of communist new towns for contemporary urban societies. this raises the question whether, and if yes, to what extent, the preservation of characteristic features inherited from the communist period provides some potential for future community life. the research presented in the frame of the volume made clear that, despite a considerable trend of social differentiation, the new towns are still workers’ towns, where living conditions of the population are less favourable than the national average. referring to the different degree of social and socio-spatial changes as well as changes in architecture since 1990 viktória szirmai finally puts the question whether artificial towns are sustainable environment for their residents or rather an unfulfilled dream of a new urban way of life. the book does not claim to answer this and related queries finally. however, it sketches out a range of development opportunities and provides comprehensive information on new towns in cee, mainly based on demographic, social and economic statistics. in contrast, little information is provided on how the inhabitants themselves perceive their environment and what they think about the future of their hometowns. i suppose it would be fascinating and important for further research in this field to learn more about the subjective perspectives of the inhabitants. it would require a stronger focus on qualitative approaches and methods, however, to reveal the significance of the structural heritage from communist times for the selfperception of the people and for their everyday lives. in sum, the anthology is a very detailed and informative scientific contribution to a better understanding of social development in new towns of postcommunist central and eastern europe, but also of socio-spatial development in hungary, poland and slovakia in general. all studies and chapters provide remarkable expert information and local knowledge. the analysis of different case studies clarifies that a comprehensive assessment of communist new towns is problematic for the variety of individual settings and development trajectories that are shaped by local impacts and general socio-economic processes in a globalising world. notwithstanding, some reflections on how these findings on communist artificial towns could contribute to the international scientific debate and what we can learn from them for urban contexts around the world could increase the value of the volume. the book contains 54 figures, 33 tables and 20 maps. the appendix with a number of informative photographs taken by the authors give excellent 182 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 175–186. impressions of architecture and the condition of the built environment in the new towns presented in the studies. the volume is warmly recommended to social scientists, architects and representatives of urban and regional planning as well as to university students interested in regional and urban development, especially in the central and eastern european context. karin wiest1 r e f e r e n c e s andrusz, g ., harloe, m . and szelényi, i . eds. 1996. cities after socialism: urban and regional change and conflict in post-socialist societies. oxford, blackwell. borén, t. and gentile, m . 2007. metropolitan processes in post-communist states: an introduction. geografiska annaler: series b, human geography 89. (2): 95–110. brade, i ., herfert, g . and wiest, k . 2009. recent trends and future prospects of socio-spatial differentiation in urban regions of central and eastern europe: a lull before the storm? cities 26. (5): 233–244. ehrlich, k., henn, s., hörschelmann, k., lang, t., miggelbrink, j. and sgibnev, w. 2015. understanding new geographies of central and eastern europe. in new geographies of central and eastern europe. eds.: lang, t., henn, s., sgibnev, w. and ehrlich, k., basingstoke, palgrave macmillan, 1–21. hamilton, f .e .i ., dimitrovska andrews, k . and pichler–milanović, n . eds. 2005. transformation of cities in central and eastern europe: towards globalization. tokyo, united nations university press. smith, a. 2007. articulating neoliberalism: diverse economies and everyday life in “postsocialist” cities. in contesting neoliberalism: urban frontiers. eds.: leitner, h., peck, j. and sheppard, e., new york, guilford press, 204–222. smith, a . and timár, j . 2010. uneven transformations: space, economy and society 20 years after the collapse of state socialism. european urban and regional studies 21. (3): 115–125. stanilov, k . ed. 2007. the post-socialist city: urban form and space transformations in central and eastern europe after socialism. dordrecht, springer. tsenkova, s. 2006. beyond transitions: understanding urban change in post-socialist cities. in the urban mosaic of post-socialist europe. eds.: tsenkova, s . and nedović-budić, z ., heidelberg, physica verlag, 21–50. 1 leibniz institute for regional geography, leipzig, germany. e-mail: k_wiest@ifl-leipzig.de dominguez-mujica, j. (ed.): global change and human mobility 433 b o o k r e v i e w dominguez-mujica, j. (ed.): global change and human mobility. singapore, springer, 2016. 347 p. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.65.4.10 hungarian geographical bulletin 65 2016 (4) migration has accompanied humanity since the dawn of time. viewed in geopolitical, cultural, and ethnic terms, the world in which we live is to an enormous extent the result of migration processes and their implications. present-day migrations, by which i mean in the period since world war ii, have taken on a special character by virtue of their massive extent and dynamism, their ethno-racial and professional structure, their destination countries, and the manifold, increasingly difficult to describe and foresee consequences they give rise to. specialists in the field of contemporary population movements argue that migration analysis should be expanded to include research into ‘human mobility’. a welcome contribution to this ongoing debate can be found in ‘global change and human mobility’, edited and published by springer in 2016. it contains 17 chapters by various authors addressing migration issues, and presents the reader with new trends in human mobility along with new interpretations of familiar processes. after the first chapter, which is both introductory and theoretical, the remainder of the book sets out case studies on various aspects of migration. these are not related to each other and discuss an assortment of themes. commendably, each chapter has an extensive theoretical preface, allowing the reader to understand the nature of the question being addressed, followed by (often very interesting) empirical research. chapter 1 by armando montanari and barbara staniscia introduces the issues which form the central concern of the book. it should be noted that the authors have been very thorough in tracing the development of interest in human mobility, and how multidisciplinary studies have gained in significance. the wide range of research into population movements, in all its various forms, scales, practices and technologies means that the concept of human mobility has many ‘fathers’ (as pointed out by king, r. 2012). today’s widely recognised and formally ‘promulgated’ mobility paradigm gained importance through the publication of john urry’s ‘sociology beyond societies: mobilities for the twenty-first century’ (2000), tim creswell’s ‘on the move’ (2006) and urry’s ‘mobilities’ (2007). according to the authors of chapter 1, the contemporary approach has its roots in comparative studies carried out by the chicago school in the 1920s. these studies resulted in the concept of the dynamism of the urban structure becoming a priority in research from the 1960s onwards, which in turn contributed to the recognition of the phenomenon of human mobility as a research subject in the 1980s. in my opinion, especially worthy of note is the section of the chapter discussing studies conducted over the last 20 years from which we can see the speed of change in this area of research. this chapter will prove useful as an introduction to human mobility as an issue of multidisciplinary research, and a guide to further reading thanks to its extensive bibliography. in chapter 2, daniel göler and ziga krišjāne undertake a comparison of the migration networks formed by migrants from albania and latvia. the authors point out that these networks may respond differently to events of global importance, such as economic crises, therefore in addition to studying phenomena in a transnational dimension, it is also necessary to look at ‘diverse regional characteris434 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 433–446. tics’. in this chapter the authors propose the use of transregionalism as a new conceptual framework, which seems very interesting especially in the context of comparative research in central and eastern europe. however, the choice of case studies is a little surprising. on the one hand, it may be commended as original, but on the other hand, given the diverse history and scale of migration it is somewhat risky. in this light, it would seem appropriate that the applicability of the proposed research framework be tested with further case studies. in chapter 3, dirk godenau and ana lópez-sala examine the problems of unregulated migration and the subject of border control. they attempt to find points of contact between migration and border studies, and as background to their analysis they select initiatives being undertaken along the southern border of europe. this aspect of their contribution is extremely important today, when divisions over migration policy have taken on new significance in the face of the refugee crisis in europe, and have exposed the lack of a common approach to matters of border security. chapter 4 also addresses the issue of unregulated migration, but from the point of view of the situation of women. sinehlanhla memela and brij maharaj present an emotive description of the situation of female refugees and a critical assessment of the effectiveness of previously conceived policy towards them. the chapter is a kind of ‘manifesto’ which emphasises the double discrimination of the women concerned (because of their gender, but also due to political persecution), and puts forward recommendations for improving their lot. chapters 5 to 9 discuss migration and integration issues from various research perspectives. in chapter 5, victor armony deals with immigration policy and the integration model developed in canada. although canada is seen as an almost perfect model country in terms of integration, the author draws attention to the tensions which exist between the francophone-dominated province of quebec and the rest of the country inhabited by an english-speaking majority. he highlights the ongoing struggle between advocates of the multiculturalist and interculturalist models, which is also the reason for the existence of two competing approaches to the integration of newcomers to canada. the next chapter takes us to south america, where susana maría sassone analyses the role of migrants as actors and agents of the spatial transformation of contemporary argentine cities. the author’s study of immigrant communities in the towns and cities of argentina points to a “new profile of the postmodern migrant” (p. 98), who reacts variously to globalisation and creates neighbourhoods in a specific manner – on the basis of transnational relationships. in chapter 7, yann richard, mathilde maurel and william berthomière analyse the relationship between integration and migrant associations in france. the authors examine four immigrant communities (algerian, portuguese, turkish and vietnamese) and ask whether there is a connection between the distribution and density of existing organisations and the degree of migrant integration, and whether membership in those organisations makes easier for migrants to integrate or not. this issue is extremely important from the point of view of integration policy, and therefore the authors are to be commended for seeking to identify the subject. it is a pity, however, that when the authors come to draw conclusions they leave the questions posed at the outset with no clear answer. chapter 8 introduces us to the issue of the integration of the thai community. the authors, daniel šnajdr and dušan drbohlav, focus on strategies adopted by thai migrants in the czech republic, drawing comparisons with four models of migration and integration used by this community (in the us, germany, the uk and scandinavia). the chapter also addresses the important contemporary issue of marriage migration, which in recent years is becoming the domain of women from the poorer regions of southeast asia. chapter 9 takes us into the world of emotions and expectations. anna irimiás and gábor michalkó present the results of research into hungarians who have migrated to the uk. these highlight the significance of the individual expectations of migrants concerning the receiving country at different stages of the migration process, and migrants’ adaptive capacity. an extremely interesting aspect of the chapter is the authors’ description of post-accession migration from central and eastern europe with a focus on the specificity of the behaviour of hungarian migrants. they point out that hungary has traditionally had a ‘sedentarist’ population for whom labour migration is a new phenomenon. chapter 10 addresses the question of illegal immigration from the point of view of the role of social initiatives in the united states attempting to mitigate problems associated with this phenomenon which has aroused such conflicting emotions. miguel glatzer and tara carr-lemke focus on a case study dealing with the new sanctuary movement of philadelphia. they show how this organisation is attempting both to assist irregular migrants to comply with relevant laws, and to change negative public attitudes. chapters 11 to 14 relate to the migration of young people. chapters 11 and 12 focus in particular on the migration behaviours of spanish youth. in the first of the pair, josefina domínguez-mujica, ramón díazhernández and juan parreño-castellano present the general characteristics of the emigration of young people from spain during the last economic crisis, while in the second, birgit glorius describes migration to germany. in both cases, the authors emphasise that contemporary migrations of young people have little in common with past labour migrations and 435book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 433–446. should be treated as a new form of population movement. today’s young migrants are very consciously using their transnational connections to make migration processes more flexible, and are adept at developing different adaptation strategies in the face of changing circumstances. in chapter 13, cristóbal mendoza and anna ortiz examine the academic careers and life transitions of foreign phd students in barcelona. then, in chapter 14, maria lucinda fonseca, sónia pereira and juliana chatti iorio describe the migration of brazilian students to portugal. both these chapters illustrate the very important role played by educational institutions in creating new migration networks, and they also highlight the existence of competition for talent between sending and receiving countries. the last three chapters also deal with issues in which there is growing interest: migration spillover into rural areas, the relationship between development and migration, and environmental migration. in chapter 15, birte nienaber and ursula roos consider whether international migration is contributing to the development of a ‘globalized countryside’ (looking at the example of germany), in line with the premise of cid aguayo (2008), that globalisation processes take place in all aspects of life, even in small settlements. although the authors do not definitively conclude that we can in fact speak of a ‘globalized countryside’, this chapter deserves attention because it describes the important contemporary phenomenon of migration spillover, which is increasingly affecting small towns and rural areas where high migration levels had previously not been experienced. this is a new challenge for integration policy. chapter 16, by ioan ianos, discusses internal and external migration in romania with particular attention to the correlation between migration and economic development. the impact of the eu’s flexible mobility environment on migration patterns is also emphasised. the last chapter, written by judith medina do nascimento, claudio moreno-medina, alexandre n. rodrigues and herculano dinis links two issues: environmental migration and risk management. the migration strategies of local inhabitants and the question of their home area attachment are analysed as a challenge to the borders of volcanic areas at risk. the popularity of population mobility issues has led to the appearance of many related publications. it is extremely difficult to produce a book on this subject which contains original material and thus serves to complement existing studies. ‘global change and human mobility’ has to a large degree been able to achieve this. the book’s authors in the main present fresh subject matter and analysis, unfamiliar to a wider audience. although the level and depth of the content varies, it is noteworthy that in most of the chapters we find a well researched introduction to the given topic, often providing a critical (which i consider a positive trait) evaluation of existing theoretical assumptions. it should be noted, however, that the book focuses on europe and the americas, and does not give examples from other parts of the world. the lack of attention given to asian migration (with the welcome exception of chapter 8) is particularly regrettable as this is a process which is currently in dynamic transition. according to hannam, k. et al. (2006, pp. 9–10), today the area of research into mobility encompasses: “studies of corporeal movement, transportation and communication, capitalist spatial restructuring, migration and immigration, citizenship and transnationalism, and tourism and travel”. this goes far beyond the traditional understanding of migration studies which dominated until recently. from this perspective, i feel that the book could have included a case study on tourism and travel as very significant elements of human mobility. an undoubted strength of the book is the fact that most of its chapters relate to countries where migration transition is taking place, in varying forms. i was particularly interested in the chapters dealing with migration in central and eastern europe. studies relating to this area were for many years focused on analysing the situation in the receiving or sending countries, whereas today there is a very visible trend towards assuming a fluidity in relations between different spaces. studies show that there has been an increase in the intensity and diversity of migrations, which include almost all social groups. very importantly in my view, the diversity of contemporary migrations means that it is increasingly difficult to describe them and foresee their likely impact. the studies contained in ‘global change and human mobility’ attempt to strike a balance between the importance of global (transnational and transregional dimensions) and local factors (associated with locational characteristics). this allows the reader to look for the common characteristics of migrations, but also understand the specific nature of the migration in each case, in line with the assumption that a global process can manifest itself in the form of diverse local phenomena. in my opinion the book can be recommended to a wide audience, including scholars, students and all those interested in contemporary migrations. although specialist issues are addressed, readers will be able to understand the nature of a given problem to be analysed thanks to the detailed chapter introductions. as a university teacher, i believe this book will be very helpful in working with students, as each of the chapters can be a starting point for many hours of discussion. barbara jaczewska1 translated by mark znidericz 1 faculty of geography and regional studies, university of warsaw, warsaw. e-mail: bgibki@uw.edu.pl 436 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 433–446. r e f e r e n c e s aguayo, c.b.e. 2008. global villages and rural cosmopolitanism: exploring global ruralities. globalizations 5. (4): 541–554. bauman, z. 2000. liquid modernity. cambridge, polity. cresswell, t. 2006. on the move: mobility in the modern western world. london, routledge. hannam, k., sheller, m. and urry, j. 2006. mobilities, immobilities and moorings. mobilities 1. (1): 1–22. king, r. 2012. geography and migration studies: retrospect and prospect. population, space and place 18. (2): 134–153. urry, j. 2000. sociology beyond societies: mobilities for the 21st century. london, routledge. urry, j. 2007. mobilities. cambridge, polity. 209book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 209–220.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.69.2.8 hungarian geographical bulletin 69 2020 (2) b o o k r e v i e w s e c t i o n are we going fast enough to cope? this is the most frequent question that has been asked over the companies since 2011. it was the year that has introduced the fourth industrial revolution to our lives that became one of the biggest debates among companies, politicians, scholars, and even the primary school teachers. so, are we going in the right direction to cope with this revolution in our life? this is a big question, which needs a bigger answer. however, with the uncertainty that we have in our life caused by natural disasters as well as human-made disasters, are we able to cope with this revolution in the sake of managing the unforeseen and to promote a better life for human beings? this book is an attempt to give an overview of the issues that organisations are facing in adopting industry 4.0, now and later. for sure, it cannot answer the whole question, but discusses a wide range of industry 4.0 related issues, future models and the development of a set of sustainable management tools to cope with this revolution to close the gap between academic investigations and actual feasibility. the book editor, professor srikanta patnaik has already written several publications in connection with the new technological revolution. the book has eight chapters, and each of them discusses a certain issue to cover some of the managerial challenges and the decision-making framework in the industry 4.0, as well as certain areas of manufacturing and education techniques that can be adopted in the upcoming period. it also goes beyond, investigating how the new it systems can support sustainability in firms hiring artificial intelligence (ai) in the manufacturing and inspection, and it discusses some technical matters of industry 4.0 too. many books can promote further research on industry 4.0. this volume is one of them, even if the topic is hard to be covered in one book. however, after reading the book i have chosen only two chapters (first and third) for a more detailed review, because these are more closely connected to industry 4.0 in a way that has explicit relevance for those working in the field of geography, particularly in the disaster and crises management. the first chapter discusses “one effective way to the risk factors integrating machine learning (ml) into industry 4.0 applications” (p. 1). here is a direct example of applying ml in industry 4.0 to introduce geographical information systems to the decisionmaking process to manage natural disasters and, more broadly, to manage risks. the third chapter is related to the education gap that has been caused by industry 4.0, where lack of training and education is one of the biggest obstacles (beyond low infrastructural development) to use industry 4.0 applications not only in gis and disaster management, but in many other fields as well. another obstacle for education is scarce financial means due to which we need open-source software to teach how can deal with industry 4.0 applications. the first chapter considers the field of ml techniques to be integrated into the industry 4.0 applications to manage risks as the main subject. the authors have categorised risks into four main groups: volatility, uncertainty, complexity and ambiguity patnaik, s. (ed.): new paradigm of industry 4.0: internet of things, big data & cyber physical systems. bhubaneswar, springer, 2020. 180 p. 210 book review section– hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 209–220. (vuca) according to the old classifications of us army war college from 1991. the authors also brought some information about the background of industry 4.0 based on ai, big data, internet of things (iot), cyber physical systems (cps), information and communication technology (ict) and radio frequency identification (rfid), these applications had their foundations laid during the third industrial revolution. it is interesting to note that every industrial revolution has its own sides of risks. this chapter proposes a way of managing risks using ml, taking into consideration that ml is a subset of ai. ml can be defined in a same way as any data processing. it uses algorithms that are adopted and analytically formed to train the identified and tested database. the steps of any data process are the followings: 1. data collection, 2. data pre-processing, 3. model building, 4. model training and testing, 5. performance evaluation and model prediction of desired results. ml algorithms were classified into three major groups: supervised, unsupervised and reinforcement learning. ml applied techniques have been used to manage vuca, starting from the late 19th century not only in commercial crises management but also in natural and human-made disasters. they also classified many parameters of risks, developing algorithms for each parameter to improve ml process in risk management. moreover, the authors started to highlight the role of some ml techniques used for managing risks that can occur within industrial platforms. this chapter also explains ml algorithms, and after each explanation, a series of recent studies gives examples for the applications of each ml type. one such application is in food production, which is highly volatile and uncertain depending on the customer’s expectations and needs. it is also affected by traffic conditions. increasing traffic and traffic jams due to increasing number of vehicles can endanger the quality of products (e.g. dairy products), and this can lead to less customer satisfaction and financial losses. ml is a good solution for the traffic condition forecasting. it analyses the historic data of roads and gives predictions about their conditions and traffic for example on google maps. the second one of the ml applications is the role of logistic regression. it is also supervised by ml algorithm that can be applied in the weather forecasting and in many other fields (healthcare system, voting etc.). a rich literature review about the different applications is also available here for readers. of the application methods, the role of forest (rf) is also worth mentioning. in this chapter the authors also demonstrate a well submitted literature review to provide real life examples using ml techniques. one ml method employed by wang, z. et al. (2015) was mentioned as an example for the use of ml in geographical and decision support systems for disaster management. this case was a novel approach to flood hazard risk assessment, using rf as a method and support vector machine learning (svm) as a risk assessment comparison to solve a non-linear problem. based on four previous floods in the chinese dongjiang river basin, five thousand samples of eleven risk indicators were taken into consideration. this river is the primary water source of six highly populated and developed cities: ganzhou, heyuan, huizhou, dongguan, guangzhou, shenzhen and hong kong. however, after applying rf and svm they were able to produce spatial distributions and assessment maps showing the place and frequency of each risk indicator. in consequence, ml techniques based on the rf classifier were able to exclude six out of eleven indicators with different importance. taken as a whole, this was a great way to employ ml to identify risks and reduce time and efforts (wang, z. et al. 2015). before discussing how we can use the industry 4.0 applications in disaster management using the big data and iot in gis, it is worth to retrospect. the use of gis in disaster and crises management has been known from 1849 when john snow traced the source place of cholera in london (snow, j. 1991). in the 1960s its usage started to be wide, but at that time it was only a few terabytes. however, with the extraction of social media data, crowdsource data and remote sensing data (using open-source satellites systems), not to forget higher resolutions, high definition layers, and the big number of drones and cellular phones that have been in use as well, the amount of gis data has grown bigger than ever. european space agency (esa) by itself generates tens of terabytes per day. iot in this matter generates huge geo-coded temporal, and real-time data (azaz, l. 2011). this means that it can be too big for too many users to download and (or to) process, therefore the solution was to link it to space using the cloud computing. this allows data sets to be overlaid to the algorithms of ml (klein, l.j. et al. 2015). however, several software can be used to manage this kind of big data, one of them is pairs geoscope. this software can be used for physical analytics integrated data and repository services. it has been made to handle the complexity and size of geospatial-temporal data. this software with the use of industry 4.0 concepts can also use other technologies like geomesa and geowave, which are open-sources for geospatial-temporal indexing big databases (albrecht, c.m. et al. 2020). this software also allows us to be connected through the usage of iot and historical imagery stored in it. in this way we can draw many of post disasters scenarios, to help us in the lesson (de perez, e.c. et al. 2014). geospatial information is one of the most important information that can be used in disaster management (dm). big data and cloud computing have made it easier to use this information. the major elements of the dm cycle are the followings: prepar211book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 209–220. edness, response, mitigation, and recovery (thomas, d.s.k. 2018). the real-life example shows how the sensor’s information was used during and after an earthquake from a ground-based sensor like the seismic sensor network operated by the u.s. geological survey (usgs) and the global seismic sensor network. this was used in lombok (indonesia) disaster where a 6.8-magnitude earthquake happened on august 5, 2018. just hours after the disaster, the analysis of earth surface displacements was available. using the synthetic aperture radar (sar) and the signals acquired by the european space agency was also an effective way to reach infrastructure analysis after disasters (albrecht, c.m. et al. 2020). in the mitigation phase of the dm, evacuation, rescue and relief have to be taken immediately after the disaster to reduce its impacts (risk reduction). using big data and cloud computing we can reach lots of people and houses, and also the critical infrastructure that may be affected within the area. then this information can be directed to the first-response teams and it can help in the search and rescue operations (he, l. and yue, p. 2019). we can also process the remote sensing images and drones quickly to be integrated into geophysical models to assess the damage (flesch, r. 2007). not only in case of earthquakes, but in many other cases as well (e.g. wildfire disasters), we can use modelling that is highly dependent on geospatial temporal data to know the soil, humidity, temperature and many parameters that can determine the spread of the fire. we can also determine the right way to dispatch the response teams using these data sets, like the european union system and the national aeronautics and space administration system, which provide operational data for wildfire tracking using landsat with resolution reaching up to 10 metres (albrecht, c.m. et al. 2020). dealing with these systems that are using the industry 4.0 applications needs a software to code and decode programming languages. one of the most popular programming languages is python (klein, l.j. et al. 2015), which is open source with no hidden costs. chapter 3 discusses a very important field in the era of industry 4.0 which is education using a lowcost open-source hands-on industry 4.0 education software, a recommendation of python as the ideal tool for laboratories. to cover most of industry 4.0 skills gap that it’s affecting the implementing process where the largest gap is the skills in the field of big data. this chapter went to all the hands-on ways of education to prepare the young as well as the experienced workforce. it gives examples from many countries on how they set up their laboratories, also in terms of software. we can see the turkish-german university (istanbul, turkey) and graz university (austria) here as good examples. but they are expensive ones as well, so the author is focusing on low-cost software that can be afforded. the author describes this software as “the glue or the bridge between all the systems” (p. 39.), providing a comparison among five such kinds of software. the focus is here on python, which is for free (open source). taken as a whole, the chapter does not give an exact answer how to fill the gap of skills. after summarising the book, i would say that it has ups and downs if we focus on industry 4.0, the central topic of the book according to its title. yet, it can be the starting point for many researches. overall, it is a good read, but it does not give a good overview on industry 4.0 compared to other pieces of literature. in spite of this, i would recommend this book primarily for those who are working in disaster management and who are geospatial information specialists in disaster management. the first chapter, which is a most valuable part of the book, will be very useful to them. the book can also be important for those working on filling the skill gap caused by industry 4.0, for they can get a broader overview of relevant applications. the other parts of the book dealing with different industries (e.g. furniture, textile) and environmental issues could be more insightful if they handled industry 4.0 as a solution to help, but not to replace, the workforce in the textile industry of india. however, these parts of the book can be useful for decision makers, who can read about many ways for improved decision making when it comes to green supply chains and the use of statistical methods to improve their decisions. the volume can also be a useful starting point to read about the fourth industrial revolution, for some chapters help the reader better understand the technical formation of industry 4.0. abdelkarim alhloul1 r e f e r e n c e s albrecht, c.m., elmegreen, b., gunawan, o., hamann, h.f., klein, l.j., lu, s., mariano, f., siebenschuh, c. and schmude, j. 2020. nextgeneration geospatial-temporal information technologies for disaster management. ibm journal of research and development 64. (1–2): 1–12. available at https://doi.org/10.1147/jrd.2020.2970903 azaz, l. 2011. the use of geographic information systems (gis) in business. a paper for international conference on humanities, geography and economics. pattaya, thailand, ichge’2011. 299–303. de perez, e.c., monasso, f., van aalst, m. and suarez, p. 2014. science to prevent disasters. nature 1 széchenyi istván doctoral school, lámfalussy sándor faculty of economics, university of sopron, sopron, hungary. e-mail: abdhloul@gmail.com 212 book review section– hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 209–220. geoscience 7. (2): 78–79. available at https://doi. org/10.1038/ngeo2081 flesch, r. 2007. european manual for in-situ assessment of important existing structures. lessloss report no. 2007/02. pavia, italy, istituto universitario di studi superiori. he, l. and yue, p. 2019. a cloud-enabled geospatial big data platform for disaster information services. paper for geoscience and remote sensing (igarss), ieee international symposium 2019. yokohama, japan. available at https://doi.org/10.1109/ igarss.2019.8898893 klein, l.j., marianno, f.j., albrecht, c.m., freitag, m., lu, s., hinds, n. and hamann, h.f. 2015. pairs: a scalable geo-spatial data analytics platform. paper for the ieee international conference on big data, 2015. santa clara, usa. available at https:// doi.org/10.1109/bigdata.2015.7363884 snow, j. 1991. on the mode of communication of cholera, 1855. salud publica de mexico 33. (2): 194–201. thomas, d.s.k. 2018. the role of geographic information science & technology in disaster management. in handbook of disaster research. eds.: rodríguez, h., donner, w. and trainer, j.e., cham, springer. available at https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-31963254-4_16 wang, z., lai, c., chen, x., yang, b., zhao, s. and bai, x. 2015. flood hazard risk assessment model based on random forest. journal of hydrology 527. 1130–1141. available at https://doi.org/10.1016/j. jhydrol.2015.06.008 8_book review.indd 77 b o o k r e v i e w koulov, b. and zhelezov, g. (eds): sustainable mountain regions: challenges and perspectives in southeastern europe. switzerland, springer, 2016. 268 p doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.66.1.8 hungarian geographical bulletin 66 2017 (1) the outcome document of the rio +20 conference on sustainable development states that the benefits derived from mountain regions are essential for sustainable development and encourages states to incorporate mountain-specific policies into sustainable development strategies (the future we want 2012). the mountain areas of europe have social, economic and environmental capital of significance for the entire continent (eea 2010). however, until recently, eu policy paid little specific attention to mountains. they appeared in the cohesion policy as regions with “severe and permanent natural or demographic handicaps”, while with regard to agriculture and rural development they were identified as “less favoured areas” (price, m. 2016a, p. 376). the accession of new member states with large mountainous areas after the millennium has increased the area and proportion of such areas in the eu. the mountainous regions of the new member states, especially in southeastern europe, are often inner peripheries, their prospects further worsened by their border status (koulov, b. 2016). partly as a consequence, attention has started to turn to mountain regions in recent years. as gløersen, e. et al. (2015) state, although mountain areas in the eu are too diverse to elaborate an integrated european strategy, a framework for development strategies in mountain areas can be developed. in 2016 the european parliament asked for a regular assessment of the condition of the eu’s mountain areas and of the implementation of cohesion policy programmes (price, m. 2016a). yet, necessary information is not equally available from the european mountain regions. in 2010 the project ‘mountain.trip’ found that eu funded research was unevenly distributed among different european mountain regions with the emphasis on the alps and later the carpathians. according to their findings, possible causes for this could be later eu accession, the lack of know-how and experience in carrying out eu research projects, or simply low visibility due to language barriers (mountain.trip). price, m. (2016b) argues that the development and implementation of the carpathian convention, signed in 2003, were critical factors in the comprehensive and comparable mapping of the characteristics of the carpathians, whereas a similar convention in southeastern european mountains is still lacking. seemore, an international network of scientists working in the mountains of the southeastern european region, was launched in 2009, fostered by the mountain research initiative (mri). this book, ‘sustainable mountain regions: challenges and perspectives in southeastern europe’ apparently comprises research presented at the 5th seemore meeting held in borovets (bulgaria) in 2015. a proclaimed aim of this meeting was to promote the establishment of a balkan convention on sustainable mountain regions, similar to the already existing alpine and carpathian conventions. the volume contains 19 studies (chapters) from 11 central and southeastern european states, although the majority of them (9 chapters) are related to bulgaria. the chapters are grouped into five major parts, entitled ‘sustainable policies in mountain regions’, ‘natural resources and ecosystem services: adaptation to climate change’, ‘mountain economies’, ‘mountain ecology, risks and protected areas’, and ‘population and heritage challenges’. due to the very wide variety of topics, including both physical geographical and socio-economic aspects, 78 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 77–87. it must have been a very difficult task to create the structure of the volume which, as a result, seems somewhat haphazard. therefore the chapters are reviewed with a slightly different logic. in chapter 1, which is related to regional development policy, the authors analyse the relevant regulatory framework and related geographic problems of regional development policies from a bulgarian perspective. after giving a thorough overview of changes in mountain-related policy in bulgaria in the near past, they argue that policy instability and inadequate territorial policy integration are the main challenges at the state scale. a more precise definition of mountainous regions and their delineation are important tasks and prerequisite of the selection of regions that are eligible for assistance. as for the eu scale, they consider the lack of territorial policy integration and inept priority setting in regional development as the greatest challenge. by the latter, the authors understand that instead of targeting the southeastern european mountain regions as a priority of eu regional development policy, the eu supports the carpathian and alpine conventions, in which three southern eu countries (greece, croatia and bulgaria) with considerable mountain regions are not included. the chapter leaves it at that, but possible solutions are mentioned in the preface of the book where either the extension of the carpathian convention or the launch of a new balkan convention are brought up. there is also promising recent progress in directing the attention of the eu to mountain regions (see price, m. 2016a). in chapter 15, a slightly different but still policy-related study, the author examines spatial discrepancies and potential linkages of ecological networks in the border region of serbia and bulgaria. he makes suggestions for the designation of some more future natura 2000 areas in serbia, so that there would be direct linkages to already existing protection areas in the neighbouring countries. the most pronounced topic in the book is, not surprisingly, sustainable tourism. in most mountainous regions, traditional occupations are usually related to agriculture, mainly forestry and grazing, but in modern times tourism partly replaces, partly complements these. as gløersen, e. et al. (2015) state, sustainable tourism is widely advocated as a means for economic restructuring and local development. there are six related chapters throughout the volume. the first of these (chapter 2) is an insightful study from italy (south tyrol), which examines the cooperation models of small structured farms in the alps. according to the study, the limited production capacity of local farms in the face of increasing demand and problems like seasonality inspire horizontal (between farmers) or vertical (e.g. farmers-accommodations) cooperation. based on a case study analysis, the authors scrutinise some possible solutions (for instance certification of food products, regional food quality standards and logistics cooperation) and the related experience of the local stakeholders and finally identify four models. they conclude that such cooperation needs a strong basis of trust and the creation and maintenance of such regional systems do not necessarily result in increased profit but rather in social, cultural and innovation benefits. chapter 8 presents patterns of local tourism development in bulgaria, describing and comparing the recent development processes of three destinations. the study intends to fill in a gap because, as the authors state, such information at the local level is very hard to access in bulgaria. they find that although the three areas are different in their patterns of tourism development, a few general conclusions can be drawn. in their view, available attractions are ‘necessary’ requirements for success, whereas the will to promote tourism through developing accommodation and infrastructure is a ‘sufficient’ condition. finally, partnerships and networks seem to be essential in achieving sustainability. chapter 9 is a study from greece, where the authors examine the possibilities and potential of an e-tourism application, developed specifically for an area where a city and its sights are close to a mountain region. most of the information and techniques proposed are already existing and available as well, but not in an integrated form. the authors state that besides its potential role in marketing, the value of such an app would also be to enhance and promote the identity of a region. furthermore, it could help address navigational and risk issues (e.g. bad weather and dangerous spots). chapter 10 compares the perceived and actual roles of destination management organisations (dmos) in sustainable mountain tourism, based on data gathered from highly successful tourist destinations in the alps (in switzerland, austria, italy and germany). according to the findings of this study, in these areas sustainability used to be added value, but it is increasingly becoming a requirement, insofar it helps clear brand positioning. a successful improvement of cooperation, however, would need a strategic approach and a specialised organisation which is in charge of putting this approach into practice. the results show that dmos have basic tasks such as marketing, but sustainability is also widely seen as their role. yet, they consider themselves as lacking the resources to become leaders in sustainability, which they think to be more the task of the government. another important finding is that many of the destinations keep regarding the economic aspect of sustainability the most important, namely they work towards sustainability because it provides a competitive advantage. the authors suggest that modern dmos should take up the leading role in sustainable tourism and suggest concrete steps to achieve this. 79book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 77–87. chapter 18 is a case study from turkey, which examines how the increasing number of domestic tourists affects the summer pastures of the mountains of the eastern black sea region. according to the author’s results transhumance activities have declined from the 1950s due to many young inhabitants moving into cities, but recreation, partly promoted by the authorities, started to get into the foreground. still, these changes affect the region in socio-economic, cultural and ecological sense as well, especially since there is a lot of unplanned development. finally, the last of the tourism-related chapters, chapter 19, examines the role of cultural heritage in the development of mountain tourism on the example of rudnik mountain, serbia. the above studies on tourism may seem to be very different in geographical scope as well as methodology, but they point to some general conclusions. while real sustainability can only be achieved with strategic thinking, which requires some leading institution and/or consistent policy, the everyday paradoxes and practical issues are most effectively solved at the small scale, through mutual trust and cooperation of the local stakeholders. another major group of studies (five chapters) deals with ecosystem services and risk mapping, most of them in relation to water regulation and flood. the studies in this group apply similar methodologies, mainly gis-based analysis. chapter 3 presents the application of gis-based hydrological models, developed in the us, for the assessment of three waterrelated ecosystem services in the ogosta watershed, bulgaria. these ecosystem services include two regulation services (water flow regulation and water purification), and one provision service (freshwater). the authors apply the models successfully, despite some inadequacies of the available data. the authors of chapter 4 aim to map carbon storage in the central balkans based on land use and land cover data. they create detailed maps based on the corine database and world view2 imagery and apply the invest model to calculate carbon stock. they compare the modelled results with reference data from field sampling. according to the results, total carbon stocks modelled with invest are higher than the reference values, thus the authors conclude the model would need further validation. in chapter 7 the author focuses on mapping the water retention ability of the landscape and estimating the effect of current landscape structure on this capacity in the poprad river basin, slovakia. the subbasins were classified into four hydric significance classes, from limited to excellent. according to the results all four categories are present in the basin, but most of the area falls into the good or average classes. landscape structure is found to have a significant effect on water retention ability. chapter 13 examines the flood regulation capacity of a small catchment in bulgaria. the study focuses on landscape units, and is based on the water retention ability of different individual landscape structure elements, which are represented with different weights. according to the results the area is threatened by a loss of water retention capacity. in chapter 14 the authors also apply gis methods and remote sensing (rs) data for modelling potential natural hazard areas in the mountainous border area between bulgaria and macedonia. besides defining the ‘potentially floodable area’, soil erosion as well as sediment yield is modelled, and landslide susceptibility and forest fire risk are also mapped. according to the authors’ findings, excessive erosion is the worst hazard in the area and landslides are connected to that. geographical information systems (gis) are powerful tools which enable researchers and planners to integrate information and carry out detailed analyses of even large areas, which are crucial for regional planning. the (un)availability of data, either input or reference, can be a serious limitation though, as all studies mention it. although it is a crucial issue in most mountain regions, only two chapters deal with the impact of climate change. in chapter 6 the authors present a study where the potential effects of future climate change (based on the predictions of the regional climate model regcm 4.4) are examined on the technical and natural snow reliability of four major ski resorts in bulgaria for the period 2016–2030. according to the results, total snowmaking capacities would only decrease slightly. chapter 17 is related to climate change in a different way, since it deals with already existing impacts, namely the changes of three small glaciers in the julian alps. the authors apply an interactive orientation method on archive photos, the earliest from the late 19th century, where they use detailed dtms to define the area of glaciers. they find an almost continuous decrease, except for a few years around 2010. they also consider the use of this methodology for other glaciers in southeastern europe, also for other sorts of research like studying floods or landscape changes. the remaining four chapters deal with geo-ecological aspects of the mountain regions, both in terms of natural vegetation (in this case, forests) and in terms of invasive species. the spread of invasive species is a significant threat to native wildlife worldwide, while forest management is one of the main income-generating activities for the population of mountainous areas. therefore, such research is of high importance from the sustainability point of view. climate changeinduced disturbances are becoming more frequent, so even economic interest dictates that resilience must be increased. in chapter 5 the authors examine how the nonintervention management of protected subalpine spruce forests in bulgaria is compatible with the climate change-induced increase of disturbances. according to their findings, disturbances are part of 80 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 77–87. the natural cycle, and resilience depends on the presence of natural structure elements most often missing in managed forests. therefore, they suggest the adoption of long-term regeneration sylvicultural systems, which allow continuous forest cover and a higher diversity of structural elements. in chapter 11 the authors present a new concept of forest protection in slovakia, based on real and potential geo-ecosystems. they first describe the system and draw some general conclusions on the occurrence and protection status of the different types. then they make suggestions on how this system could be used as a basis for planning in the future both for designating protected areas and designing ecological corridors. in chapter 12 the authors present a gis-based potential distribution model for the invasive species ailanthus altissima in romania. the model successfully identifies areas with different distribution potentials. the modelled and the actual occurrence show an overlap of 70 per cent for the high and very high potential areas. and finally, chapter 16 is a case study from mala planina, bulgaria, in which the authors identify the invasive species which have already spread in the area and others, which have the ability to become invasive. as described above in detail, the book mainly contains case studies, which are all the more interesting because information from many of the described regions is often hard to access or completely lacking. it provides valuable insight into recent research conducted in the southeastern european mountain regions. and thus it can be of interest to a diverse audience, including students, researchers and practitioners of different fields, e.g. in the fields of geography, ecology, environmental studies and tourism. however as a book it fails to provide a synthesis, which could have been a step towards realising the wish formulated in the preface that the mountainous border regions of southeastern europe become a special target of an eu-scale regional development policy. still, it reaches its goal of providing multiple pieces of evidence that sustainability principles should be used at every scale of geo-ecologic planning in mountain regions. eszter tanács1 r e f e r e n c e s eea – european environment agency 2010. europe’s ecological backbone: recognising the true value of our mountains. copenhagen, european environment agency. available at: http://www.eea.europa.eu/ 1 department of climatology and landscape ecology, university of szeged, szeged, hungary. e-mail: nadragulya@geo.u-szeged.hu publications/europes-ecologicalbackbone (accessed 24.02.2017). gløersen, e., price, m., borec, a., dax, t. and giordano, b. 2016. research for regi committee – cohesion in mountainous regions of the eu. brussels, european parliament. available at: http://www. europarl.eu/regdata/etudes/stud/2016/573420/ ipol_stu% 28016%29573420_en.pdf (accessed 24.02.2017). koulov, b. 2016. eu ‘deep’ periphery: a case study of mountain borderlands in bulgaria. revue roumaine de géographie/romanian journal of geography 60. (1): 61–72. mountain.trip. project results and recommendations. available at: http://www.mountaintrip. eu/about-mountaintrip/results/25-main.menu/ articles/111-more-results-from-wp2.html (accessed 24.02.2017). price, m.f. 2016a. mountains move up the european agenda. mountain research and development 36. (3): 376–379. price, m.f. 2016b. sustainable development in mountain regions: southeastern europe and sustainable mountain regions: challenges and perspectives in southeastern europe. mountain research and development 36. (3): 394–395. the future we want. outcome document of the united nations conference on sustainable development, rio de janeiro, brazil, 20–22 june 2012. available at: https://sustainable development.un.org/content/ documents/733futurewewant.pdf (accessed 24.02.2017). 4_fullen.indd 301fullen, m.a. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 301–306.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.64.4.4 hungarian geographical bulletin 64 2015 (4) 301–306. the shasea project to promote sustainable agro-environmental development in the highlands of south-east asia, an international multidisciplinary research team, funded by the european union, examined the eff ectiveness of selected agronomic and soil conservation treatments (eu contract number erbic18 ct98 0326) (fullen, m.a. 2004). the team used both modifi ed and novel cropping practises within farmer-managed small fi elds on a natural and representative catchment (wang jia) in the highlands of yunnan province, china (25o28’n, 102o53’e). the ‘sustainable highland agriculture in south-east asia’ (shasea) project involved five co-ordinated work-packages: (i) background agricultural and environmental assessment of wang jia catchment; (ii) implementation and evaluation of modifi ed and novel watershed cropping systems for wheat, maize (corn) and soybean; (iii) cost-benefi t analyses of the socio-economic impacts of cropping practice changes; (iv) comparative scientifi c evaluation of cropping techniques in the highlands of northern thailand at pang mapa, mae hong son province (19o33’n, 98o12’e) and (v) dissemination of project outcomes and establishment of training programmes for best practise in highland rural development. from each of these, project lessons for promoting sustainable agro-environmental physical geography and closed loop recycling michael a. fullen1 abstract there is a growing body of research projects spanning over three decades that have provided insights into the concept of waste management, a topic standing in the focal point of environmental issues. in this paper, the ‘shasea project,’ ‘borassus project,’ yuanyang project’ and ‘cradle to cradle bizz project’ are summarized and integrated to present a revised philosophical view that nature has no concept of ‘waste.’the ‘sustainable highland agriculture in south-east asia’ (shasea) project, funded by the european union, was established to promote sustainable agro-environmental development in the highlands of south-east asia. the project examined the eff ectiveness of selected agronomic and soil conservation treatments by using both modifi ed and novel cropping practices within small farmer-managed fi elds. the eu-funded borassus project evaluated the long-term eff ectiveness of biological geotextiles in controlling soil erosion and assessing their sustainability and economic viability. biological geotextiles off er potentially novel bioengineering solutions to environmental problems (e.g. soil conservation, sustainable plant production and improved ecosystem management). biogeotextiles may provide socio-economic platforms for sustainable development. a complex and sustainable agro-environmental system of terraced rice paddy fi elds in yuanyang developed by the hani minority people of yunnan province was the basis of an illuminating project which teaches us many lessons on waste management, the ‘agro-environmental sustainability of the yuanyang rice terraces of yunnan province, china’. the hani people have maintained this intricate and elaborate system for over 1,300 years. if we can understand how this system is sustained, we can learn lessons which hopefully can be applied more generally. the innovative approach of ‘cradle to cradle’ (c2c) technology promotes and develops closed loop recycling. at the end of a useful life time, c2c items are disassembled and reassembled for other uses. lessons from the ‘c2c bizz’ project (funded by the eu ‘interreg ivb north west europe programme) are also reviewed in this study. keywords: biogeotextiles, cradle to cradle, recycling, resources, waste 1 faculty of science and engineering, the university of wolverhampton, wolverhampton wv1 1ly, uk. e-mail: m.fullen@wlv.ac.uk fullen, m.a. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 301–306.302 development in tropical and subtropical highlands include: (a) the importance of recognizing the value of both ‘north-south’ and ‘south-south’ co-operation in development projects; (b) integrating local communities as full partners in the research programme; (c) matching the diff erent ‘time horizons’ of the various stakeholders and (d) developing multidisciplinary teams, which included both biophysical scientists and socio-economists. during 1999, based on fi eld and plot experience, the team designed a composite maize cropping system to maximize both crop yield and soil/water conservation, known as the ‘integrated contour cultivation, plastic and straw mulch treatment’ (incoplast) (figure 1). the system combines contour cultivation, straw mulch and plastic mulch (fullen, m.a. 2004). to establish early crop growth and to maximize yield, irrigation water is applied prior to monsoon rains. the incoplast system is then installed, to both maximize yield (by addition of plastic mulch) and conserve soil, water and associated nutrients (by installation of contour cultivation and straw mulch). ridge morphology is shaped to route water towards the maize roots beneath the plastic mulch. experiments proved soil bulk densities beneath the plastic mulch remained low throughout the growing season, thus promoting easier root penetration, higher aeration porosity, higher infiltration and lower runoff rates (subedi, m. et al. 2009). plot borders were grassed, to retain soil and water within the arable fi elds. the incoplast system proved eff ective for soil and water conservation and signifi cantly increased crop productivity (wang, shuhui 2003) (table 1). the borassus project the three-year plus (1 july 2005--28 february 2009) eu-funded borassus project (contract no. inco-ct-2005-510745) evaluated the long-term eff ectiveness of biological geotextiles in controlling soil erosion and assessing their sustainability and economic viability (fullen, m.a. et al. 2011). field and laboratory studies indicated that utilization of biological geotextiles constructed from palm-leaves and other selected organic materials are an effig.1. the incoplast (integrated contour cultivation with plastic and wheat straw mulch) system used on experimental fi elds in wang jia catchment table 1. grain weight (t/ha, corrected to 13% moisture) from wang jia catchment plots over three seasons treatments* 1999 increasing % vs. d 2000 increasing % vs. d 2001 increasing % vs. d d c c + p c + p + s f p lsd 7.26a 8.08a 11.19b 10.80b 37.46 <0.01 1.39 t 0.0 11.2 54.0 48.7 – – – 7.82 8.81 9.49 9.70 1.49 0.28 – 0.0 12.7 21.4 24.0 – – – 6.21a 6.66a 8.27b 8.42b 16.17 <0.01 0.88 t 0.0 7.2 33.2 35.5 – – – *diff erent lett ers denote signifi cant (p <0.05) diff erences. d = downslope cultivation without mulch; c = contour cultivation without mulch; c+p = contour cultivation with polythene mulch; c+p+s = contour cultivation with polythene and wheat straw mulch (incoplast). source: wang, shuhui 2003. 303fullen, m.a. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 301–306. fective, sustainable and economically viable soil conservation technique. these studies progressed in 10 countries, both in the ‘industrial north’ (in europe) and in the ‘developing south’ (africa, south america and south east asia). the studied countries in the ‘developing south’ included brazil, china, gambia, south africa, thailand and vietnam. the ‘industrial north’ countries included belgium, hungary, lithuania and the uk. biological geotextiles off er potentially novel bioengineering solutions to environmental problems, including technologies for soil conservation, sustainable plant production and use of indigenous plants, improved ecosystem management by decreasing deforestation, improving agroforestry and cost-eff ective biogeotextile applications in diverse environments. biogeotextiles may provide socio-economic platforms for sustainable development and the benefits for developing countries may include poverty alleviation, engagement of local people as stakeholders, employment for disadvantaged groups, small and medium enterprise (sme) development, earning hard currency, environmental education and local community involvement in land reclamation and environmental education programmes. these benefi ts are achieved through: (i) promotion of sustainable and environmentally friendly palm-agriculture to discourage deforestation, promoting both reforestation and agroforestry, (ii) construction of biogeotextiles enabling development of a rural labour-intensive industry, particularly encouraging employment of socially disadvantaged groups, and (iii) export of biogeotextiles to industrialised countries could earn hard currency for developing economies, based on the principles of fair trade. the borassus project off ers many insights into sustainability and waste issues, especially in são luís, maranhão state, north-east brazil (guerra, a.j.t. et al. 2014). this work-package assessed the eff ects of biological geotextiles, constructed from the palm leaves of mauritia fl exuosa (buriti), in the reclamation of a large (~10 m deep) gully. accelerated erosion in sacavém gully (são luís) is enhanced by intense rains, acting in combination with vegetation clearance and the erodible sandy soil texture. intense human action, with inappropriate soil use and irregular sett lement, also plays a very important role in promoting gully erosion. the gully was stabilized using a combination of land-sculpturing, planting and the application of geotextiles. only one month aft er the rehabilitation work was completed, the area was exposed to intense erosive rains (one-month total 753.7 mm, with a recurrence interval of ~60 years). vegetation resisted erosion and the buriti geotextiles seemed to have achieved the main aim of arresting erosion and rehabilitating the gullied area. integrating the results indicate positive effects of using biological geotextiles, as they offer potential for sustainable development and soil conservation. furthermore, they can also be used for economic development, creating jobs and reducing poverty in poor urban areas. the higher-quality buruti leaves are used for the handicraft manufacture of gift items for tourists (e.g. handbags, purses, wallets and hats). coarse discarded leaves are used to construct the biogeotextiles. on decomposition, the leaves input nutrients into the soil, especially potassium (k), magnesium (mg), calcium (ca) and sulphur (s). the leaves can also be burned and added as an ash-fertilizer to soils. the fruit is used to make fruit juice, ice cream and alcoholic beverages. the palm oil is used for skin care and may be useful for preventing skin cancer. on the death of the palm trees, the wood can be carved into boxes, statues and other trinkets for sale to tourists. therefore, soil conservation and economic development are compatible and the sacavém gully may well be an excellent exemplar of a zero-waste closed loop recycling system. long-term monitoring at sacavém will enable thorough evaluation of the eff ectiveness of an integrated soil conservation programme on both erosion rates and processes and sustainable economic development. the ongoing site development can be monifullen, m.a. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 301–306.304 tored via the ‘laboratory of environmental geomorphology and land degradation’ of the federal university of rio de janeiro (lagesolos) web site: htt p://www.lagesolos.ufrj.br (accessed 09/11/15). the yuanyang project one of the most illuminating projects which teaches us many lessons on waste management is the study on the ‘agro-environmental sustainability of the yuanyang rice terraces of yunnan province, china’ (colinet, g. et al. 2011; fullen, m.a. 2014). the hani minority people of yunnan province (southwest china) have developed a complex and sustainable agro-environmental system of terraced rice paddy fi elds in yuanyang (22°49’–23°19’n, 102°27–103°13’e). the hani people have maintained this intricate and elaborate system for over 1,300 years, with some 3,000 terraces covering about 11,000 hectares. hence, during the ming dynasty (1368–1644), an emperor awarded the hani people the title of “magic mountain sculptors” for “building their ladders to heaven.” however, geographic isolation and proximity to the, until recently, politically-sensitive border with vietnam, has meant the yuanyang terraces have att racted scant scientifi c att ention. if we can understand how this system is sustained, we can learn lessons which hopefully can be applied more generally. the sustainability of the system seems to be the result of complex interplays between cultural, agronomic and environmental factors. these include the cultural and spiritual beliefs of the hani people, a hydrogeological system which provides ample water resources, the maintenance of genetic diversity within the dominant rice cropping agro-ecosystem and the operation of complex fertigation practises. distilling and understanding the ‘secrets’ of the hani people and their terraces should enable broader application and dissemination of the principles of sustainability. currently a joint chinese-european team are working towards a greater understanding of these lessons. the research team postulate that these lessons will have some global applicability for agro-environmental sustainability. identifi ed lessons relate to resource optimization, landscape multi-functionality and cultural att itudes. landuse within yuanyang is zoned on the basis of ecological principles. upland grassland progresses downslope into forest and then in a downslope sequence into tea plantations, bamboo woodland and rice terraces. grasslands are used for the grazing of water buff alo, while wooded areas provide timber (deciduous, pine and bamboo) and food (mushrooms, wild vegetables and honey). the local yunnan pine (pinus yunnanensis) provides an excellent source of timber. furthermore, the forest is very eff ective in conserving soil and water and releases high quality water from the upper to lower slopes. besides providing rice, the perennially wet paddy fi elds provide food for domestic consumption (carp, eels, mudfi sh, ducks, frogs and snails) and weeds for pig-feed (photo 1). thus, there is multifunctional use of each ecoagricultural zone, which ensures optimum use of resources, eff ective recycling of materials and minimal waste. oft en, the net waste from these subsystems is virtually zero. the hani people have a unique cultural system that reveres the land. the hani religion embraces polytheism and the worship of nature. they pay particular devotion to the ‘forest god,’ which is perceived as the source of life-giving water. deforestation is considered a religious violation and the hani people actively teach their children to respect the forest. this concept signifi cantly contributes to forest conservation and ecosystem stability. in general, we can learn much from these positive environmental att itudes, in terms of improving public understanding and appreciation of land resources (land literacy) and agro-environmental education at multiple levels (school, college and university). the ancient ballads (poetic songs) of the hani people are highly instructional in terms of maintaining the sustainability of agro-environmental systems. 305fullen, m.a. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 301–306. the cradle to cradle bizz project critical analysis of the concept of ‘waste’ is integral to ‘cradle to cradle’ (c2c) technology, which is an innovative approach that promotes and develops closed loop recycling. at the end of a useful life time, c2c items are disassembled and reassembled for other uses. the aim is that materials are not downgraded, but rather at least retain the same grade with the objective of upgrading materials. c2c was developed by michael braungart and william mcdonough in the 1980s and has progressively gained increased att ention and interest (braungart, m. and mcdonough, w. 2009). there are three guiding principles: 1. ‘waste equals food.’ in nature there is no concept of waste; when any material has served its purpose, it is used by something else. 2. ‘use solar income.’ solar energy is eff ectively infi nite and if we can successfully harness it, then we have an infi nite energy source. solar energy indirectly powers the wind, by creating air pressure diff erences which generate wind. solar energy from the geological past is stored underground. thus, solar energy, wind power and geothermal energy systems are interpreted as ‘solar income.’ 3. ‘celebrate diversity.’ ecological systems (fl ora and fauna) adapt to the complexity of their environment to survive and thrive. therefore, if we mimic diverse ecological systems, we can strengthen our social, economic and environmental sustainability. our global resources are running out. we all know that something has to change, in order to keep our planet habitable. the c2c philosophy aims for a benefi cial future footprint by continuing material fl ows, using renewable energy and creating ecological, social and economic diversity. the university of wolverhampton (uow) is a partner in the ‘c2c bizz’ project. the project involves 11 partners from six eu countries (belgium, france, germany, luxembourg, the netherlands and the uk). photo 1. the rice terraces of yuanyang, yunnan province, p.r. china (photo by fullen, m.a. on 23 oct. 2009) fullen, m.a. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 301–306.306 the partners include public bodies, research institutes, private companies and universities. the project is funded by the ‘interreg ivb north west europe programme of the european union.’ uow is collaborating in the c2c bizz project, which has the objective to enhance the implementation of c2c technology on new and existing business sites in north west europe. the aim is to mix functionalities, to promote co-operation and collaboration of on-site companies and develop an att ractive environment, by using resources in diff erent and innovative ways. by its very nature c2c is multidisciplinary and so multidisciplinary teams can eff ectively work together, including engineers, scientists, environmentalists, economists, ecologists etc. in november 2014, the team published its main output; that is the ‘guide to cradle to cradle business sites.’ the guide is freely available on the c2c web site: htt p:// www.c2cbizz.com/ (accessed 09/11/15). an important concept implicit in c2c technology and philosophy is that, in reality, there is no such thing as ‘waste.’ ‘waste’ from one process or material becomes a resource for other process(es) or material(s). perhaps we should view ‘waste’ as ‘resources.’ there are several excellent examples of this changed philosophy. one is ‘aircarbon,’ where atmospheric carbon in the form of methane (ch4) is used to produce plastics, especially plastic mobile telephone covers: htt p://newlight.com/aircarbon/ (accessed 09/11/15). another is the use of sewage sludge solids to make light-weight building aggregates (d. newport, university of east london, pers. comm. 2013). conclusions it is timely that we progress to imitate ‘nature’ and recognize there is really no such thing as waste. we can develop eff ective ‘closed-loop recycling systems’ which minimize waste or may even generate zero waste. indeed, as we advance to ‘cradle to cradle’ systems, we can recognize output from one system as a resource for another and that waste can become a resource. acknowledgement: thanks to dr s. suresh for preparing figure 1. references braungart, m. and mcdonough, w. 2009. cradle to cradle: remaking the way we make things. london, vintage books. colinet, g., koulos, k., wu bozhi, li yongmei, lacroix, d., su youbo, chapelle, j., fullen, m.a., hocking, t. and bock, l. 2011. agro-pedological assessment of the traditional yuanyang rice terraces of yunnan province, china. journal of resources and ecology 2. (3): 289–299. fullen, m.a. 2004. the development of sustainable cropping systems on red soils in the highlands of south china. in the red soils of china: their nature, management and utilization. eds.: wilson, m.j., li, zhenli and xiaoe, yang. dordrecht, springer, 261–274. (on behalf of shasea). fullen, m.a. 2014. agro-environmental sustainability of the yuanyang rice terraces of yunnan province, china. espaço aberto, ppgg–ufrj 4. (1): 35–42. fullen, m.a., subedi, m., booth, c.a., sarsby, r.w., davies, k., bhattacharyya, r., kugan, r., luckhurst, d.a., chan, k., black, a.w., townrow, d., james, t., poesen, j., smets, t., kertész, á., tóth, a., szalai, z., jakab, g., jankauskas, b., jannkauskiene, g., büchmann, c., paterson, g., mulibana, e., nell, j.p., van der merwe, g.m.e., guerra, a.j.t., mendonça, j.k.s., guerra, t.t., sathler, r., bezerra, j.f.r., peres, s.m., zheng yi, li yongmei, tang li, panomtarachichigul, m., peukrai, s., dao chau thu, tran huu cuong, truong thi toan, jonsyn-ellis, f., sylva, j.z., cole, a., mulholland, b., dearlove, m., corkill, c. and tomlinson, p. 2011. utilizing biological geotextiles: introduction to the borassus project and global perspectives. land degradation and development 22. 453–462. guerra, a.j.t.,bezerra,j.f.r., fullen, m.a., mendonça, j.k.s. and jorge, m.c.o. 2014. the eff ects of biological geotextiles on gully stabilization in são luís, brazil. natural hazards. doi 10.107/sl 1069-014-1449-0 subedi, m., hocking, t.j., fullen, m.a., mccrea, a.r. and milne, e. 2009. lessons from participatory evaluation of cropping practices in yunnan province, china: overview of the eff ectiveness of technologies and issues related to technology adoption. sustainability 1. 628–661. open on-line access at: (accessed 09/11/15). wang shuhui 2003. cultivation practices, maize and soybean productivity and soil properties on fragile slopes in yunnan province, china. ph.d. thesis, the university of wolverhampton (uk). << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.3 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice spatial diff usion of mobile telephony in hungary 35 hungarian geographical bulletin 59 (1) (2010) pp. 35–50. spatial diff usion of mobile telephony in hungary tiner, tibor1 abstract this article deals with the role of mobile telephony within the information society in general, the conditions of its use and the spatial characteristics and spatial features of its diff usion in diff erent types of hungarian sett lements. the introductory part of the paper gives a short survey about the most important features of wirelessness, as a technological basis of mobiltelephony. the following part of the study outlines some impacts of mobile telephony on the economy and the public sphere showing the main spatial trends observed nowadays in mobile communications development. the third part of the article makes a comparison between hungarian sett lements (small towns) of a developed region (the budapest agglomeration zone) and of less-favoured rural regions of south west hungary evaluating the reasons for considerable diff erences. keywords: mobile telephony, spatial diff usion, regional and local inequalities introduction in the 20th century the telephone had to cope with the technical problem of transmitt ing communications between people over a distance. it operated on the principles of analogy, reciprocity and simultaneity. it enabled the longdistance transmission of the human voice while depriving the speakers of all other sensory modes of communications (fekete, l. 2001). the mobile telephone of the 21th century is providing for all the sensory modes of communications between people. but this wireless mobile phone with its digitalizing, dividing into parts and manipulating sensory signs will open a radically new period in the history of telecommunications because it will be free from spatial barriers. with the appearance of the mobile telephone as a new medium of communication all conventional interpretations of the term ‘telecommunications’ need to be reconsidered. there is a fundamental new quality to this new instrument of communication in that is not confi ned to any given place 1 geographical research institute, hungarian academy of sciences, h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mail: tinert@mtafk i.hu – j. selye university, ul. hradná 21. 94501 komárno 1. slovakia. e-mail: tiner.tibor@selyeuni.sk 36 (karácsony, a. 2001). it is no longer a certain place with its particular set of persons that is being addressed but rather a particular person wherever he (or she) might be. the only way to create an information society is the organic integration of informatics and mobile telecommunications. this is because it is only the mobile telecommunication by the help of which information can be shared in society to a full extent. the essence of the mobile telephone service is a powerful symbiosis of telecommunications and information technologies (sugár, a., et al. 2000). the centre of revolutionary breakthrough is people’s communications demands and their satisfaction anywhere and at any time. this is the fi rst service ever that is available in any country joining the network and in a broad sense it is the model of telecommunications infrastructure that the future information society may be built on. mobile telephony may be investigated on the basis of its wireless technology, its impacts on economy and society and last but not least on its spatial characteristics of penetration into sett lements of diff erent size and alternative level of development. global wireless technology as a fundamental technological innovation serving mobile telephony two wireless communications technologies have been widely adopted in recent years: the mobile (or cellular) telephones, and the wireless laptop communications through wifi (wireless fidelity). a third phase has been started to appear in the late 2000s when the size and weight of portable computers (notebooks, laptops, palmtops) became much smaller and the new models of mobile phones equipped with top technologies have been transformed into a real ‘hand-computers’. the first limited mobile services were introduced in the united kingdom 1940 and in the usa in 1947, followed by commercial introduction in 1979. europe’s fi rst modern cellular system was introduced in sweden, finland and norway still in 1981. despite its early lead in the establishment of cellular telephone systems, mobile networks of the continent suff ered from compatibility problems, making it diffi cult for subscribers to use their mobile sets outside of country-based calling areas. as a consequence, compatibility and standard issues became critical and led to the development of a pan-european gsm cellular system. this abbreviation came from the french groupe speciale mobile today known as global system for mobile communications. by permitt ing compatibility among national networks gsm has become a crucial factor in europe’s lead in cellular phone penetration. though mobile phone growth rates have slowed down considerably between 1995 37 and 2005, counting in compound of annual growth rates (cagr) in europe similarly to other continents of the world, the old continent still has the second highest number of cell phone subscribers and the highest mobile penetration rate (comer, j.c. and wikle, t.a. 2008). (the value of latest parameter exceeds 100% when individuals owe more than one mobile phone using separate subscriptions for business and private purposes.) due to technical innovations mobile phones were rapidly introduced in the 1990s (rogers, e.m. 1995; lacohée, h., et al. 2003). in 2003 some 25% of the world population used mobile telephones and ca. 80% of them lived in areas covered of mobile telephone networks. nowadays ca. 3.4 billion people (more than 50%) use mobile phones, most of them live in europe, china, and in the usa. still in 2002 the number of mobile telephone subscribers worldwide exceeded that of fi xed ones (itu 2004, 2009). as for europe in 2008 there were 28 countries, where the penetration rate of mobile phones emerged above 100%. the same volume was only 19 in 2005. (itu 2007, 2009). wireless laptop communications were introduced in the developed world only in the late 1990s. it is currently limited to areas where proper aerials (mobile towers) are installed (hot spots), such as airports, restaurants, hotels, cafés and urban areas opened to public (downtown squares, city parks etc.). the simultaneous introduction of sms (short message service) and internet services over mobile telephones and laptop wifi communications has implied the availability of these two portable machines. these technologies grew out of the previously developed telephone and internet technologies presenting a merger of mobility computerized information and communications (kellerman, a. 2006). in case of mobile telephony wirelessness is a possible equivalent term to the motorization and telephony relating to values, practices, norms and patterns within three spheres of individuals, society and space. it assumes the wide adoption of wireless communications devices by households. however, when compared to the telephone it obviously facilitates fl exibility in both physical and virtual movements, whereas the telephone permits only virtual fl exibility. wireless communications further simultaneously intrudes users’ time and space as compared to possible time intrusion by the telephone. the use of mobile telephone thus ceases possible isolation. the use of either mobile phones or wireless internet by the help of laptops means disappeared boundaries between the private and the public. whereas telephones and computers were traditionally devices in communications to be used indoors and involving some privacy of communications, wirelessness implies less privacy and a change of social boundaries regarding the acceptance of communications activity in the public spheres. finally, it can be stated that wireless communications in general can be considered as a third phase in social communication and networking (wellman, b. 2001): 38 the fi rst phase was face-to-face communication, typifying social relations within traditional physical place-bounded communities. the wired telephony have led to the development of a second phase of social relations and networking. this place-to-place communication have replaced some of the local physical face-to-face relations in communities. the third phase is the person-to-person communication derived from the possibilities for wireless and placeless communication free from time limits, detached from household location and its communication infrastructure. the impact of mobile information technologies on the economy and the public spheres it is a well-known fact that the role of mobile telephony in all branches of economy is of great importance. it is because in the economic sphere technological and institutional changes are interconnected, the new technologies predicate new regulatory modes and new patt erns of economic behavior. being a part of the breakthrough in information technologies, mobile information technologies themselves have contributed to these changes. it can be stated that mobile techniques as a part of information technologies replace mass production. the spatial spread transforms the micro and macro regular systems of production. as a consequence mobile telephony contributes to reduce transaction costs, enables increasing economic fl exibility for fi rms, off ers on-line businesses and infl uences greater mobility of production factors (gedeon, p. 2001). observing and evaluating the complexity of the connection between the mobile telephony and public spheres intriguing contexts can be discovered. the wide use of new information and telecommunication technologies (itc) has made clear that it is advantageous to treat the various types of communications within a single theoretical framework. the brand new mobile communication technologies have radically changed the space and time constraint of communications and have altered the habits and patt erns of communication between the members of society (heller, 2001). consequently, the wide use of mobile phones embedded in modern telecommunication technologies induces a new public sphere. instead of the former idea of a single public sphere, a complex structure of overlapping layers of various dimensions is coming about (keane, j. 1966). the rapid technological changes involve profound social transformation and raise numerous new technological problems. some scientists are pessimistic seeing a growing cleavage within and between individual societies and the gap becoming irreversible (castells, m. 1996–1998). but development has its positive aspects. active creative communications may again – – – 39 increase as opposed to passive consumption. at the same time the possibility to participate in local, national, regional and global public spheres gives a fresh impetus to the interactive communications of local, national and global citizens. mobile communication devices make this possibility for development ever more secure and accessible. some regional and local characteristics of the diff usion of mobile communications the development of mobile communications in the last decade was characterized by three marked trends (erdősi, f. 1999): 1. globalisation processes in mobile communication. the introduction of continent-wide or even world wide unifi ed services, and intrusion of wireless networks into distant places in underdeveloped countries and regions (eg. africa, central-asia etc.) 2. integration of wired and wireless technologies and networks. this process fi rst appeared in the usa, japan and in developed countries of europe and later it spread towards the eastern european countries. 3. fusion of mass media with telematics in developed countries. from the turn of the millennium hundreds of tv-programs (on cable networks or via satellites) and a wide range of telematic services have become accessible for mobile phone subscribers of western europe, the usa, japan and other developed countries owing to technological innovations next generation (ng) mobile sets (‘hand-computers’) and the wide spread of hotspots, mainly in urban areas. here it should be emphasize that mobile devices may permit the development of geographically more fl exible regional and local services, mainly for metropolitan areas. mobile phones give the ability to provide location-based services to physically moving potential clients by identifying their exact location inside a given region via gps (global positioning system) technologies (kellerman, a. 2002). furthermore, wireless devices encourage more travel, notably business travels mainly between cities, through the availability of virtual mobility, while physically on the road or in train. mobile telephone may permit faster more effi cient and fl exible use of time and space by individuals to fi t the more fl exible social nature of second modernity cities (townsend, a. 2001; zook, m. et al. 2004). this device leads to more effi cient management of direct contacts in cbds, as well as more effi cient use of highways connecting large cities, where mobile phones are widely adopted as this communications device permitt ing immediate contacts when, for example, some rescheduling is required because of any unforeseen congestion. moreover, mobile phones may further imply ‘personal globaliza40 tion’ as overseas destinations may be reached immediately from any location, frequently at high costs for calls, but at lower ones for sms. the adoption of mobile telephones has been expanding fast in less developed countries of east central europe, such as hungary, where at the same time mobile telephones have began to supersede the fi xed wired telephones operated by matáv (hungarian telecommunication company) and now they are decisive factor of telecommunications. the spread of mobile telecommunication services in hungary has taken place according to the model experienced world-wide, in the framework of a process spreading from the centre towards the periphery. namely, the coverage penetration has run from the capital city (budapest) towards other regional centers along the main radial expressways. a brief review of two decades of mobile and wired telephony in hungary in hungary there are three mobile communication companies: t-mobile hungary (before may 2004 named westel hungary), pannon gsm and vodafone. they have started their activity in 1993, except for vodafone which entered the market only in 2000. these three companies aft er having divided the hungarian mobile market have became very prosperous and profi table fi rms. nowadays t-mobile is the largest gsm network provider in the country. deregulation of the economy in the 1990s has led to an explosive and permanent growth of the mobile communications market in hungary. this process has resulted more than 12 million mobile phone subscribers in the country (121 mobile subscribers per 100 inhabitants) at the end of 2008. tmobile the biggest mobile operator in the country already providing services to over 5,5 million mobile users (44.7%). pannon gsm has 4 million subscribers (33.4%) and vodafone has nearly 2.6 million ones (21.9%). since the second half of the 1990s mobile operators started to compete with the matáv’s wired telephone services. this challenge ended successfully. from 2000 the number of fi xed phones in dwellings started to fall, in 2002 the number of mobile phones and domestic calls initiated by mobile phones have already exceeded that of fi xed phones in hungary (figure 1). aft er the turn of the millennium a second phase of this competition started focusing the broadband telecommunication network development (tiner, t. 2009). a spectacular increase has taken place in the number of hotspots based on wifi technology promoting mobile internet use. in 2008 more than 1300 registered hot spots were available for potential users all over the country, 41% of them located in budapest. the rate of chargeable ones is 56% in the country towns (figure 2). main part of hotspots in budapest is concentrated in downtown and can be found in public buildings (hotels, restaurants, pubs, 41 cafés, telecott ages etc.) or in the vicinity of mobile phone towers with aerials (figure 3). 51% of all hotspots can be used free, the rest is chargeable. back to telephone supply, it is worth mentioning that 60% of the hungarian population had both wired and mobile telephone in 2008. 25% fig. 1. telephone calls initiated in fi xed and mobile networks in hungary. source: statistical yearbook of hungary 2009. ksh, budapest fig. 2. spatial structure of hotspot availability in hungary, 2008. source: kocsis, k. and schweitzer, f. eds, 2009 42 was the owner of only mobile telephone and an additional 13% had a fi xed line exclusively. (3% of the population had none.) since the early 2000s the expansion of mobile telephony has been accompanied with a sharp and perpetual competition between the three mobile operators and the two fi xed-line network operators in hungary. the main fi xed-line telephone operators magyar telekom (former state-owned matáv hungarian telecommunications company ltd.) and invitel telecommunication co. the main fi xed-line telephone operators investing huge sums of money into technical development of their networks do their best to preserve or maintain their share in telecommunications market of hungary by investing huge sums of money into technical development of their networks. concomitantly they are also competing with each other in the fi eld of wired telephony. fig. 3. hotspots in the heart of budapest. green fl ags mark free access. source: www. hotspott er.hu 43 the historical background of this process is the following. in 2000 deutsche telekom obtained majority (nearly 60%) ownership in matáv. next year the hungarian company could become an international telecommunications group when the consortium led by matáv acquired majority ownership in macedonia’s national telecommunications company makedonski telekomunikacii (maktel), so maktel became a consolidated subsidiary of the group. 2001 was the offi cial date of full liberalization of the hungarian telecommunications market. the area of fi xed-line telephony was the last segment of telecommunications where the market was opened. at that time matáv group achieved leading position in mobile telephony, internet and business data communication markets and obtained over 80% share on the fi xed-line telephone market. in december 2003 matáv announced connection of the 100,000th adsl line. during that year the number of hungarian towns where this service was available tripled to reach 128. since january 1, 2004 – when the electronic communications act entered into force that contained eu-compatible market regulatory provisions – fi xed-line number portability became a reality in hungary. one year later matáv acquired a 73% majority ownership of the telekom montenegro and has become a strategic investor in the south east european region. in may 2005 the matáv group was renamed magyar telekom group with members t-com, t-online, t-mobile, t-systems and t-cable branches jointly off ering the full range of telecommunications for residential and business customers. in 2007 several small local telephone operators (eg. hungarotel, pantel, v-holding, euroweb etc.) merged into invitel telecommunication company, the second largest service provider in the fi xed-line telecommunications. from that year magyar telekom has been in sharp competition with invitel. its concession service area comprises 14 primary districts of the country covering nearly 17 % of hungary’s population. for 2008 magyar telekom has become the principal provider of telecommunication services in hungary, which operates local telephone services and long distance dialing in 38 primary districts. its latest technical innovations achieved makes possible to install a 2,700 km long optical ng-wdm (next generation wavelength division multiplexing) backbone network in 2009. with the help of it magyar telekom off ers its customers super-fast wireline broadband access, which is much faster than ever before. the relative commercial values of supplying fi xed-line telephony to households and the volume of initiated calls are steadily diminishing since 2000 owing to the rapid spread of mobiles all over the country. meanwhile considerable regional diff erences exist in this fi eld of telephony. 44 since 2009 both fi xed-line operators off er broad band wired internet packages at a decreasing price including a large choice of cable-tv programs and telephone services for their subscribers. by the end 2013, magyar telekom plans to cover approximately 780,000 households with a fi ber-to-the-home (ftth) network and to further upgrade 380,000 households to whom a hybrid-fi ber-coaxial network is currently available. in spite of their eff orts these companies will not be able to get back their subscribers living in towns or villages mainly because of the dynamic penetration of mobile internet services and hdspa off ered by the three mobile telephone operators at a low fares. spatial diff usion of mobile phones in two diff erent regions of hungary this part of the study is aimed to demonstrate the main diff erences of mobile telephone diff usion process in two poles of regions inside hungary as sample areas. the fi rst is the agglomeration zone of budapest (most developed region of the country), and the second is a less-favored rural microregion (ormánság) in south transdanubia (tiner, t. 2004, 2008). surveys were made in 2005 (for two small towns chosen from the agglomeration zone) and in early 2006 (for villages of the ormánság region). investigation was based on a primary type research, namely questionnaires collected from a sample of 2x150 secondary school students (aged 15–18 years) living in two small prosperous towns of the agglomeration zone of budapest (budaörs and szentendre, both with ca. 25,000 inhabitants), and from another sample of 150 students (with same age structure) living in 29 diff erent small-sized villages (between 54 and 360 inhabitants) of ormánság microregion (figure 4.). questions referred to rate of mobile telephone users among secondary grammar school students (their distribution by place of residence, types of mobile sets, year of gett ing their fi rst mobile phone, the monthly cost of use, monthly income of the family, educational level of parents etc.). comparing the two groups of students living in very diff erent circumstances, investigation has led to interesting conclusions. instead of detailed verbal explanation of answers the results are demonstrated on fi gures 5–8. the fi gures presented above have made it clear the followings: students of towns belonging to the agglomeration zone of budapest had mobile phone much earlier than students living in villages of the ormánság region. (time gap was some 2 to 3 years). the rate of mobile telephone users is much higher among young citizens (94.0% of students in case of budaörs, and 92.6% in szentendre) opposite to students of ormánság region (with a rate of 53.3%). – 45 fig. 4. map of sample areas 46 fig. 7. share of diff erent type of mobile phones among students in two towns of budapest agglomeration (a) and in ormánság region (b), 2005 fig. 6. distribution of mobile telephone owner students by gender fig. 5. annual increase of mobile phone stock in the sample areas 47 rate of girls among mobile users much lower in the less-favoured rural region investigated than among students living in prosperous satellite towns of budapest agglomeration. the leading type of mobile phones used by students is the nokia, but further two ones (sony-ericsson and siemens) are also popular with users of sample areas. in case of village students of ormánság region only three types are in dominancy among young mobile phone users. this phenomenon refl ects a poorer choice of sets off ered by phone stores in this rural region (and in rural regions in general). average sum of monthly mobile telephone costs among the students of villages only one third to one fourth of that students in budaörs and szentendre. furthermore, girls spend more money in general than boys, so their time for call is longer when using their mobile telephone. two additional records during the research have to be mentioned: a) it was generally observed, that the rate of mobile phone users depends on the annual income and the educational level within the family. in case of the students of budaörs and szentendre these rates exceed the national average and they are far higher than the average for the villages of the ormánság region. b) an interesting phenomenon is, that in case of both type of student groups it is the father in the family who bought the fi rst mobile phone. but in case of the two towns, 64% of children of 14–16 years old become the next mobile owners, and not their mothers. in case of village students the mothers are the second having got mobile phones in the family, and not the children. – – – fig. 8. average sum of monthly telephone costs among students asked in the sample areas. – b = boys; g = girls 48 conclusions research has made perfectly clear that the spread of mobile phones in regions representing very diff erent levels of economic development followed the hierarchic expansion as found elsewhere. the process began much earlier in the budapest area, than in ormánság where there is still a relatively low level of mobile supply (25%) among the students living in the villages investigated. inhabitants with higher education were among the fi rst in these poor communities to purchase their fi rst mobile in the late 1990s and they are still the only group of local communities who use wide range of services off ered by mobile operators and other private fi rms belonging to diff erent branches of commerce and personal services. naturally, the increasing spatial diff usion of mobile telephony in a less-developed region is a very positive process. the stable advantage of prosperous regions and cities with dynamically increasing economy present a permanent obstacle for poor regions and sett lements located on the peripheries to make improvements in their marginal position. additional problems of less-favoured regions: steady out-migration of skilled workers owing to the lack of local workplaces and/or low wages off ered by small or middle-sized companies in the rural areas. a high rate of retired people in the countryside who cannot aff ord to spend on telecommunication services. increasing rate of unskilled and unemployed roma population living in hundreds of villages in north-eastern and south-western regions of hungary (their number is estimated round 700,000 for 2009). considerable part of these roma families (oft en with 5–9 children) try to make their living basically on social aid coming from state or municipality budget from month to month. nowadays they do not have any perspectives to get stable workplaces and regular income. the factors above hinder the diff usion of telecommunications innovations and the eff ective use of their modern equipments across the backward regions of hungary. consequently, the capital and the towns of its agglomeration zone where the diff erent innovations of new telecommunications technologies (such as mobile phones) appear immediately and soon start to diff use are able to preserve their advantage in eff ective and multifunctional use of mobile sets over regions having connected into this process only in later phase. this process hinders the emergence of peripheries and conserves their backward position in the process of long-term regional development. – – – 49 references castells, m. 1996–1998. the information age i–iii. oxford, basil blackwell publishers, 556 p., 462 p., 418 p. comer, j.c. and wikle, t.a. 2008. worldwide diff usion of cellular telephone, 1995–2005. the professional geographer 60. 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can be opened with acrobat and adobe reader 5.0 and later.) >> /namespace [ (adobe) (common) (1.0) ] /othernamespaces [ << /asreaderspreads false /cropimagestoframes true /errorcontrol /warnandcontinue /flattenerignorespreadoverrides false /includeguidesgrids false /includenonprinting false /includeslug false /namespace [ (adobe) (indesign) (4.0) ] /omitplacedbitmaps false /omitplacedeps false /omitplacedpdf false /simulateoverprint /legacy >> << /addbleedmarks false /addcolorbars false /addcropmarks false /addpageinfo false /addregmarks false /convertcolors /converttocmyk /destinationprofilename () /destinationprofileselector /documentcmyk /downsample16bitimages true /flattenerpreset << /presetselector /mediumresolution >> /formelements false /generatestructure false /includebookmarks false /includehyperlinks false /includeinteractive false /includelayers false /includeprofiles false /multimediahandling /useobjectsettings /namespace [ (adobe) (creativesuite) (2.0) ] /pdfxoutputintentprofileselector /documentcmyk /preserveediting true /untaggedcmykhandling /leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice 5_da silva.indd 43da silva machado, f. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 43–53.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.66.1.5 hungarian geographical bulletin 66 2017 (1) 43–53. introduction this article provides a framework for understanding rural change, based on an extensive literature review, and discusses the diverse characteristics of this process, primarily in developed countries. it also includes a discussion of rural change and globalization, with a focus on the contemporary conceptual debate concerning rural studies in the global world. as much of the critical literature on rural change and globalization (marsden, t. et al. 1993; pierce, j.t. 1998; marsden, t. 2003; woods, m. 2005, 2007; bryant, c. et al. 2008) has emphasized, rural studies need greater focus on the diversity of contexts in which rural restructuring takes place. agricultural and non-agricultural production systems are involved in this process and are interconnected to different degrees, including rural and urban interaction and the articulation of rural dynamics with urban and global dynamics. last years have probably seen most dramatic changes in rural areas and pace of change appears to accelerate in an increasingly globalised and interlinked world (robinson, g.m. 2004). national and regional interests also play an important part, particularly in rural spaces with higher levels of rural and urban interaction, such as occurs with large industrial projects and transport infrastructure that converges on urban agglomerations and connects different regions (bicalho, a.m.s.m. et al. 1998). sánchez, g.p.z. (2000) pointed out that rural spatial transformations caused rural change in the context of globalization: examining theoretical issues felipe d a s i lva m a c h a d o 1 abstract early discussions and theoretical positions concerning rural change were developed by researchers from countries with post-production economies in order to explain the rural transformations. when discussing economic change in rural space over the last decades, marsden, t. et al. (1993) presented a new perspective for understanding rural restructuring that includes new subjects, such as capital mobility, flexible production regimes, complexity in the relationship between technology and environment, economic deregulation and new political processes. according to these authors, in order to understand such processes, it is necessary to research the effects of globalization at local scale of action. a recurrent theme in rural studies has been the significance of diverse globalization processes as drivers of rural change (marsden, t. 2003; robinson, g.m. 2004; woods, m. 2005, 2007; ploeg, j.d. van der 2008). multidimensional and multidirectional perspectives have indicated that rural space has become more embedded within a globalized rural world. therefore, in recent years, researchers have displayed an interest in understanding the dynamics of the rural spaces in developing countries which are also being affected by global processes in different pathways (wilson, g.a. and rigg, j. 2003; rigg, j. 2006; bryant, c.r. et al. 2008; ploeg, j.d. van der et al. 2010). in summary, this article forms a critique of the simplistic assumptions formulated in the literature regarding spatial change, which assumes the rural is essentially subject to external actions. i argue that the rural space should also be seen to possess its own dynamics which contribute to complex pathways and so adapts to new scenarios of spatial change in the contemporary world. keywords: contemporary rural space, rural change, rural geography, globalization, developing countries 1 school of geography, earth and environmental sciences, plymouth university, uk. capes foundation, ministry of education of brazil, brasília – df brazil. e-mail: felipe.dasilvamachado@plymouth.ac.uk da silva machado, f. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 43–53.44 by large-scale development projects, such as dams, airports, electric transmission lines, oil exploitation or tourist resorts, imply spatial modifications that, in turn, cause changes and new dynamics in every aspect of local life, generating profound transformations for the rural population. sánchez, h.a. (2012) emphasized the need to create practices that introduce the most inherent aspects of territorial dynamics and that acknowledge the development of endogenous processes, whose actions are crucial for strengthening and consolidating territorial management with the participation of actors in their different economic, political and cultural expressions, notably, in spaces of rural and urban interaction. there is an increased need for understanding governance in spaces where conflict can exist between different agents and institutions involved in concrete territorial processes. some examples are: “disputes for land and natural resources, real estate speculation for new non-agricultural activities, gentrification, outsourcing of rural space, spatial mobility of rural population or even strengthening the rural land market with new farm activities” (sánchez, h.a. 2012, 49). therefore, the focus on the territorial dimension is crucial for managing and enforcing public policies in multifunctional rural space. this theoretical debate is based on the critical discussions that have moved away from the rigid notion of simply ‘exporting’ indicators developed in advanced economies to the developing world situation towards an analytical framework that emphasizes complex rural space. this would mean, i have explored the diverse meanings that have been attached to the recurrent significance of globalization as a driver of rural change, arguing that it needs to be adapted and developed to address conditions found in the developing world. furthermore, this analysis questions the implied linearity of the traditional concept of rural space and explores different perspectives in human geography. the theoretical discussion is based on debates concerning contemporary rural space with an emphasis on spatial processes and globalization in a rural context (wilson, g.a. and rigg, j. 2003; marsden, t. 2003; wilson, g.a. 2007, 2012; woods, m. 2007, 2011). understanding rural change when discussing economic change in rural space over the last decades, marsden, t. et al. (1993) emphasized a new perspective for understanding rural restructuring that includes new issues, such as capital mobility, flexible production regimes, complexity in the relationship between technology and environment, economic deregulation and new political processes. according to these authors, in order to understand such processes, it is necessary to research the effects of globalization at local scale of action. thus, the modes of development that are internal to particular rural areas must be linked to external influences upon such areas. in geographical theories of rural restructuring since the 1990s the role of local actors has been highlighted, mainly that involving local people transforms rural spaces (bryant, c. 1997; pierce, j.t. 1998; woods, m. 2005). structures, other than purely economic ones, are taken into consideration by pretty, j.n. (1995), van huylenbroek, g. et al. (2007) and wilson, g.a. (2010), allowing for local decision-making, control and management, i.e. focussing on the peculiarities of different kinds of social agents and modalities for organizing rural space. collective strategic thinking, involving regional institutions and organizations oriented towards territorial development, including the political perspectives of local social actors, is considered to be fundamental for the success of governance (photo 1). local development may be deemed the coherent initiatives and actions, based on the mobilization of local social actors who agree to contribute expertise and assistance for improving specific territories. “actors or a group of actors may contribute in all four functions necessary and required for developing a ter45da silva machado, f. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 43–53. ritory: information, integration, planning and action” (clément, c. and bryant, c. 2004, 191). participation, cooperation, joint work and construction of partnerships are undertaken giving rise to networks of local actors who devise strategies of resistance, resilience or adaptation of rural communities to new global contexts (wilson, g.a. 2012). a similar concern is present in assessments of environmental impacts and in socioeconomic policy in developing countries that highlight the need for integrating local knowledge into planning and evaluation of development projects (bryant, c. et al. 2004). at the local level, different rural patterns are also driven by diverse elements, and are shaped by various social, economic, and political forces according to different social and geographical contexts (marsden, t. 2003).the focus for rural studies has been placed on the local community level, as it is at this level that spatiality of resilience are implemented ‘on the ground’ (mccarthy, j. 2005; parnwell, m.j. 2007; wilson, g.a. 2010). the justification for this is both analytical and pragmatic. as commentators such as agrawal, a. and gibson, c.c. (1999) or wilson, g.a. (2012) emphasized, over the past two decades, there has been resurgence in attention to community as a critical arena for addressing a range of issues, including societal pathways of change. to address this issue, this article questions how rural communities from developing world address resilience in the context of rural change and globalization. photo 1. patterns of community are significant for measures to respond to rural change, as any attempt to engage local actors in the delivery of rural development. community telecenter in piquiatuba, pará state, amazon region, brazil. source: field research, 2013. da silva machado, f. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 43–53.46 rural change in the context of globalization accumulation crises in capitalist societies provoke periodic and, sometimes, radical restructuring of productive processes in order to establish new investment opportunities, a consequence of which is the reassessment of resources and spaces previously deemed unproductive or marginal. for several reasons, some rural areas, previously deemed places of declining economic activities, start to be seen as investment frontiers (marsden, t. et al. 1993) and rural elements, which until then had little social or economic value and are reset and re-functionalized. good examples are the ‘commoditization’ of nature, landscapes for tourism and environmental preservation, production of healthy foods and creation of rural leisure activities, all of which are part and partial of globalization. a recurrent theme in rural studies has been the significance of diverse globalization processes as drivers of rural change. the variety of contexts in which globalization has been encountered – economic production, services and tourism, migration, and environmental protects – points to the multiple character of globalization. as a result, new directions in rural studies have called for researches that examine the impact of globalization on everyday life (woods, m. 2012). methods in rural geography in the era of globalization have provided wider theoretical frameworks and insights into the rural domain through in-depth studies and bottom-up model and multidimensional approaches (e.g. political economy, cultural studies and political ecology) (table 1). ta bl e 1. c on te m po ra ry r ur al s tu di es h av e pr ov id ed w id er th eo re ti ca l f ra m ew or ks a nd m ul ti di m en si on al a pp ro ac he s a pp ro ac h g lo ba l c ri ti ca l i ss ue s r ur al c ha ng e in g lo ba liz at io n p ol it ic al e co no m y a c ri ti ca l a cc ou nt o f t he im pa ct s of p la nni ng a nd p ol ic ym ak in g, a nd b y in te rp re tin g d ec is io nm ak in g fo r ru ra l a re as in a po lit ic al e co no m y co nt ex t ( n ew by , h . 19 85 ; c lo ke , p . 1 98 7, 1 98 9; m ar sd en , t . e t al . 1 99 3) . d ur in g th e 19 80 s, r ur al g eo gr ap hy w as a fi el d fo r po lit ic al -e co no m y an al ys es o f ag ri cu lt ur e, p la nn in g, r ur al d ev el op m en t an d r ur al c la ss r eco m po si ti on t he p ri va ti za ti on o f m an y se rv ic es , c on fl ic ts o f l an d u se a nd th e gr ow in g of th e ex te rn al in te rf er en ce s in lo ca l p ol it ic s an d pl an ni ng . p ol it ic al e co lo gy it h as in d ic at ed th e en vi ro nm en ta l p ro ble m s re su lt fr om in eq ua lit y as so ci at ed w it h th e sp re ad o f c ap it al is m a nd e m ph asi ze th e ne ed fo r ch an ge s in p ol it ic al a nd ec on om ic p ro ce ss a t l oc al , r eg io na l, an d gl ob al le ve ls to s ol ve e nv ir on m en ta l p ro ble m s (w at ts , m . 1 98 3; h ec ht , s .b . 1 98 5; n eu m an n , r .p . 1 99 8; p ee t, r . e t a l. 20 11 ). p ol it ic al e co lo gy lo ok s be yo nd r eg io na l an d n at io na l b ou nd ar ie s to th e st ru ctu ra l c on te xt s an d tr an sn at io na l i nt er es ts , ne tw or ks , a nd d is co ur se s th at s ha pe m an y lo ca l c as es (m oo re , d . 1 99 5; e sc ob ar , a . 20 01 ; r ob bi n s, p . 2 00 4) . p ol it ic al e co lo gy pr es um es r el at io ns a nd c on fl ic ts a t m or e ‘lo ca l’ sc al es . q ue st io ns c on ce rn in g so ci al a nd e nv ir on m en ta l i m pa ct , c on fl ic t o f l an d u se , a nd to xi ci ty p os e re cu rr in g pr ob le m s to th e ag ro -i nd us tr ia l d yn am ic . c ul tu ra l t ur n in th e 19 90 s, it in tr od uc ed p os tst ru ctu ra lis t t he or y an d p ro m pt ed in te re st in th e m ul ti pl e ex pe ri en ce s of r ur al li fe b y d iff er en t s oc ia l g ro up s (m ur do ch , j . a nd p ra tt , a . 1 99 3; c lo ke , p . 1 99 7; h al fa cr ee , k . 1 99 3, 2 00 6) . t he d ile m m as o f l oc al a ct or s w ho r es is t an d a d ap t t o co nt em po ra ry r ur al c on te xt s. t he r ur al m ay le ad to a d ilu ti on o f p re vi ou sl y co he re nc e sp ac e by to o th er g ro up s w ho a re a lr ea d y ch an gi ng th e fa ce o f r ur al ar ea s. 47da silva machado, f. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 43–53. globalization has changed the relationship between urban and rural areas. the city and the countryside modify their dynamics through the intermediation of global exogenous factors, strengthening local-global direct connections. in this way, the rural is not reduced to a mere geographical location, it becomes a place where occurs the mediation of macro social and economic operations directly articulated to global processes. the answers to these processes, however, are different in the political and social content interacting with the exploration of local resources that depends on the characteristics and the relationships of the countryside in the regional context (cloke, p. 1990; marsden, t. et al. 1993). the process of globalization has a pervasive influence in transforming rural economies and societies, with implications for the major societal challenges of environmental change and resource security. however, in comparison to studies of the global city, relatively little research has focused on the ‘global countryside’ (woods, m. 2007), and existing research lacks integration. thus, contemporary rural studies have developed an integrated perspective by drawing on relational analysis to focus on the actual mechanics by which rural localities are ‘remade’ through engagement with globalization processes, examining the mediating effect of national and regional context and the opportunity for local interventions. woods, m. (2007) posited the notion of the ‘global countryside’ as a geographical and conceptual counterpoint to the ‘global city’. the global countryside is presented as a space that has become increasingly integrated and interconnected through globalization process. this emergent global countryside is not a uniform, homogenous space, but rather is differentially articulated, and contested, through particular rural places. according to woods, m. (2007), the concept of place is a space of interconnections reconstituted by globalization into hybrid dimensions of transformations and interactions between local, national and global actors. wilson’s work on community resilience and transitions particularly pointed towards the fact that the notion of exogenous macroscalar ‘transitional corridors’ shaped by national and global decision-making processes, and analysed how such corridors influence community resilience (wilson, g.a. 2012). he argued that the critical literature often portrays macro-scalar corridors as ‘negative’ for innovation. then analysed the importance of macro-scalar lock-in effects external (i.e. globalization) to communities and discussed how these can shape community pathways and resilience in both positive and negative ways (table 2). with regard to experiments in local development in different parts of the world, the sustainability of rural systems commission table 2. contemporary rural change, concepts and global critical issues concept debate global critical issues the global countryside woods, m. 2007, 2011. cheshire, l. and woods, m. 2013. mcdonagh, j. et al. 2015. rural space that has become increasingly integrated and interconnected through globalization process globalization alters employment opportunities, raise or depress income levels, and change patterns of local service provision. the impact of globalization on everyday life in a rural context. rural resilience wilson, g.a. 2010, 2012. mcmanus, p. et al. 2012. scott, m. 2013. welsh, m. 2014. the potential of social innovation and collective agency at the community scale in exploring new development an exploration of farming and its role for rural resilience. the various aspects of community resilience within rural localities da silva machado, f. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 43–53.48 of the international geographical union has produced a number of studies which treat rural restructuring in different countries (e.g. bicalho, a.m.s.m. and hoefle, s.w. 2004; frutos, l.m. et al. 2010; kim, d. et al. 2013; bicalho, a.m.s.m. and laurens, l. 2014). these studies focus on the influence of globalization, internationalization of agriculture, urbanization of rural areas, the rise of multifunctionality, strategies for promoting sustainable rural development and territorial governance, all linked to the new functions of rural space and the dilemmas of local actors who resist and adapt to new rural contexts. (re)positioning debates surrounding rural change and globalization in recent years, researchers have displayed an interest in understanding the dynamics of rural spaces in developing regions of the world which are also affected by global processes in different ways and the sum result is great global spatial diversity (marsden, t. 2003; wilson, g.a. and rigg, j. 2003; rigg, j. 2006; wilson, g.a. 2007; woods, m. 2007; bryant, c. et al. 2008; ploeg, j.d. van der et al. 2010). recognition of the global inter-connection and inter-dependency of rural places points to a dismantling of the separation between rural research on the global north and rural research on the global south, and the promotion of more transnational research. as woods, m. (2005, 2011), in particular, emphasized, although rural geographers often consider the global north and south separately, in our ever shrinking world society these two paradigms are often coming together. multidimensional and multidirectional perspectives have indicated that, over time, rural areas in developing countries increase embeddedness into a globalized rural world (wilson, g.a. and rigg, j. 2003; rigg, j. 2006; parnwell, m.j. 2007; wilson, g.a. 2008). this article suggests that the repercussion of the challenges for rural areas in the developing world in the early twenty-first century, such as the political economies of new strategies for economic development and the resilience of rural communities, should receive more attention. traditionally, a lot of research in rural studies has been empirical in nature, but over the past years a more critical rural social science has developed which has employed a range of conceptual theories in its analysis, including political-economic concepts and post-structuralism (e.g. ’handbook of rural studies’ edited by cloke, p. et al. 2006). the complexity of spatial restructuring present in the developing world in the era of globalization contributes to better understanding the contemporary rural, going beyond the view of inert spaces only subject to external interferences. cutter, s.l. et al. (2008) and wilson, g.a. (2010, 2012) indicated that there is a need for further research in these arenas, arguing that despite metaphorical and theoretical models which have progressed to the operational stages, processes of resilience should be measured and monitored at local level. rural transformation in the global world is a hybrid and contested process, that involves actors and forces operating at multiple scales, and which echoes elements of rural restructuring in both the developed world of europe and north america and the developing world, yet has distinctively different characteristics. accelerating globalization processes exacerbate the already precarious situation in many rural districts in both the global north and south, as virtually all areas are affected by global propelling forces often outside the control of regional and national regulatory structures. in addition, agriculture no longer necessarily forms the essential backbone for rural development, and instead rural spaces in both the global north and south are characterised by complex, multidimensional and hybrid development path ways in which questions about the right and wrong development trajectories are increasingly difficult to answer. woods, m. (2011) has highlighted how the global tipping point has come with rapid urbanization in brazil, china and india, and other fast-growing countries of the global south. (photo 2). yet, the population shift 49da silva machado, f. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 43–53. photo 2. questions about how rural land use should be planned and regulated have also long-standing concerns geographers: yan’an new district, shaanxi province, china, 2016 (a). cachoeiras de macacu, rio de janeiro state, brazil, 2013 (b). sources: field research in 2016 (a) and in 2013 (b). a b da silva machado, f. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 43–53.50 does not in itself necessarily mean that the rural has been eclipsed, or become irrelevant. on the contrary, as rural studies has demonstrated, the rural continues to be central to many of the key issues confronting the world today, and the study of rural geographies is arguably as important as ever. hu, z. and rahman, s. (2015), based on an in-depth case study of a rural community, pointed to the fact that the contemporary state of chinese smallholder agriculture and changes that it has been experiencing in the context of socio-economic transition through the lens of three main economic drivers: livelihood diversification, market conditions and government interventions. results reveal that the change in china smallholder agriculture has been complex and multidimensional. all three factors exert profound influence and shape the current state of chinese agriculture. massive rural-urban migration has resulted in labour shortages, which in turn have led to a reduction in agricultural diversity and land use intensity. understanding the economic drivers of smallholder agriculture is important in the present day, because both the media and academia have recently raised grave concerns regarding a crisis of smallholder agriculture driven by massive nonfarm employment and expressed doubts about an argument used in both policy and academic spheres for reform towards large-scale capitalist agriculture. studies have illustrated that agricultural change may involve multidimensional and often parallel processes, which are not only labour-driven intensification, but also technology driven intensification (ploeg, j.d. van der 2008; ploeg, j.d. van der et al. 2013). as brookfield, h. (2001) rightfully contended, driven by livelihood diversification, agricultural change has taken multiple pathways so that intensification alone can never fully capture the complexity of the processes involved. he has highlighted the capability of smallholders and further argues that the key for survival and successful change of smallholder agriculture has been adaptation and innovation. in the context of asian deagrarianization, rigg, j. (2001) indicated that both intensification and disintensification have occurred in asian rural change. the theory of rural change in developing countries so far has underscored at least two points. first, change is complex, diverse and multidimensional. second, change is context dependent and can be affected in diverse pathways. conclusions the repercussion of the challenges for rural areas in the early twenty-first century, such as the political economies of new strategies for economic development based on the use and management of resources and the resilience of rural communities to macro-scalar effects, have been paid little academic attention (wilson, g.a. 2012; woods, m. 2012). this article questions the changes of contemporary rural space under the context of its socio-economic integration into global capitalism. most of the studies have explained and interpreted the causality between globalization and factors of rural change in a linear way and therefore produced homogenous conclusions. consequently, to more comprehensively interpret the effects of different socio-economic and political change drivers on rural dynamics, the main aim in contemporary rural studies is to explore the processes through which differential factors have affected the rural with a focus in how different degrees of rural-urban interaction and global influences give rise to multifunctional diversity and spatial complexity. however, the literature of rural geography in developing countries still is constituted mainly by agricultural economies and analysis of agricultural policies, such as institutional change, agricultural technological development, rural-urban migration, which emphasize the empirical evidence of how structural factors affect agricultural production (delgado, g.d. 2012; ioris, a.a.r. 2012). at present, great enthusiasm is expressed by the media and governments concerning economic growth directly related to the spread of 51da silva machado, f. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 43–53. agribusiness-scale production in the countryside in developing countries such as brazil. in contrast, academics have explored agroindustrial food networks through a critical perspective, placing agribusiness-scale production within a mass production model which includes volume and standardization (bernardes, j.a. and freire filho, o.l. 2005; bernardes, j.a. 2015; hosono, a. et al. 2016). questions about social and environmental impact, conflict of land use, and toxicity pose recurring problems to this agroindustrial dynamic. in these cases, the study of globalization in a rural context has commonly focused on commodity chains and its contradictions. this article argues that the complexity of rural areas and its spatial diversity contribute to better understanding of the multidirectional and multidimensional paths in globalization, going beyond the view of economic space as only subject to external interferences that demand resources. in the case of developing countries, little attention has been paid to investigating the rural space by combining macro-political economy with the analysis of local strategies. in conclusion, i have drawn insights for advancing social resilience in the global countryside through an analysis of rural restructuring related to the current global changes ‘on the ground’. it attempts to develop a connection between rural change, rural community resilience in developing countries and broader rural studies in the context of globalization. acknowledgement: the doctoral career development scholarship by capes foundation, ministry of education of brazil is gratefully acknowledged. r e f e r e n c e s agrawal, a. and gibson, c.c. 1999. enchantment and disenchantment: the role of community in natural resource conservation. world development 27. 629–649. bernardes, j.a. 2015. novas fronteiras do capital no cerrado: dinâmica e contradições da expansão do agronegócio na região centro-oeste, brasil. scripta nova (barcelona) 19. 1–28. bernardes, j.a. and freire filho, o.l. 2005. geografias da soja: br-163 – fronteiras em mutação. rio de janeiro, arquimedes. bicalho, a.m.s.m. and hoefle, s.w. eds. 2004. the regional dimension and contemporary challenges to rural sustainability. rio de janeiro, laget-ufrj/ csrs-ugi. bicalho, a.m.s.m. and laurens, l. eds. 2014. the changing face of the contemporary countryside. rio de janeiro, garamond. bicalho, a.m.s.m., bryant, c., laurens, l., oort, g., macura, v., winkler, j. and takahashi, m. 1998. sustentabilidade na interface rural-urbana – questões centrais à pesquisa. revista da pós-graduação em geografia da ufr –ppgg 2. 106–119. brookfield, h. 2001. intensification, and alternative approaches to agricultural change. asia pacific viewpoint 42. 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(5): 605–631. woods, m. 2005. rural geography: processes, responses and experiences in rural restructuring. london, sage. woods, m. 2007. engaging the global countryside: globalization, hybridity and the reconstitution of rural place. progress in human geography 31. 485–507. woods, m. 2011. rural. abingdon, routledge. woods, m. 2012. new directions in rural studies? journal of rural studies 28. 1–4. da silva machado, f. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 43–53.54 ‘divided and validated’? the institutionalization of the russo-swedish border region in the 1743 peace treaty 283merovuo, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (4) 283–293.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.66.4.1 hungarian geographical bulletin 66 2017 (4) 283–293. introduction the russo-swedish war also known as the war of the hats (1741–1743) concluded with shifting the border between the russian empire and the swedish realm westwards. per the peace treaty of 1743, imperial russia gained an area on the northeast shore of the gulf of finland. the new borderland ran through the countryside of the presentday eastern finland. the demarcation of the border was not based on cultural, linguistic or religious grounds. it was a new kind of demarcation of a modern political territory based partially on strategic grounds. the idea of the territorial state had developed stronger in the nordic context since the late 17th century. therefore, it was now possible to demarcate the new borders without considering the local circumstances to remarkable extend (katajala, k. 2010). nevertheless, the power had to be legitimised and established at the borderland, a process that can be called the institutionalization of regions. in this paper, i apply the regional institutionalization approach on the research ‘divided and validated’? the institutionalization of the russo-swedish border region in the 1743 peace treaty jenni m e r o v u o 1 abstract in this article, i analyse the institutionalization of the border region between sweden and imperial russia presented in the peace treaty signed in åbo (now turku) in 1743. the russoswedish war of 1741–1743 was disastrous for sweden. instead of regaining the losses suffered on the eastern front in the previous war (1700–1721), sweden ceded more territory to russia shifting the state border westwards again. the new border located in the middle of the present-day eastern finnish countryside followed no religious or linguistic divisions. the peace treaty was a top-down measure. however, one must recognise that regions were institutionalised in several parallel and interactive processes. i apply the approach of institutionalization of regions to categorise the peace treaty according to the four dimensions of the approach. the aim is to untangle the official re-establishment of the new regional order to indicate the room for the local influencing. i conclude that the peace treaty did not extensively define the shape of the border region, which led to challenges in reshaping and further developing the border region in the local practices. classifying the region building process according to the dimensions of the regional institutionalization – though intertwined in practice – provide comparativeness for the local progressions foregrounding their distinctive and consistent characteristics. keywords: border studies, borderlands, re-bordering, institutionalization of regions, sweden, russia, state building 1 department of geographical and historical studies, university of eastern finland, yliopistokatu 2, 80100 joensuu, finland. e-mail: jenni.merovuo@uef.fi merovuo, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (4) 283–293.284 of this 18th century borderland. the aim is to analyse how the institutionalization of the new border region between the two states can be seen in the peace treaty of 1743. a region exists in a certain cultural and temporal context. further, it emerges in a combination of intersecting interests or claims forming it into an institutional structure of power. therefore, a region is not created merely by drawing lines on a map (massey, d. 1995; paasi, a. 2011). in the formation of historical borderlands, readman, p. et al. (2014) put the emphasis on control, demand and interaction. the methodological and theoretical viewpoints of human geography considering the spatial dimensions have become increasingly relevant in social and cultural sciences in the past three decades. the spatial turn has directed the attention of scholars towards spaces and places, both physical and abstract. in historiography, space has been the connecting theme of several symposiums in recent years (e.g. lamberg, m. 2011; hallenberg, m. and linnarsson, m. 2014; stock, p. 2015). still, i believe that the research of the early modern era could benefit on further invocation of the geographical approaches on region building. in studying the building process of borderlands, many history scholars have concentrated on nascent national identities and ethnic grouping. peter sahlins, in his well-known research demonstrated how national identities developed and eventually bloomed contrasting ‘the other’ on the pyrenees between spain and france (sahlins, p. 1989). research of the borderlands between sweden and denmarknorway has concentrated on the state integration process, state building from below, linguistic distinctions and perceptions of belonging among commoners. the scholars find that one of the crucial factors of the process is interaction, and as hallenberg and holm point out, there is significance in the dynamics of top-down ruling and the reactions from below (edgren, m. 2001; hallenberg, m. and holm, j. 2016; lerbom, j. 2017). i concentrate on the becoming of the border region. by focusing on the institutionalization of regions i approach the dynamics between the official border shift and the actual process of forging regional consciousness. by reacting to the changing territorial situation, the locals affected the region building process proving the peace agreement to be an impulse in the process rather than resolution. i concentrate on the document that officially determined the regional disintegration and triggered reactions from the local level. to complete the analysis of the peace treaty of 1743, it is significantly important to employ the previous swedish-russian peace treaty signed in 1721. geography scholars have utilised the institutionalization of regions framework by geographer anssi paasi on researching emergence and dissolving of regions, regional and place identity, regional transformation, and re-establishing historical regions (e.g. paasi, a. 1986; macleod, g. 2001; sepp, v. and veemaa, j. 2010; zimmerbauer, k. and paasi, a. 2013; semian, m. and cromý, p. 2014; vaishar, a. and zapletalová, j. 2016). paasi, a. (1986, 1999, 2011) introduces the institutionalization of regions as a process during which a place transforms into a region and the collective consciousness of it emerges. the process consists of four dimensions: forging of (1) the territorial, (2) symbolic and (3) the institutional shape of the region, and (4) the region emerging in the spatial structure of the society. as commonly in critical geographical approaches, the theory suggests that regions are social constructions, shaped in conceptualising, networking, and actions. thus, a region is not eternal but historically constructed (berger, p.l. and luckmann, t. 1967; paasi, a. 1986, 2002; hacking, i. 1999; zimmerbaum, k. and paasi, a. 2013). regions are collectively remembered and forgotten but the historical progress is by no means a self-directed temporal development. to legitimise the desired status or shape, the retrospective evaluation of the regional history may be inspired by the future goals. therefore, the questions of birth, dissolution, and the transformation motivate the research of regional institutionalization. if an attempt to institutionalize or deinstitutionalize a region is very dramatic, argue paasi, a. 285merovuo, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (4) 283–293. and zimmerbaum, k. (2013), demonstrations promoting counter identity may occur. these actions are often collective and temporary. the process of regional institutionalization proceeds simultaneously at multiple communal levels. a political decision alone cannot deinstitutionalize a region. even though demolished from the regional administrative map, divided into pieces or merged into a bigger unit, a region can continue existing in symbolic and mental form. thus, the processes are not always cohesive, or unanimous in practice. therefore, a region may appear fuzzy in territorial shape, lifespan, and authorization (paasi, a. 1986, 1999, 2002; paasi, a. and metzger, j. 2016). the peace treaty of 1743 was a significant act in forging the localities into the border region. can we see it as a disintegration of the region, though? i categorise the peace treaty transcript per the dimensions of the institutionalization of region framework. i study the aims of the peace treaty by content analysis, foregrounding the intended shape of the borderland. a question of whether this border region became something fixed and then emerged in the social process, or if the social construction refers to the forging of the shape peculiar to the region in addition, is ontologically essential to the research (paasi, a. 2002; stock, p. 2015; paasi, a. and metzger, j. 2016). i believe presuming fixed outcome may impede the true motives. re-bordering the state does not necessarily mean complete regional redefinition. therefore, i consider the borderland communities as cases. in practice, the interacting dimensions of the institutionalization process intertwine, and therefore do not fall into the categories easily. the complexity of the actual region and the experience of different individuals and interest groups of the past is hard to grasp in total. however, the institutionalization framework gives shape to the study that enables comparative analysis of the multifaceted progressions of the local communities along the borderland. it also foregrounds the interaction between social groups, regions, and centrum and periphery, for closer examination. i focus on the establishment of the border region. by enlarging on the institutionalization process, it is possible to emphasize the socio-spatial aspects on the development of historical state peripheries. the institutionalization of regions is employed as an analytical tool. by categorising the establishment of the border region in the transcript, i demonstrate that a top-down perspective is not enough of a viewpoint for the process of building a region. the peace treaty of 1743 on the 7th of august 1743, frederick i of sweden, and the empress elisabeth of russia signed the peace treaty between sweden and russia after long negotiations. the terms had been agreed with the parties earlier in the summer and the russian troops had started withdrawing from the territory they annexed. during the war, the seizure of the russian troops reached the gulf of bothnia. it was in their interest to pursue further territorial conquest but as sweden agreed to nominate elisabeth’s favourite as the successor to the throne, most of this territory was restored under swedish domination. the war had broken out from the swedish heat for revenge after the great defeat in the wars between 1700 and 1721. however, the treaty of 1743 brought only more territory losses for sweden (cederberg, a.r. 1942; villstrand, n.e. 2012). the 18th century was a time of the expansion of the russian empire while the swedish realm was territorially reducing. the socalled great northern war (1700–1721) marked the end of imperial era in sweden. in the peace treaty of 1721 with russia, sweden ceded ingria, estonia, livonia, partially the province of kexholm, and the karelian isthmus from her eastern realm. the war of 1741–1743 ended with a similar outcome as the border shifted westwards again. in the treaty of 1743, sweden ceded more territory to russia, along with three fortresses (cederberg, a.r. 1942; paaskoski, j. 2005). deciding on the new borderline, the negotiators were concerned of their defence stratmerovuo, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (4) 283–293.286 egies ignoring the local circumstances. the border ran through altogether seven parishes dividing villages and estates. in the division, three of the parishes split in half, leaving significant parts on both sides of the border. in four parishes, only minor parts were separated from the main part of the parish. recomposing of localities brought tension to the institutionalization process of the border region (cederberg, a.r. 1942). establishing the borderland territorial shape paasi. a. describes the emergence of the boundaries of a region as a development of social practices. the borders, physical as well as mental, provide grounds for social classification. in other words, the regional consciousness requires ends for the imaginary reference group of inhabitants (paasi, a. 1986). in the peace treaty, the border was described in four sections: – the demarcation departed from the northern shore of the gulf of finland as a natural boundary, following river kymmene northwards. natural shapes have been exploited abundantly in history (katajala, k. 2010). – the second section started at the meeting place of the river kymmene and the border of the county of tavastland. the state border followed county demarcation that had taken root at least a century before. in the document, this second section of the border is referred to as the ‘common borders’ (swedish vanlige gräntzer, §7). the customary borders facilitated the shift of administration. – the third section, located at the saimaa lake district, was called the new border (swedish nya gräntze-linien, §7). the demarcation was planned to follow no customary borders but it was determined by measurements on military strategic grounds. it was to circle the nyslott fortress at a range of 2 swedish miles. landowners who forfeited part of their estate were entitled to compensation. the transcript defines the approximate course of the borderline ribboning directly across the landscape without considering the customary borders in the region, such as village or estate limits. to avoid miscalculation, the measurement was specified as the swedish mile, but it was not precise enough of a definition, for the point of departure was ambiguous. – the fourth section begun from the southeastern side of the fortress following the former state border of 1721 (swedish nystadske freden fastställa gräntzen, §7). from porajärvi (russian porosozero) northwards the border followed a line agreed in the peace treaty of 1617. the essential part of the state border in my research comprises the first three sections. from the 17th century, a territorial comprehension of the state became predominant. the territorial shape of the state partly overcame the interests towards the population (sunderland, w. 2007; katajala, k. 2010). amnesty was declared for all prejudicial acts during the war by the second article of the peace treaty of 1743. more importantly, it stated that above all it is necessary to have the border ‘divided and validated’ (§7) to avoid further mistrust, for that would truly secure the peace. however, the peace negotiators retained from dictating details of the exact demarcation leaving them for the border commissions to define. the swedish and russian border commissions, delegated to agree on the details, delayed the physical demarcation of the boundary for years. later, as the officials proceeded from negotiations to demarcation issues between the states, defining the borderline became even more difficult (mielonen, a. 1993). in certain parts, the parties never fully agreed on the demarcation. the vagueness of the peace treaty left much room for interpretation, which the border commission failed to seal. it is conclusive, that the peace negotiations did not define the border region practices to detail for the treaty, but demonstrated the attempt to redefine the territorial composition within the area. the commissions’ task was to validate 287merovuo, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (4) 283–293. the state border locally as they demarcated it. by implication, this referred to interaction with the local mediators. the swedish border commissioner stiernstedt’s reports reveal that peasants operated as experts on local geography and old borders (border documents 1743–1747). it is interpreted that locals took advantage of the disorganised situation as consensus was unaccomplished. for example, the vague demarcation was used against the officials to avoid taxation (mielonen, a. 1993). this shows how the local common people benefitted from the porous governance. due to the unstable foreign affairs, the commissions’ task took years. especially the contention over the strategic places of pyttis, puumala sound and the nyslott castle surroundings disturbed the fluency. in savonia, the swedish and russian border commissions drifted into disagreements from the beginning and marked their own versions of the border. two clearly disputed areas, which both states had demands on were left in the middle of kerimäki parish. the areas were declared as ‘no man’s land’, a territory of neither state in 1744 and they remained disputed until the next border shift. the population of these disputed lands was free of crown taxation until 1809. (border documents 1743–1747; mielonen, a. 1993; gustafsson, h. 2007). despite its reputation as a wild free state it was not a seedbed of decadence but much attached to the surrounding society. nevertheless, as a third space between swedish and russian territories, this strip of land was to operate as a channel for smuggling (mielonen, a. 1993; koskivirta, a. 2015). the tension between the states introduced the population possibilities to exploit their position more uninhibitedly to protest, for example. symbolic shape the symbolic or conceptual shape of a region develops most significantly in language. the inhabitants express their regional consciousness that may not always correlate with the outsiders’ comprehension. it draws from the historical and traditional conceptions of the region and society. therefore, the region can be built simultaneously on several levels of society (paasi, a. 1986). the transcript repeatedly referred to two territorial entities on the border: the side of the royal sweden, and the side of imperial russia. the emphasis on the spatial dominance is notable and the rulers connect closely to the territory. the king of sweden and the empress of russia signed the peace treaty of 1743 on behalf of ‘the realms, lands, subjects and inhabitants’. it was a contract obligating not only the rulers but also people living within certain territories (katajala, k. 2010; liikanen, i. 2014). in the territories sweden ceded, the agreement relieved the population of the oath of allegiance to the king. equally, the oath of allegiance to the empress given during the occupation became void for the inhabitants of the restored areas after the seizure ended (cederberg, a.r. 1942). the subservience was dissociated from the status of inhabitant per the peace treaty. people had different positions and allegiances (sunderland, w. 2007), but the peace agreement validated people not on the grounds of citizenship, but their whereabouts. a soldier or a trader was to obey the laws of the province he was visiting. however, they were not necessarily subordinated under the same legal institution. soldiers were under the military laws and legal actions against foreigners were problematic to execute. the border did not aim to block the social interaction, but the population’s position was administratively incompatible, which decreased the legal security. in cross-border cases it was not as likely to win justice (koskivirta, a. 2003, 2015). despite the composition of two sovereigns, two states and two territories presented in the peace treaty, the negotiating parties were asymmetrical in many senses. firstly, the rulers’ authority differed from each other. elisabeth was an autocrat representing the absolute authority. in sweden, the so-called age of liberty (1718–1772) had reduced the king’s authority in relation to the estates (gustafsson, h. merovuo, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (4) 283–293.288 1994). therefore, the swedish realm (swedish sveriges rike, §1, §3) authorised the agreement in addition to the royal majesty. in fact, in the age of liberty, the phrase royal majesty did not refer to the king in person, but to the ruling power of the state: the diet and the king together. it included the administrative system combining the king’s authority that operated through the representative government in the council of the realm (gustafsson, h. 1994). sweden can be called rather a geographically unified state in the 18th century, while the russian empire, expanding to europe in the west, and across siberia to the pacific ocean in the east, was very much a conglomerate with territories under different political systems. since the era of peter i, the peripheral provinces of the northwest conquered during the century, and siberia, were distinguished from the historical core of the empire. therefore, despite the increased control over different parts of the empire, the empress faced different symbolic roles within territories that operated under different administrative systems (gustafsson, h. 1998; sunderland, w. 2007). for example, in estonia, livonia and karelia, seized by russia at the beginning of the 18th century, elisabeth was a duchess, yet the empress of the whole realm as well. the swedish king’s title does not suggest finland being separate from the core areas of sweden. heraldic references to the grand duchy of finland were not actively used between 1718– 1802 (paaskoski, j. 2005; eng, t. 2008). still, both parties acknowledged that the border shift happened in the territory referred to as ‘finland’, inhabited by ‘finns’. one of the primary regional symbols is the name (paasi, a. 1986). interestingly, the peace treaty mentions the grand duchy of finland as an entity. a grand duchy refers to a politically uniformed entity (liikanen, i. 2014). however, the peace treaty suggests another way of defining ‘the grand duchy of finland’, as a bipartite region, with a swedish and a russian side (figure 1). per the peace treaty, all the occupied areas included in the grand duchy. further, ‘historically russian’ territories karelia and kexholm interconnected with finland now. after the border shift, the grand duchy was continuously understood to reach from the gulf of bothnia to the eastern end of the karelian isthmus, including åland islands. ‘finland’ denoted unity historically and geographically, but politically it was divided into separate units located in two realms. ostrobothnia that often was not perceived as part of the geographical finland was also paired with the so-called grand duchy (§5). historian jonas nordin has argued that the special position of finland within the swedish realm and the geographical shape that included ostrobothnia is read from the sources from the 18th century onwards, an interpretation that has been welcomed with criticism (nurmiainen, j. 2003; nordin, j. 2010). however, there are some signs supporting the viewpoint. the historical nature of the region becomes evident from the peace treaty. both parties agreed to refrain from the claims towards the other side of the grand duchy for eternity, no matter with which name this territory would be known as in the future. the russian empress acknowledged the swedish domination over the part of the province of kexholm, ‘that belonged to russia in the old times’ (§6, §8). the swedish state forced to accept a greater defeat. the ceded regions were incorporated to russian empire ‘for now and forever’ (§4). the remoulding of the region went beyond the immediate border. the parishes and villages that the border divided were not renamed by the state officials in the establishment process. however, the church needed to distinct the subservience in their bookkeeping, so the clergy found it necessary to rename some parts of villages or estates. (population registers of kerimäki 1743–1805; kerimäki congregation, communion books 1748–1801.) institutional shape the formal institutions as well as practices affect the institutional shape of the region. interaction – social, economic, and political – forges the shape of the region and builds its character 289merovuo, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (4) 283–293. (paasi, a. 1986). the treaty confirmed the institutional unification of the kymmenegård and vyborg provinces guaranteeing to sustain rights, privileges and benefits for the subjects and inhabitants. the lutheran church and schools would continue operating and the greek orthodox church would gain equal rights to operate. thus, the annexed provinces were not subordinated under russian core areas, but they maintained their old swedish fig. 1. the grand duchy of finland after the peace treaty of 1743 (edited by the author) sweden russia g u l f o f b o t h n i a gu lf of fin lan d österbotten kexholm savolax karelia kymmenegår d tavastland åland nyland swedish-russian border 1743 grand duchy of finland 1743 eastern border of vyborg governorate st. petersburg vyborg åbo fredrickhamn borgå stockholm 0 100 km merovuo, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (4) 283–293.290 legislation forming a separate institutional entity. in the 18th century russia, the idea of a historically bound core state and surrounding peripheral provinces populated by nonrussians was the prevailing conception of the empire (sunderland, w. 2007). paralleling the annexed provinces in the peace negotiations prefigured the establishment of the vyborg governorate in 1744. it consisted of two provinces attached to the russian empire in the peace of 1721 – half of the kexholm province and the province of vyborg –, the newly seized province of kymmenegård and parts of the savonia province. the governorate was founded as a part of the imperial russia with restricted autonomy much like the reval and riga governorates in the baltics. the governorates were combined under the college of justice for livland, estland and finland. however, though changes from swedish to russian rule seem modest, it was not a uniform institutional system (paaskoski, j. 2013; räihä, a. 2014). as the peace treaty acknowledged the territorial cross-border connection to ‘swedish finland’, it also connected the annexed territory to the vyborg and kexholm provinces that russia seized in the treaty of 1721. the peace treaty paralleled these two territories, and therefore the peace treaty of 1721 was repeatedly referred to. especially the tenth article of the act refers to the previous treaty. equal to the article 12 in the treaty of 1721, the empress secured the proprietorship rights to the lands for the subjects of the annexed territories. the article was reconfirmed in the next peace agreement in 1743. the inhabitants who had fled the war could return to their estates. position in the spatial system the final parallel dimension of the regional institutionalization process is the emergence of the territory in a spatial structure of the society. it is interconnected with the rest of the dimensions since the territorial, symbolic and institutional shape provide the region its identifiable shape (paasi, a. 1986). the cross-border parishes indicate how wavering the top-down institutionalization of the border region was in the beginning. the peace agreement did not concentrate on the local level. the only parish the peace agreement mentions is pyttis by the gulf of finland. it states that imperial russia gained ‘…the part of pyttis located on the other and eastern side of the last arm of kymmene or keltis river, the stream that floats between great and small ahvenkoski [...] with the harbours, places, districts, shores, and all from the same arm till the passage to the south-eastern islands...’ (§5, §6). pyttis’ division was defined in the peace treaty, which stresses the importance of its location. other divided parishes were not specified in the peace treaty. mäntyharju had been split between three swedish counties to begin with. the parishioners already attended district court and places of registration in their own directions. located on the second section of the border where the division followed the county demarcation, the eastern part of the parish, submitted under the provincial administration of the province of kymmenegård, was cut across the border (favorin, m. 1975). the rest of the divided parishes were located on the ‘new border’ with straight demarcations, which followed no customary demarcations (soininen, a. 1954; lappalainen, p. 1971; mielonen, a. 1993; seppänen, p. 1999). the peace treaty describes pyttis’ division, but the parishes not mentioned never fully diverged institutionally. therefore, their administrative circumstances shaped in various ways, depending on the local circumstances. the congregations continued operating across the border and balance with twofold local government (favorin, m. 1975; mielonen, a. 1993). this introduced several directions of influence to pursue local matters that forged the cross-border parishes’ individual shape. the crown’s local administration was organised independently on both sides of the state border, but the practices overlapped partially through the ecclesiastical system. the congregations, pyttis excluded, con291merovuo, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (4) 283–293. tinued operating unified across the border. the commoners continued visiting the same church and marrying mostly within their own parish. the priests read the announcements, kept a population register and lead the parish assemblies as usual (lappalainen, p. 1971; favorin, m. 1975; mielonen, a. 1993). this placed the clergy in an administrative double role mediating between the two states and gradually forging the practices. conclusions in this article, i have categorised the peace treaty of 1743 between sweden and russia per the dimensions of the institutionalization of regions. the case of the state border of 1743 is an interesting example of the social development that challenges the clearcut drawings on the late-18th-century maps. the peace treaty discussed the location of the state border and the institutional circumstances of the seized areas, as well as defined the position of the seized territory and inhabitants within the russian empire. however, as the peace negotiators divided the territory on new grounds, the regional understanding about ‘finland’ remained border-crossing and the boundaries further defined. the peace treaty of 1721 was confirmed and paralleled with the status quo. together, these two peace treaties defined the regional borderland. one can also see how history was acknowledged in shaping the region. the regional understanding about ‘finland’ was politically bipartite. the territories seized by russia were not considered the heartland of imperial russia but conquests. they were not desirable for intense integration policies, and therefore maintained the essentials of the swedish political system instead. the peace treaty paralleled the seized territories that formed into the governorate of vyborg in the following year. little attention was given to local details that provided much room for local interpretations of cross-border practices. the negotiating parties’ interests lay in territory over the inhabitants and land use. the border commissions received authority to arrange the local circumstances according to the given guidelines, but failed to reach a conclusive settlement with each other as well as between the states and the locals. in pyttis, where the border was defined more precisely, the division was executed more intensely. geographical significance influenced the institutionalization process. it was not consistent throughout the border region, which became more evident in time. further north from the gulf of finland, the local level had more room to interpret the conditions. the cross-border congregations and the local community bound the border region together. i see the peace treaty as a mere arrest of the ongoing process. it portrays an overview of the significant regional transformation process where the parish communities sought their shape as the new border region as well as cross-border region. understanding the border region as a historical entity with a beginning and an end, i recognise that after ratifying the peace treaty of 1743, the border region ‘was’ not, but it was in the process of ‘becoming’, referring to the perpetual adaptation of regions from their establishment to disappearance (paasi, a. and metzger, j. 2016). as a framework, i find the institutionalization of regions to bring focus to different dimensions of regional transformation. my attempt is not to claim that the idea of institutionalization of regions proceeded as a conscious project in the 18th century. however, i argue that establishing the borderland was socially constructed in several parallel processes. the political language, interaction, conflict and state building all are included in the process of institutionalization. in this article, i only concentrated on the peace treaty of 1743. to deepen the understanding of the regional institutionalization process, though, further attention must be directed beyond the political settlements, in the interaction and the networks of the borderland. the dimensions of the regional institutionalization approach provide a consistent tool for further investigations. a customary network might merovuo, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (4) 283–293.292 be considered a more crucial factor in defining the regional boundaries than shifting the physical borders. when researching crossborder regions, it is crucial to define the contacts across the state border, as well as the institutional ties of the specific region. a fruitful scene to research conceptualising the region is in the discussions within localities and between the local and the governmental level. r e f e r e n c e s berger, p.l. and luckmann, t. 1967. the social construction of reality. a treatise in the sociology of knowledge. new york, anchor books. cederberg, a.r. 1942. suomen historia vapaudenajalla i. 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(1): 15–25. villstrand, n.e. 2012. valtakunnanosa: suurvalta ja valtakunnan hajoaminen 1560–1812 (part of the realm: the empire and its disintegration 1560–1812). suomen ruotsalainen historia 2. porvoo, bookwell. zimmerbauer, k. and paasi, a. 2013. when old and new regionalism collide: deinstitutionalization of regions and resistance identity in municipality amalgamations. journal of rural studies 30. 31–40. other sources border documents 1743–1747. finnish national archive (ka), muscovitica. brev och handlingar angående sveriges gräns mot ryssland. gränsekommissarien friherre stiernstedt till kungliga majestet 1743–1747. mf fr 323. peace treaty 30.8.1721. fredsföredrag 1721. swedish national archive (svar), digitala forskarsalen. peace treaty 7.8.1743. suomi, tidskrift i fosterländiska ämnen, (4:1843). helsingfors, j. simelii arfvingar, 223–241. the jurisdictional districts of central and lower savonia, population registers. national archive (ka), digitaaliarkisto. savon keskisen kihlakunnan henkikirjat, kerimäki 1743–1805. 267pál, m. and albert, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 267–280.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.70.3.5 hungarian geographical bulletin 70 2021 (3) 267–280. the role of cartography in earth sciences visual processes using cartographic methods have an essential role when publishing different kinds of spatial data. maps are important supplementary materials of scientific results, according to dibiase, d. (1990). they can be used when analysing data, giving conclusions, or presenting outcomes. cartographic visualisation is considered as an integral part of scientific research that can open the gates of science towards a larger audience as well (philbrick, a.k. 1953; dibiase, d. 1990; robinson, a.h. et al. 1995). in geoscientific research, a map has different meanings for the mapmaker and the map reader. the mapmaker works with the map, he/she uses spatial data to analyse, explore and evaluate the observed phenomena, and finally to present the results to the peers. a map reader from the scientific community sees only the representation (the final map) without going through the process of the spatial analysis. however, a researcher must aim for the reproducibility of the research when publishing the results, so the map should represent as much as possible from the process as well. the process and different purposes of map (or spatial data) use were visualised as a cube model by maceachren, a.m. (1994), where the role of maps changes according to the task, the frequency of inter1 doctoral school of earth sciences, elte eötvös loránd university, faculty of science. h-1117 budapest, pázmány péter sétány 1/a, hungary. corresponding author’s e-mail: marchello@map.elte.hu 2 institute of cartography and geoinformatics, elte eötvös loránd university, faculty of informatics. h-1117 budapest, pázmány péter sétány 1/a, hungary. e-mail: albert@ludens.elte.hu inspecting map compilation in earth sciences for better communication márton p ál 1,2 and gáspár a l b e r t 2 abstract the use of thematic cartography in earth sciences is a frequent task for researchers when publishing. when creating a map, researchers intend to communicate important spatial information that enhances, supplements or replaces textual content. not only visual but substantial requirements exist for those who create maps. cartographic visualisation has several well-established rules that must be taken into account during compilation, but not all researchers apply them correctly. the present study aims to identify the factors determining the quality of geoscientific maps and what needs to be improved during a map compilation process. to get to know the tendencies, we have investigated maps in designated journals – one hungarian and one international per earth science branch: geography, cartography, geology, geophysics, and meteorology. a system of criteria was set up for evaluating the maps objectively; basic rules of cartography, quality of visual representation, and copyright rules were investigated. the results show that better map quality is connected to journals with strict editorial rules and higher impact factors. this assessment method is suitable for analysing any kind of spatial visual representation, and individual map-composing authors can use it for evaluating their maps before submission and publication. keywords: thematic mapping, cartography, data visualisation, earth sciences received march 2021, accepted september 2021. pál, m. and albert, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 267–280.268 actions and the type of the users (figure 1). in this model, the cognitive process of geoscientific research, which uses maps/spatial data, is represented as the body diagonal. the third dimension (user types) of the cartographic cube is essential in presenting scientific results – the audience can interpret the researcher’s message only this way (maceachren, a.m. and ganter, j.h. 1990; maceachren, a.m. 1994). furthermore, when a map is published as a representation of the results of research, it can also serve as a basis for other scientific works – both in analogue and digital forms (kraak, m-j. 2002; kraak, m-j. and ormeling, f. 2010). this emphasises the importance of proper maps in publications: if the map figure is inappropriate, it can be misinterpreted or not understood. the cycle of maps being interpretations and then base materials, then interpretations again, sometimes lead to scientific discoveries if the map was properly created in the first place; this was the case when albert, g. et al. (2015) predicted the pálvölgy cave’s volumetric size to be the largest in hungary, based only on archive maps and polygonal survey data. dibiase, d. et al. (1992, 1994) analyse the geovisualisation methods of earth sciences on the theoretical basis of the cartographic cube model, but data visualisation methods and interpretation have undergone many changes since that time. due to today’s data collection and recording methods, more and more spatial data are collected in geodatabases, which are too time-consuming to evaluate with traditional 2d methods, so instead of maps, the cognitive process often takes place in a virtual space (albert, g. 2018). even so, the final representation is still dominantly 2d (printed maps, figures, still images, etc.), and its purpose is to provide well interpretable scientific information for the reader. map figures must fit in the body of the publication and must enrich its content – or should be understandable alone without additional text (it is very useful when we just scan through articles for raising our interest). map editing is usually an extra task for the authors and might be hard for non-cartographers to consider advanced visual and thematic cartographic rules, but certain features do not need cartographers’ expertise and may improve the map significantly. with the correct use of them, map figures can be interpreted easier – gathering a broader audience. evaluating maps is not an easy task because there are many elements and aspects that can make a cartographic product a good spatial representation. however, there are some objective factors, such as map accessories (e.g. scale, legend, coordinates, name, and orientation), which help the reader, and their lack may cause misinterpretation. the quality of the topographic base, thematic coverage (raster/vector type), and printing (in the case of printed materials) are also objective factors, along with the presence of references for source materials. altogether, these objective factors determine the reproducibility of the represented scientific results and give a clue to the reader how the research process took place in the first place. the preludes of this study examining the objective characteristics of geoscientific maps reach back to the 20th carpathian-balkan geological congress in 2014 (tirana, albania), where the fig. 1. the cartographic cube (maceachren, a.m. 1994). geoscientific thematic cartography is built on the steps presented in it. 269pál, m. and albert, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 267–280. greatly varying quality of the presented studies’ map figures triggered the idea of a systematic analysis of the problem. the core of the map evaluation system presented here was worked out during this conference by gáspár albert, and he also gathered some samples there. the main idea then was to determine the factors that make a map less interpretable. this study examines the maps of different geoscience branches focusing on the map accessories and the quality rooting from cartographic standards. the classification of geoscientific maps declared by the ica commission on thematic cartography in the 1970s (led by emil meynen) distinguish seven categories (klinghammer, i. and papp-váry, á. 1983): 1) morphometric, 2) geophysical, 3) geological, 4) pedological, 5) geomorphological, 6) hydrological and 7) meteorological (climate) maps. elements of this system refer to an individual science branch in geosciences. to evaluate how the different disciplines manage maps, we have chosen journals and conference posters from the field of cartography, geography, geophysics, geology, and meteorology. the working idea was that we would find differences among the disciplines in the use of the objective factors determining the reproducibility of certain research. the spatial variability of map use was also supposed – there might be remarkable differences between each countries’ map representations. this was observed in the prelude study as well: authors from countries where scientific publication has a longer tradition produced clearer maps. we especially focused on the differences between hungarian and international scientific literature. our main aim was to conclude the connections between thematic map use, scientific journals, scientometry, science fields, and geographical diversity. map sources: designated journals to analyse the differences between the map use of geoscientific disciplines we have designated one hungarian and one international english language journal dealing with geography, geology, meteorology, cartography, and geophysics. the reason for choosing hungarian and english language international papers was to find the characteristics of thematic map use in hungary too and make comparisons with the ‘worldwide’ data. only a few hungarian earth science journals are in high quartiles or have high h indices, but we have selected the best one in each field based on scientometry (hodge, d.r. and lacasse, j.r. 2011). the international papers were chosen from high quartiles (q1 or q2). the source for scientometric data was the database of scimago journal & country rank (scimago 2020). the data gathering process from journals was the same for all five disciplines. we looked for the last available issue and started from there backward until reaching approximately 300 maps per field (~200 maps from international and ~100 maps from hungarian articles). besides these, we also took nearly 100 photographs of maps from posters at international conferences. they were also included in the evaluation. we have tried to maintain a balance between each field in the number of representations to examine. taking into consideration maps from journal articles and posters, we have evaluated a total of 1,509 maps. data about the journals involved in this study can be found in table 1. the methodology of the evaluation during the evaluation, each journal issue was searched for maps. the cartographic journal, geodézia és kartográfia and földrajzi közlemények were available in the library of the institute of cartography and geoinformatics. the other papers were online: a print screen was taken from each examined map figure. unique id numbers were assigned to each representation to make further identification easier. the evaluation model is built up of six main groups, each of them defined by directives concerning the criteria (table 2). the nationality of the first author was noted pál, m. and albert, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 267–280.270 separately to provide data for visual criteria analysis by countries. map visualisation there are three criteria in the ‘visualisation’ group: excellent, medium, and poor. although these categories seem to be subjective ones, the evaluation focuses on characteristics, which can be identified objectively. good readability (due to properly sized and placed symbols and texts), unique and theme-fitting symbol set, the balance between the base map and the thematic content, and between the printing quality and the resolution of the map are the basis of the assessment within this group. layout types the ‘type’ group is evaluated by determining the purpose of the examined map in the article. it can place the study in question into a larger geographical content (‘overview’), can show results in either small or large scale (‘main’) or can be a detailed map about the conclusions of the article (‘detail’). however, there can be mixtures of these types that are table 1. scientometric data about the journals examined in this study based on the information from the database of scimago journal & country rank at the time of the study discipline journal country h index* quartile** total cities in 2018 cartography the cartographic journal (from issue 2014-1 to 2018-3) united kingdom 25 q2 132 geodézia és kartográfia / geodesy and cartography (from issue 2014-1 to 2019-4) hungary 7 q4 2 geography geoheritage (from issue 2019-1 to 2019-3) germany 21 q2 264 földrajzi közlemények*** / geographical review (from issue 2017-1 to 2019-2) hungary – – – geophysics earth & planetary science letters (from issue 2019-1 to 2019-4) netherlands 215 q1 8,720 magyar geofizika / hungarian geophysics (from issue 2010-1 to 2014-2) hungary 7 q4 1 geology geology (from issue 2019-6 to 2019-12) united states 189 q1 4,256 földtani közlöny / bulletin of the hungarian geological society (from issue 2017-1 to 2019-4) hungary 9 q3 21 meteorology quarterly journal of the royal meteorological society (from issue 2019-7 to 2019-9) united states 125 q1 2,843 időjárás / weather (from issue 2018-4 to 2019-4) hungary 13 q3 59 *an entity has an h index value of y if the entity has y publications that have all been cited at least y times (hodge, d.r. and lacasse j.r. 2011). ** the set of journals have been ranked according to their scimago journal ranking and divided into four equal groups, four quartiles. q1 comprises the quarter of the journals with the highest values, q2 the second highest values, q3 the third highest values and q4 the lowest values (scimago 2020). *** földrajzi közlemények is not indexed currently in scimago. 271pál, m. and albert, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 267–280. marked with the help of an asterisk (inferred type) and a ‘1’ (dominant type). in the latter case, the maps counted as their dominant type. map accessorial the presence of certain elements makes a compiled figure a map. the role of map accessorial is to give information about the geographic position and extent of the presented territory, the meaning of the thematic symbols, and others. some of them are necessary, and some of them are optional. the necessary ones are the coordinates, orientation (usually the direction of north is marked – but sometimes the letters before the coordinates substitute this), and name (this can be substituted by the figure caption). optional accessories are the legend (it can be omitted, for table 2. criteria of the map evaluation system a) visualisation – excellent: the map is designed for its purpose. the symbols are unique or appropriately selected for the topic. the base map and the thematic content are in harmony. the printing quality matches the resolution of the map. – medium: the content is readable, but the symbols are not designed for the purpose of the map (e.g. usage of default colours, line types). base map and thematic coverages are compiled differently. the printing quality matches the resolution of the map. – poor: the content is hardly readable due to inappropriate symbols (in vector-based maps), rough resolution (in raster-type maps) or the bad quality of printing. b) type – overview: the map is for showing the location of the study area. it is a small-scale map, which can be solitary, or in pairs with the main map. – main: the map shows the results of the research subject. it can be solitary or in pairs with a mainor a detail map. – detail: the map shows the results of the research subject in a large scale. it is always in pairs with the main map. – *: in the case of mixed types, use the * sign for the inferred and ‘1’ for the dominant type. c) accessorial (coordinates, orientation, scale, legend, name/title) – when doing the survey, put a checkmark in the proper column if the accessorial type exists on the map (consider the captions of figures as names/titles in some cases). d) topographic content (put a checkmark in the proper column if the accessorial type exists on the map) – hypsography: contours, shaded relief, graded hypsometry, etc. – hydrography: watercourses, lakes, rivers, channels, springs, wells, marshes. – road network: roads, trails, streets, etc. (manmade structures). – boundaries: delineator signs of administrational territories. – settlements: signs of human build structures/administrational units (i.e. cities, villages, farms). – names: geographical names (of natural and manmade objects). e) thematic content (in this criterion, all existing map types from the evaluated set should be written). in our case: – geological, geophysical, geographical, geomorphological, meteorological, cartographical, ethnographical or general, if there is no thematic content. f) base map type – copy unreferenced: scanned raster from an existing map without citation. – copy referenced: scanned raster from an existing map with citation. – edited: edited topography/thematic base map content with references to the source of data. – vector: the base map seems to be edited, but the data source is not indicated. – no data: the base map exists, but there is no information about it. – no base map. g) the nationality of the article’s first author pál, m. and albert, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 267–280.272 instance, on overview maps), the graphic or numeric scale (coordinates may serve as scale bar), and the colophon (not present if such information is mentioned elsewhere, e.g. in the article/book that contains the map). each accessorial, except for the colophon, was checked during the evaluation; either it was on the map layout or in the caption. topographic content some topographic content is essential in all thematic maps: by looking over the plotted physical characteristics of the examined area the reader can imagine the displayed topic in a geographical context. the topographic content comprises features such as hypsography, hydrography, road network, boundaries, settlements, and geographic names. however, there exist geoscientific maps that do not require the presence of some of these features – either because of thematic data density (e.g. hypsography is often omitted from geological maps), irrelevance (e.g. detailed hypsography is irrelevant on some geophysical maps), or small scale (e.g. meteorological maps). the topographic content is part of the background map unless one or more of its features are clear subjects of the article’s topic (e.g. in case of research on relief, hydrology, traffic, etc.). we recorded the presence of the topographic features on the examined maps, which made it possible to get the different thematic map types under a unique evaluation. type and source of data content the next evaluation criterion is the determination of the genre of the thematic content (e.g. the map is geological, meteorological, ethnographical, general, or any other). this category usually came automatically due to the journal where the map figure was published. the categories refer to the type of base data that was processed in the compilation of the thematic content. the last group examines the source of the base map and the copyright situation of the base map content. referenced or unreferenced copies and edited or self-made base maps are also common. though the base map usually contains topography, in some cases published thematic maps were used as base maps for the representations (e.g. tectonic lines placed on a published geological map). most journals recommend submitting vector images and high-resolution raster maps that can be modified by the editor without significant loss in printing quality (note that printing quality was an evaluation criterion in the first group). however, it is very common to combine the two types in the course of editing the figure map, with the result being a raster-type figure. ideally, the thematic content is edited by the author(s) on a properly cited good quality base map. the structure of the database the evaluation process was carried out with ms excel software. two individual tables were opened for each geoscience field and two for the posters. one contains information about each article (name of the journal, title, authors, date of issue), while the other table contains the evaluation records. the tables are connected by the unique id of every article. as most of the evaluation criteria deal with the presence or lack of certain map features, we used a ‘1’ mark to indicate if a certain feature is on the image and left the database cell empty if not. the statistics were separated into a new spreadsheet and organised for the desired purpose: to make comparisons between branches of science and based on the nationalities of the first authors. evaluation of map compilation habits in earth science disciplines after summing up the scores in the worksheets, each criterion group was evaluated with basic statistics and visualised using bar 273pál, m. and albert, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 267–280. charts. for the evaluation, we also used the built-in functions of excel. the quality of map visualisation was sorted into one of the following three categories (table 2, a): excellent, medium, and poor. the general percentages concerning each field are the following: 62 percent of the cartographic, 80 percent of the geographical, 69 percent of the geophysical, 86 percent of the geological and 77 percent of the meteorological maps are excellent, 14–35 percent have medium quality while the proportion of poor maps is around or under 3 percent in all five cases (figure 2). larger differences between the disciplines exist in the medium and excellent categories. the order of science branches according to the largest quantity of visually excellent maps may seem surprising. the largest number of ‘excellent’ maps (258) comes from the geological thematic category. it is followed by geographical (250), meteorological (230), and geophysical (210) maps. the least number of ‘excellent’ maps (181) occur in the cartographic dataset. the data are visualised in figure 2. the map visualisation in the various disciplines shows remarkable differences if we summarise the scores for the hungarian and the international english language journals (figure 3). in most cases (geography, geophysics, geology, and meteorology) international papers have a higher proportion of “excellent” maps (the largest contrast is between the quality of geophysical representations). the percentage of “poor” quality maps is low in both cases regarding every discipline. surprisingly, the trend is reversed when examining maps of cartographic journals: more maps in the hungarian papers are evaluated “excellent” than that of international issues. the used map types – overview, main, and detail – also varies by disciplines (figure 4). geography, geophysics, and geology use mainly overview maps (66%, 63% and 82%, respectively) to present different characteristics of the sample area, while cartography and meteorology use this type less frequently (25% and 41%). the tendency is reversed in the case of main maps: maps in cartographic journals and meteorological maps use this type more often (68% and 59%) and the other disciplines rarely (17–37%). the presence of large-scale detail maps is not significant – the results are usually presented in main maps or inferred detail maps. the results concerning map accessorial is also diverse (figure 5). nearly all maps have a name/title (97–100%), which partly comes from the evaluating method: figure captions were recognised as titles. the presence of legend is more diverse (52–83%), but the cartography discipline differs significantly from the other science branches. the cases of the other three elements are also diverse. the use of “scale” on maps is equally high (73%) for the geography and geology disciplines and low for the geophysfig. 2. results of map visualisation criteria category. most maps fall into the ‘excellent’ category, but the range of the difference is significant (24%) between the disciplines. pál, m. and albert, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 267–280.274 fig. 5. results of the accessorial category. the evaluation based on the presence of map elements have a more diverse outcome: coordinates, orientation and scale are often omitted from geoscientific thematic maps. fig. 4. map types mainly used in geoscientific maps. geography, geophysics, and geology mainly use overview maps, while main maps are rather common in cartographical and meteorological articles. fig. 3. map visualisation criteria results per disciplines in case of hungarian and international journals 275pál, m. and albert, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 267–280. ics and meteorology (29% and 16%, respectively). cartography is in between the two groups with 46 percent. in the case of “orientation”, the pattern is similar to the situation of “legend”: the maps in cartographic journals do not usually show it (19%), while all the other disciplines do (52–73%). the use of coordinates on map figures can be divided into two discipline groups: those who rather display this information (geophysics, geology, and meteorology with 74%, 67% and 59%), and those who rather do not (cartography and geography with 18% and 30%). the presence of topographic elements is evaluated by map feature categories. hypsography is the least used on meteorological maps (7%) but is almost equally present on maps of the other disciplines with 23–33 percent. nearly the same tendency (but with 11% on meteorological, 34% on geophysical and 52–57% on the other maps) is true for hydrography. road network is the least common topographic element in geoscientific thematic maps: only 1–5 percent of geophysical, geological, and meteorological maps use this map data type. it is underrepresented even on geographical maps (21%) and on maps in cartographic journals (34%). boundaries as the shapes of countries are mainly drawn in the maps to help the reader to place the shown area in a geographical context. their proportion is relatively low in geological maps (27%), medium (48–52%) among cartographical, geographical, and geophysical maps, and high (77%) in the case of meteorological maps. settlements are rarely shown on meteorological (6%) and geophysical (14%) maps, but three out of four geological maps also lack this map data type. the remaining disciplines show settlements between 43 and 52 percent (cartography and geography). geographical names are the most common topographic elements in geoscientific thematic maps: 87 percent of geological, 73 percent of geographical, 59 percent of cartographical and geophysical representations contain such elements, and only the meteorological maps do not usually show them (13%). these data are visualised in figure 6. the base map type evaluation is the most diverse group: the deviation between the discipline percentage values is the highest in this evaluation category. most maps are well-referenced (e.g. cartography – 46%) or without base (e.g. cartography – 49% and meteorology – 57%). unreferenced scanned maps are not frequently used (0–15%), but it is relatively common not to provide any information about the base map, as, for example, in the examined geographical (41%), geological (41%) and meteorological (21%) articles. well-referenced unmodified scanned raster maps as base maps are most common in cartography (46%), while the other disciplines tend not to use such base maps (5–18%). fig. 6. the presence of topographic elements in geoscientific thematic maps. this is a rather unbalanced evaluation category. road network is usually omitted from maps, while geographical names are common. pál, m. and albert, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 267–280.276 the use of edited (modified) base maps with references is frequent in the geophysical and geological papers (45% and 46%), less common in the geographical and meteorological papers (24% and 14%) and rare in cartographic papers (5%). edited (modified/ digitised) maps lacking the data source are not representative in the dataset except for the 1 percent in geophysics. the base map information is summed in figure 7. analysis of the visual criteria by countries the examined maps can be divided into two groups: maps from the hungarian and the international papers. approximately one-third of the maps per geoscience field came from a hungarian journal (these are maps mainly with hungarian first authors), while the remaining two-thirds came from international journals with mainly foreign first authors. based on the affiliation of the first authors, the total number of countries was 48, where the number of recorded maps was 31.65 per country by average. we have analysed the visual criteria group to compare hungarian means with international trends. countries with more than 20 records can be seen in figure 8. thirteen countries were selected for further analysis; these are mainly from europe (8 countries), the united states, china, australia and brazil. in figure 9, the 13 countries with more than 20 evaluated maps are compared to each other; also, these countries are the ones that set up the “international (developed)” category in figure 9. the maps with first authors from spain, norway and the uk have the best proportion of visually “excellent” maps (greater than 90%), while the usa, germany, france, poland, and brazil have just a bit more “medium-” and/or “poor-visualised” maps (less than 20% altogether ). the situation of chinese, swiss, australian and italian maps is different: 69–77 percent of the evaluated maps are “excellent”, 21–31 percent are “medium”, and usually there is a little group (0–3%) of “poor-quality” maps. comparing the maps in the papers with hungarian and foreign first authors (figure 9), the differences in the visual evaluation are remarkable: 85 percent of the maps in the international set are “excellent”, while the rate of the same category in the hungarian set is only 58 percent. the proportion of “medium-quality” maps is 14 percent internationally and 39 percent regarding hungarian first-author articles. the number of “poor-quality” maps is nearly the same (3–1%) in both sets. upon the evaluation of the remaining countries from the international dataset, a fig. 7. base map data of the examined maps by disciplines 277pál, m. and albert, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 267–280. fig. 8. the most common countries with the first authorship having more than 20 records in the examined maps database. the total no. of countries was 48 where the number of records was 31.65 on average. group was distinguished that includes the developing countries of africa, asia, south america, some of the countries from the balkan peninsula, and the former communist countries of central europe. this group is referred to as the “developing areas” in this study and shows similar percentages in the visual evaluation as the hungarian dataset. there are 773 maps (~50% of all) in the examined database from “developing areas”, where the average visual score was considerably poorer (63% excellent, 34% medium, 3% poor), despite the maps having appeared in international journals. discussion each thematic map has different purposes, and the results confirm this. the criteria “visualisation”, “type” and “base map type” (see table 2) can be assessed by universal means, but all other criteria depend not only on the author but also on the data that he or she wishes to transmit. this means that the attributes “accessorial”, “topographic content”, “thematic content” and “nationality” provide first and foremost an insight into the current state of map use in the earth sciences in the form of statistical data. the relationship between the quality of journals and maps can be determined. journals with higher h indices and higher quartiles have stricter editorial rules: images and maps of medium and poor quality are thoroughly filtered by the editorial board. these papers often require vector images that can be easily modified or resized during the editorial process. the difference in the visualisation scores can also be explained by this: disciplines with prestigious and longstanding journals having high scientometric scores produce more “excellent” maps. map quality is also connected with usability and legibility, not only with formal cartographic rules. the most important purpose of representations is to provide meaningful scientific information. consequently, there are some factors that can be examined from the user’s point of view. feedback from map readers can contribute to map development by identifying and indicating features that make understanding difficult. as a result, further visualisation methods and editing aspects may emerge as new perspectives. albert, g. et al. (2017), and szigeti, cs. et al. (2018) address, for instance, the interpretability of maps and the issues and editing solutions regarding map symbology. such an examination can also be carried out on geoscientific maps. pál, m. and albert, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 267–280.278 although map editing has become a routine task in the geoscientific community with the emergence of various gis tools, knowledge of cartographic rules does not come with the software, and it is a difficult task to design visually satisfying and informative maps that conform to these rules. the presence of map accessorial (figure 5: coordinates, orientation, scale, legend and name) was expected to be a good indicator for the author’s experience in map making, but as their use was the least frequent in the cartography discipline, it is more likely to depend on the standards set by the journal or its editors. however, only the journal: “geology” has guidelines regarding coordinates, scale, and orientation among the fig. 9. visual evaluation of maps from countries having more than 20 maps 279pál, m. and albert, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 267–280. examined journals. this means that in most cases, the maps were probably enhanced by a thorough editorial process in which the inappropriate maps were filtered out and revised. the topographic content (figure 6) of a geoscientific map is mainly the part of the base map – and has a role in locating our thematic map in a geographic context. the hypsography, hydrography, road network, boundaries, settlements and geographic names are there to help the reader, and the various disciplines require some of these to be omitted. the base map (usually from a different source) that contains topographic information must be referenced. higher editorial standards demand self-edited vector maps because these can be resized and edited easily during the editorial process. raster base map layers are not suitable for modification because of the large quality degradation. unclear copyright issues are not usual in high-ranking journals, but we can face some unclear issues, as this study also shows. the main map types are closely related to the geoscientific branches (figure 4). some fields have a fundamental need for cartographic representation of their data (they mainly work with spatial information – such as cartography, geography, and meteorology). they use main maps to present results on a larger scale. but there might be topics that are not closely linked to spatial factors: e.g. geochemistry or atmospheric physics. these disciplines rarely use main or detail maps, just overview maps in some cases to depict the sample area. we have examined the visual characteristics of the maps by countries of the first authors. the other criteria groups were not analysed in this way because a larger number of evaluated maps per discipline would be needed to examine countryand science branch-dependent factors at the same time. correlations can be drawn between good visual quality and countries with a long history of modern scientific publishing. thus, the uk and the usa have much better visual scores than china or hungary, for instance. many articles and maps come from developing countries, where the tradition of scientific publication is weak (figure 8). although we tried to reach an objective result, the proposed methodology may have some shortcomings or flaws. its thematic map groups are based on the official ica categorisation (klinghammer, i. and pappváry, á. 1983), covering a very broad range of disciplines. this may result in distortions, as the use of maps in some scientific fields is not restricted to a narrow set of map features but uses a great variety of them (e.g., road networks are not necessary in a population density map but are useful when presenting transportation data – but both are geographical). the personal opinion of the evaluators can cause a potential bias: the aesthetic parameters and features influence the evaluation in a subjective way. this is controlled and, to a certain extent, kept in check by the numerical form of evaluation. as 3d graphics are traditionally considered as map-like representations rather than maps, this methodological framework is not completely suitable for evaluating them due to the formal cartographic rules. a modified version of the model can be developed later to examine these representations. conclusions in this study, we presented an evaluation system (see table 2) that is available to assess any thematic map published in scientific journals. by using this objective method, visual qualities, map types, map accessorial, topographic elements, thematic content, base map types and unique geographical characteristics can be determined. we have conducted a case study involving 1,509 maps, ~300 per each field of geoscience (cartography, geography, geophysics, geology, and meteorology), from one hungarian and one international english language journal per discipline. the selected maps were analysed according to the criteria groups of the presented model. the following conclusions can be drawn from the thematic maps for earth sciences: we conclude that in the cases when the quality of maps is poor or medium, and espál, m. and albert, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 267–280.280 sential map elements are omitted, the reason was partly due to the less strict editorial rules (e.g. hungarian geoscientific journals) and the lack of modern scientific publishing tradition. the analysis of the visual criteria, the type and the base map can be evaluated universally for all disciplines and serves as an important basis for comparison. a new style of map use can be determined by thoroughly evaluating the scientific maps of the past years. this is specific to each discipline and can be characterised by the statistical analysis of map accessorial and topographic elements. the presented method is suitable for the assessment of any kind of scientific thematic map, not only for the earth science disciplines discussed. since certain directives on the preparation of figures and captions for maps are very rarely found on publishers’ websites, the criteria presented here can also be used as a checklist for the preliminary evaluation of maps prior to publishing, as well as for journal editors and reviewers when working with submitted manuscripts. r e f e r e n c e s albert, g., virág, m. and erőss, a. 2015. karst porosity estimations from archive cave surveys-studies in the buda thermal karst system (hungary), international journal of speleology 44. 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(5): 11–15. robinson, a.h., morrison, j.l., muehrcke, p.c., kimerling, a.j. and guptill s.c. 1995. elements of cartography. newyork, john wiley & sons. scimago journal & country rank 2020. available at https://www.scimagojr.com/ szigeti, cs., albert, g. and kis, d. 2018. measuring the map readers interpretation of hypsography. in 7th international conference on cartography & gis. 18–23. june 2018. sozopol, bulgaria. proceedings. eds.: bandrova, t. and konečný, m., sofia, ica publication, 547–555. working and retiring in sunny spain: lifestyle migration further explored 407parreño-castellano, j. and domínguez-mujica, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 407–420.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.65.4.8 hungarian geographical bulletin 65 2016 (4) 407–420. introduction since the 1960s spanish tourism destinations have been at the receiving end of two main international migration inflows from northern and western europe: a group of immigrant workers of different occupational profiles that have arrived in different intensity over time; and an inflow of non-working immigrants that have also varied in intensity and profile. the latter has been traditionally broken down into alternatively described as retirement migration, lifestyle migration or residential migration. this paper focuses on a type of migration from northern and western europe that occupies an intermediate position between the two inflows above: retired europeans who arrive to spanish tourism destinations while they are still active. these migrants can be classified as belonging to either of the aforementioned groups given that they were workers in spanish tourism areas but their migration process was motivated for reasons similar to those of non-working migrants. migration did not entail a considerable improvement of the economic conditions of these migrants, who were rather looking for a change of direction in their lives, just like lifestyle migrants. therefore, this migration process needs indeed to be examined within the context of lifestyle migrations, broadening the perspective of the complex and close relationships between production and consumption within the migration flows (williams, a. and hall, c.m. 2000). spain’s coastal regions offered in past decades ideal conditions for these migrants to fulfil their projects. on the one hand, they personally experienced their dreamt life in a real environment; on the other hand, they benefited from the labour opportunities that the tourist business created. following the idea of the methodological dualism analyzed working and retiring in sunny spain: lifestyle migration further explored juan pa r r e ño -c a s t e l l a n o and josefina d o m ín g u e z -m u j i c a 1 abstract spanish tourism destinations have received immigrant workers and retirees from western and northern europe since the sixties. in this paper we focus on the specific group of the retirees who had worked previously in spain with the objective to quantify them, to interpret the reasons why they migrated and have remained in the spanish tourism areas, and to acknowledge the relationship between tourism and migration in this context. the empirical research is based on the combination of quantitative and qualitative information. in particular, we have used official statistical sources, semi-structured in-depth interviews and the micro-data from the national immigrant survey (eni) and the continuous sample of labour life (mcvl). the method used is a mix of transversal and longitudinal analysis revealing that, despite the difficulties to quantity the studied group, labour motivations must be put into question and the role of tourism becomes the core of the explanation of the migration process. keywords: tourism labour market, retirees, spanish tourism destinations, lifestyle 1 department of geography, university of las palmas de gran canaria. c/perez de toro 1. 35003 las palmas, spain. e-mails: juan.parreno@ulpgc.es, josefina.dominguezmujica@ulpgc.es parreño-castellano, j. and domínguez-mujica, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 407–420.408 by bakewell, o. in his reflections on structure and agency in migration theory (2010), this article reveals the bracket between the strategic conduct of individuals and the structuring order of the labor market in tourism destinations. our paper establishes the following two main hypotheses. first, that we are not dealing with a flow of migrant workers, but with lifestyle migrants sensu lato, who do not wish to wait until retirement to start a new life project focused on leisure and a better quality of life. in other words, this group of migrants of working age wish to settle in spain’s coastal areas and share the lifestyle of tourists and retirees alike. the second hypothesis is that the permanence of these people, who will later become retired migrants, can only be explained if we consider the tourism activity. this is a phenomenon related to the tourism destinations, and motivated by tourism activity and leisure. subsequently to these hypotheses, we have established three objectives in our analysis: (i) to quantify the group object of this study; (ii) to interpret the reasons why they migrated and have remained in spanish tourism regions; and (iii) to acknowledge the relationship between tourism and migration in this context. the paper has been divided into five sections. in the first, we introduce some ideas that allow for a better contextualization of the study’s aim and its underlying hypotheses. secondly, we explain the sources and the methodology used in our research. under the third and fourth heading, we describe the main characteristics of european workers and retirees in spanish tourism destinations and the relationship between workers and retirees. in particular, we analyse the quantitative dimension of retirees after working in spain, bio-demographic profiles, their linkages with tourism and their challenging identification as labour or retired migrants. we also explain the characteristics that make it possible to analyse their migration projects and the reasons why they have stayed in spain after retirement. the article ends with some final suggestions for further discussion. research framework: from retirement migration to retirement of labor migrants tourism destinations have become places where a variety of processes of international human mobility coexists. besides tourist flows, we can differentiate ‘labour migration’, ‘entrepreneurial migration’, ‘return (labour) migration’, ‘consumption-led economically active migration’ and ‘retirement migration’ (williams, a. and hall, c.m. 2002) that have given rise to the development of specific lines of research, particularly on international retirees’ migration (benson, m. and o’reilly, k. 2009). in the case of spain, this topic has been profoundly studied both in spain itself and in the countries of origin of these immigrants, as well as by teams of researchers from both provenances. from a quantitative point of view, studies of the international migration flow of retirees have been approached by means of a statistical analysis of the data on stock and flows of elderly foreigners residing at tourism destinations. therefore, the figures of retirement migrations have been associated with permanent migrations, which normally imply home ownership and registration in the municipal census. however, under the relocation of retirees other non-registered flows should be included, given the wideranging nature of mobility processes, which can include second-home owners who stay for short periods of time, or the seasonal migrants who rent a property (king, r. et al. 2000) and who tend not to register as residents in their host municipalities. this has led researchers to establish different categories of retired migrants, differentiating between permanent and seasonal migrants, visitors and returnees (o’reilly, k. 1995). international retirement migration in tourism destinations is consequently a mixture of sensu stricto migratory flows and residential tourism (o’reilly, k. 2007; huete, r. et al. 2008), because there is a lack of ‘clear boundaries between international residential migration and either seasonal or circulatory migration or residential tourism’ (božić, s. 2006, 1416) or, in 409parreño-castellano, j. and domínguez-mujica, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 407–420. other words, a crossroads of travel, leisure and migration prevail (cohen, s.a. et al. 2015). there are several factors that explain spain’s appeal for retired international migrants, although motivation is ultimately always personal (dwyer, p. 2000). some researchers point out that some of the main factors propelling the flows are related to the so-called ‘lifestyle migration’ (casado-díaz, m.a. et al. 2004; torkington, k. 2010; huete, r. et al. 2013; king, r. 2015), a complex and nuanced phenomenon that concerns individuals and families who choose relocation as a way of redefining themselves (benson, m. and osbaldiston, n. 2014), searching for nice weather, a better environment or outdoor leisure options, while other scholars have highlighted healthcare as the main reason for such mobility, (hardill, i. et al. 2005; breivik, j.k. 2012; legido-quigley, h. and mckee, m. 2012; bell, d. et al. 2015). in any case, the causes can be related to new identities associated to post modern behavioural patterns (huber, a. and o’reilly, k. 2004), namely, lifestyle choices inherent to the decision to migrate (benson, m. and o’reilly, k. 2009) and to the pursuit of self-realization, self-exploration or self-development (conradson, d. and latham, a. 2005). from the point of view of hosting destinations, the importance of this phenomenon is explained by the existence of a competitive supply of homes for sale or for rent in tourism or coastal municipalities (dias, j.a. et al. 2015; rodríguez, v. and domínguezmujica, j. 2014); by the governance of second homes and multiple dwellings (hall, c.m. and müller, d.k. 2004; hall, c.m. 2015); by the difference in cost of living between the countries of origin and spain (mcintyre, n. et al. 2006; huete, r. 2008); and by spain’s leading position as a tourism destination in europe (rodríguez, v. 2001; leontidou, l. and marmaras, e. 2001; o’reilly, k. 2003). without assessing the various causes mentioned, the magnitude of the phenomenon can only be interpreted if we consider that this multifaceted reality involves further dimensions that need to be taken into consideration. one of these dimensions is that the presence of european retirees in spain is not only the consequence of retirement migrants, but also the result of the retirement of labor migrants. some researchers have studied the presence of retirees who had been working in the same tourism destinations before retiring. gustafson, p. (2009) analysed the cases of swedish retirees who had migrated to spain in their fifties, with the intention of working there, and who become pensioners shortly thereafter. domínguez-mujica, j. and parreño-castellano, j. (2014) studied the linkages between labour migrants from northern and western european and retirees in spanish tourism destinations. nonetheless, there is a flow of lifestyle migrants who were not preparing for retirement, but who retired in the place where they had migrated to. according to benson, m. and o’reilly, k. (2009), in such cases, the search for a better quality of life involves a new way of life, where time and working conditions are redefined (madden, l. 1999; stone, i. and stubbs, c. 2007). this migratory model has been analysed in some research, such as that of the british nationals in costa del sol (o’really, k. 2000) or in india (korpela, m. 2010), but it has generally not received much more attention from scholars. the characteristics of tourist labor market in spain have facilitated the success of these migratory projects but the permanence in spain of these migrants, especially after retirement, can only be explained widening the research from a social perspective. the long-time permanence might be linked to a high level of integration in the hosting society, the development of a family project in spain, and, in many cases, the creation of transnational identities (vertovec, s. 1999; gustafson, p. 2008). sources and methodology the research is based on three different sets of sources. the first ones are statistical sources from the national statistical institute (ine) parreño-castellano, j. and domínguez-mujica, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 407–420.410 and the ministry of employment and social security: continuous municipal register statistics, 2011 population census, residential variation statistics and the spanish social security workers registration records. the second group is comprised by qualitative sources, including 14 semi-structured in-depth interviews developed in the framework of a research project on retirees residing in spanish tourism destinations. these were conducted in public spaces (cafes, terraces) or at associations in tourism areas of the spanish mediterranean provinces and archipelagos during spring 2012. the conversation took place in english or german, depending on the interviewee and on whether the interviewers were native speakers involved in the research project. besides personal data, questions focused on the decision-making process, the workers’ prior status, living arrangements, the identity and belonging feeling, etc. each interview lasted for one hour approx. and was recorded and transcribed. the third source corresponds to the microdata from the national immigrant survey (eni) conducted in 2007 by the national statistical institute, and to the registration data of workers by the statistical department of the ministry of employment and social security, the continuous sample of labour life (mcvl), which lost its original quantitative character once it was processed. the first source helped develop a descriptive and exploratory statistical analysis; the second one focused on a qualitative analysis and the third one on an observational analysis, following and gathering information of the people under examination for the period of their working and retirement life – 103 people in the case of the national immigrant survey and 263 people in the case of the sample of registrations in the social security records. all of these sources provided information on western and northern european immigrants, including finnish, swedish, norwegian, icelandic, irish, danish, german, swiss, austrian, belgian, dutch, luxembourgian, french and british citizens residing in spanish mediterranean provinces and archipelagos either as workers or as retired immigrants, focusing particularly on those retirees who carried out their professional careers in spain. we examined the professional career that retirees residing in spanish tourism destinations had developed, by using a quantitative fig. 1. scheme of the research proceedings. source: compiled by the authors 411parreño-castellano, j. and domínguez-mujica, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 407–420. procedure followed by a qualitative analysis, leading to certain synergies between both approaches. a mixed methodology was applied as an alternative to the quantitative and qualitative approaches, with the goal of reconstructing the story of the migrant’s life. thanks to this methodology it was possible to collect and interpret data, integrate findings, and draw inferences in a single study of inquiry (tashakkori, a. and creswell, j.w. 2007), going back and forth seamlessly between statistical and thematic analysis (figure 1). workers and retirees in this section, we study the main characteristics of european workers and retirees in spanish tourism destinations in order to gather a better contextualisation of the migrants under analysis. spain has received a substantial flow of migrants from western and northern europe since the 1960s, and especially since the 1990s. according to the 2011 population and housing census, western and northern european citizens (finnish, swedish, norwegian, icelandic, irish, danish, german, swiss, austrian, belgian, dutch, luxembourgian, french and british) reached 737,872 people, i.e. 14 percent of the total number of foreigners residing in spain. figure 2 represents the evolution of the number of these residents according to the information of the continuous municipal register. social security registration data record the number of workers and their geographical origin. at the peak of the years of economic expansion (1996–2007), the number of immigrants coming from western and northern europe and enrolling as workers peaked at 181,911. by the end of 2013 that figure had decreased to 155,163 as a consequence of the economic crisis. the main country of origin is the united kingdom, followed by germany and france. most of them were living in the mediterranean provinces (especially alicante and malaga) and in the balearic and canary islands, besides madrid (figure 3). the importance of this group is highly significant for three different reasons. first, as stated by favell, a. (2009, 171), ‘the numbers of western europeans on the move have by no means been large, but they are highly symbolic. for every one who moves to work and settles freely in a neighbouring member state of the eu, many more are moving temporarily… as eventually retirees’. secondly, the geographical concentration of these workers in the coastal areas is linked inextricably to the development of these locations for mass tourism – and the activities and identities of the migrants themselves, as well as their attitudes, expectations and actions are better understood when we take into account tourism specialization. lastly, they are likely to remain in spain after they become retirees, enjoying the rights of european supranational citizenship. fig. 2. western and northern europeans residing in spain. source: ine exploitation of the municipal register, 2013. parreño-castellano, j. and domínguez-mujica, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 407–420.412 on january 1, 2013, there were 334,388 western and northern european citizens over 60 residing in spain, especially in the coastal municipalities of the mediterranean and island provinces (93.8% out of them), according to the continuous municipal register (figure 4). this circumstance indicates the concurrence of both working adults and older residents in the same geographical area. the data from the residential variations statistics show a high influx of these older immigrants since the mid-1990s, with the highest level of settlements between 2004 and 2007. in fact, these numbers would be even higher if we take into account the pensioners between 50 and 60 years of age and the people who voluntarily fail to register with spanish municipalities. most of these old residents are british (45.5%) and german (21.0%), but there is also an important number of french (10.2%), dutch (4.8%), belgian (3.9%) and norwegian (3.0%) nationals. building bridges between work and retirement this section is devoted to the migrants under examination. in particular, we analyse their quantitative dimension, their demographic fig. 3. geographical distribution of western and northern european adult residents (20–59) by provinces. source: ine exploitation of the municipal register, 2013. 413parreño-castellano, j. and domínguez-mujica, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 407–420. profile, and their complex identification as labour migrants and their linkages with tourism. statistical evidence as noted previously, the relationship between workers and retirees can be ascertained from the information provided by statistical samples. on the one hand, the 2007 national immigrant survey (eni) (2007) interviewed 542 retirees born in northern and western european countries and living in the mediterranean and spanish island provinces. over one hundred of them (19%) had worked in spain before reaching the age of retirement. on the other hand, the continuous working life sample (mcvl) (2009) contains information about 311 immigrants from the mentioned european countries who received retirement funds from the spanish social security system. this figure represented about 4 percent of the total number of northern and western european elderly residents in the spanish mediterranean and island provinces, taking into account the sample size of mcvl. the difference between both percentages can be explained by the fact that some of the retired immigrants who worked in spain fig 4. geographical distribution of older western and northern european residents (> 60) by municipalities (mediterranean provinces and islands). source: ine exploitation of the municipal register, 2013. parreño-castellano, j. and domínguez-mujica, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 407–420.414 did not meet the requirements to obtain a pension and by the different nature of both sources. despite this, the combination of them allows us to appreciate the presence of the phenomenon studied and to characterize the demographic and geographical profiles of these immigrants. as expected, most of them were born in france, the united kingdom and germany and arrived in spain before 1980. both sources also reflect the predominance of males, who normally live alone or, to a lesser extent, with a partner or with a partner and few descendants. the complex identification of these migrants as labour migrants according to the data described above, it is obvious that some of the european retirees living in spain were initially working immigrants. however, is this the consequence of an inflow of labour migrants, or is it a different type of migration? it is necessary to consider that the subject of our study is a heterogeneous group and, therefore, there is no single answer to the question above. the national immigration survey (eni) data analysed have led us to divide the immigrants we are examining into three distinct groups. most of them were old adults between 45 and 60 years of age at the time of their arrival in spain, whose decision to emigrate was often preceded by a family turning point, such as a divorce, a second marriage or the children’s independence. the choice to migrate was often linked to the search for new experiences or to the wish to cut ties with the place of birth (in fact, most of them had sold their properties before leaving). we are dealing, therefore, with a group who took the decision to emigrate to bring about a change in their life, moving either alone or with a partner. the second most important age group is formed by young adults (between 25 and 35 years old), whose decision was related to the wish to begin a professional career, often associated with tourism activities, e.g. holiday representatives, hotel activity leaders, sports coaches. finally, there is a third group formed by the expatriates who had been assigned to a new post in spain by the company they worked for, i.e. skilled workers, generally in hotel management. this last group includes immigrants of any age, but normally not young adults. all in all, data lead us to consider different motivations in the change of residence. therefore, according the eni, most of immigrants, those of the first group, did not arrive to spain due to labour motivations sensu stricto. some characteristics of the immigrants considered in this survey seem weaken the labour character of the majority of the migratory projects. for example, we can mention the fact that a large number (34% of the 103 selected immigrants from the eni) did not speak spanish before emigrating or that they normally came to spain without a contract and with only a vague idea of the job that they could get – in fact, only 20 percent of them were hired before migrating. the in-depth interviews allow us to shed light to the causes of the migratory process. if we analyze some answers together, we might question the labour dimension of this migratory flow. first, the declared motivations. a high number of migrants highlights the lower cost of living and, above all, the search for a ‘place in the sun’ where to live and not just to work. ‘we came on holiday to moraira and we loved it. because then it was just a small fishing village, surrounded by palm trees and it was just paradise. one main street, nice tranquil life, it was lovely! and we decided to try. we liked it here, we stayed six months and my parents liked it. they sold their property in england and they bought a restaurant here. and this is how i came to live here’ (sylvia, moraira, alicante). the same factors propelled the so-called ‘lifestyle migration’ according to benson, m. and o’reilly, k. (2009); torkington, k. (2010) and huete, r. et al. (2013). more precisely, in the interviews they refer to the search for nice weather, a better environment and outdoor leisure options. common, literal explanations by migrants include: 415parreño-castellano, j. and domínguez-mujica, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 407–420. ‘at least, here, you can enjoy a lovely lifestyle without spending too much money… so basically, what i try to meet is the lifestyle, and not only the sunshine. i don’t like sunbathing. i just like being out in the sun, hiking’ (kim, los cristianos, tenerife, canary islands). ‘i fell in love with the spanish way of life’ (nigel, calvià, mallorca, balearic islands). in second place, the way which the immigrants tell about the labour situation they lived in their countries of origin. in this sense, none of the immigrants had job difficulties, being either employees or entrepreneurs before departure. they often claim that what they simply wanted was to change their occupation, especially in the case of non-skilled workers. in third place, the low knowledge of the immigrants about spain and its labour market. many of the respondents pointed out their absolute lack of contact with spain or of experience with the country except for a few days’ holiday, prior to the migration. this indicates that the decision may have been triggered by television news or reports, tourism flyers, references from acquaintances or their own experience as tourists. at the same time, there is no shortage of examples of people who came to spain for a short holiday and decided to stay on and set up a business. as a interviewee said: ‘we saw this bar with an apartment and the idea was that it goes over here, get us something to do, earn a bit of money and decided to stay’ (klaus, empuriabrave, girona). overall, from a personal point of view, this behaviour shows that they are people with initiative, who came to spain because they wanted to begin or to change their lifestyle. the wish to modify their lifestyle is similar to what generally motivates retirees to migrate, a combination of the receiving areas’ features and mechanisms closely linked to the individual’s life course (rodríguez, v. et al. 2004). a migration project rooted in tourism according to the data described above, it would be questionable to classify all these migrants as immigrant workers; however, it is evident that their stay in spanish destinations is linked to the job opportunities generated by the tourism sector and, consequently, with the existence of a successful migration project. in fact, success at work has tended to provide an incentive for staying in spain after retirement. in our research, the two samples show that the most frequent jobs of the respondents were linked to tourism specialization. for instance, 18 percent of the 103 retirees surveyed by eni and 26 percent of the 263 selected from the mcvl had worked in services of catering and hospitality. some of the respondents invested their savings in small catering businesses (pubs and restaurants) and hired one or two employees, or worked on their own. northern and western european workers selling houses, apartments, bungalows and land in coastal zones and developing activities such as advertising, production of tourism flyers, recreational services or sport activities were also common. from the point of view of qualifications, 16 percent of the immigrants were managers or technicians, but most of them worked as non-skilled workers – waiters and waitresses, salespersons, real estate agents and manufacturing workers, according to eni. in spite of this, over two thirds said that they had never been unemployed, which is a sign of a successful migratory project and of the job opportunities that they found in tourism destinations beyond the difficulties of the spanish labour market. this working condition of immigrants is confirmed by the mcvl. this source indicates that highly skilled employees are a minority (engineers and university graduates represent 13.7% of the total), compared to the importance of those of lesser categories and administrative officers. in the case of the hotel trade, we find employees with different levels of specialization, from waiters to hotel managers, but the lesser skilled workers tend to prevail. nevertheless, the longitudinal analysis allows us to perceive that many of the migratory projects reflect an economic stability and, what is more important, an upward labour mobility. many parreño-castellano, j. and domínguez-mujica, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 407–420.416 of the immigrants started out as employees and ended up as owners, developing a successful career. the professional progress of immigrants, namely the type of work and job stability, has important implications in their decision to stay. the longitudinal perspective provided by the mcvl allows us to identify that those retirees who had their own business or a more stable and better paid employment retired at a higher rate in spain. the fact that 23.5 percent contributed financially as wage-earners during their working life marks an important difference with respect to the structure of the labour market in spain, where this rate is much lower, and shows that many of them were entrepreneurs in the different activities promoted by tourism specialization. in contrast, temporary workers are unrepresented not only among retirees but also compared with the figures of this group in the spanish labour market. thus, it can be interpreted that this type of job generates fewer roots and plays a significant role when taking the decision to stay or to return. the relationship between migration project and tourism is also showed by the residential mobility that respondents have had throughout their life. most of the retirees in spain live in the same province where they developed their professional career, except for those who had jobs in madrid, barcelona and other inland provinces, and who decided to move to coastal areas when they retired. the immigrants that worked in the tourism destinations used to rent an apartment out of those available in consolidated tourism areas, as the obsolescence of some tourism complexes drove them to be offered in the real estate market of housing for workers. in a second stage, as they got better jobs, they tended to move to one of the new tourism urbanizations, frequently in suburban areas. factors like career advancement or social support contribute to the modification of the immigrants’ dwelling preferences as time goes by. however, the linkages between residential options and tourism specialization remain. as retirees, a part tend to move from consolidated urbanizations to new urbanizations, but always within the same tourism areas, as a consequence of the identity linkages that the respondents have developed. a migration project linked to the communities of fellow citizens as previously stated, tourism activities contribute to offer job opportunities to these migrants but it is also necessary to bear in mind the growth of the communities of active and retired fellow citizens as time goes by, since the growth of this group demands an expanding need for services and, therefore, of job opportunities (o’reilly, k. 2007). in fact, most of them have developed their professional activities in close connection with fellow country people, working at pubs and restaurants, selling property to foreign investors, normally of their own geographical origin, renting cars, entertaining tourists through leisure activities, taking care of elderly retirees, etc. hence, their social space is an in-between space (levitt, p. and schiller, n.g. 2004). as a consequence, many of these foreigners display a relatively low level of integration in their local communities, as reflected in the answers collected by the eni and the interviews. for example, both sources show that they do not usually participate in politics or vote in the elections (janoschka, m. and durán, r. 2013): ‘the politics i thought were… i had no vision, just a tourist view… i haven’t been interested in politics’ (michael, torremolinos, málaga). ‘i’m never as interested in politics as to be involved’ (hugh, mojácar, almería). additionally, the same sources reveal that they generally only take part in social clubs or associations when they are promoted by or organized for fellow citizens: ‘i would find myself here amongst the germans at the german club / deutscher club costa blanca’ (sylvia, moraira, alicante). ‘i am a member of the 41 club, which is more like a dining club’ (nigel, calvià, mallorca). 417parreño-castellano, j. and domínguez-mujica, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 407–420. this reveals a tendency to ‘seek out their own’ (king, r. 2002; warnes, t. and williams, a. 2006: 137). this behaviour is similar that of retirement migrants. in interviews conducted by o’reilly, k. with british (2000) and by gustafson, p. (2002) with swedish retirees, the residents recognized that they felt more foreign than spanish in spain, and they did not consider a full integration possible or desirable. in this sense, as stated by breivik, j.k. (2012, 1650) regarding norwegians, ‘being norwegian in spain is made by a combination of pride and shame, enthrallment and struggle, integration and separation’. in our research, most of the respondents were not especially worried about integration. they had found strategies for everyday life and come to interpret when they had to deal with specific situations of legal or administrative nature, appreciating the efforts made to assist in their own language by municipalities. nevertheless, this lack of interest about the benefits of a greater integration does not preclude having a feeling of identity with the environment in which they develop their daily lives. in this sense, they often claim to wish remain in spain to the end of their days, to the point that some of them manifest they wish to die in spain: ‘it is a good place to grow old (…) where there is warm weather and could die comfortably’ (british, 68 years old man, retiree, former teacher of english language). similarly, they develop certain behaviours of socially integrated citizens, such as homeownership (67% of the 103 selected immigrants from the eni purchased a house). all in all, we can say that they develop a personal project of social integration in which a certain sense of transnational identity is balanced with a tourist gaze of life. conclusions in this research, we have confirmed the importance of in-depth interviews and the structural and longitudinal analysis of personal micro-data from statistical sources to study the professional and personal paths of immigrants in tourism destination. our research is based on the realisation that there are two distinct groups of northern and western europeans residing in spain. on the one hand, the group made up by those who have arrived during their working lives, from the 1960s on, to enter the labour market and, on the other hand, migrating retirees. the former, whose numbers have grown steadily, has been quantified statistically thanks to the data offered by the continuous municipal register population, 2011 housing census and the spanish social security records. the latter group, which has also grown substantially, has done so at a slightly later stage, from the beginning of the 1990s, as revealed by the municipal census and the residential variation statistics. in both cases, the most common residential destinations are spain’s mediterranean coastal regions and both spanish archipelagos. our paper proposes that there is a certain link between both groups, demonstrating the bridges between labour and retire migrations. the presence of the retirees is not only the consequence of the international migration of retirees, but also of the fact that some of these retirees had formerly been workers who had migrated to spain during their working years. our study has allowed us to establish the contribution of these former workers to the number of retired pensioners, who can otherwise be mistaken for immigrants who had arrived after retirement. however, when examining this migration process in greater depth, we realize that its origin is not, in a strict sense, that of a migration of workers. there are other features in this process that contribute to distort its character as a workers migration flow, or at least, set it apart from other more usual work migration processes: the low use of support networks at their host destination (at least during the first years in spain); the lack of a contract of employment before emigrating; the absence of a clear idea regarding the kind of job they parreño-castellano, j. and domínguez-mujica, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 407–420.418 wished to find in spain; their limited proficiency in spanish; the fact that they do not send remittances back to their home country; or the little prior contact they had had with host areas (and, consequently, with their job markets). likewise, the fact that the immigrants highlight good weather, the environment or quality of life as factors that had led them to come and look for work in spain equates them to retired or lifestyle immigrants, as explained by previous studies (huete, r. et al. 2013). consequently, we believe that we are dealing with people who brought their dream life forward in a tourism environment during their working life, a phenomenon which, although partly examined by other studies (o’really, k. 2000, gustafson, p. 2009; lunt, n. 2009), has attracted less attention in tourism research. this, in turn, shows the complexity of human mobility in tourism destinations, where the limit between older people who migrate and former labour migrants who have ‘aged in place’ is blurred (warnes, t. and williams, a. 2006, 1257). another question of great importance is the factors that condition the permanence of these working migrants. among them, we have emphasized the labour opportunities and the job success that tourism offers in spain. there is a link between qualifications, work stability and promotion on the one hand and their permanence on the other, both during their working life and after retirement. also, we would like to underline the fact that the development of communities of fellow country people made up of active and retired in areas where working migrants reside ends up becoming a key element when explaining the permanence in spain of former migrants. this is because many of them held jobs closely linked to niches of activities generated by the very existence of these communities, and also because they developed a social life linked to their fellow citizens, as their leisure preferences and social relations reveal. precisely this second element has been highlighted as an explanatory factor in the study undertaken by casado-díaz, m.a. et al. 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(1): 5–27. williams, a . and hall, c .m . 2002. tourism and migration: new relationships between production and consumption. london, kluwer academic publishers. retail competitiveness in a middle sized border town (komárno, slovakia) 285 hungarian geographical bulletin 60 (3) (2011) 285–306. retail competitiveness in a middle sized border town (komárno, slovakia) tamás t. sikos1 and andrás kovács2 abstract our study deals with the rapid transformation of the slovak retail network as well as it analyzes the changes in shopping habits in komárno, a medium sized border town in slovakia. the fi rst part of this paper, which is based on a desk research, analyzes the transformation of slovak retail trade in the past few years. aft er providing an overlook of the national trends, the characteristic features of retail trade in komárno are introduced. those economic processes are pointed out which have initiated fundamental changes in the retail trade of this gateway town in southern slovakia. in the second part of the paper we introduce the results of the fi eld research carried out on two sets of samples with 300 respondents each. the investigation was aimed at fi nding out about peculiarities arising from the economic recession and from the fact that komárno lies on the border. the research was carried out between 2008 and 2010 in order to explore the eff ects of the downturn on shopping habits. in our research we aim to fi nd out, whether the closeness of the frontier and its distorting infl uence on economic processes can have a signifi cant eff ect on market actors. therefore we consider the permanent monitoring of cross-border market processes to be extremely important, so that (retail) businesses are able to react to individual rapid changes in the economic environment. since nearly one third of the 174 micro-regions in hungary and several regional centers are situated directly in frontier regions, it is especially important for retail businesses run in those regions to fi nd out about the economic conditions prevailing on the other side of the border. keywords: cross-border retail trade, shopping centers, competitiveness, shopping habits. introduction the towns and sett lements lying near the border have gone through signifi cantly divergent historical developments in the past three quarters of a century. 1 szent istván university, h-2103 gödöllő, páter károly u. 1. e-mail: sikos.t.tamas@gtk. szie.hu 2 j. selye university, sk-945 01 komárno, bratislavská cesta 3322 and college for modern business studies, h-2800 tatabánya, stúdium tér 1. e-mail: kovacs.andras@selyeuni.sk 286 this divergence was present in their demographic, ethnic, religious, economic, educational, cultural and other developments (with a special view to changes in the situation of the hungarian minority in slovakia). thus, there were substantial diff erences between sett lements on the two sides of the border in the level of economic development and in the standard of living. these differences were especially manifested in the case of komárno in slovakia and komárom in hungary, which used to be one town on the danube until they were forcefully divided by the new hungarian–czechoslovak border in 1920. it took nearly seven decades (except the period between 1938 and 1945) until the hungarian and the slovak parts of the town got into a situation (in the 1990s) that the preconditions of a long-term, coordinated, joint urban development were given. nowadays the two towns are coming closer to each other in many respects. the most important signs of this advance seem to be manifested in the increasing number of commuters employed on the other side of the border, developing tourism and cross-border retail trade, gradually growing international migration and the renewal of personal relationships as well as in increased vehicle and pedestrian traffi c, which has arisen from the above mentioned phenomena. the above developments promote the approach of the two towns in the fi elds of organizational, institutional and personal relations as well as in culture, sports, education etc. the volume of foreign capital investments arriving to the region has also started to increase. what is more, new bilateral and multilateral cross-town cooperation programs and regional development cooperation programs have been launched in the framework of eu-related activities, such as the euroregion vagus-danubia-ipolia or the pons danubii egtc. retail trends in slovakia the slovak retail network has gone through signifi cant structural changes (dawson, a.j. 2007). a large number of shopping centers of diff erent size and profi le have been opened since the second half of the 1990s both in slovakia and hungary. the four popular hypermarket chains in slovakia are the following: tesco, kaufl and, hypernova and carrefour (sikos, t.t. 2007). besides these a number of diff erent supermarkets and deep discounters also appeared on the market. due to their smaller size these can be found in the city centers or in their vicinities. the following can be mentioned as examples: billa, jednota, cba or lidl. table 1 shows the turnover of the top 10 retailers in the past three years as well as the number of stores added to their chain. the top four retailers managed to keep their position on the market. tesco is one of the most popular and 287 most dynamically developing retail chains in slovakia. it has more than 80 stores ranging from hypermarkets through supermarkets to tesco express stores. though metro did not open new stores in the above mentioned period, their turnover increased considerably. billa managed to keep its position by opening new stores: in 2009 they had as many as 100 stores. the same applies to kaufl and, with the diff erence that their growth in the number of stores was not as large as the one of billa. hypernova, which is run by ahold retail, was not able to maintain its earlier position, and its place was overtaken by gg tabak, which sells mainly tobacco products and newspapers. nay, the electrical shop chain lost its sixth position and ended up in eight place at the end of the period. baumax appeared on the top 10 list in 2008, and it has been able to keep its position since then. the fact that retail chains in cooperative ownership lost their position is also supported by the fact that the two largest cooperative chains disappeared from the top 10 list. these are the two coop jednota chains, one with its seat in nové zámky and the other one with its headquarters in bratislava (yudelson, j. 2010). food industry suffered the least as a result of the downturn in 2009; however, food retailers’ turnover also fell for the ta bl e 1. t op 1 0 re ta ile rs in s lo va ki a, 2 00 7– 20 09 20 07 20 08 20 09 r et ai l c ha in n um be r of s to re s tu rn ov er in b ill io n sl ov ak cr ow ns r et ai l c ha in n um be r of s to re s tu rn ov er in b ill io n sl ov ak cr ow ns r et ai l c ha in n um be r of s to re s tu rn ov er in b ill io n sl ov ak cr ow ns 1. t es co 2. c & c m et ro 3. b ill a 4. k au fl an d 5. a ho ld r et ai l 6. c b a s k 7. l id l 8. l ab aš 9. c oo p b a 10 . c oo p n z 58 5 90 29 25 28 0 98 9 23 11 0 35 .7 17 .6 13 .3 10 .8 8. 0 5. 3 4. 9 4. 1 3. 2 2. 8 1. t es co 2. c & c m et ro 3. b ill a 4. k au fl an d 5. a ho ld r et ai l 6. n ay 7. g g t ab ak 8. l id l 9. c b a s k 10 . b au m ax 70 5 94 35 25 24 80 11 0 25 0 14 40 .5 18 .5 14 .4 11 .2 8. 3 6. 9 6. 3 5. 8 5. 7 5. 3 1. t es co 2. c & c m et ro 3. b ill a 4. k au fl an d 5. g g t ab ak 6. a ho ld r et ai l 7. l id l 8. n ay 9. c b a s k 10 . b au m ax 81 5 10 0 40 80 25 11 2 25 25 0 14 34 .4 0 13 .8 0 13 .2 0 10 .6 0 9. 30 7. 53 5. 30 5. 20 4. 90 3. 70 so ur ce : a c n ie ls en , 20 08 –2 01 0. 288 fi rst time in fi ft een years. the combined turnover of retail chains decreased considerably, namely by 12%. nay, baumax and metro saw the most dramatic decrease: their turnover fell by 25–30%. on the other hand, the turnover of billa, kaufl and and lidl fell only by 5–8%. it was only gg tabak that increased its sales. the above decreases were also caused by the fact that fewer retail chains opened new stores in 2009. the expansion of retailer centers slowed down. this had not happened in the previous fi ve years. merely some 60 centers were opened in 2009, which was much lower than the corresponding number a year earlier. further expansion and the launch of new projects can be expected in 2010. billa is planning to open at least 10 new stores, and jednota hopes to open 40 units. kaufl and is expecting to implement 20 new projects in the next fi ve years. aft er providing an overview of the most important retail trends and market situation on national level let us analyze the specifi c features of retail trade in the town of komárno. the analysis can be divided into three major parts. in the fi rst part those macroeconomic processes will be investigated that have fundamentally infl uenced the retail sector. we will also analyze the most important factors of the town's retail trade. finally, it will be provided a comparative analysis of the results of our fi eld research carried out in 2008 and in 2010. macro factors infl uencing retail trade the development of the retail sector depends on the fl uctuations of eff ective demand. there are parallels between the unemployment processes of komárno district and its economic development, thus the purchasing power of its population can be well characterized by unemployment trends in the district (figure 1). unemployment in komárno district has developed in three stages since 1997. the fi rst stage can be described with persistently high unemployment rates. the number of jobless people permanently exceeded ten thousand. the rate of unemployment decreased rapidly during the second stage between 2004 and 2008. this was due to the economic development of the country. free movement of labor arising from the country’s eu accession also contributed to the decrease. several thousands of people from komárno and the surrounding region found employment with one of the companies that had sett led in the industrial park in komárom on the other side of the border in hungary. in the third stage, which still lasts, the number of those looking for a job has been rocketing as a result of the economic downturn. the number of unemployed people has come near to ten thousand again. due to the fact that in the third stage unemployment increased again the proportion of discretionary income 289 in households decreased, bringing the retailers in the town into a diffi cult situation. on the other hand, it is not only macro market conditions that infl uence business opportunities of retailers in komárno. since the town lies on the border, retail trade in komárno is also signifi cantly infl uenced by the exchange rate between the hungarian forint and the euro (earlier the slovak crown). by looking at the long-term course of the exchange rate between the above-mentioned two currencies it can be concluded that the forint has been permanently loosing value against the slovak crown (euro) since 2004. the depreciation of the forint was not only the result of the downturn in 2008. it was already present in the period when the slovak economy was developing fast and the hungarian economy was sluggish, or stagnating (from the second half of the 2000s) (figure 2). the constant weakening of the forint proves to be beneficial for hungarian retailers close to the border; on the other hand, it puts retailers who run their businesses in komárno and in other frontier regions into an unfavorable position. changes in the exchange rate weaken the position of slovak retailers in two respects. on one hand, doing the shopping in hungary is increasingly worth for those who earn euros in slovakia. the reason for this is that the purchasing power of forints that they get for one euro is higher in hungary than the purchasing power of a euro in slovakia. moreover, those slovaks who are employed in hungary increasingly tend to spend their forints in hungary in order to avoid loss on exchange. the number of the latt er ones in the whole frontier region amounts to more than ten thousand (hardi, t. 2008). their fig. 1. change in the number of unemployed people in komárno district source: www.upsvar.sk 290 shopping habits have been analyzed in a number of studies (sikos, t.t., and tiner, t. 2007; sikos, t.t. and kovács, a. 2008; kovács, a. 2010). retail trade development processes in komárno in the following part of our study the most important features of the retail sector in komárno will be analyzed. first, the most important market actors will be introduced (terry, c. 1994), and then the role of the most important retail establishments in town, i.e. hypermarkets, will be looked upon. this will be followed by the analysis of the retail function of the historical town center. we will also investigate what dangers the shops located in the town center would be exposed to if a new shopping center were built in town. in the closing part the most important characteristic features and developments of the cross-border retail trade will be highlighted, and the trends throughout the deepening crisis in 2009 and during the time of the slow recovery in 2010. retail networks on the two sides of the border the spatial processes of the retail trade of komárno can be understood only if they are analyzed together with the retail network developments of the southern neighboring town in hungary, komárom. therefore, in the following a fig. 2. hungarian forint/slovak crown exchange rate developments. euro became the legal tender in slovakia on 1 january 2009. the exchange rates as of 2009 shown above have been calculated with the permanent slovak crown/euro exchange rate (30.126 skk/eur). source: www.mnb.hu 291 short overview of the two towns’ retail sector developments will be provided by touching upon its most important elements. there are numerous parallels between the retail sector developments of the two towns. komárno has a population of 37,400 and komárom has 19,900 residents, and the retail trade of both sett lements is dominated by western european capital-intensive retail networks (table 2.) none of the towns have a signifi cant shopping center in their town center; however, both towns have a restored, reconstructed department store, or a retail establishment of a strip mall kind (sikos, t.t. and hoffmann, i. 2004). as examples of reconstructed department stores in komárno the ister (former váh) retail establishment and komárno shopping center (former prior) could be mentioned. the one in komárom, hungary is the former duna department store. an example of strip malls is the family center in komárno, which opened in 2008. an investment project of minor importance that was carried out following the change of regime was the opening of millennium üzletház in komárom. before the fi nancial crisis hit in 2008 there were plans to open a 12,000square-meter shopping centre in kossuth square, which is the market square in komárno. however, due to the crisis the project has been postponed indefi nitely. the already implemented and planned developments have considerably changed the traditional shopping areas, i.e. the centers of both times. the retail network of igmándi street in komárom as well as the network of župná, palatínova and valchovnícka streets in komárno have regressed. stores have been replaced by catering and entertainment facilities, such as cafes, restaurants, clubs etc. (fi gures 3 and 4). comparing the maps from 2005 and 2010, it can be concluded that the retail network of the town center has been transformed signifi cantly during the last fi ve years. it has been prompted by a complex system of factors: the spread of new types of retail stores (cf. table 2), the lack of capital in local small businesses and the unfavorable eff ects of the economic regression that started at the end of 2008 have all contributed to this change. table 2. the most important international food retailers in the two towns komárno komárom retail unit opened in retail unit opened in kaufl and hypernova billa family center lidl 2002 2003 2005 2008 2010 spar penny market tesco spar spar 1993 2000 2005 2007 2009 source: own collection 292 fi g. 3 . r et ai l n et w or k of k om ár no ’s to w n ce nt er , 2 00 5. s ou rc e: s ik os , t .t . a nd t in er , t . 2 00 7. 293 fi g. 4 . r et ai l n et w or k of k om ár no ’s to w n ce nt er , 2 01 0. s ou rc e: o w n co lle ct io n, 2 01 0 294 the most important elements of the change could be summarized as follows: the number of vacant shops has increased dramatically; the number of businesses involved in the catering industry has also increased considerably; retailing function, that had a signifi cant role in the past, has lost importance. what is more, new service units such as hairdressing and beauty salons and healthcare services (gp surgeries, pharmacies) have appeared in the downtown. the transformation of the town center is still in progress. tenant fl uctuation is extremely high. there are stores that do not stay open even for a year. on the basis of our observations the service units are not able to replace all retail stores that have closed; thus, the number of vacant shops is growing. the shopkeepers react to falling demand in diff erent ways. in order to survive they reduce the size of their shops, which brings along an increased number of stores in the center. furthermore, completely or partly new, supposedly more competitive store profi les have appeared. it can be concluded that the retail market of the two towns is rather competitive. consumer preferences are infl uenced both by the macroeconomic circumstances outlined above and by the marketing strategy and market behavior of each store. the fact that the two towns lie on the frontier results in a special competitive environment, where there is not only horizontal competition (between shops of similar profi le, function) and vertical competition (between shops with diff erent size and function) in retail trade, but due to the closeness of the two towns and the permeability of borders there is international competition between the retailers. in our empirical research the most important elements and relations of this complex competitive market situation were explored. in the next part of the paper the most important results of our research will be summarized. two surveys were carried out: one in 2008 and another in 2010. in both of them 300 respondents were asked. our data collection took place in the most important retail zones of komárno (župná and palatínova streets, klapka square, jókaiho street and the hypernova and kaufl and shopping centers) as well as at j. selye university in order to ensure that diff erent age groups, diff erent social strata and diff erent income levels were represented in the research sample. analysis of changes in shopping habits the distribution of respondents is similar in the two research samples. one third of respondents are male, two thirds are female. the reason for the higher representation of female respondents is the fact that shopping is still mostly done by women. therefore, our aim was to represent this fact in our research sample, too. data collection took place on diff erent days of the week, in different parts of the day in order to ensure that respondents who regularly do 295 their shopping on certain days and at certain times would be represented in the sample with a similar probability. the distribution of respondents shows well that all age groups of the population are represented in the sample. however, the age group of people from 21 to 40 was overrepresented in the sample purposefully. the reason was that this group is important for marketing communication, since the sensitivity of its members to new advertisements and messages is high. furthermore, their brand loyalty is rather low and they have considerable discretional income and represent high purchasing power. the age distribution of the samples from 2008 and 2010 is very similar, so the results of the two surveys are comparable (figure 5). considering the occupation of the respondents it can be seen that the majority of shoppers in the town work in the service sector, or they have some sort of white-collar jobs. due to their special customer needs and behavior, students/undergraduates can be considered to be an important part of our sample. most respondents who were put to the “other” category are homemakers or they are on maternity leave. the proportion of retired people, in accordance with the age distribution of the sample, is low (figure 6). a vast majority of respondents in both samples fi nished secondary education, which corresponds to the general education level in the region. fig. 5. age distribution of respondents. source: own collection fig. 6. distribution of respondents by occupation, 2008, 2010. source: own collection 296 the sample from 2010 includes more respondents with a fi rstor second-level university degree; however, the diff erence between the two samples in this respect is insignifi cant (figure 7). aft er examining the basic features of the research sample (age, occupation, education level) it can be concluded that the social and economic status and the demographic features of respondents in the two samples are similar to a large extent. thus, the results of the two data collections are comparable. in the next part of the paper a comparative analysis of the two questionnaire surveys will be carried out with an aim to fi nd out what caused the changes in shopping habits in two years. when analyzing shopping habits, one of the most important issues is the analysis of shopping frequency. although only two years passed between the two data collections, the shopping frequency of customers in komárno changed considerably. in 2008 nearly 60% of respondents purchased something in diff erent retail units nearly every day. in contrast, a similar proportion in 2010 belonged to the group of those who did their purchases only few times a week. the proportion of those doing daily purchases decreased by 20 fig. 7. distribution of respondents according to education level. source: own collection fig. 8. shopping frequency of respondents. source: own collection 297 percentage points (figure 8). the reason for this might probably be the rise in unemployment caused by the economic recession and the consequent fall in incomes. the number of ad-hoc, impulse purchases decreased; shoppers spend their money more carefully; they rationalize their shopping trips, since gett ing to the shops also costs money. besides the evaluation of shopping frequency another important piece of information is shop preferences and the changes that might have taken place in it. in the framework of both surveys the respondents had to mark the most important hyper and supermarkets in komárno and tesco in komárom in order of how oft en they visit each one. figure 9 shows the position of retail establishments in the years 2008 and 2010. respondents were asked to rank stores on a scale of 1 to 5, where the ranking was proportionately higher to the frequency of their visits to that store. figure 9 shows the individual average scores of each chain. lidl does not fi gure in figure 9, since it was opened in 2010; therefore, comparison with 2008 was not possible. it was kaufl and in both years that was visited most frequently by respondents from komárno. the reason for its popularity is that this retail establishment situated near the road to bratislava is the largest one and off ers the lowest prices among all centers (as far as respondents stated). there are several coop-jednota supermarkets in town. these came in as second on the list for the reason that they are located close to respondents. the signifi cance of cross-border retail trade is also proven by the fact that the tesco store located in komárom, hungary is the third most popular retail establishment among fig. 9. change in the popularity of food retailers situated in komárno and komárom. source: own collection 298 respondents from komárno, slovakia. tesco’s popularity lies in its closeness to respondents, in its price level (and in the favorable development of exchange rates), in its wide selection of goods and in the fact that a large number of respondents are employed in hungary. the least visited center among shoppers in komárno is hypernova. its popularity has decreased considerably in the past two years. even the billa supermarket situated in the town center proved to be more popular. one of the reasons for hypernova’s so called weak performance might be the fact that its owner, ahold retail, stopped its expansion in slovakia in the last few years. it has been announced to withdraw from the slovak market several times. as a result, this stagnation and uncertainty has a bad infl uence on the quality of its services. besides the preference survey concerning hypermarkets we also aimed to fi nd out what role they have in the distribution of diff erent commodity groups. hypermarkets are retail units with large fl oor space selling primarily foodstuff , where other fast moving consumer goods (fmcg) and consumer durables are also available. not surprisingly, 80% of respondents buy foodstuff in these stores. however, besides these, as it has been proven by both surveys, 40% also regularly purchase toiletries, and 10% regularly buy clothing, books and electronics (figure 10). this means that hypermarkets have a considerable market share on the non-food market too. shopping frequency from a business point of view can be construed only together with data showing how much shoppers spend per shopping fig. 10. goods purchased in hypermarkets and supermarkets included in the research. source: own collection 299 trip. the values of spending per shopping trip in 2008 and 2010 were nearly equal; no signifi cant changes can be found between the data gathered in the two years. almost half of the respondents spend between 20 and 40 euros (appr. between 5,000 and 10,000 hungarian forints) per shopping trip. the downturn has not infl uenced the value of baskets per shopping trip signifi cantly. nevertheless, as it can be seen in figure 10, it considerably contributed to a decrease in shopping frequency. this means that shoppers do their shopping less frequently, supposedly considering more carefully what to buy; still, their spending per shopping trip has not decreased. though it must also be stated that it has not increased either, which due to infl ationary infl uences meant a certain decrease in real value (figure 11). the reason why the value of spending per shopping trip has not decreased is perhaps the following: shoppers behave rationally if, besides the fi xed costs arising from one shopping (i.e. time spent with shopping and the cost of gett ing to the shop), they do not decrease the average basket value of each shopping. if their spending per shopping trip decreased, it would result in the increase of proportional costs of each item purchased. the town centre and the expected eff ect of the planned shopping center besides analyzing the shopping habits of those shopping in the most important retail centers of the town we also consider it important to analyze what fig. 11. average spending per shopping trip, in eur. source: own collection 300 the att itude of komárno residents is to the traditional high streets of the town (župná, palatínova and valchovnícka streets, klapka square). we also aimed to fi nd out what the residents’ att itude is to the opening of the new shopping center (aquario center komárno). the market dominance of new retail centers is demonstrated by the fact that nowadays only 26% of respondents visit regularly the shops situated in the town center (those that were left). 65% of respondents stroll the traditional high streets of the town only rarely (figure 12). the decreasing retail function of town centers and the falling number of shops there is caused by the drain eff ect by modern, large-area shopping centers usually situated away from the town center. retail shops in the town center of komárno are gradually replaced by establishments involved in catering and/or tourism (though also with low prosperity). the shop preference of those visiting the town center is important from two aspects (figure 13). on one hand, it shows the profi le of shops currently operating in the center. on the other hand, the profi le of shops currently run in the center is similar to the shop mix of a shopping center: there are a lot of fig. 13. proportion of shops visited in the town center. source: own collection fig. 12. frequency of respondents’ visit to the town center. source: own collection 301 service-based units, a large number of shops selling clothes, shoes, cosmetics and perfumes. this fact is a warning that the building of the planned shopping center might considerably bring the popularity of the tow center further down. the opening of aquario center will presumably further decrease the already low popularity of the town center. shoppers from its gravity zone will probably prefer the covered and air conditioned premises of the shopping center, where they will have opportunities for shopping and entertainment without being infl uenced by weather conditions outside. however, the opinion of respondents expressed in 2010 does not correspond fully with our expectations. only 30% of them consider the building of a shopping center to be an absolutely positive thing. nearly 50%, which is a large amount, think that the investment is unnecessary. as much as 25% think that the majority of people do not have enough disposable income that can be spent in shopping centers (figure 14). a diff erence in the opinion of residents is a typical phenomenon, since usually a large number of opinions for and against large investment projects are expressed publicly. consequently, these form the opinion of the population. the opinion of those being against the shopping center investment project is based upon the statement that the retail sector of komárno already provides a wide choice. a new shopping center, however, does not necessarily mean further capacity growth; it rather causes a change in spatial distribution. a group of retailers based in the town center are expected to leave the traditional fig. 14. people’s views concerning the planned shopping center in town. source: own collection 302 high streets and will open new stores in the shopping center with hopes to make higher profi ts. this phenomenon has been observed in other towns as well: new shopping centers so to say drain the existing retail zones of their competitive shops, thus creating new, so called covered town centers. the other group of skeptics represent the opinion that people usually do not dispose of enough income, which would provide for the profi tability of a new shopping center and its shops. it deserves att ention that this view was similarly present in both surveys, and 25% of respondents had the same opinion already in 2008. this piece of information might prove to be useful for the investor, when determining the shop mix of the shopping center. the reason for this is that according to the results of the survey one fourth of the shoppers in komárno are highly price sensitive and have low income. trends of cross-border retail trade during the economic downturn as a result of the fact that komárno lies on a border the retailers of the town compete with each other in a special environment. the reason for this is that there is not only horizontal and vertical competition on the market, but there is also international competition between slovak and hungarian retailers. the presence of cross-border retail trade can signifi cantly infl uence the success of retailers in a border zone in a way that it can generate additional demand from the other side of the border, or contrarily, it can also cause that domestic shoppers will do their purchases abroad. this process has been observable in komárno and komárom for several decades. what is more, nowadays, aft er eu enlargement and the introduction of schengen borders, this process has gained intensity. the reasons for this are the following: a large-scale cross-border commuting of workforce, free movement of goods and services and rapid changes in exchange rates in the past two years. cross-border retail trade processes are infl uenced by a complex system of factors. it is not only exchange rate developments that drive these processes; although currency exchange rate developments have an important role in them (kovács, a. 2010). in the following we will try to introduce a few important peculiarities of this complex phenomenon. developments in the euro/forint exchange rate largely infl uence the shopping frequency of slovaks in hungary (figure 15; cf. figure 2). based on our sampling in 2010, our respondents’ shopping frequency abroad was analyzed during the following two periods: the spring of 2009 when the forint’s value against the euro was extremely low, and the fi rst half of 2010 during the time of exchange rate correction. in 2009 (310 forints to the euro) 25% of respondents went shopping in hungary several times a week, and one third of them did the same at least once in every two 303 weeks. they went mainly to komárom, győr and budapest. in 2010, however, 25% of respondents went shopping in hungary only every second week, and another one fourth shopped there not more oft en than once a month. the decrease in shopping frequency is remarkable; however, the values from 2010 indicate that half of the respondents, which is a noteworthy amount, go shopping in hungary every month. this brings in additional revenues for local retailers, and additional vat revenues for hungary (figure 15). in order to be able to estimate how much money is potentially spent in the shops of komárom by komárno residents it is not enough to analyze shopping frequency but it is also necessary to fi nd out how much money they spend there. as it can be seen in figure 16, as much as 50% of respondents spend 1–10% of their disposable income in hungary, and another 25% spend between 10 to 20% of their disposable income there. 10% of respondent spend 20–30% of this amount abroad and another 10% use more than 30% of this sum in hungary. only 10% of respondents do not shop in hungary at all. on the basis of figure 16 it can be worked out how much a so called average fig. 15. shopping f r e q u e n c y o f k omárn o resi d e n ts abroad . source: own collection fig. 16. proportion of money spent abroad t o t h e total amount of monthly purchases. source: own collection 304 shopper spends abroad. thus, it can be stated that komárno residents spend as much as 12% of their disposable income in hungary, which represents a considerable revenue shortfall for retailers in komárno, and it means a signifi cant amount of additional revenues for shopkeepers in hungary. for the hungarian retailers it is also important to know where people from slovak frontier sett lements do their shopping in hungary, and in which retail centers they can generate additional revenues. the majority of respondents residing in komárno, namely 70%, do their shopping in komárom, hungary. in the case of other hungarian towns, the further they are located, the fewer people go shopping there. it is also important to highlight, that the town of győr, situated 30 kilometers from komárno, and budapest, located 100 kilometers away, were also mentioned in the questionnaire as shopping destinations (figure 17). the reason for this is that both towns have highly developed retail networks, and the quality of services is also high. another explanation for the rising frequency of visits is that slovak–hungarian cross-border friendship as well as family ties and business relationships have been renewed in the past few years. conclusion in our research the retail sector of komárno, a border town in a special geographical position, was analyzed. the research consisted of a desk research and of a fi eld survey. our aim was to introduce the special features of retail trade in this important slovak gateway town, with special regard to shop preferences, changes in shopping habits and other special phenomena that arise from the fact that the town lies on the border. the research was carried out between 2008 and 2010 in order to explore the eff ects of the recession on shopping habits of the population. fig. 17. towns visited in hungary. source: own collection 305 it has been found out that the transformation of slovak retail trade has been very similar to the one of hungary, though with a time shift of a few years. internationally owned multinational retail corporations have gained a dominant market position in komárno too; thus signifi cantly altering the retail sector. on the basis of our fi eld research it can be stated that international retail corporations have fundamentally changed local shopping habits. the retail function of the town center has regressed, and the building of the planned shopping center will contribute to the further intensifi cation of this phenomenon. the economic downturn has aff ected consumption and shopping, since there has been a measurable decrease in shopping frequency, while the value of spending per shopping trip stayed the same. thus, it has been concluded that the recession and its impacts, such as growing unemployment and a decrease in wages, have negatively infl uenced consumption in komárno as well. cross-border retail trade gained hitherto unprecedented intensity at the start of the crisis in 2009. the particularly weak forint att racted a large number of shoppers to hungary, and this caused a further fall in demand in slovakia. during the analysis of this phenomenon it has been proven that a large number of shoppers are involved. furthermore, besides exchange rate developments, there are also diff erences in shop profi les and in the commuting patt erns of employees that signifi cantly infl uence the above phenomenon. the aim of our research was to examine how the downturn and the town's special frontier position aff ected its retail trade processes, and perform this analysis in the framework of a fi eld research carried out in komárno. we also aimed to highlight the impact of the economic and geographical environment on retail trade, which is of high importance during the process of recovery from the crisis, especially in today’s europe with gradually vanishing state borders. references dawson, j.a. 2007. scoping and conceptualising retailer internationalisation. journal of economic geography. 7. (4): 373–397. oxford university press. hardi, t. 2008. (ed.): transborder movements and relations in the slovakian–hungarian border regions. discussion papers no. 68. pécs, centre for regional studies of hungarian academy of sciences, 42 p. kovács, a. 2010. kereskedelem határok nélkül – a határ menti kiskereskedelem sajátosságai a szlovák–magyar határtérség nyugati felében. (commerce without boundaries – characteristics of retail trade in the western part of the slovak-hungarian border region). phd thesis. győr, széchenyi istván university, 140 p. sikos, t.t. 2007. a kereskedelmi komplexumok terjedése szlovákiában. (spread of retail trade complexes in slovakia). in a bevásárlóközpontok jelene és jövője. ed. sikos, t.t. komárno, research institute of j. selye university, 28–48. 306 sikos, t.t. and hoffmann, i. 2004. a fogyasztás új katedrálisai (new cathedrals of consumption). budapest, centre for social studies has, 380 p. sikos, t.t. and kovács, a. 2008. új trendek a határ menti kiskereskedelemben délnyugatszlovákiában. (new trends in borderland retail trade in southwestern slovakia). területi statisztika 11. (6): 724–733. sikos, t.t. and tiner, t. 2007. one town – two countries. komárom–komárno. komárno, research institute of j. selye university. 288 p. terry, c. 1994. national boundaries, border zones, and marketing strategy: a conceptual framework and theoretical model of secondary boundary eff ect. journal of marketing 58. 67–80. yudelson, j. 2010. sustainable retail development: strategies for success. springer link online, 215 p. << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.3 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 /colorconversionstrategy /leavecolorunchanged 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice 349balogh, sz. and novák, t.j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (4) 349–361.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.69.4.2 hungarian geographical bulletin 69 2020 (4) 349–361. introduction soils traditionally are considered a four-dimensional product of five natural soil-forming factors, namely: substrate, climate, topography, vegetation, and time (forman, r.t.t. 1995). only in the last decades, human society was considered to add as the sixth effective soil-forming factor (dudal, r. 2005; ellis, e.c. and ramankutty, n. 2008; ellis, e.c. et al. 2010). even though, the soil-forming function of anthropogenic activities cannot be disregarded since the first spread of agricultural land cultivation (kertész, á. 2009; ball, b.c. et al. 2017; baude, m. et al. 2019). the extent of area affected by the human processes, the intensity, and the diversity of ways how the society modified natural soil bodies is continuously increasing. the contribution of the humankind to soil development seems to be more and more relevant, which is indicated by occurrence and spread of anthropogenic, technogenic soils (bouma, j. et al. 1998; antrop, m. 2004). parallelly, always were regions, where human activity decreased or disappeared for a while, which allowed regeneration, renewal of former disturbed or devastated soils (ceauşu, s. 1 university of debrecen, faculty of technology and sciences, department of landscape protection and environmental geography, h-4002, debrecen, egyetem tér 1, pob 400, hungary. corresponding author’s e-mail: novak.tibor@science.unideb.hu trends and hotspots in landscape transformation based on anthropogenic impacts on soil in hungary, 1990–2018 szabolcs b a l o g h 1 and tibor józsef n o v ák 1 abstract the transformation of the landscapes due to the anthropogenic activities is increasing worldwide. these changes are also manifested in the change of soil-forming processes. the land cover (lc) changes evaluated according to their influence on anthropogenic features of soils allows to distinguish between lc changes resulting increased and decreased human impact (hi). in our study, we assess the changes of hi on landscapes and its spatial distribution across hungary. the changes were evaluated by using lc data of four periods between 1990 and 2018 reclassified based on the related anthropogenic soil features. to identify the hotspots of the changes 1×1 grids were applied in which the direction (increasing, neutral or decreasing hi) and frequency (number of landscape patches with lc changes) of changes were evaluated. in our research, the hotspots were identified over the studied four periods. we point out that the spatial distribution of hotspots is very different. the hotspots of the increased human impact are 2,449 cells (643.0 km2) between 1990 and 2018, and the most of it localized in the pest plain (67), csepel plain (64) and nagykálló-nyírség (60). most of the multiple hotspots are in the outskirts of budapest to kiskunlacháza, bugyi, délegyháza. as we examine the decreasing hotspot data we found 1,679 cells (1,524.9 km2) between 1990 and 2018. in largest number, they occur on the kiskunság sand ridge (38), majsa–szabadka sand ridge (37) and nagykállói-nyírség (36). multiple hotspots are located in settlements izsák, ásotthalom, vatta and nyírmihályi. regions with numerous hotspots require special management to moderate its negative consequences on soils to consider both increased anthropisation, but also extensification of land use and their consequences. keywords: landscape degradation, landscape rewilding, land cover change, soil naturalness changes received february 2020; accepted october 2020. balogh, sz. and novák, t.j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (4) 349–361.350 et al. 2015; navarro, l. and pereira, h. 2015). globally, less and less part of the surface of the earth remains, where human society should not be considered as a significant factor of soil-forming. (bouma, j. et al. 1998; hill, m. et al. 2002; antrop, m. 2004; klijn, j.a. 2004; csorba, p. and szabó, sz. 2009; dale, v.h. and kline, k.l. 2013; balogh, sz. et al. 2018). spatial pattern and its changes of these opposite processes (like soil anthropization and renewal by natural succession) could be considered as the indicator of the actual land needed by the society. otherwise, it is a phenomenon which should be compensated, regulated, managed, and planned intentionally by the society (lambin, e.f. et al. 2006; novák, t.j. et al. 2013; lundberg, a. 2018). the study aimed to point on the changes of the spatial extent of areas, which are affected by changes in intensity of the human impacts between 1990 and 2018. in our consideration, the “land cover” classes (lc) and its changes are related to the grade of the transformation of soils by society. therefore, analysis of lc and the lc changes allows an estimation of the grade of human transformation of landscapes (incze, j. and novák, t.j. 2016; szilassi, p. et al. 2017; novák, t.j. et al. 2019). in our research, we supposed that besides of well-known processes of intensification (e.g., soil sealing, construction, degradation of soils), on extent areas lc changes were concluded in the decreased grade of “human impacts” (hi). at these sites, the changes allow a restart of soil development towards a less degraded state (i.e., organic carbon sequestration, recharge of soil nutrients, regeneration of aggregate structure and renewed horizon development). further, we intended to identify the locations with the highest possible spatial accuracy, where these changes appear, since we consider both increasing and decreasing hi-s on landscapes requires compensatory management by local society. therefore, a hotspot analysis was carried out, for all four study periods, where we identified single and multiple hotspots – for decreased and increased hi-s. data sources and methods as the main data source to our analysis, the corine land cover (clc) database and the corine land cover change (cha) datasets were applied. in our study, the status datasets of clc (1990, 2000, 2006, 2012 and 2018) were applied to calculate the share of re-grouped clc classes according to the grade of their anthropogenic transformation. the methodology of surveys is standardized as it is described at mari, l. and mattányi, zs. (2002), and mari, l. 2010. the datasets at a scale of 1:100,000 were applied, on the study area (hungary) it consists of 32 clc classes (fömi, 2002). the minimum mapping unit for areal objects is >25 ha, and the minimum width of the linear objects is >100 m. although only the area elements are identified in the clc, there are some “linear elements” in it. due to the differences between two time and layer, we use the cha datasets. in these, they have mapped the less than 5 ha changes, included the motorway and some road changes. so, the gis database, which we are created, is extended to the digital road changes. furthermore, we only have these “linear layers” because of the mapping scale of the corine land cover change dataset. the important road impact and the fragmentation are sometimes appeared in the cha polygons. afterwards, the status data time series was complemented by change layers (cha 1990– 2000, 2000–2006, 2006–2012 and 2012–2018). it allows higher accuracy to identify changes as a comparison of the consecutive status layers (mari, l. and mattányi, zs. 2002; mari, l. 2010). as in our earlier works it was described (novák, t.j. et al. 2013; novák, t.j. and tóth, cs.a. 2016; novák, t.j. and incze, j. 2018; balogh, sz. et al. 2019) to the clc classes, the expectable influence on the soil cover was assigned, and the clc classes were reclassified based on the grade of anthropogenic transformation of the soils, into four groups (figure 1). one of these groups consists of clc classes which have not been considered to have soils according to the definition of soil by wrb (world reference base). 351balogh, sz. and novák, t.j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (4) 349–361. due to repeated surveys of the clc data, change layers (cha) from five different years the spatial extent and share of the groups based on the grade of anthropogenic transformation could be calculated, and therefore the changes in the last three decades over the country can be tracked. using this classification, the cha polygons were also evaluated. therefore, the anthropogenic transformation grades (according to the figure 1) of the cover class before and after the lc conversion was considered. in furthermore, we ignored the polygons in which the anthropogenic transformation grade before and after the conversion was falling into the same group. here the intensity of human impact (hi) remained approximately at the same level in spite of the altered lc class, and the change was evaluated as neutral concerning the anthropogenic transformation grade. polygons, in which the lc conversion also resulted in an altered grade of hi, were divided into two groups: lc conversions with a) increasing, and b) decreasing hi (figure 2). this reclassification of cha polygons was done for all four intervals provided by cha dataset (1990–2000, 2000–2006, 2006–2012, 2012–2018). the extent and number of polygons showing increasing or decreasing hi were calculated for each above-mentioned time intervals. from each interval, the five most extent lc conversion types resulting increased or decreased hi were listed for further analysis concerning their consequences to soil resources. to identify hotspots of increasing and decreasing hi a grid with 1×1 km cell size was overlain on the lc change maps, the same grid for each type and period. in every 1×1 km grid number of polygons with lc conversions resulting changed intensity of hi were counted (figure 3). as we have seen in figure 3 the number of land cover changes (lcc) polygons are demonstrated. the hotspot methodology was assorted only those cells, which lcc number are in the upper quartile of it (e.g. like in figure 4. only those which are included 2–6 polygons in the cells). the polygons of lc conversions with unchanged intensity (see figure 2) of hi were eliminated from later analysis. separately for the type of change (increasing and decreasing hi) and each study period, the basic statistic data of the grid cells were calculated. the upper quartiles of the number of lc change polygons per grid cell were considered to be the lower limit to evaluate a grid cell as a hotspot, i.e., hotspots were considfig. 1. reclassification of corine lc classes based on the expectable anthropogenic transformation of soils balogh, sz. and novák, t.j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (4) 349–361.352 fig. 2. evaluations of lc changes based on the expectable change in the intensity of the hi fig. 3. the method of assigning the lcc polygons to grid cells, for later identification of hotspots 353balogh, sz. and novák, t.j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (4) 349–361. fi g. 4 . i d en ti fi ca ti on o f h ot sp ot s in s tu d ie d p er io d s of l c c ha ng es , a nd h ig hl ig ht in g ho ts po t m ul ti pl ic it y w he n a gr id c el l i s a ho ts po t i n m or e th an o ne p er io d balogh, sz. and novák, t.j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (4) 349–361.354 ered those grids, which had higher number of lc change polygons as the upper quartile of the grids for the same period and type of change (figure 4). if the hotspot lies in the bordel, we attached to that region which is occupied the largest part of the cell. hotspots of increasing and decreasing hi were calculated separately. further, numerous grids proved to be hotspots not only for one period but in more studied periods. these multiple hotspots for increased and decreased hi were represented with deeper colour intensity on maps. results changes of hi distribution of lc classes among the groups according to the grade of hi showed slight changes between 1990 and 2018. most lc classes belong to the group, in which the anthropogenic properties in the soil (disturbance of soil horizons, modification of soil structure, and occurrence of artificial or transported materials) can be recognized. still, the solum itself is not predominantly a natural product of pedogenic processes. they covered 68.3 per cent of the country in 1990, and their share decreased by 3.2 per cent to 64.9 per cent for 2018 (table 1). lc classes, which are related to soils produced completely by the anthropogenic accumulation of transported, relocated or industrially produced materials (‘anthropogenic soils’ – table 1) occupied 5.5 per cent in 1990 and their share increased by 0.8 per cent up to 6.3 per cent until 2018. lc classes, in which soil development and horizonation are driven by meanly natural processes (succession of vegetation, topography, and climate) was 24.3 per cent and increased by 2.5 per cent in 2018 up to 26.8 per cent. these changes indicate that share of moderately anthropized soils is only decreasing, and both extreme: anthropization and renaturation of soils affect an increased area. anyway, anthropization (lc changes with increased hi) affected smaller part of the surface between 1990 and 2018, than lc changes with a decrease of hi. we also considered the total extent (area, km2) and the number of polygons with changed lc class related to increased and decreased human influence separated for the four study periods (table 2). generally, lc change polygons with increased hi had a smaller total area and a higher number in every period. the averaged area of these polygons varied between 0.24 km2 (2012–2018) and 0.29 km2 (2000–2006). table 1. distribution of corine land cover classes among anthropogenic transformation groups (%) between 1990 and 2018 in hungary based on anthropogenic wrb diagnostics of soils year no soils (0) natural or close to natural soils (1) soils with anthropogenic features (2) anthropogenic soils (3) 1990 2000 2006 2012 2018 1.9 2.0 2.1 2.1 2.0 24.3 24.7 25.5 26.0 26.8 68.3 67.6 66.5 65.9 64.9 5.5 5.7 5.9 6.0 6.3 table 2. extent and number of land cover change polygons with decreased and increased human influence between 1990 and 2018 in hungary period land cover changes with decreased human influence increased human influence total area, km2 number area, km2 number 1990–2000 2000–2006 2006–2012 2012–2018 401.1 483.7 532.7 107.4 593 447 398 238 185.9 189.6 136.4 131.2 677 651 570 551 355balogh, sz. and novák, t.j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (4) 349–361. lc polygons with decreased hi had in opposite larger area, but a smaller number. therefore, averaged extent of polygons with these types of conversion varied between 0.45 km2 (2012–2018) and 1.34 km2 (2006–2012). to have an overview about the substantial lc changes of the conversions, we ranked the conversion types (coded by their corine code before and after the lc change) according to their frequency based on their area and number we found, separately for each period. lc conversions with decreased hi proved to be less diverse than with increased hi. namely, 77 per cent per cent (2012–2018) to 93 per cent (2006–2012) of the area affected by lc changes with decreased hi belonged into the five most frequent types (table 3), and the polygons in most frequent five types are 63–66 per cent respectively of the total number of polygons with lc changes with decreased hi. in case of lc conversions with decreased hi the initial lc was in most of the cases arable land, mineral extraction sites, complex cultivation patterns and vineyards. the conversions resulted transitional woodlands, shrubs, pastures and broad-leaved forests (see table 3). it does not mean that at the moment of the conversion, the quality of landscape units suddenly changes, but this type of changes results inherently reduced level of disturbance and gives chances for the regeneration of the ecosystems and soils. lc conversions with increased hi, therefore, show higher diversity, since the most frequent five types cover only 41 per cent (1990–2000), and 61 per cent (2000–2006) of the total area of them, and they mean only 25–37 per cent respectively of the total number of polygons with increased hi. when lc changes resulted increase in hi mostly arable lands, grasslands and pastures were turned into construction sites, mineral extraction sites, railways, and roads, industrial or commercial units (see table 3). also, when inland marshes were converted into water bodies, soils were devastated submerging under constant and higher water cover, even cancelled, according to definition of wrb, if submerged in more than 2 metre deep water. for each period, both types of lc conversions (increased and decreased hi) the most frequent five conversion types are listed in table 3. also, the summarized data show, that the number of polygons with lc changes affecting decreased hi are smaller (1,676 and 2,449), but the extent larger (1,524.9 km2 and 643 km2) as that of lc changes with increased hi. hotspots of changed hi as we mentioned in the data source and methods section, 1×1 km2 grids were created. using the grids, we prepared the hotspot analysis, based on the mentioned methodology earlier. hotspots were identified over the studied four periods. as before, we also highlighted the areas that contained the largest number in both the four periods and the total. to facilitate the research, these were summarized within the micro-regional boundaries and then we created the sequent table. the spatial distribution of hotspots with increased hi is shown on figure 5. numerous hotspots proved to be hotspots not only in one studied period, but for more. totally 2,449 between 1990 and 2018, in highest number on the pest plain (67), csepel plain (64) and nagykállói-nyírség (60) (table 4). most likely, the non-irrigated arable lands (211) are converted into construction sites (133) and industrial or commercial units (121), or road and railway network and associated lands (122). furthermore, many pastures (231) are converted into construction sites (133) to. in the case of 1,012 hotspots number of lc change polygons with increased hi was in two periods higher than the respective threshold value of the hotspots. these are twofold hotspots, illustrated on figure 5 with more intense colour. triple hotspots were found in 223 grids and fourfold hotspot in 45. these multiple hotspots are shown with darker colour intensity in figure 5. on the map, several aggregations of triple or fourfold hotsopts can be identified. the top 5 are balogh, sz. and novák, t.j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (4) 349–361.356 ta bl e 3. l c c on ve rs io ns w it h al te re d gr ad e of h i p ro ve d to b e am on g th e m os t e xt en t fi ve ty pe s in a ny o f t he fo ur s tu di ed p er io ds n at ur al ne ss c la ss ba se d o n so ils c o r in e c od e be fo re -a ft er co nv er si on l an d c ov er t ot al a re a, km 2 n um be r of po ly go ns be fo re af te r be fo re af te r co nv er si on co nv er si on a ) d ec re as ed h i t ot al ly 1 99 0– 20 18 1, 52 4. 9 1, 67 6 c on ve rs io n ty pe s am on g th e m os t e xt en t fi ve ty pe s w it h in a ny o f t he fo ur s tu d ie d p er io d s w it h d ec re as ed h i 2 1 21 1– 32 4 n on -i rr ig at ed a ra bl e la nd t ra ns it io na l w oo d la nd / sh ru b 87 4. 5 45 0 23 1– 32 4 pa st ur es b ro ad -l ea ve d fo re st 26 9. 2 35 7 21 1– 31 1 n on -i rr ig at ed a ra bl e la nd t ra ns it io na l w oo d la nd / sh ru b 96 .9 81 24 3– 32 4 l an d p ri nc ip al ly o cc up ie d b y ag ri cu lt ur e, w it h si gn ifi ca nt a re as o f n at ur al v eg et at io n 23 .3 54 22 1– 32 4 v in ey ar d s 21 .7 16 24 2– 32 4 c om pl ex c ul ti va ti on p att er ns 12 .2 25 21 3– 32 4 r ic e fi el d s 8. 3 2 22 2– 32 4 fr ui t t re es a nd b er ry p la nt at io ns 7. 9 23 0 2 13 1– 23 1 m in er al e xt ra ct io n si te s pa st ur es 6. 4 17 0 3 13 1– 13 2 d um p si te s 5. 8 2 3 2 13 2– 23 1 d um p si te s pa st ur es 3. 8 10 b ) i nc re as ed h i t ot al ly 1 99 0– 20 18 64 3. 0 2, 44 9 c on ve rs io n ty pe s am on g th e m os t e xt en t fi ve ty pe s w it h in a ny o f t he fo ur s tu d ie d p er io d s w it h in cr ea se d h i 2 3 21 1– 13 3 n on -i rr ig at ed a ra bl e la nd c on st ru ct io n si te s 89 .8 18 6 21 1– 13 1 m in er al e xt ra ct io n si te s 63 .6 14 3 21 1– 12 1 in d us tr ia l o r co m m er ci al u ni ts 49 .0 18 7 2 0 21 1– 51 2 w at er b od ie s 41 .1 96 1 2 32 1– 21 1 n at ur al g ra ss la nd s n on -i rr ig at ed a ra bl e la nd 31 .5 65 2 3 23 1– 13 3 pa st ur es c on st ru ct io n si te s 20 .2 75 1 0 41 1– 51 2 in la nd m ar sh es w at er b od ie s 15 .0 31 2 3 21 1– 12 2 n on -i rr ig at ed a ra bl e la nd r oa d a nd r ai lw ay n et w or k an d as so ci at ed la nd 11 .6 18 357balogh, sz. and novák, t.j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (4) 349–361. in the outskirts of budapest highlighted by kiskunlacháza, bugyi, délegyháza, besides in győr and bükkábrány. in case of the lc changes with decreased hi the upper quartile of the number of polygons was 1 in all periods. this means, that all grids having at least two polygons with lc change showing decreased hi are regarded as a hotspot. the number of them is 593, 447, 401, and 238 in the above order. totally 1,679 cells are regarded as a hotspot in any of the four-study periods between 1990 and 2018 (see table 4). in largest number they occur on the kiskunság sand ridge (38), majsa– szabadka sand ridge (37) and nagykállóinyírség (36). figure 6 shows the location of further hotspots of decreased hi. number of one-fold hotspots was found 2,379, two-fold hotspots were found in 135 grid cells and triple hotspots in 15, and no fourfold hotspot was found. the colour intensity also shows hotspot multiplicity in figure 6. the most affected areas are in izsák, ásotthalom, vatta and nyírmihálydi. usually, the non-irrigated arable lands (211) and pastures (231) and sometimes the agricultural types (213, 221, 222, 242, 243) are converted into transitional woodlands or shrubs (324). some of the hotspots are the mineral extraction sites (131) conversation into pastures (231). discussion – considerable effects of land cover conversions to soils numerous studies analysed the corine datasets based on the changes in lc (feranec, j. et al. 2007; verburg, p.h. and overmars, k.p. 2009; stürck, j. et al. 2015; kuemmerle, t. et al. 2016; plieninger, t. et al. 2016; foški, m. and zavodnik lamovšek, a. 2019), but the high number, small individual extent and high varifig. 5. hotspots of increased human impact in hungary based on lc changes 1990–2018 balogh, sz. and novák, t.j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (4) 349–361.358 ability of conversion types make the overview difficult and the evaluation of them complicated. we classified the conversions into three types based on the change of degree in hi, and evaluated their spatial extent considering their spatial frequency, using an auxiliary 1×1 km grid to identify the hotspots of changes. also, in our earlier studies (novák, t.j. and incze, j. 2018; novák, t.j. et al. 2019) we pointed on to the regional differences of landscape changes in hungary on micro-and meso-region level. considering these spatial units, quite frequently changes with increased and decreased hi were possible to observe within the same microor meso-regions, on the other hand, the exact identification of the changes was not possible. therefore, this different approach: applying a grid and identification of hotspots proved to be more useful. it allowed the more precise delineation of areas with increased and decreased hi, and hotspots diversity among the four study periods highlighted the location of ongoing lc changes. our finding, that on the expense of the extent of lc classes with moderate hi both: the extent of lc classes with increased and the decreased hi impact was growing proved useful to point on increasing differentiation of lc. regions with numerous hotspots of increased hi requires special management to moderate its negative consequences on soils, such as accelerated erosion, soil compaction, loss of organic carbon, mixing of soil horizons, soil sealing, soil loss appear concentrated, and affect urbanized areas. highway constructions, industrial areas, and areas with intense peri-urban residential sprawl are typical places, where the lc conversions affects intense soil anthropization (falkenberg, j.a. et al. 2003; ebels, l.j. et al. 2004; csorba, p. 2005; almajmaie, a. et al. 2017), so far that fig. 6. hotspots of decreased human impact in hungary based on lc changes 1990–2018 359balogh, sz. and novák, t.j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (4) 349–361. natural soils are no more possible to identify and even the substrate of soils are either artificial (construction waste composited from brick, slag, concrete, asphalt) or transported by humans (gravel, sand, rock). besides their environmental risks, it makes these regions vulnerable against climate change, limiting the potential for resilient responses. multiple hotspots of lc changes with increased hi warns to the ongoing degradation of soils in these areas. in contrast, regions with hotspots of decreased hi can count with organic material accumulation, carbon sequestration, regeneration of structure, increase of thickness of fertile soil layer (van etvelde, v. and antrop, m. 2009; sándor, g. et al. 2013; horváth, a. et al. 2015). that is true that these soil processes can compensate the unfavourable ones of hotspots of increased hi, but in many cases decreasing human impact on landscapes also requires special management and control, that must be considered. in case of decreasing hi on former industrial, mining, military and constructed areas a rewilding or renaturation can be related to the long-lasting release of pollutants into the groundwater or to the atmosphere, and therefore mean environmental risks besides of their regeneration processes. acknowledgements: the research was financed by the higher education institutional excellence programme (nkfih-1150-6/2019) of the ministry of innovation and technology in hungary, within the framework of the 4th thematic programme of the university of debrecen. research 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fullen3 abstract sewage sludge can be used to improve forestry soil properties, because it is rich in phosphorus, nitrogen and organic material and, thus, can enhance the growth of tree seedlings in poor quality soils. our study was performed on a site amended with industrial sewage sludge and aff orested with birch and pine seedlings. to evaluate the growth of tree seedlings, tree dry biomass, height, diameter, root/shoot ratio, specifi c root length, shoot and root length were calculated. higher concentrations of heavy metals and no signifi cant increase in the biomass of trees on sewage sludge amended soil suggest an inhibitory eff ect of heavy metals on tree biomass growth. the site treated with sewage sludge had signifi cantly higher soil moisture content, soil ph, total copper and total lead concentrations and signifi cantly lower exchangeable acidity. tree tissues at the sewage sludge treated site contain signifi cantly higher concentrations of copper and cadmium. therefore, both positive and negative impacts of treatment are apparent. in terms of management strategies, it is recommended that the chemical quality of sewage sludge is analyzed prior to possible fi eld applications and only sewage sludges with toxic heavy metal concentrations below accepted safety limits are applied. keywords: betula pendula roth., biomass, pinus sylvestris l., heavy metals, root/shoot ratio, sewage sludge, specifi c root length. introduction the potential utilization of sewage sludge as a fertilizer in forestry is much debated (gradeckas, a. et al., 1998; bojarczuk, k. et al., 2002; bramryd, t. 2002; katinas, v. et al., 2002; pikka, j. 2005; hermle, s. et al., 2006). deforested 1 department of environmental protection, vilnius gediminas technical university, saulėtekio al. 11, vilnius, lt-10223, lithuania. corresponding author: dovile.vaitkute@vgtu.lt 2 school of technology, the university of wolverhampton, wulfruna street, wolverhampton wv1 1ly, united kingdom. 3 school of applied sciences the university of wolverhampton, wulfruna street, wolverhampton wv1 1ly, united kingdom. 394 soils usually lack nutrients and are mainly acidic, especially in exploited peat areas (gradeckas, a. et al., 1998). sewage sludge contains components that are potentially benefi cial for soils (such as organic matt er, phosphorus, nitrogen, calcium and magnesium). however, sludges can have high concentrations of heavy metals (hms), especially cadmium (cd), lead (pb), copper (cu) and zinc (zn), typically originating from industry. at high concentrations, hms can be phytotoxic and cause reduced tree growth or even death (kabata-pendias, a. and pendias, h. 2001). toxic metal ions present in the substrate may also adversely aff ect trees by damaging roots, which leads to inhibition of the transport of water and nutrients to upper parts of the plant (kupčinskienė, e. 2006). the distribution and mobility of hms mostly depends on soil properties, which controls their mobility within soil systems and their availability to trees. specifi c soil properties (ph, exchangeable acidity (h+ and al3+), soil moisture, soil texture and organic matt er (som)) are the key factors that describe soil quality and tree growing conditions (icp forest manual, 2005). the level of adsorption of hms, and associated phytotoxicity, mainly depends on tree species. for example, betula and salix tree species are considered as metal tolerant and accumulators (eltrop, l. et al., 1991; kahle, h. 1993). experiments on two salix clones failed to show inhibition eff ects on growth for any hm treatment (max. 41.4 cd, 655 mg·kg-1 pb) (vandecasteele, b. 2004). however, another study revealed that in acidic subsoil salix viminalis displayed a signifi cant growth reduction following the increased zn and cd accumulation (hermle, s. et al., 2006). in contrast, analysis of birch and pine trees in a site treated with industrial sewage sludge (the taruškos forest site, lithuania) did not reveal any negative eff ects for either tree species (katinas, v. et al., 2002; baltrėnaitė, e. and butkus, d. 2007). other investigations have shown that birch grown in metal polluted soil decreased above-ground biomass (bojarczuk, k. et al., 2002). silver birch (betula pendula roth.) grown in polluted substrate was characterized by high biomass allocation to roots (60% versus 30–40% in the control substrate). however, fertilization with sewage sludge, which mainly consists of nutritious organic material, can accelerate tree growth, and increase biomass allocation to foliage (bojarczuk, k. et al., 2002). the heavy metals cu, cd and pb have phytotoxic and synergistic eff ects (breckle, s.w. and kahle, h. 1991; arduini, i. et al., 1994; kabata-pendias, a. and pendias, h. 2001). for example, cu is an essential metal for normal plant growth and development. cu participates in numerous physiological processes and is an essential cofactor for many metalloproteins. however, excess cu inhibits plant growth and disturbs important cellular processes (i.e. photosynthetic electron transport) (bojarczuk, k. 2004; yruela, i. 2005). the determined phytotoxic concentrations of cu in the soil was 60–125 mg·kg-1 (kabata-pendias, a. and pendias, h. 2001). 395 lead is a general protoplasmic toxic metal, which is cumulative and slowacting (sharma, p. and dubey, r.s. 2005). it has a wide range of negative eff ects on: hormonal status, membrane structure, water potential, electron transport and enzyme activation (sharma, p. and dubey, r.s. 2005). however, pb becomes harmful to plants when concentrations in the soil reaches 100–200 mg·kg-1 (bergman, w. 1986; kabata-pendias, a. and pendias, h. 2001). when pb is combined with other metals, it displays synergistic eff ects. for example, root elongation rates of beech (fagus sylvatica) seedlings were signifi cantly reduced by ~30% by 44 mg·kg-1 plant-available pb, but the same eff ect was observed with only 24 mg·kg-1 pb when combined with 2 mg·kg-1 cd (breckle, s.w. and kahle, h. 1991). decrease in birch biomass was observed when pb concentrations in soil reached 18 and cd was 3.6 mg·kg-1. investigations on diff erent tree species showed that the concentration of metals in soil decreased the growth of shoots and roots by ~50% when pb concentrations were in the range of 519 to >1280 (285–445) mg pb kg-1 dry soil and cu were 48–232 (<40–110) mg cu kg-1 dry soil, respectively (an, y.j. 2006). typically, cu is more toxic than pb, and root growth is more sensitive to the toxicity endpoint than shoot growth in cu or pb amended soils. cadmium disturbs the uptake, transport and use of ca, mg, p and k and water uptake by plants. cadmium decreases nitrate absorption and its transport from roots to shoots, by inhibiting nitrate reductase activity in shoots (balestrasse, k.b. et al., 2003). arduini, i. et al., (1994) found tap-root elongation of stone pine (pinus pinea) and maritime pine (pinus pinaster) was drastically reduced by 5 μm·kg-1 cd2+ and cd2+ + cu2+ treatments. burton, k.w. et al., (1986) showed a cd concentration of 2.5 mg·kg-1 signifi cantly decreased the biomass of shoots and roots of picea sitchensis. the objectives of the investigations were to determine the infl uence of sewage sludge with high concentrations of heavy metals aft er 10 years from application on: i) the forest soil properties; ii) growth of silver birch and scots pine (pinus sylvestris l.) trees (biomass, stem diameter, and height), iii) growth traits (root/shoot ratio, specifi c root length, and root/shoot maximum lengths), and iv) heavy metal concentrations in tree components (root, shoots, leaves and needles etc.). materials and methods site description the experimental site is located in gitėnai forest, near panevėžys town (lithuania) (figure 1). panevėžys is a mid-lowland climatic region and is part of the mūšos-nevėžis subregion (climatic regionalism 2010). the average precipitation in this subregion is 500–600 mm annually, and the prevailing winds are south-westerly. 396 in 1998, ~300 t/ha of industrial sewage sludge was spread on the 2-ha experimental site and aft er one year birch (betula pendula) and pine (pinus sylvestris) seedlings were planted. the experiment was started in order to defi ne the industrial sludge impact on soil chemical composition aft er 9–10 years of application. a more detailed experimental description is available (katinas, v. et al., 2002). table 1 shows the hm concentrations of the industrial sludge (from panevėžys town) and hm background concentrations of the site soil before experiment started. according to the lithuanian regulation ‘land 20-2005’, the sewage sludge is category ii and can be used in forestry or agriculture only once every three years. high concentrations of cu and pb in sewage sludge were due to industrial activities in panevėžys, typically electroplating and refrigerator manufacturing. fig. 1. experimental site of industrial sewage sludge utilization in the gitėnai forest within the taruškos forest, located in panevėžys region (lithuania), (55°44’ n; 24°33’ e) table 1. mean concentrations of hms and phosphorus in panevėžys industrial sewage sludge and background concentrations in experimental site before trees were planted in 1998 (published in katinas, v. et al. 2002) hms background concentration of experimental site (mg·kg-1) concentration in industrial sewage sludge (mg·kg-1) cu pb cd p 3.1–9.9 11.0–15.0 2.2–5.0 490.0–273.0 291 1,456 6.2 21,764 397 soil sampling sampling was carried out in may 2007. sites measuring 50x50 m were chosen at the site where the sewage sludge was applied (site s) and in the adjacent forest area (~200 m from the contaminated plot), which was chosen as the background control (site c). before soil sampling the litt er layer was removed. from both the c and s sites, six composite soil samples (mix of fi ve subsamples) were taken (at 0–10 and 20–30 cm depths). samples were transported at 4°c to the laboratory and then air-dried. for further analysis, soil samples were ovendried at 105°c and fractionated through a 2.0 mm sieve (retsch, as 2006). tree sampling ten year-old betula pendula and pinus sylvestris trees were sampled from both the c and s sites (three birch and pine trees per plot). tree height and the diameter at 30 cm height (±1 mm) above the ground were measured. leaves or needles, shoots, stem and roots (coarse >2.0 mm and fi ne <2.0 mm diameter) were shredded. each component was weighed (±0.05 g) and measured (±1 mm). soil properties soil moisture content was determined in 15 g of each sample that was dried at 105°c to constant mass. soil ph was measured by agitating air-dried soil in a mechanical shaker (gerhardt, rotoshake rs 12) in 0.01 m cacl2 solution for 1 hour, and waiting for another hour prior to ph measurement using a calibrated digital ph meter (ph 538 wtv). for total carbon determination, air-dried soil was fractionated through a 2.0 mm sieve (retsch, as 2006), milled, homogenized and 100 mg soil samples were taken. total c content was analyzed by dry combustion using a total organic carbon analyzer (toc-v by shimadzu) at 900°c. exchangeable acidity was determined in 0.1 mol·l-1 bacl2 soil solution. aft er two hours of shaking the soil extract was titrated with a 0.05 mol·l-1 naoh solution at ph ≤7.8 (icp forest manual, 2006). total and mobile cd, cu and pb mobile cd, cu and pb were measured in extraction of neutral salt 0.01 m cacl2, at 1:10 ratio. the solution was mixed and shaken for 16 h, at 20°c. wet digestion was employed. each soil sample (weighing 0.5 g, within 10 ml of hno3 and 2 ml of hcl solution) was digested for 31 minute in mileston 398 ethos digester (soon, y.k. and abboud, s. 1993). total metal concentrations in solutions were analyzed using a buck scientifi c 210 vgp atomic absorption spectrophotometer (faas and gfaas). cd, cu and pb concentrations in tree seedlings each tree component (roots, stem, shoots and needles/leaves) was shredded and then incinerated at 400°c to ash. before hm analysis, tree component ashes were powdered and pressed. metal analysis was performed using the x-ray fluorescence spectrometer in the university of wolverhampton (uk), using pulverized samples embedded in a wax base. statistical analysis each sample was measured in duplicate. t-test analysis was performed to determine signifi cant diff erences between the two investigation sites (p<0.05). data analysis was carried out using statistica (version 7.0) soft ware. results soil properties soil moisture content was higher at site s than at site c (table 2). at site c soil moisture content varied signifi cantly (p<0.05) and was greater in the upper soil layer than in deeper soil and the diff erence of moisture content values was signifi cant between sites (p<0.05). site c was signifi cantly (p<0.05) more acidic (topsoil and subsoil) than site s (table 2). exchangeable acidity at site s was signifi cantly less than at site table 2. selected soil properties (n=6, mean±1sd) in the soil from the control site (c) and the soil amended with sewage sludge (s) site, soil depth, (cm) moisture % ±1sda ph ±1sd a exchang. acidity, cmol/kg ±1sdb tc, mg·kg-1 ±1sd 0–10 (c) 20–30 (c) 0–10 (s) 20–30 (s) 1.87±0.79 0.50±0.14 3.49±0.44 6.79±0.32 3.15±0.07 3.69±0.11 6.27±0.17 6.13±0.41 1449±85 1199±76 61.3±22.6 73.3±39.6 5.35±0.97 1.33±0.27 5.03±0.90 3.45±0.56 signifi cance between sites ap<0.05, bp<0.01. 399 c (table 2). however, at site s the diff erence was not signifi cant with depth, (p>0.05), but it was remarkable at site c (p<0.05). between the two sites this diff erence was signifi cant (p<0.01) in both soil layers. total carbon (tc) variation was similar in both sites and was higher in the surface soil layer (table 2). however, between the two sites a considerable diff erence (p<0.05) was only found in the 20–30 cm soil layer. metal contamination of soil total cu concentrations were higher at site s than at site c (table 3). copper concentrations within sites c and s did not vary signifi cantly between soil layers (p>0.05). however, between both sites, cu concentration diff erences between upper soil layers were signifi cant (p<0.05). total cd concentration was signifi cantly less at site c than at site s (p<0.05) (table 3). however, cd concentration varied with depth insignifi cantly (p>0.05) at both sites. pb concentrations were signifi cantly (p<0.05) higher at site s than at site c. as was the general case with hms, pb did not vary signifi cantly between soil layers (p>0.05). the mobile fraction of hms was distributed in the sequence: cd>cu>pb (table 3). contamination of tree tissue copper concentrations in roots and shoots of both tree species were signifi cantly higher (p<0.05) at site s than at site c (figure 2). copper concentrations in the birch tree from site s was 5.3±0.2 in shoots and 2.5±0.2 mg·kg-1 in roots. at site c the concentrations of cu in the birch tree components was 3.3±0.02 in shoots and 2.4±1.3 mg·kg-1 in roots. table 3. total concentrations and mobile fraction (mean value ±1sd, n=6) of cu, cd and pb in two soil layers (0–10 cm and 20–30 cm) at the site amended with sewage sludge (s) and at the control site (c) site, soil depth, (cm) cu cd pb total a, mg·kg-1 mobile, % total a, mg·kg-1 mobile, % total a, mg·kg-1 mobile, % 0–10 (c) 20–30 (c) 0–10 (s) 20–30 (s) 4.00±1.04 4.53±1.92 9.9±0.07 9.35±4.41 4.4±0.8 2.5±0.37 2.1±0.3 1.5±0.2 0.85±0.11 0.75±0.07 1.33±0.18 1.15±0.24 36.1±13.1 47.5±16.5 13.8±0.8 18.7±0.8 24.78±0.63 23.00±1.18 38.83±8.72 42.92±2.42 1.6±0.1 1.6±0.5 0.7±0.2 0.6±0.2 signifi cance between sites ap <0.05. 400 in pine tree components cu concentrations from site s were 4.4±0.4 in shoots and 1.2±0.1 mg·kg-1 in roots. at site c, higher cu concentrations were measured in shoots (3.2±0.2 mg·kg-1) than in roots (0.3 ±0.1 mg·kg-1). diff erences between cu values in shoots and between cu values in roots from both sites were signifi cant (p<0.05). in birch tree shoots and roots, cd concentrations were lower at site c (figure 3). in the components of birch trees from site s, cd concentrations were 1.7±0.2 in shoots and 1.3±0.1 mg·kg-1 in roots. at site c the concentrations of cd in birch tree components varied from 1.6±0.05 in shoots to 0.6±0.5 mg·kg-1 in roots. however, cd concentration diff erences between trees from both investigation sites are insignifi cant (p>0.05). in pine tree components, cd concentrations at site s were higher than site c: 1±0.1 in roots and 0.7±0.01 mg·kg-1 in shoots. at site c, higher cd concentrations were also found in roots: 0.8±0.01 and in shoots 0.7±0.1 mg·kg-1. cadmium concentrations in roots between investigation sites were signifi cantly diff erent (p<0.05). lead concentrations in birch tree components were lower at site s than at site c (figure 4). at site s the concentration was 0.6±0.03 in shoots and 0.4±0.06 mg·kg-1 in roots. at site c the concentrations were 1.6±0.1 in shoots and 0.6±0.2 mg·kg-1 in roots. the lead concentration in shoots between investigation sites are signifi cantly diff erent (p<0.05). fig. 2. copper concentrations in roots and shoots of both tree species in the site amended with sewage sludge (birch s; pine s) and in the control site (birch c; pine c). bars represent mean values of three samples ±1sd 401 fig. 3. cadmium concentrations in roots and shoots of both tree species in the site amended with sewage sludge (birch s; pine s) and in the control site (birch c; pine c). bars represent mean values of three samples ±1sd fig. 4. lead concentrations in roots and shoots of both tree species in the site amended with sewage sludge (birch s; pine s) and in the control site (birch c; pine c). bars represent mean values of three samples ±1sd 402 in pine tree components, pb concentrations were lower at site c than at site s. the concentration was 0.4±0.2 in shoots and 0.1±0.01 mg·kg-1 in roots at site s, pb concentrations were similar in shoots (0.06±0.03) and roots (0.06±0.04 mg·kg-1) at site c. lead concentrations in shoots are signifi cantly diff erent between investigation sites (p<0.05). tree biomass and growth total and diff erent tree components dry mass the total biomass of birch and pine trees was less at site s than at site c, but these diff erences were not signifi cant (p>0.05) (table 4). dry mass of diff erent trees components were greater in the control site, but these diff erences are insignifi cant (p >0.05). however, pine root mass was signifi cantly (p<0.05) less at site s (16±2 g) than at site c (30±1 g). stem diameter and height the diameter (at 30 cm height) of birch trees varied from 1.0–1.8 cm at site c and from 1.0–1.4 cm at site s (table 5). the diameter of pine tree varied from 2.7–3.4 cm at site c and from 2.0–2.9 cm at site s and no signifi cant diff erences were detected between stem diameter mean values at both sites (p>0.05). the stem height of both tree species was insignifi cant (p>0.05) between both sites. table 4. total dry mass and mass of diff erent components of birch and pine tree in the site amended with sewage sludge (birch s; pine s) and in the control (birch c; pine c), g/tree; mean value ±1sd, n=3 tree species leaves/needles shoots stem roots total biomass pine s pine c birch s birch c 111±26 175± 8 14± 4 19± 8 122±18 144± 7 19± 7 28± 3 458±41 528±84 53± 7 70±18 16±2.0* 30±1.0* 12±2.5 24±2.0 749±156 821±21 101±12 112± 5 *diff erence signifi cant, p <0.05. table 5. the diameter (cm) at 30 cm height and stem height (cm) of birch and pine trees at the site amended with sewage sludge (s) and at the control site (c), mean, ±1sd, n = 3 tree species diameter stem height birch c birch s pine c pine s 1.2±0.2 1.4±0.4 2.6±0.5 3.0±0.3 188±0.7 223±13 168± 8 190±19 403 tree development traits the root/shoot ratio of birch tree was signifi cantly (p<0.05) larger at site c (table 6). the birch root biomass was even greater (1.78±0.07) at site c than the mass of shoots. at site s the ratio was also high (0.80±0.12), compared with the ratios of pine trees. these were 0.13±0.01 at site s and 0.21±0.02 at site c, but the diff erence was insignifi cant (p>0.05). the specifi c root length (srl) of birch tree was signifi cantly shorter at site s than at site c (p<0.05). in the case of pine trees, srl was also signifi cantly shorter at site s than at site c (p<0.05). the maximum root and shoot lengths of birch and pine trees were longer at site c than at site s. the maximum lengths of pine tree seedlings roots and shoots were also less at site s. the number (branching) of roots and shoots is an important factor that indicates environmental nutrient status (figure 5). the branching of birch roots was signifi cantly (p<0.05) less at site c (11±1) than site s (22±4). shoot branching varied from 20±4 at site c to 25±1 at site s. the branching of pine shoots and roots was not signifi cantly greater for the pine trees at site s. the number of roots was 23±9 at site c and 23±3 at site s (p<0.05). the number of shoots was: 27±1 and 31±6, respectively (p<0.05). discussion more favourable growth conditions in soil amended with sewage sludge soil is important to plants as a source of nutrients and water and has an inherent potential to resist (stability) and recover (resilience) from environmental stresses (griffiths, b.s. et al., 2005). plant growing conditions depend on many soil properties, including ph, texture, moisture and aeration. it is known that soil moisture, carbon content, exchangeable acidity and ph are good indicators of conditions for vegetation growth (icp forest manual, 2006). table 6. root/shoot ratio, specifi c root length (srl) (m·g-1), shoots and roots max. length (cm) of birch (betula pendula) and pine (pinus sylvestris) tree at the site amended with sewage sludge (s) and at the control site (c), n=3 ±1sd tree species tree development traits root/shoot ratio srl shoot max root max birch c birch s pine c pine s 1.78±0.07 0.80±0.12 0.21±0.02 0.13±0.01 0.06±0.01 0.30±0.10 0.19±0.04 0.26±0.08 47.1–77.1 47.5–70.0 47.5–73.5 42.0–67.5 20.4–81.0 13.4–53.0 22.0–47.5 17.5–35.1 404 soil moisture infl uences the transportation of soil solutions through roots. lower moisture content can also indicate suppression of the diff usion and the mass fl ow from soil to plants. moisture content was higher in soil amended with sewage sludge. these results reveal bett er moisture capacity in the site amended with sewage sludge. changes in soil carbon infl uence physical properties (denef, k. et al., 2001) and due to higher soil carbon contents soils are physically more stable than non-amended soils (sort, x. and alcaniz, j.m. 1999). soil carbon content was higher at site s than at site c. carbon content of the upper layer was approximately equal at both sites, as it was the case with organic compounds too. however, in deeper layers carbon content was signifi cantly greater at site s. more acidic soil conditions can increase al+3 availability, which in turn can disturb the normal development of tree roots and minimize the uptake of macro-nutrients, such as ca2+ or mg2+ (kupčinskienė, e. 2006). low ph also increases the mobility of toxic hms, which can be taken up more easily by plants (kabata-pendias, a. and pendias, h. 2001). as soil in the control site is more acidic, it could inhibit the growth of tree seedling. exchangeable acidity (al+3, h+) indicates soil disturbances due to high al+3 concentrations which, as discussed previously, are toxic to plants and fig. 5. number of shoots and roots of both tree species in the site amended with sewage sludge (birch s; pine s) and in the control site (birch c; pine c). bars represent mean values of three samples, ±1sd.0 405 soil organisms (sparks, d. 1995). toxic eff ects of aluminium (acidic, ph <5.5) increase the thickness and stunt root fi bres, leading to decreased assimilation of nutrients from the soil and slowing down plant development (göransson, a. and eldhuset, t.d. 1995; bojarczuk, k. et al. 2002). the results illustrate signifi cant diff erences between the two investigated sites indicating 1.60–1.99 times higher ph values, 2.59 times more som in deeper soil layers and 1.9–13.5 times higher moisture content. exchangeable acidity (al+3, h+) was 23.7 times less in the upper and 16.35 times less in the lower layers of sewage sludge amended soil. this reveals that in the latt er the conditions for the trees are bett er than in that of the control site. variation of cu, cd and pb in soil our results reveal pb is the least mobile heavy metal and cd tends to eluviate to deeper soil. furthermore, the mobile fraction of hms is strongly related to soil ph, as it is one of the main factors infl uencing hm migration (eckert, d. and sims, j.t. 1995; kabata-pendias, a. and pendias, h. 2001). hms in sewage sludge can inhibit tree biomass development. for example, only 0.005 mg·kg-1 cd reduced spruce tree root elongation (arduini, i. et al., 1994) and 0.005 mg·kg-1 cu in solution can reduce pine biomass (arduini, i. et al., 1998). in our study plant available cd was 0.16 mg·kg-1 in soil amended with sewage sludge, which may have had a negative infl uence on pine root elongation, as 0.22 mg·kg-1 cu have in pine biomass. furthermore, possible synergistic eff ects should be considered (arduini, i. et al. 1994). the infl uence of pb is hard to predict, because it is very stable in the soil and is probably only available in the very acidic soil of the control site. in addition, plant available pb in the site amended with sewage sludge was ≤0.3 mg·kg-1, which is much lower than the 18 mg·kg-1 that is known to inhibit tree growth (breckle, s.w. and kahle, h. 1991). variation of cu, cd and pb in tree higher metal concentrations were determined in birch trees than in pine trees, which accords with the hypothesis that birch tends to extract more hms from soil than pine (eltrop, l. et al., 1991; kahle, h. 1993). however, there were minor diff erences between their concentration in trees from sites both c and s. normal contents of cd and cu in plants are 0.1–1.0 and 1–10 mg·kg-1, respectively (kabata-pendias, a. and pendias, h. 2001; kupčinskienė, e. 2006. copper toxicity in plants may occur when the tissue concentration is >20–30 cu mg·kg-1. decreased rates of plant growth occur at tissue concentrations of 406 >3 cd mg·kg-1 (pais, i., and jones, j.b. jr. 1997). in our study, the concentration in birch tree tissues at site s was >5 cd and >4.9 mg·kg-1 cu and these concentration in pine tree were ~3.9 and 7.0 mg·kg-1, respectively. in addition, no signifi cant relationship between tree growth and hms accumulation in tree tissues was observed. however, some tendencies were highlighted. for example, higher cd and cu concentrations were determined in shoots and roots in trees from site s, these diff erences being particularly evident in the cd content of birch roots and in the cu content of birch shoots. in the case of pine trees, concentrations of both of these hms were higher in shoots and roots, more signifi cantly in roots. copper and cd are inhibitors of tree biomass development, especially tree root systems (arduini, i. et al. 1994). tree biomass indications tree biomass was expected to be less in the control site considering positive infl uence of sewage sludge on soil properties (pikka, j. 2005). tree biomass is strongly related to root systems, because poor soil conditions (low ph and high exchangeable acidity (al+3, h+)) have a negative infl uence on the development of the root system (kupčinskienė, e. 2006). in our study, biomass did not signifi cantly change by the application of sewage sludge with the exception of reduced pine root mass (by 50.0%) without signifi cant change of root/shoot ratio, which is in contrast to a signifi cant reduction of the latt er in birch. bett er root system development at site c is associated with the relatively poor nutritional environment and this tendency is remarkable for birch trees (påhlsson, a.b. 1991; bojarczuk, k. et al. 2002; gradeckas, a. et al. 1998; katinas, v. et al. 2002; pikka, j. 2005). tree growth traits specifi c root length (srl) is an important indicator to determine carbon allocation into the root system and indicate a nutritious soil environment. in our study, the roots at site c had greater mass density, as their srl value was lower (eissenstat, d.m. 1991), which indicates the decreased ability of plants to uptake nutrients (hartikainen, h. et al. 2001). higher srl values indicate soils richer in nutrients (ryser, p. 1996) and exhibits high hydraulic conductivity of roots (eissenstat, d.m. 1997). the larger the srl the more eff ective is the strategy of allocation of assimilates to the development of short roots (lõhmus, k. et al 1989; ostonen, i. et al. 1999; wahl, s., and ryser, p. 2000). however, the length and branching of roots and shoots of birch trees were greater at site s than at site c. in addition, roots at site c tended to elongate 407 more than branches, for example, the maximum length of birch root varied from 20–80 cm and at site s comparative values were 13–54 cm. moreover, infertile soils produce root systems with long, poorly branched surface roots; whereas, fertile soils produce well-branched roots that may penetrate deeper into the soil (crow, p. 2005). in the case of pine trees the branching of roots and shoots was slightly longer at site s, but their mean length was shorter than at site c. these diff erences among species can be explained by diff erences in root physiology, for example, the highest concentration of birch coarse roots accumulates in deeper layers (13–16 cm) than pine trees (5–15 cm) (laitakari, e. 1934). in fertile soil, roots penetrate easier into deeper layers. the spread sewage sludge was contaminated with hms, but the leaching of hms into deeper layers may have been suppressed by organic matt er from sewage sludge, the surface peat layer and the fe-mn geochemical barrier (katinas, v. et al. 2002). the production of longer, thinner roots may be an important mechanism to compensate for reduced carbon allocation to, and dry matt er accumulation by, roots of trees exposed to pollution. these factors may also help explain diff erences of root/shoot ratio between sites. to adapt to less favourable conditions at site c, trees had greater propensity to develop root systems at the expense of above-ground biomass. the roots at site s, which have greater absorptive surfaces, could more easily transport nutrients and water to surface parts and expand above-ground biomass. however, the roots were thin and long, and carbon accumulation was less. this could lead to weaker root systems and increased risk of mechanical disturbance (e.g. by strong winds and fl oods). the production of longer, thinner roots may be an important mechanism to compensate for reduced carbon allocation to, and dry matt er accumulation by, roots of trees exposed to pollution. site s had more favourable conditions for tree growth. however, plant biomass and tree growth trends (except root branching) did not support this tendency. this suggests that sewage sludge might have additional constituents (e.g. heavy metals) that inhibited tree development. conclusions the results reveal that soil amended with sewage improves soil quality. however, higher concentrations of metals and no signifi cant increase in the biomass of trees in soil amended with sewage sludge suggest an inhibitory eff ect of heavy metals on tree biomass growth. during a 10 year period, pine trees produced 87% more biomass and accumulated ~60% more heavy metals (cu, cd and pb) than birch trees. 408 for indication of soil nutritious environment it is recommended to use the following tree functional traits: specifi c root length (srl), root/shoot ratio, root branching; and for possible toxicity eff ect of heavy metals or other harmful compounds: tree height and stem diameter (if trees are of the same age) and tree biomass (dry mass). acknowledgements: scientific research was carried out under the implementation of projects funded by the agency for international science and technology development programmes in lithuania under cost action 639 (greenhouse gas budget of soils under changing climate and land use (burnout)) and cost action 859 (phytotechnologies to promote sustainable land use and improve food safety). finally, all the authors would like to express their gratitude to the technical staff at both universities for the assistance with this research. references an, y.j. 2006. assessment of comparative toxicities of lead and copper using plant assay. chemosphere, 62. 1359–1365. arduini, i., godbold, d.l. and onnis, a. 1994. cadmium and copper change root growth and morphology of pinus pinea and pinus pinaster seedlings. physiologia plantaru, 92. 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice 113čorejová, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 113–128.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.70.2.2 hungarian geographical bulletin 70 2021 (2) 113–128. introduction the issue of smart cities has been addressed in the last decade in many forums. the concept is gaining more and more importance and comes to the fore not only in terms of scientific research itself, but also in terms of the application of its results. this trend follows the growing urbanization and the increasing proportion of the population living and working in cities. as the urban population share increases, many of the challenges facing urban management can be identified. smart city has many dimensions and touches on the need for a more interactive and faster city administration and safer public spaces. the concept of smart city mainly affects the quality of life of the city’s inhabitants, and the criteria by which it can be measured include: quality of the working environment, possibilities to buy goods and services, leisure time, sense of social security, personal development, physical quality of the environment, economic development and housing and the possibility of participating in public life. the smart city concept is therefore a comprehensive approach to the functioning of the urban region, which extends to different areas of life such as culture, infrastructure, environment, energy, social services and more. each of 1 university of zilina, univerzitna 8215/1, 01026 zilina, slovakia. e-mails: tatiana.corejova@fpedas.uniza.sk, erikahalamova94@gmail.com, radovan.madlenak@fpedas.uniza.sk 2 budapest business school, university of applied sciences, 1055 budapest, markó u. 29–31. e-mail: neszmelyi.gyorgy@uni-bge.hu (corresponding editor) the concept of smart city and the perceptions of urban inhabitants: a case study from žilina, slovakia tatiana čorejová1, erika haľamová1, radovan madleňák1 and györgy iván neszmélyi2 abstract the smart city concept is a comprehensive approach to the functioning of the urban region. it concerns various areas of life such as culture, infrastructure, environment, energy, and social services. public perceptions of the smart city concept are not commonly addressed. the aim of this paper is to examine perceptions of the smart city concept among inhabitants, doing so through a case study focusing on the city of žilina in slovakia. the methodology that the researchers applied includes primary research and surveys as well as secondary research. based on the analysis of the environment and the results of the survey, opportunities for the development of a ‘smart city žilina’ concept are identified. there is a growing interest in green solutions among the inhabitants of žilina. a significant number of respondents indicated their support for intelligent waste collection and renewable energy sources. and they were also supportive of green roofs. the update of the strategy must consider a number of steps in waste management, from collection to transport, with a view to the overall recovery of the waste generated. as part of the smart city concept and projects, the public administration and the municipality must communicate effectively with the public. this will require specific approaches and tactical decisions for optimal success. keywords: smart city concept, case study, perception, inhabitants, public administration, communication received march 2021, accepted may 2021 čorejová, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 113–128.114 these areas pursues several objectives which are interrelated and jointly create a system based on the principles of sustainable development. public administration, the private sector and civil society enter this system, without which the set objectives would not be met. eu cohesion policy for the period 2021–2027 also emphasizes the strategic goals of a smarter europe, green solutions, a connected and social europe that is closer to the citizen and supports local development strategies and sustainable urban development (new cohesion policy 2018). it emphasizes the citizen and his / her environment, which will improve his / her life, living conditions and sustainability. therefore, it is also important to examine how citizens perceive individual smarter, green, sustainable and renewable solutions that are prerequisites for the fulfilment of the strategic objectives of eu cohesion policy. public perceptions of the concept of smart city have rarely been investigated by researchers. this paper focuses on the perceptions of the smart city concept among inhabitants of žilina in slovakia. applying the principles of smart city in a specific location evokes several research questions: – do the inhabitants of the city know the concept of smart city and its connection with other functionalities of the city and its life? – what do citizens consider crucial for improving living and business conditions in the city? – how are the benefits of projects implemented under the concept of smart city and what is important in the concept from the perspective of different segments of the population and visitors to the city? the paper reports on research results of a case study within the city, which has about 80,000 inhabitants, but which represents, in a broader sense, the centre of a region with about 600,000 inhabitants, including attractive destinations for domestic and foreign tourism, are presented in the rest of the paper. subsequently, recommendations concerning the public communication of the smart city concept are given. the recommendations may be of benefit to the administration of the city or they may facilitate the operation of individual smart components of the infrastructure. theoretical background in urban development, a modest rise of creativity started during the 1980s. the mid-1990s saw the emergence of the creative city concept. at the beginning of the 2000s, the creative economy and the cult of creativity rapidly spread around the globalizing world. after the crisis of 2008–2009 the smart city concept came to the focus of attention (egedy, t. 2017). since then, globalization has been reshaping national economies by extending market conditions and competition around the world. a profound transformation in the nature and conditions of competition resulted in a policy of deregulation (erdeiné késmárki-gally, sz. et al. 2015), therefore, regional and local initiatives have been gaining increasing impetus and importance worldwide. of these initiatives, environmentally friendly, sustainable and citizen-friendly solutions aimed at modernizing of urban areas, combined with the implementation of state-of-the-art technologies (‘smart cities’), need to be identified as a relatively new phenomenon. according to the smart city dictionary, the smart city concept represents an urban development vision that integrates information and communication technology (ict) and the internet of things (iot) technology in a secure way to manage a city’s assets. according to the business dictionary, smart city is a developed urban area that creates sustainable economic development and a high quality of life by excelling in multiple key areas; economy, mobility, environment, people, living and government. it is possible to excel in these key areas through strong human capital, social capital or information and communication technology infrastructure. of the many options available, the british government’s inspirational approach can be considered (department business, 2013). it states that the concept of ‘smart city’ is dynamic and that there is no absolute definition of a city that is smart. the concept is endless and is rather a process or a series of steps that make cities more habitable and resilient and, thus, able to respond more quickly to new challenges. 115čorejová, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 113–128. a detailed analysis of literary sources in relation to smart urban governance is given by meijer, a. and rodríguez bolívar, m.p. (2015), who emphasize the multidisciplinary nature of the subject of smart city. definitions of smart cities usually focus on three key topics, namely technology, people and governance in the city and subsequently on their interactions (see also smart cities dictionary and definition). it has also been claimed that the key elements of national and regional e-tourism strategies in the carpathian basin need to be analysed in the broader framework of ict strategies for development (dávid, l. and szűcs, cs. 2009), while zimányi, k. et al. (2014) discussed the new forms in the online sales in commerce and tourism. according to the web of science and scopus databases and according to the subject of the solution, literary sources on smart city are predominantly assigned to technological areas electrical engineering, engineering, ict and their applications. the smart city definition by jia, q. and xu, c. (2021) is connected with the combination of advanced sensors to manage the city´s assets and the information technology virtually. mossberger, k. and tolberg, c.j. (2021) also state that “over the past decade, the vision of smart cities filled with technological innovation and digitally engaged citizens has been pursued around the globe, but not all city residents have a chance to participate in or benefit from these innovations”. mcquire, s. (2021) argues for the need to decouple thinking regarding the potential of urban digital infrastructure form the narrow and often techno-centric discourse of ´smart cityism´. such a decoupling will require continued experimentation with both practical models and conceptual frameworks but will offer the best opportunity for the ongoing digitization of cities to deliver on claims of ´empowering´ urban inhabitants. regarding geography, urban studies and urban and regional planning, about 10 per cent of all the records fall in te field in both databases. the increase in smart city publications in the last decade has been enormous. it represented up to 98 per cent of the total number of publications on the topic of smart city. overall, smart city is a city where the traditional system of urban infrastructure and services is enhanced by modern digital and telecommunications technologies. one may ask why only in cities and not in rural areas? smart villages are a rarity, particularly in central and eastern europe. the answer may also be simple, as the gap between living conditions in urban and rural areas is still too large, despite the eu-funded cohesion projects. a survey in the south moravian part of czechia showed that almost a fourth of municipalities support commercial trade and services, mainly through subsidies or lowered rent. even simplifying red tape or providing tax relief would help to support civic amenities, but another key development would be retaining young and educated people in municipalities where they will live and work (šilhan, z. and kunc, j. 2020). an important question was raised in relation to hungary (but probably it relates to the entire cee region), namely whether the digital divide follows the industrial divide in the economic space or not (kiss, é. and nedelka, e. 2020). many definitions consider smart city as well as intelligent city as a one-way approach to communication, and therefore decision-making on individual projects that make up smart city is not an optimal choice (rechnitzer, j. et al. 2019). it should not be a top-down or a bottom-up approach, but one based on cooperation, with communication in all directions (dado, m., zahradnik, j. et al. 2007). it is not enough for people to have access to information; a further requirement is for information to be created. each smart city is characterized in particular by the following features: – smart economy – innovation, entrepreneurship, economic image and brands, productivity, labour market flexibility, international attractiveness. – smart mobility – local accessibility, national accessibility, availability of information technologies and infrastructure, sustainability of the transport system. čorejová, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 113–128.116 – smart conditions for life – cultural facilities, health conditions, individual safety, quality housing, school facilities, tourist attractiveness, economic prosperity. – smart governance or administration, management systems – participation in public life, public and social services, transparent administration. – smart environment – environmental conditions, air quality (no pollution), ecological thinking, sustainable use of resources. – smart citizen – level of acquired qualification, lifelong learning, ethnic plurality, free will (http://www.smart-cities.eu). it is necessary to mention the six-axes model of cohen, b. (2012), who identified smart cities by six main dimensions (figure 1). the model is frequently cited in the international literature. examples include soe, r.m. (2017), who reflected on examples in estonia and finland, and dobos et al. who developed a methodological recommendation based upon positive examples in the world including helsinki, copenhagen, ljubljana, london, amsterdam and vienna (dobos, k. et al. 2015). the axes of cohen’s model are: smart economy – smart mobility – smart environment – smart people – smart living – and smart governance. these six axes formulate links with traditional regional and neoclassical theories of urban growth and development. in addition to these cities, there are many smart city projects or smart city initiatives in the world, especially in developed countries. in south korea, the example of songdo city can be mentioned, a new settlement which was established in the early 2000s, and the smart city project was launched during the tenure of former president lee myung-bak (2008–2013), who supported the idea of environmentally sound and sustainable urban development with low carbon-dioxide emissions. the costs of the project amounted to around 40 billion usd, with several multinational companies and local authorities working together in a ppp (private public partnership). the aim was to develop a sustainable settlement and a viable international economic centre (czirják, r. 2016). in hungary a number of towns and cities have implemented smart citysound development projects. however, some of these projects have been placed in this category in view of the advantageous funding possibilities, while in other cases the objectives were more complex and well elaborated, especially in the field of public utility development (tóth, g. et al. 2013). the settlement evaluation system in hungary comprises six major criteria – smart mobility – smart environment – smart people – smart living – smart governance – smart economy. these criteria are further divided into sub-categories and fig. 1. the smart city wheel by cohen, b. (2012) 117čorejová, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 113–128. also relate to the respective cohen-indicators (dobos, k. et al. 2015) the smart city uses new technologies, including information and communication technologies (ict), to increase the quality and performance of urban services, reduce costs and resource consumption, and involve its citizens more effectively and actively in city life (see vaculík, j. and tengler, j. 2012). sustainable development in particular is the basis. this development of human society is one that reconciles economic and social progress with the full preservation of the environment (madudova, e. and dávid, a. 2019). a major goal of sustainable development is to preserve the environment for future generations. it is based on the social, economic and environmental pillar (kalašová, a. 2012). the introduction of the concept of a smart city brings several benefits. among the benefits of smart cities, we can include: – increased level of functionality of the city: employment opportunities, access to basic aspects of prosperity to infrastructure services such as interconnection and connectivity; reliable, sustainable and low-cost energy sources; adequate training opportunities; affordable forms of housing and efficient transport. – sustainability: is a method by which resources are not depleted or permanently destroyed. sustainability is not only about the environment, but also about the economy. smart cities make efficient use of natural resources, economic resources and human capital to create their urban infrastructure that delivers the highest possible outputs and costs as few inputs as possible. – raising inhabitants’ living standards: access to a comfortable, healthy, clean, safe and active lifestyle, which includes several aspects such as cheap energy sources, convenient public transport, quality education, faster public services, clean water and air quality, low rates crime and access to various entertainment and cultural opportunities (smart city 2014). important features of the smart city are, therefore, a cooperation economy, a shared economy, a green economy and a circular economy (matúšková, m. and madleňáková, l. 2016). these represent changes in the social paradigm of the position of people in society in the 21st century, who do not need to own items of daily consumption and are able to use common products thanks to various communication tools (turská, s. and madlenáková, l. 2019). people or organizations share the resources at their disposal that they do not make full use of (e.g. cars, infrastructure). they collaborate and reuse in the context of sustainability and environmental protection (woetzel, j. et al. 2018). this concept embraces four basic elements: – transport, e.g. sharing of vehicles, bicycles, public transport; – energy, e.g. concepts of shared electricity generation; – public space, e.g. sharing investments and activities in joint projects; – social, e.g. sharing of living space, catering, etc. we can say that the concept of a smart city and a sharing, collaborative or circular economy lead to the decentralization of political and economic power, to economy and to a conscious behaviour towards the environment in which we live. each city is unique and faces its own problems that it must solve. for this reason, it is questionable, whether one can assess which city or which country is currently the smartest. however, there are several rankings that try to answer this question. the best known are the cities in motion index, the imd smart city index and the european smart city model. the cities in motion index evaluates cities in terms of ten areas. the imd smart city index includes citizens’ perceptions among the evaluation criteria of smart city levels. citizens’ perceptions, on the other hand, are balanced by economic and technological aspects. the european smart city model (european smart cities 3.0 home) provides an integrated approach to defining the profile and comparing medium-sized european cities and can be seen as a tool for effective learning in the field of processes related to urban innovačorejová, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 113–128.118 tion in specific areas of urban development. cities according to the model are divided into two groups according to the number of inhabitants. in the first group there are cities with a population of 100,000–500,000, in the second group 300,000–1,000,000. within slovakia, however, only two cities currently belong to these categories, namely bratislava, the capital of slovakia, and košice. other regionally important cities have less than 100,000 inhabitants. based on research by giffinger, r. and haindlmaier, g. (2010), eight slovak cities with a population of 50,000–100,000 were evaluated using a smart city index that includes 6 mutually relativity independent areas and a total of 31 relevant factors. none of these cities were the best in all areas. overall, the best rankings in 2020 were achieved by banská bystrica, nitra and žilina (table 1). other cities have lagged significantly behind. based on these values, we decided to pay more attention to the city of žilina in terms of citizens’ perceptions of the smart city concept. smart cities are, thus, a developing segment of the market with innovative solutions, which, however, are not an end in themselves, but a means to increase the quality of life in cities and to improve the business environment. aims and methodology the aim of the paper is to examine perceptions of the smart city concept among the inhabitants of the city žilina in slovakia. the research methodology was based on an analysis of secondary sources from the point of view of the concept of smart city according to cohen, b. (2014) and the smart city index (2020) and on primary research conducted through a questionnaire survey. the survey of perceptions of the smart city concept among inhabitants of the city was focused on finding out to what extent the inhabitants have knowledge of the concept, what they consider to be crucial areas that need to be solved within the city, and how they evaluate already implemented projects within the concept. the survey was conducted using a structured questionnaire. a pre-test was also carried out with five respondents. based on that the method was slightly modified, and during the selection of respondents the concept of smart city was briefly introduced. the adjustment resulted from the fact that 4 out of 5 randomly addressed respondents did not know the importance of the smart city concept or confused it with a hard disk monitoring system that detects and sends reports on various reliability indicators in an effort to predict failures. the indicators must meet the criteria of s.m.a.r.t. – and must be specific, measurable, accessible, realistic and timely. the selection of respondents in the survey was random and included the public/residents living and/or working or studying in the city. data collection and processing took place in march-april 2020, using a combination of personal (march 2020) and online (april 2020 due to anti-pandemic measures) table 1. ranking of slovak cities with 50,000–100,000 inhabitants according to smart city index in 2020 city population position smart economy people governance mobility environment living banská bystrica nitra žilina poprad trnava trenčín martin prešov 78,327 76,655 80,810 51,304 65,207 55,333 54,618 88,680 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 1 4 2 7 3 8 6 5 1 2 3 8 5 7 4 6 4 1 2 7 6 3 8 5 3 2 4 1 5 6 8 7 3 1 6 7 4 2 5 8 4 6 2 1 8 7 3 5 source: by smart city index, 2020. 119čorejová, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 113–128. inquiries. the questionnaire consisted of identification and merit questions. the survey examined the frequency of individual answers within closed questions. in selected questions, a multiple answer was possible, as well as an assessment of the significance of the elements. the unipolar lickert scale (0–4) was used to assess significance. the formulation of meritorious questions followed in-depth interviews with employees of the city of žilina, analysis of secondary sources and concerned individual areas of the city’s strategy from the point of view of the smart city concept. the methods used in this paper are clearly based on the application of analytical, synthetic and comparative methods that also represent recommended methods in the application of diagnostics and subsequently therapeutic methods in the process of the investigation of inhabitants’ perceptions and expectations regarding the smart city concept and projects related to the smart city concept. when determining the number of respondents in the survey, we based it on the current number of inhabitants living in the city of žilina (in 2020 it is 80,810). we also set the reliability of the estimate at 95 per cent, with the maximum allowable error range being set at 9 per cent and the variability of the base set at 0.5. the total minimum number of respondents was set at 118 (haľamova, e. 2020). in terms of age structure, the largest group consisted of respondents aged 20 to 30 years (63 respondents, which is almost 54% of the total). the stated composition of the respondents also reflected the fact that this age group uses online connections more intensively due to the electronic form of the questionnaire. in terms of educational attainment, most respondents had a secondary education (60% of the total number), respondents with a university degree (30%) and respondents with a primary education (10%). the largest group, depending on gender, age and education, consisted of men aged 20 to 30 years with secondary education (19%). as part of the questionnaire survey, we were interested in the form of the respondent’s stay or residence in the city of žilina. as žilina is a regional city and is considered the ‘metropolis’ of northern slovakia, many citizens come to the city for various reasons. of the total number, respondents with permanent residence in the city accounted for 62 per cent, over 26 per cent of them worked or studied in the city, and 10 per cent visited žilina temporarily. the other respondents were either staying temporarily in the city or had come to the city to work or study. results of the case study a major strategic goal of the city is to create the conditions for sustainable development. in other words, žilina wants to be a city in which there are permanent conditions for the continuous optimization of the living conditions of both inhabitants and visitors. this aim is to be fulfilled in line with the natural and historical conditions of the city environment (www.zilina.sk ). the city of žilina, as the centre of the wider region, also directly cooperates with the žilina self-government region (further žsk) and builds on several of its documents (žsk, 2015, 2016). in individual projects, it cooperates with other entities, including businesses, the university of žilina and non-governmental organisations (ngos) (strelcova, i. 2016; jesenko, m. 2017; sad žilina 2019). competences transferred from the central level of the state to the level of the city of žilina under slovak legislation, are in the following areas: transport and communications, social services, waste management, culture and tourism, primary education, local taxes, applications and issuing various permits for residents and institutions operating in the city, as well as the city’s own management and emergency management. if we build on the theoretical definition of the concept of smart city according to cohen, b. (2012) as well as by smart city index (2020), it is possible to identify certain positive solutions according to individual smart areas and based on an analysis of secondary sources of the city. an advantage for the city is the presence of čorejová, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 113–128.120 the university and several research institutes, which have long been dealing with transport issues, new technologies in transport, ict, engineering, construction and energy. selected municipal institutions are actively involved in several projects run by these institutions. at the same time, the university actively contributes to the elaboration of the city’s spatial plan and to the shaping of transport policy. of course, the city’s zoning plan itself, as part of its updates, is influenced by new elements associated with smart solutions. smart mobility includes smart transport and so we identified technological solutions associated with smart public transport and traffic management (strelcova, i. 2016; sad žilina 2019). from the perspective of public transport, the essence of smart traffic management in zilina is important. active communication board units are applied in vehicles with stop road traffic signal controller, which controls the crossing intersections to the current position. the system along with other traffic information is integrated into the software platform. this may be the mobile app smart žilina and the web smart.zilina.sk benefit residents and dispatchers transport company. other smart mobility solutions include: – a bike-sharing; – an intelligent system for controlling access to the pedestrian zone, which contributes to a reduction of the number of vehicles in the pedestrian zone. the regulation of parking in city neighbourhoods is aimed at streamlining the use of parking spaces and at reducing the number of surplus vehicles. transport in žilina in the context of smart mobility would be focused in future on complex regulation (e.g. the regulation of individual vehicles, public, bicycle and pedestrian transport, including the solution of static transport). the aim is to shift passengers from individual car transport to sustainable modes of transport. within the smart environment as a part of the smart city concept two projects, airtitia and solez, are being addressed. the city of žilina is located in a basin with unfavourable geographical conditions in terms of the dispersion of emissions in the air. reducing the burden of emissions in the urban environment has traditionally been among the priorities of the city of žilina. within the framework of airtritia, measures have been taken to monitor air quality and to develop an action plan addressing critical levels of air pollution in the city. the project solez enabled the city to develop an action plan for low-carbon mobility, introducing low-carbon measures, alternative means of transport and low-emission zones. smart conditions for life are connected with the smart energy infrastructure based on intelligent network elements, enabling the use of renewable forms of energy and regulating the behaviour of both producers and consumers. the growing number of cars on the road puts pressure on the use of cleaner vehicles, especially electric cars, and hinders shared mobility opportunities. the city also created an initial scheme for promoting health and improving the quality of life of citizens and visitors, with support being given to initiatives relating to human capital, education, social inclusion and citizens’ cooperation. it finances its projects mainly using international grants, eu funds, the resources of the kia motors slovakia foundation and its own resources. efforts to improve the effective management of resources and to ensure adequate responses to the interests of citizens, social organizations, companies and administrations, led the city government to seek membership of the smart cities club (membership was achieved in september 2019). it can be stated that separate strategies for individual areas according to the concept of smart city have not yet been formulated at the city level. however, individual projects gradually contribute to the fulfilment of the concept. the projects touch on key areas in terms of the city mobility and the environment. in these two areas the city of žilina has a low ranking on the smart city index (see table 1). in the area of smart people, the city of žilina does not have all the competencies and needs to cooperate with the žilina self-governing region (žsk) and the university, which operates in the city and has a much broader scope. 121čorejová, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 113–128. similarly, in the smart economy, the city focuses on its own management and the exercise of its competencies in the field of taxes and fees, which determine the characteristics of the business environment in the city. the findings of the primary research (haľamova, e. 2020) are presented in the following sections of the paper. in terms of their perceptions of the smart city concept, respondents consider it primarily as a technological concept associated with the use of new modern technologies and especially ict. when choosing the answers, they had three options, namely that they perceive the concept as a change in society, a change in the solutions used and the implementation of new technologies. 63 per cent of respondents chose one of these options. 70 per cent of respondents perceive the term ‘smart city’ to be associated with the use of modern technologies, while less than 10 per cent associate it with a ‘change in society’ (figure 2). in addition to knowledge of the concept of smart city and its connection with various changes, respondents commented on their knowledge of the city’s investment in the concept. respondents with a university degree are expected to have a higher level of knowledge. also, some of the respondents’ job descriptions may distort the findings, as some respondents work in the state and public administration. our assumptions concerning respondents’ job classifications were confirmed. respondents with secondary education working in the state and public administration had the most knowledge about the city’s investments in smart city. we found that up to 43 per cent of respondents did not know about investing in smart city, while 30 per cent of respondents think that the city does not invest in smart city. based on the findings, it can be stated that most of the respondents do not have knowledge about investing in smart city, which reflects insufficient communication between the city and citizens. only 29 respondents have knowledge about investments. the perception of smart city as the use of new technologies proved to be essential, what the citizens themselves do not directly connect with changes in the city and society itself. subsequently, the attention of the respondents was focused on the question of what they consider to be decisive or most important in terms of the future development of the city. fig. 2. knowledge of the term smart city and its connection with selected items. source: haľamova, e. 2020. čorejová, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 113–128.122 more than 26 per cent of respondents consider intelligent waste collection to be the most important area of the development. the second most important area of development according to respondents is the use of renewable energy sources (25% of respondents). respondents consider the management of public lighting to be the least important area (12% of respondents). from a gender perspective, men consider smart waste collection and support for the use of renewable energy sources to be the most important areas for development, and only 8 men consider support for the construction of green roofs the least important area. women also consider intelligent waste collection to be the most important; according to them the use of renewable energy sources is also important, and they also consider the construction of green roofs to be an important area. it is interesting in terms of stereotypes in slovak society that women do not consider public lighting management to be an important area. it should also be noted that, in the 20–30 age group for both men and women, the promotion of renewables in particular plays an important role. for respondents over the age of 50, the results are different, with men promoting intelligent waste collection and support for renewables and women promoting green roofs. the comprehensive results obtained from the survey are shown in figure 3. this was followed by a survey of respondents’ perceptions of individual sub-projects that were and are being implemented within the city and can be assigned to individual areas of the smart city concept. these projects in terms of secondary research include a bike-sharing system, a smart system for monitoring the entrance to the pedestrian zone, a smart public transport system connected with ‘green’ preferences at crossroads, the monitoring of air quality, e-services for communication between citizens and municipalities, and the establishment of a contact point for municipality services. the city of žilina has implemented several projects within the smart city framework. the ‘bike-sharing’ fig. 3. potential areas of the smart city concept in žilina by gender. source: haľamova, e. 2020. 123čorejová, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 113–128. system bikekia is rated as the best project (figure 4). as many as 38 per cent of respondents rate it as the best, while the project for electronic communication between the citizen and the office came in second place. less than 6 per cent of respondents consider a smart system for regulating pedestrian entrances to be the best project. in terms of the nature of respondents’ stay or residence in the city, the bikekia ‘bike-sharing’ system is rated as the best project in all groups of respondents (with the exception of commuters), while commuters consider a project promoting electronic communication between citizens and the office to be the best project. respondents studying in žilina showed indifference towards an intelligent system for regulating pedestrian entrances and a modern contact point for services for citizens. according to the questionnaire, only respondents with permanent residence in the city consider the regulation of access to the pedestrian zone to be the best project; other groups did not vote for the said project at all. in addition, respondents staying temporarily in the city did not rate the project related to air quality monitoring as the best project. when determining the significance of individual areas of the smart city concept, it was possible to state more answers and mark their order. what is essential within the concept of smart city for citizens? multiple answers were possible to the results of the survey in terms of the importance of the smart city concept. respondents identified mobility as the most important part of the concept (24%). in second place there was the environment (20%) and in third place the city administration (18%). on the other hand, less than 5 per cent of respondents chose the field of sports and culture in terms of importance within the smart city žilina concept (table 2). fig. 4. the best project within the smart city concept in žilina depending on the respondent’s stay in the city. source: haľamova, e. 2020. čorejová, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 113–128.124 discussion and conclusion based on the primary and secondary research results, we focused on identifying opportunities for the development of the smart city žilina concept. for the citizens of žilina, as well as for students and employees, there is a growing interest in: – smart means of communication with the municipality; – waste management; – renewable resources; – green solutions. for example, a significant number of respondents consider support for green roofs to be a key area. these are topics perceived by citizens as important. from the point of view of a smart city, the open communication of the municipality with all stakeholders, citizens and visitors can be fulfilled through the adoption of other solutions in the field of the environment. in this area, žilina is ranked, based on the smart city index (see table 1), in sixth place out of eight ranked places. clearly, the challenge of creating a sustainable environment is also reflected in public perceptions of the importance of this area to the city. cities have yet to become aware of the urgency of these challenges and the need to implement the laws of slovakia. introduced in 2021, the legislation also covers the separate collection of waste in colour-coded containers. the updating of the strategy must consider a number of steps in waste management, including separation and collection, with a view to the overall recovery of the waste generated. further steps must be aimed not only at reducing waste costs, but also at improving the services provided to citizens from an environmental point of view. although these solutions will require an initial investment, they will ultimately lead to improved services. in our opinion, the feasibility of these goals in smart environmental policy may be achieved by 2030. services in a real smart city should communicate with each other and make use of both their own technological data and municipal data (such as the databases of municipal authorities, transport ta bl e 2. t he e ss en ti al a re as w it hi n th e co nc ep t o f s m ar t c it y w it h re ga rd to a ge a nd g en de r r es po nd en t t ou ri sm e ne rg y m ob ili ty e co no m y g ov er na nc e of c it y sp or t e d uc at io n e nv ir on m en t c ul tu re t ot al m en , y ea rs 20 –3 0 30 –4 0 40 –5 0 50 + – 3 1 2 7 7 1 1 15 7 1 1 6 2 – – 13 6 2 1 1 – – 3 7 2 – – 13 5 4 – – 2 – – 62 34 9 8 w om en , y ea rs 20 –3 0 30 –4 0 40 –5 0 50 + 6 2 – – 9 6 1 2 22 8 4 2 4 3 – 1 8 9 4 2 1 1 1 – 6 3 – – 16 5 6 1 3 1 – – 75 38 16 8 125čorejová, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 113–128. companies, water companies, schools and other municipal institutions). they should also draw on other data sources, such as public data from reference registers. a unified database would make it possible to build a wider portfolio of services at lower cost, as the interconnection of data sources is solved together for all services. in connection with the development of a smart city, public administration institutions must focus their attention on: – connecting the target groups. – satisfied citizens, customers and transport users. – relations with workers, public service employees. – relations with the government, public sector, business sector, including lobbying. – relations with the media, the general public, ‘belonging to ...’, relations, membership, etc. the following aspects should be especially highlighted: – public perceptions of individual measures. a positive perception of measures among the public has a decisive influence on the use of smart city technologies and services, as well as on the effectiveness of individual measures to ensure sustainability and, where appropriate, increase performance. it is necessary to work consistently with the public and influence its attitudes towards new solutions by explaining the benefits, etc. – the impact on the sustainability of technical solutions. the application of smart city technologies and services is connected with the provision of routine operation and innovation of lower-order services, which require a thorough focus on the organizational provision of deployed innovative services. – systems and measures to ensure the quality of life in the city. the impacts of the implementation of smart city projects must be assessed in terms of their life cycle (i.e. the impacts or effects of projects in the planning, evaluation and design phases, political decisions, construction or implementation and operation). for each impact, appropriate indicators must be used, and their interrelationships established. changes in the city associated with the implementation of smart solutions can have a positive or negative impact on other parts of the region or locality. it can be assumed that positive impacts in one place will cause negative impacts in another place in the region – cities – localities. therefore, there is a need to assess how the competitiveness of the urban part – localities – cities – regions changes (growth – decrease) in comparison with other localities – cities – regions and to compare the development in relation to the development in the whole state, in the national economy. communication within the smart city is quite specific and also requires specific approaches and tactical decisions for optimal success. access to project information within the smart city needs to be coupled with an outline of the content and purpose of the project, explaining how the proposed solution replaces and complements existing solutions as perceived by the public. positive perceptions crucially affect the use of technologies and smart city services as well as the effectiveness of various measures to ensure sustainability solutions. proper marketing communication means to interpret the messages that describe the already existing solutions or should include research results without ties to the specific products or time data. when addressing the issue of a smart city, partnerships are established by law with the aim of generating multiple benefits. partnerships are essential in this area, but it should be borne in mind that they will have a major impact on marketing communications and public relations activities. if the partners agree, each communication activity gains added value and meaning. however, partners do not always have to share the same views and may have hidden intentions. another problem may be the leakage of information, which can be prevented by the greatest possible degree of harmonization of partnership cooperation. the effectiveness čorejová, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 113–128.126 of applying the right approach and tactics depends on eliminating weaknesses in the partnership agreements and creating a solid foundation for the partnership. when communicating with the public about smart solutions and the whole concept of a smart city, it must not be forgotten to whom the communication activities are aimed. the so-called target groups and communication tools are in the centre of attention. all messages communicated in the field of smart city must be attractive and comprehensible to the target groups and must correspond to their interests. a great or significant opportunity for the city of žilina is the cooperation with the university and other research institutions, as well as non-governmental organizations focused on the development of non-motorized transport in particular in the field of smart mobility. the transformation of the city into a smart city requires, above all, a systemic approach, which must be based not only on the vision and mission of the settlement unit but also on a common database when using e-services. however, in order to ensure the interoperability of e-services, the local government should, in accordance with the draft framework of e-services, rely on requirements developed both in slovakia and at the level of the european union. it is necessary to transfer the smart city strategy not only to the main strategic plan of the city, but also to the strategic plans of individual areas. our findings on public perceptions of smart solutions are also a starting point and an opportunity for formulating strategic goals and tactical approaches of the municipality within the context of eu cohesion policy for the years 2021–2027. smart solutions are not used to compete with other cities and to gain a certain position in terms of rankings. however, they provide inspiration for other locations and provide valuable information for the city management itself about the adoption of smart solutions or policies by citizens. support for smart cities and regions should be based on the cooperation of all stakeholders from the very beginning of the process, starting with the formulation of a vision, priorities and policy options and leading to the definition of specific measures. first and foremost, it is essential to inform and motivate all stakeholder groups, with a view to facilitating joint efforts aimed at developing a concept or strategy of effective cooperation. civil society needs to be involved in the process, as active citizens can initiate changes that will support smart city projects. the more citizens are involved in the city’s development process, the better the city will serve the needs of its inhabitants. city authorities must be a driving force enabling smart 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(2): 104–109. žsk 2015. žsk portal. available at https://online. zilinskazupa.sk/ žsk 2016. elektronizácia služieb v žilinskom samosprávnom kraji (electronic services in the žilina self-governing region). available at <http://www. zilinskazupa.sk/sk/info-zurnal-zsk/aktualitky-z-odborov-uradu-zsk/aktuality-z-uradu-zsk/ elektronizacia-sluzieb-zilinskom-samospravnom-kraji.html> 227lóczy, d. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (3) 227–243.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.69.3.1 hungarian geographical bulletin 69 2020 (3) 227–243. introduction conventional land evaluation approaches are either land capability or land suitability surveys. land capability assessment is meant to measure the overall agroecological potential of a region to produce common cultivated crops and pasture plants (or forestry) without deterioration over a long period of time (beek, k.j. and bennema, j. 1972; fao 1976; davidson, d.a. 1992). ’land with the highest capability is expected to be versatile and 1 institute of geography and earth sciences, university of pécs, h-7624 pécs, ifjúság útja 6. hungary. e-mails: loczyd@gamma.ttk.pte.hu, gnagy@gamma.ttk.pte.hu, dejozsi@gamma.ttk.pte.hu, gyenizse@gamma.ttk.pte.hu 2 georgikon faculty, university of pannonia, h-8360 keszthely, deák ferenc u. 16. hungary. e-mails: toth.gergely@georgikon.hu, hermann.tamas@georgikon.hu 3 doctoral school of earth sciences, university of pécs, h-7624 pécs, ifjúság útja 6. hungary. e-mails: rezsekma@gamma.ttk.pte.hu, alisalem@gamma.ttk.pte.hu 4 civil engineering department, faculty of engineering, minia university, minia 61111, egypt. 5 flemish institute for technological research (vito), boeretang 200, b-2400 mol, belgium; department of earth and environmental sciences, faculty of bioscience engineering, university of leuven, celestijnenlaan 200e, 3001 heverlee, belgium. e-mail: anne.gobin@vito.be 6 department of chemical and geological sciences, university of cagliari, cittadella universitaria (axis d), i-09042 monserrato, italy. e-mail: avacca@unica.it perspectives of land evaluation of floodplains under conditions of aridification based on the assessment of ecosystem services dénes l óc z y 1, gergely t ót h 2, tamás h e r m a n n 2, marietta r e z s e k 3, gábor n a g y 1, józsef d e z s ő1, ali s a l e m 3,4, péter g y e n i z s e 1, anne g o b i n 5 and andrea va c c a 6 abstract global climate change has discernible impacts on the quality of the landscapes of hungary. only a dynamic and spatially differentiated land evaluation methodology can properly reflect these changes. the provision level, rate of transformation and spatial distribution of ecosystem services (ess) are fundamental properties of landscapes and have to be integral parts of an up-to-date land evaluation. for agricultural land capability assessment soil fertility is a major supporting es, directly associated with climate change through greenhouse gas emissions and carbon sequestration as regulationg services. since for hungary aridification is the most severe consequence of climate change, water-related ess, such as water retention and storage on and below the surface as well as control of floods, water pollution and soil erosion, are of increasing importance. the productivity of agricultural crops is enhanced by more atmospheric co2 but restricted by higher drought susceptibility. the value of floodplain landscapes, i.e. their agroecological, nature conservation, tourism (aesthetic) and other potentials, however, will be increasingly controlled by their water supply, which is characterized by hydrometeorological parameters. case studies are presented for the estimation of the value of two water-related regulating ess (water retention and groundwater recharge capacities) in the floodplains of the kapos and drava rivers, southwest hungary. it is predictable that in the future land evaluation techniques based on the fao framework will be more dynamic and integrated with the monetary valuation of ess. the latter task, however, still involves numerous methodological problems to solve. keywords: land evaluation, climate change, aridification, ecosystem services, floodwater retention, groundwater recharge, flood reservoirs, floodplains received march 2020; accepted august 2020. lóczy, d. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (3) 227–243.228 allow intensive use for a reasonably large range of enterprises’ (mcrae, s.g. and burnham, c.p. 1981, p. 67). developed into integral land evaluation (smit, b. et al. 1984), land capability surveys help identify the processes of land degradation (kertész, á. and křeček, j. 2019) and contribute to the foundation of regional development policies. land suitability assessment is contrived to measure the adaptability of a given area for a specific kind of land use at a given date (fao 1976). in hungary the more than 140-year old ’goldkrone’ system of land evaluation of the austro-hungarian monarchy is still in use – although it will be hopefully soon replaced by the d-e-meter system under development (dér, f. et al. 2007; tóth, g. 2009). the d-e-meter is a scientifically based system, which equally considers topography, the water and nutrient availability and complex properties of soils of high spatial but low temporal variability (pásztor, l. et al. 2013) as well as the type of cultivation according to their true significance in land quality. on the scale from 1 to 100, floodplain soils are placed between 30–70 scores in the variety for intensive land use and 20–50 in the extensive variety. in addition, climate (and thus environmental dynamics) is also considered: for the 75 agrometeorological subdivisions of the country by the yields of agricultural crops three kinds of years are distinguished: – optimal years (when maximum production is achieved), – ’expected’ years (when production is at average level), and – poor years (when yields are considerable lower). the system is designed to allow regular updates based on time series information, thus able to incorporate the effect of climate change and the change in agrotechnology as well. apart from the scientifically sound conceptualisation of soil productivity model, including the effect of climate, soil and management factors (tóth, g. 2009) other building blocks, such as time series yield and biomass data, validation datasets (case studies, long term field experimental data) and detailed soil maps for the country (pásztor, l. et al. 2017; tóth, g. et al. 2018) enable to develop a productivity map for all agricultural land of the country. however, the evaluation system is only capable of predicting future changes in productivity to a limited extent. since the seminal (and much criticized) paper by costanza, r. et al. (1997) on the value of global natural capital and the millenium ecosystem assessment (mea 2005), ecosystem services (ess), with emphasis on regulating services, have become a central topic of environmental research. as this concept places the welfare of human society in the focus, this is a novel approach to the assessment of environmental quality. in the most simple definition of the often debated term, ess are a set of ecosystem functions which are useful to humans (kremen, c. 2005). according to costanza, r. and folke, c. (1997) ess are ’the benefits human populations derive, directly or indirectly, from ecosystem functions’. fischer, b. et al. (2009) claim that the so-called intermediate services interact to produce final services, which include floodwater retention and freshwater provision. other pioneers of the es approach (potschin-young, m. et al. 2017) question the applicability of the concept of intermediate services. the multiple functions of the landscape (i.e. ess) are jointly evaluated (schindler, s. et al. 2013, 2014), particularly often for landscapes (like floodplains) where water is the decisive component (e.g. martin-ortega, j. et al. 2015). however, value judgements on individual services are made difficult by the trade-offs between them (sanon, s. et al. 2012). the assessment of anticipated changes in the level of provision of ess is increasingly incorporated in planning (albert, c. et al. 2014, 2016), found essential for achieving landscape sustainability (wu, j. 2013) and assumed to serve as a measure of effectiveness for rehabilitation works (alexander, s. et al. 2016). concerning ess, the elaboration of precise and objective indicators is the most important task in the opinion of many authors (haines-young, r. et al. 2012). appropriate methods have to be developed 229lóczy, d. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (3) 227–243. to translate the provision of ess to a set of parameters. this task can only be accomplished in close cooperation between experts in (landscape) ecology and environmental economics (thurston, h.w. et al. 2009). the valuation procedure, however, should be as simple as possible (simpson, r.d. 2017). the eu biodiversity strategy to 2020 foresees that member states map and assess the state of ecosystems and their services on their territories (zulian, g. et al. 2013; erhard, m. et al. 2017; maes, j. et al. 2018; rendon, p. et al. 2019). the starting point was the list of ess compiled as cices 4.3 (common international classification of ecosystem services – haines-young, r. and potschin, m. 2018). in hungary the national mapping and assessment of ecosystem services (nösztép) was launched in 2017 (tanács, e. et al. 2019). in the first step the research budget only allowed the identification of indicators for a limited number of ess. numerous techniques have been proposed for the assessment and valuation of water-related ess (grizzetti, b. et al. 2016; talbot, c.j. et al. 2018; hornung, l.k. et al. 2019). water availability is among the temporally most variable land qualities, which is of crucial significance for agriculture (lóczy, d. 2000; falkenmark, m. 2013). although often evaluated globally (e.g. gerten, d. et al. 2011), it is basically a regional property which cannot simply be described by pointlike data (e.g. from soil survey), but the indicators of water availability have to reflect the landscape context, cascading and neighbourhood effects (xu, h. and wu, m. 2017; duarte, g. et al. 2018). the water footprint is a concept employed by ecologists in the assessment of sustainability and efficiency of water use in a catchment (lovarelli, d. et al. 2016; roux, b. et al. 2017). naturally, flood mitigation is a highprofile es (barth, n.-c. and döll, p. 2016; opperman, j.j. et al. 2017). permeable floodplain deposits allow floodwater storage and the ability to mitigate floods (lü, s.b. et al. 2012). the substitute cost approach (comparison with alternatives such as man-made reservoirs) is readily applicable to estimate the value of the flood mitigation service provided by wetlands. in the priority list set up on the basis of willingness to pay, flood control is also the most valuable es of wetlands (brower, r. et al. 1999). in an american case study (mud lake, south dakota) the flood control service of wetlands was valued (based on monetary damages prevented) much higher (at ca. usd 440 per acre, i.e. ca. eur 1016 ha-1 y-1) than water supply (public utility revenues, at usd 94 per acre, i.e. ca. eur 217 ha-1 y-1) and other services (roberts, l.a. and leitch, j.a. 1997). in a more recent and more detailed investigation (cui, l.j. et al. 2016) climate regulation makes up 62.0 per cent of the gross value of ultimate ess provided by the zhalong wetland (along the wuyuer river, heilongjiang province, china), while the value of flood regulation amounts to 33.3 per cent. it was found that german riparian forests avoid damage from a 10-year flood in the value of eur 4,300 ha-1 y-1 (barth, n.-c. and döll, p. 2016). the flood control service is closely related to another important service, groundwater replenishment, since with the storage of floodwater in soils and reservoirs promotes its deep percolation (foster, t. et al. 2017). localized recharge can be more efficient than diffuse recharge (scanlon, b.r. et al. 2002). key sites of surface water/groundwater interactions (griebler, c. and avramov, m. 2015; salem, a. et al. 2020) are groundwater dependent ecosystems (gdes) like swamps and other wetlands (eamus, d. et al. 2016). the undrained surfaces of the hungarian drava plain mapped within the framework of the old drava landscape rehabilitation programme (trinity enviro 2018) can be regarded as gdes (figure 1). actual recharge demonstrably reaches the water table, while potential recharge feeds the moisture content of the unsaturated zone but it could potentially also contribute to groundwater in the aquifer (bergkamp, g. and cross, k. 2006; walker, d. et al. 2018). shallow (1 to 1.5 m deep) ponds with infiltration capacities ranging from 1 m d-1 to 5 m d-1 were found to be suitable for arlóczy, d. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (3) 227–243.230 tificial recharge (jódar-abellán, a. et al. 2017). a study revealed that in the semiarid new mexico about half the floodwater retained in an experiment infiltrated and recharged groundwater (valett, h.m. et al. 2005). similar examples are cited from the mediterranean (opperman, j.j. et al. 2010; chang, h. and bonnette, m.r. 2016) and semiarid african regions (acharya, g. 2000; acharya, g., and barbier, e.b. 2000). the economic value of the groundwater recharge service can also be estimated through the contingent valuation (or willingness to pay) method (damigos, d. et al. 2017) in most cases. in hungary, however, the general public is not aware of the importance of this service, therefore, a questionnaire survey of this kind probably would not bring reliable results. the evaluation of nutrient availability is also central in land evaluation systems. the fig. 1. the study areas in hungary (1a) and in southern transdanubia (1b). 1c = closed depressions (undrained surfaces), key areas of groundwater recharge, in the landscape rehabilitation area of the hungarian drava plain (drawn by gyenizse, p. after trinity enviro 2018). pink dots are settlements. numbers indicate groundwater observation wells in table 1. red line marks the boundary of the planning area of the old drava programme. 231lóczy, d. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (3) 227–243. problems in this field can be enlightened with the case of nitrogen. although its actual quantification is still debated, the nitrogen cycle is one of the critical planetary boundaries (rockström, j. et al. 2009) as it threatens the safe operation of human society. nitrogen loss takes place to the atmosphere (ammonia and nitrous oxide emissions) and surface and groundwater (nitrate) (van grinsven, h.j.m. et al. 2015). improper fertilizer and manure application is identified as the most important source of nitrate contamination of groundwater in agricultural regions (see e.g. diadin, d. et al. 2018) and can be reduced by integrating livestock and crop production. the needed planetary n fixation can be derived from demographic trends of the global population, the recommended dietary nitrogen consumption per capita and the efficiency of nitrogen use (de vries, w. et al. 2013). global climate change has an impact on the quality of ecosystems and landscapes (figure 2). higher atmospheric co2 concentrations may enhance agroecological potential and improve crop performance, but increased temperature and water scarcity (greater susceptibility to drought) may severely restrict their impact (gobin, a. 2010; garofalo, p. et al. 2019; szabó, sz. et al. 2019). research shows that climate change will particularly negatively affect the yields of crops like cereals (monaco, e. et al. 2014; bonfante, a. et al. 2015; saab, m.t.a. et al. 2019), sugar beet and potatoes (frutos cachorro, j. et al. 2018). adaptation can involve modified cropping systems, for instance, sowing winter wheat instead of crops with higher water demand (debaeke, p. et al. 2017). to this extent, crop water requirements and productivity can help make informed decisions across different regions (gobin, a. et al. 2017). the ongoing climate change in hungary impacts on local water resources (jankó, f. et al. 2018; jakab, g. et al. 2019), particularly drops in groundwater depth, and indirectly on soil and vegetation changes (farkas, j.zs. et al. 2017; fehér, z.zs. and rakonczai, j. 2019). in the most severely affected region, on the danube–tisza interfluve, a huge, more than 1,000 mm, moisture deficit accumulated between 1971 and 1985 (major, p. 1994). floodplains also show groundwater deficit (for the drava plain see e.g. dezső, j., lóczy, d. et al. 2019). the carbon sequestration capacity of soils demonstrates the impact in the opposite direction: that of soils on climate. european soils (particularly peatlands on floodplains) store huge amounts of carbon (73–79 billion tonnes) (gobin, a. et al. 2011). organic matter content also influences water-holding capacity, thus, soil productivity and environmental quality, and can mitigate the damage caused by droughts and floods. agricultural land evaluation has to account for the changeability of input data caused by changing climate (bonfante, a. et al. 2015; makovníková, j. et al. 2019). the productivity of the landscapes varies with the changing circumstances and this will be even more typical in the future (fao 2017). although previous systems were primarily based on constant variables, there are several arguments for applying more dynamic techniques in land evaluation (bonfante, a. et al. fig. 2. cascading effects of climate change on water related ecosystem services (ess). source: modified after chang, h. and bonnette, m.r. 2016. lóczy, d. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (3) 227–243.232 2018). climate change is expected to lead to short-term modifications in the yield potentials of the main economic crops in europe – although to geographically variable degrees (supit, i. et al. 2010; eea 2019). while in some regions of northern europe yield potentials tend to increase (burkhard, b. et al. 2009), in the mediterranean region major changes in water availability, temperature and radiation significantly reduce potential crop yields (schils, r. et al. 2018) and quality (bonfante, a. et al. 2015, 2017). along with natural factors, independent from climate change impacts, the vital significance of socio-economic aspects of land system development and land policy in general are often emphasized. it is claimed that social and policy factors can cause a drop of up to 56 per cent in food production (brown, c. et al. 2019). methodological approaches: valuation of ess environmental economists have proposed several alternatives for the valuation of ess (pascual, u. and muradian, r. 2010): – hedonic pricing: if ess directly influence market prices; – contingent valuation or willingness to pay: questionnaire survey of people’s value perceptions; – benefit transfer: to infer economic values from the study of similar areas under similar market conditions; – damage cost avoidance, replacement/substitute cost: damage from lost services, providing substitute(s) for services. both benefit transfer and substitute cost seem to be more feasible solutions for the studied water-related ess in hungary than the first two which would require a higher level of environmental awareness from the public. acharya, g. (2000), and acharya, g. and barbier, e.b. (2000) investigated the costs and benefits of development projects, both direct, and indirect, which divert some water away from the floodplain for irrigation in northern nigeria. the value of replenishing and maintaining the shallow groundwater aquifer was calculated as usd 413 ha-1, the value of groundwater discharge as usd 32.5 per farmer per dry season or usd 62 ha-1 and for the entire wetland: usd 13,029 d-1. since the environmental conditions are starkly different, the transfer of these values to hungary (see below) is not possible. in the present paper experimentary monetary evaluations of two interrelated basic ess are presented for two catchments in southwest-hungary: the drava plain and the kapos valley (see figure 1). both have to be regarded first approximations. as yet, the reliability of the procedure is equally made doubtful on the grounds of deficiencies in methodology and the inaccuracy of input data. examples for the pricing of ecosystem services floodwater retention in floodplains the water retention index (wri) is a useful tool to estimate potential water retention comprehensively (vandecasteele, i. et al. 2018). the wri is calculated from the equation wri = (wvrv + wgwrgw + wsrs + wslrsl + wwbrwb) · (1 – rss ),(1) 100 where ws are the weights to be assigned to each parameter, and r are the parameter scores given for retention in vegetation (rv), groundwater bodies (rgw), soil (rs), slope (rsl), surface water bodies (rwb), and for soil sealing (rss). in the study areas slope inclinations are less than 1.00 per cent and floodplain soils are only sealed in built-up areas. therefore, the components rsl and rss could be left out of consideration in the calculations. moreover, increased water use of forests and grazing lands after floods cannot influence floodwater storage significantly. thus, in floodwater retention the vegetation effect (rv) can also be ignored. in contrast, for drought mitigation moisture storage in the vegetation (green water) is an important factor. 233lóczy, d. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (3) 227–243. in the drava plain long-term precipitation is 682 mm y-1, out of which groundwater recharge is 307 mm, actual evapotranspiration (et) is 190 mm and surface run-off is 185 mm (salem, a. et al. 2019). actual daily evapotranspiration (et) in the growing season (april to september) only averaged 1.85 mm d-1 for the drava plain over the period 2000–2018 (salem, a. et al. 2019). for the kapos floodplain, however, precipitation (kaposvár) is 651 mm y-1 and yearly et ranged from 464 to 660 mm in the (slightly overlapping) period 1981–2003 (bakken, t.h. et al. 2006). consequently, maximum actual et amounted to ca. 2 mm d-1 in the kapos valley for the growing season (lóczy, d. 2013). it follows from the above that floodwater retention as an es primarily depends on the amounts of water retained in the soils/deposits and in surface water bodies. the equation that is expected to provide its value is eswr = w1cs + w2cwb, where eswr is the value of the water retention service (huf ha-1), cs is the value (substituted cost) of specific water storage in the soil and alluvial deposits (huf ha-1), cwb is the value of water storage in surface water bodies (huf ha-1), w1 and w2 are weights. using nonlinear regression for a sensitivity analysis (paruolo, p. et al. 2013), vandecasteele, i. et al. (2018) established a weighting to both types of water retention, where surface water bodies received exactly double optimized weight (0.24) compared to soils and deposits (0.14). we followed this weighting and arrived at an equation which points to the relative importance of these components: eswr = (cs + 2cwb)/3 water retention in soils and deposits the capacity of soils for water storage is not apparent but can be very high. it depends on the depth of the vadose zone (to the groundwater table) and soil texture or sediment macroporosity. groundwater table depth shows strong but fairly regular seasonal dynamics (figures 3 and 4, table 1). this fact supplies a good argument for elaborating a dynamic evaluation of ess that includes water retention. extreme yearly ranges (up to > 4 m) occur in some wells, but an average depth of 2.5 m can be accepted for the drava plain. the heterogeneous sequences of floodplain deposits present a great variety of grain sizes from heavy clay and silty fine sand to gravelly coarse sand in the drava plain (dezső, j., czigány, sz. et al. 2019), while in the kapos catchment few massive rocks occur and the floodplain is built up of deposits ranging from silt to coarse sand (lóczy, d. 2013). the macroporosity of alluvial sediments above mean groundwater table depth in the drava plain typically ranges from 40 to 50 per cent (sands) between paleochannels and from 55 to 70 per cent in paleochannel clayey deposits (ddvízig 2015; terraexpert kft. 2018). geomorphological mapping in selected representative areas revealed that surfaces with deposits finer than silt make up less than 25 per cent of the total area. therefore, 50 per cent as an average void ratio was used in the calculations. for the calculation of below-ground water retention the following equation was used: rs = (vr · dgw)/a, where rs is water retention in soil and sediment, vr is mean void ratio of prevailing deposit (fraction), dgw is depth to mean groundwater table (m), a is total catchment area (ha). the calculated mean storage is 12,600 m3 ha-1 for the drava plain. in the kapos valley the regöly embayment had been selected for detailed investigations. soil profiles were analyzed for maximum (saturated) water capacity and storage capacity (water released gravitationally). the results are the following: 4,039 m3 ha-1 for the areas with chernozem meadow soils, 1,369 m3 ha-1 for the sand areas, 15,916 m3 ha-1 for the meadow soil areas and 2,189 m3 ha-1 for the wetlands (unpublished (2) (3) (4) lóczy, d. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (3) 227–243.234 fig. 3. long-term monthly groundwater levels at an observation well in the drava plain with typical regime, kemse, 1955–2018. source: ddvízig 2015. fig. 4. scheme of vertical zones considered for water-related es calculations (by lóczy, d.). a = water retention below ground (1), on the surface (2); b = groundwater recharge. for explanation see text. table 1. groundwater levels in the observation wells of the drava plain* well distance from drava, km observation period groundwater level, m average maximum minimum range cún-2 darány drávafok drávaiványi kákics kemse kétújfalu lakócsa potony sellye vajszló vejti 2.7 4.4 5.3 3.9 10.7 3.1 9.2 3.9 2.9 6.3 6.5 1.8 2015–2017 1979–2016 1955–2016 1975–2016 1975–2016 1955–2016 1955–2016 1975–2016 1955–2016 1975–2016 1951–2016 1975–2016 90.60 118.64 98.68 97.52 97.71 95.28 104.49 99.02 100.66 98.09 94.59 94.24 91.69 120.49 100.10 99.36 98.92 96.57 106.59 100.32 103.17 99.24 96.46 96.67 90.01 116.37 97.57 96.11 99.66 91.87 102.01 97.75 99.17 96.83 93.63 93.14 1.68 4.12 2.53 3.25 2.26 4.70 4.58 2.57 4.00 2.41 2.83 3.53 *compiled by lóczy, d. 2019. data source: terraexpert kft. 2018. for location of observation wells see figure 1. data by dezső, j.). the estimated average for the kapos valley is 12,800 m3 ha-1. consequently, specific underground floodwater storage potential is roughly equal as regards the drava and the kapos floodplains. as a matter of course, the dynamic potential depends on the actual depth of the groundwater table. surface water storage for the catchment of the upper kapos (122,000 ha; ca. 5,500 ha of which is flood235lóczy, d. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (3) 227–243. plain) floodwater reservoir planning in the 1970s calculated with 3,700,000 m3 retention capacity, but the reservoirs were envisaged to be built mainly along the left-bank tributaries not on the trunk river (szappanos, f. et al. 1976). at dombóvár (65 river km) the 10 per cent probability flood discharge could be reduced with the help of reservoir storage from 63 m3 s-1 to 47 m3 s-1. on the trunk river a flood retention reservoir of 3,500,000 m3 capacity was planned for this purpose but not built. unfortunately, the financial calculations (huf 41,200,000, at the present value: ca. huf 3,500,000,000, based on estimated purchase power parity) are completely outdated now as in the new political and economic system the investment environment is different. for the drava plain, total floodwater storage capacity in the project area of the old drava programme (57,214 ha floodplain) in the surface depressions (see figure 1) is recently estimated at 12 million m3 (ddvízig 2015). this figure can be accepted as a rough estimate of maximum water retention in surface water bodies. (although it is doubted to what percentage such depressions can be connected to the drava river to receive floodwater discharge.) the application of the substitute cost method was made possible by the fact that repeated inundations of agricultural areas in many valleys of transdanubia called for the establishment of temporary floodwater-retaining reservoirs (szappanos, f. et al. 1976). the approximate value of natural water retention service is assumed to equal the cost of retention per unit floodplain area achieved by engineering structures (construction expenses of a dam, embankments, a feeder canal and related infrastructure). from the officially published figures (usually obtained from the south transdanubian water management directorate – ddvízig) of their capacity and investment costs, the approximate expense of retaining 1 m3 of floodwater can be estimated (table 2). assuming that each reservoir collects runoff from the entire catchment above the site of impoundment, the specific cost of water retention is calculated from the equation: cswr = ctotal/afp, where cswr is the cost of surface water retention (huf), ctotal is total investment cost of the engineering structure (huf), afp is floodplain area where floodwater is stored, above the site of river impoundment (ha). the specific cost derived from this calculation can be regarded equal to a rough estimate of the es ’flood mitigation through surface retention’ in the floodplain. using equation (3) for the calculation of total floodwater retention potential, and taking irrigation water price at huf 8 m-3 (kemény, g. et al. 2018), the following results are achieved for the kapos valley: eswr = (12,800 · 8 + 2 · 20,000 · 8)/3 = huf 140,800 ha-1. the similar results for the drava plain: eswr = (12,600 · 8 + 2 · 16,000 · 8)/3 = huf 118,900 ha-1. the es values for the two floodplains of similar character are fairly close to each other. groundwater recharge in the drava floodplain the pricing of groundwater replenishment service cannot be solved by the substitution cost approach since no technology is known that could supply sufficient amounts of surface water to fill up groundwater reserves. the aquifer under the hungarian drava plain can be regarded a conditionally independent unit – although it is linked to the right-bank unit in croatia. the focal areas of groundwater recharge are the closed depression represented in figure 1. table 3 summarizes the (sparse) data available to describe the groundwater situation in the hungarian drava plain. extracted unconfined groundwater is primarily used for irrigation (92% in arable farming, 7% in horticulture, 1% in other branches) since its quality is not suitable for drinking water (because of nitrate contamination). therefore, the price of irrigation water (as a main component of the operation cost of irrigation systems) can be used in the calculation of the es values. (5) lóczy, d. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (3) 227–243.236 fi g. 5 . t he fl oo d re se rv oi r o n th e k ap os a t k ap os vá r ( by l óc zy , d .). 1 = k ap os r iv er a nd tr ib ut ar y st re am s; 2 = a re a in un da te d du ri ng e m er ge nc y; 3 = d am ; 4 = b ui ltup a re a; 5 = ra ilw ay ; 6 = m ai n pu bl ic ro ad ta bl e 2. p ar am et er s of c om pl et ed a nd p la nn ed fl oo d re se rv oi rs in s ou th er n t ra ns da nu bi a* pa ra m et er k ap os vá r (k ap os )1 m ag ya rs zé k (b ar an ya c an al )2 p ot on y (k or cs in a) te kl af al u (k or cs in a) t üs ké spu sz ta fe ke te -v íz st re am t ot al c at ch m en t, ha in au gu ra ti on d at e 31 2, 84 0 18 .0 5. 20 14 46 ,2 00 12 .0 7. 20 19 13 ,0 40 13 ,0 40 13 ,4 00 12 ,5 00 pl an ne d pe rm an en t w at er s ta ge , m pe rm an en t w at er s ur fa ce a re a, h a w at er s ta ge a t ( 10 0ye ar ) d es ig n fl oo d , m pe rm an en t s to ra ge v ol um e, 1 ,0 00 m 3 m ax im um w at er s ur fa ce a re a d ur in g fl oo d , h a m ax im um w at er v ol um e, 1 ,0 00 m 3 fr ee c ap ac it y, 1 ,0 00 m 3 m ea n w at er d ep th w he n fi lle d , m m ax im um w at er d ep th w he n fi lle d , m t ot al c os t o f i m pl em en ta ti on , 1 ,0 00 h u f c os t o f 1 m 3 fl oo d w at er r et en ti on , h u f fl oo d pl ai n ar ea a bo ve d am , h a sp ec ifi c re te nt io n ca pa ci ty , m 3 h a1 sp ec ifi c co st , 1 ,0 00 h u f ha -1 – 0 13 2. 8 0 10 4 1, 68 9 1, 68 9 1. 62 3. 40 55 0, 00 0 3, 25 6 34 7. 5 16 ,2 40 1, 58 3 15 1. 0 28 15 3. 0 41 0 54 1, 28 0 87 0 n. a. n. a. 1, 90 7, 00 0 2, 19 2 80 .0 23 ,7 04 23 ,8 38 n. a. n. a. 10 2. 5 n. a. 39 /1 0 40 0/ 37 0 n. a. n. a. n. a. n. a. n. a. 65 .0 n. a. n. a. 10 1. 5 52 10 1. 5 n. a. 52 56 0 0 n. a. n. a. n. a. n. a. 75 .0 n. a. n. a. n. a. n. a. 96 .0 n. a. 11 3 1, 20 0 1, 20 0 n. a. n. a. 1, 24 9, 50 0 1, 04 1 60 .0 20 ,0 00 20 ,8 25 n. a. n. a. 89 .5 n. a. 54 68 0 68 0 n. a. n. a. 1, 15 2, 00 0 1, 69 4 38 .0 12 ,5 93 30 ,3 16 *c om pi le d b y l óc zy , d . a ft er d d v íz ig 2 01 5 an d g sc he id t, i. 2 01 7. 1 s ee f ig ur e 5. 2 s ee f ig ur e 6. n .a . = n o d at a. fi g. 6 . t he fl oo d re se rv oi r o n th e ba ra ny a c an al a t m ag ya rs zé k (b y ló cz y, d .). 1 = ca na l, st re am ; 2 = fe ed er ca na l; 3 = da m , e m ba nk m en t; 4 = pe rm an en t w at er su rf ac e; 5 = re se rvo ir a re a in un da te d du ri ng e m er ge nc y; 6 = ra ilw ay ; 7 = p ub lic ro ad ; 8 = b ui ltup a re a 237lóczy, d. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (3) 227–243. as a very rough estimate, in the short term, the value of the es of groundwater recharge approximately equals the total extraction cost since the recharge is assumed to compensate for the loss of reserves through human extraction (see figure 4). the starting date of observation of groundwater levels for most of the wells (1955) can be taken as reference and compared to groundwater levels in 2018. the drop of levels between these years indicated in the figure is due to two kinds of human action: – the construction of hydropower plants and their reservoirs upstream in croatia, and – groundwater extraction. if we calculate with actual groundwater recharge ranging from 0 mm y-1 to 360 mm y-1, the average being 241 mm y-1 (salem, a. et al. 2020), the annual specific recharge is 0 to 36,000 m3 ha-1, the average of which is 24,100 m3 ha-1. modelling also revealed the spatial distribution of recharge (figure 7). the actual price of irrigation water as of 2017 was huf 8 m-3 (kemény, g. et al. 2018). accordingly, the value of the es ’groundwater recharge’ can be estimated at huf 192,800 ha-1 y-1 on the average and huf 288,000 ha-1 y-1 at maximum. calculating with the maximum predicted price of huf 40 m-3, the es is estimated at huf 964,000 ha-1 y-1 as an average and 1,440,000 ha-1 y-1 as a maximum. the latter values, however, seem to be unrealistic. discussion there are several factors, processes and complications that may affect the above assumptions on the provision of ecosystem services and complicating their monetary evaluation: – with warming climate evaporation losses from the open water surfaces of shallow reservoirs and from soil surfaces would reduce surface water retention capacities and should also be considered. – natural processes, like the gradual entrenchment of the drava river, also reduce reserves through ”drawing down” the groundwater table. the groundwater table sank over 48 per cent of the area between 2008–2013 (ddvízig 2015). – climate change results in aridification, increased water uptake by vegetation and dropping groundwater table. summer half-year evapotranspiration is predicted to grow from the present-day maximum of 860 mm to 885–959 mm (trinity enviro 2018). fig. 7. spatial distribution of groundwater recharge in the hungarian drava plain (after salem, a. et al. 2020) table 3. groundwater reserves of the hungarian drava plain*, their exploitation** and costs of water utilization*** parameter unit value total groundwater reserves total affected area (planning area) specific groundwater reserve annual groundwater extraction (based on water rights) irrigation cost of agricultural land**** cost of unit extraction**** worst scenario water price for irrigation water m3 ha m3 ha-1 m3 y-1 huf (10 ha)-1 y-1 huf m-3 huf m-3 n.a. 54,026 10,000–15,000 2,767,262 200,000 300 40 *the area of the old drava programme. **ddvizig 2015, pécsi hydroterv 2015. ***kemény, g. et al. 2018. ****cost calculations refer to national maximum costs of rotating sprinkler irrigation (at 2017 prices) using subsurface water only. source: kemény, g. et al. 2018. n.a. = no data. lóczy, d. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (3) 227–243.238 – the groundwater budget shows yearly fluctuations (up to 2.5 m amplitude) with weather conditions. – the value of floodwater retention and groundwater recharge services cannot be added up, because there is a significant overlap between them. – water prices play a decisive role in the calculations. all these uncertainties also underline the need for a dynamic evaluation. however, at present it is not possible for hungary because of data shortage. a monitoring network would allow for a dynamic approach to be realised. how could a land evaluation scheme incorporate ecosystem services valuation? the aims of land evaluation as given in the original framework (fao 1976) remain wholly valid; where these refer to the identification of adverse effects and benefits of land uses, there is now greater emphasis on environmental consequences and on wider environmental benefits of ess (fao 2007). this way land evaluation could also be made more dynamic, adjusted to changing societal needs. the incorporation of ess assessment into the fao land evaluation system is envisioned in the following way (figure 8): as a matter of course, it will be possible only if the methodology for the economic valuation of all ecosystem services is elaborated and validated. conclusions the main goal of land evaluation schemes is to assess the efficiency of landscape functioning at present and under different environmental conditions of the future. the ongoing intensive research directed at ess provides a new opportunity for the further development of land evaluation systems. in lack of appropriate information and limited knowledge on ecosystem structures and processes the assessment of ecosystem condition is often difficult. with global climate change water-related ess (including water retention) increasingly come to the foreground. the presently used land evaluation systems are primarily based on static soil parameters which are easy to map and store in a gis and could be extended to incorporate more dynamic variables that are in tune with the new societal demands. dynamic and holistic land evaluation is needed, particularly for floodplains where water availability directly or indirectly defines the value of the land to a large extent. the incorporation of ess into the fao evaluation framework seems to be an inevitable task for the future, such as advocated in fao (2007). we show a clear and practical example of the incorporation of ess into a le framework for the hungarian drava plain and the kapos valley. at present, however, a wide range of necessary conditions are missing. the price of water is the single decisive factor contributing to the value of water-related ess. the integrated assessment will only be possible if most of the important ess are broken down to indicators by ecologists and expressed in monetary terms by environmental economists. the present study is only meant to be a first step in this direction. acknowledgements: authors are grateful for financial support to the european commission in the frame of the h2020 diverfarming project (contract no 728003), to the ginop-2.3.2.15-2016-00055 research fund and to the national office for research, development and innovation (nkfih) within the programme excellence in higher education institutions 2019 topic ii. 3. 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improvement of urban management (kitchin, r. 2014, 2015; karvonen, a. et al. 2018; joss, s. et al. 2019), recently one could witness a growing interest in the smart development of rural areas. the european union has incorporated ‘smartness’ into its rural development policy, and the ‘smart village’ concept has been proposed as a way of addressing the challenges faced by rural areas such as depopulation and funding cuts, boosting local economies and improving quality of life through a combination of technological and social innovation (enrd, 2018; zavratknik, v. et al. 2018; komorowski, l. and stanny, m. 2020). parallel to this, more and more scholars (hosseini, s. et al. 2018; visvizi, a. and lytras, m.d. 2018; spicer, z. et al. 2019; cowie, p. et al. 2020) have called for extending (the study of) smart development to rural areas. this paper is motivated by the observation that although this emerging scholarship has provided useful insights on smart village policies and practices, it has been characterized by a rather narrow focus on local conditions and has unduly maintained a pragmatic solution-oriented stance. while agreeing that “(t)he rural should no longer be the tailpiece of urban-centred research on smart development” (cowie, p. et al. 2020, 175), this paper argues that smart village research can usefully draw on the perspective of critical smart city scholarship (verrest, h. and pfeffer, k. 2019) to acknowledge that the ‘actually existing smart village’ – akin to the ‘actually existing smart city’ (shelton, t. et al. 2015) – is 1 department of economic and social geography, university of szeged. h-6722 szeged, egyetem u. 2. hungary. e-mails: szalaiad@sol.cc.u-szeged.hu, fabula.szabolcs@geo.u-szeged.hu 2 department of human geography and spatial planning, faculty of geosciences, utrecht university, princetonlaan 8a, 3584 cb utrecht, netherlands. e-mail: k.varro@uu.nl towards a multiscalar perspective on the prospects of ‘the actually existing smart village’ – a view from hungary ádám s z a l a i 1, krisztina va r r ó2 and szabolcs fa b u l a 1 abstract this paper aims at expanding the scope of the dominantly pragmatic, local scale-oriented smart village scholarship towards a perspective that recognizes that smart village development is a multiscalar political process. to show the necessity of this move, the shaping of smart village policies and practices in hungary is examined through a qualitative lens. as the authors argue, path-dependent structural obstacles and interscalar relations undermine the prospects of smart village building in the sense of bottom-up integrated rural development, and there is a risk of a bias towards technological innovation. this exploratory article, using hungary as a case study, argues that smart village scholarship should draw on the results of critical smart city scholarship to acquire in-depth understanding of current debates regarding potential smart village developments. keywords: smart village, smart rural development, rural development, digitalisation, hungary, multiscalar perspective received march 2021, accepted may 2021 szalai, á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 97–112.98 the product of multiscalar political processes. to demonstrate the usefulness of a broader political-economic view, the paper presents the findings of a qualitative exploratory study of the shaping of smart rural development policies in hungary, where smart rural development has recently begun to receive more explicit national policy attention through the launch of the digital village programme (dvp). based on the (preliminary) evaluation of this emerging policy agenda, the paper argues that although the policy discourse in hungary has reiterated the emphasis on the bottom-up character of smart village development and the need to combine technological innovation with social innovation, a lack of policy coordination and the weak(ening) position of the local scale makes the realisation of smart villages questionable. the main aim of this article is to analyse how digitalisation policies and “smartening” efforts may take effect in the hungarian context and what incentives affect the use of info-communication technologies (icts) in rural areas. we argue, contrary to the pragmatic solution-oriented focus and coupled with an emphasis on the local context, that smart village development needs to be examined as a broader multiscalar policy process, as this provides a more complete picture of barriers and opportunities. in other words, a key question is to what extent interscalar power relations across different policy fields facilitate or impede the development of the bottom-up approach that is considered to be fundamental to the smart village. the emergence of ’the smart village’ as a policy concept the notion of ‘smart’ first appeared in the discourse on cities as part of an urban policy approach that emerged in the 1990s and which has since emphasized the importance of icts and business-led initiatives for solving urban problems (hosseini, s. et al. 2018; spicer, z. et al. 2019). according to some, the recent upsurge of interest in the smart city has been driven by the ict corporate sector promoting a technocratic urban policy approach with the aim of selling technological solutions (söderström, o. et al. 2014; wiig, a. 2015). in addition, critical approaches to the smart city highlight that the spread of the smart city concept can also be interpreted as part of a neoliberal market-oriented transformation process in the urban space, with the main interest being to increase the value of urban space as a commodity together with the concentration of r&d capital (greenfield, a. 2013; vanolo, a. 2014; grossi, g. and pianezzi, d. 2017). as competition between cities increases, the concept of smart city needs to be re-conceptualized as a discourse network, permeating and binding together various geographical scales (joss, s. et al. 2019). in the european context, another source of the popularity of smartness has been research in the field of the economics of innovation on (regional) smart specialisation conducted for the european commission (torre, a. et al. 2020). in the post-2008 crisis period, the concepts of smart, sustainable and inclusive growth became the cornerstones of the ‘europe 2020’ growth strategy launched in 2010, with the aim being to address the structural weaknesses of the eu economy (naldi, l. et al. 2015; haarstad, h. 2017). the growth strategy also marked the start of a new generation of regional innovation policy promoting ‘smart specialisation’, an approach emphasizing the role of endogenous resources (rosa pires da, a. et al. 2014) and a broader-than-technological understanding of innovation (european commission, 2010 a, b). within the eu, the introduction of smartness into the field of rural development can be primarily linked to the above eu regional policy shift (philip, l. and williams, f. 2019) and to the application of the smart concept – in the sense of smart specialisation – on a territorial scale that goes beyond the urban space (european parliament, ecorys, 2019). building on this framing of smart rural development in terms of sustainable economic development, the smart village concept has 99szalai, á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 97–112. appeared more recently to emphasize the potential role of icts in addressing the “circle of decline” that is maintained in rural areas by two mutually reinforcing trends, namely, a shortage of jobs and sustainable business activity and inadequate and declining services (see enrd, 2018). these issues and the importance of ict for rural regions has already been identified by the europe 2020 strategy (naldi, l. et al. 2015), but it is only in the past five years that the notion of the smart village has entered the eu’s policy vocabulary. consequently, relatively few smart village concept-related projects have been implemented. definition of the smart village the definition of the smart village3 proposed by the eu action for smart villages (see zavratnik, v. et al. 2018) emphasizes the need of social innovation on the basis of existing strengths and regarding digital infrastructure as a catalyst of, rather than as a sufficient condition for, digital innovation (enrd, 2018, 7). the definition extends earlier conceptualizations of smart rural development in terms of smart specialisation. more recent policy initiatives – for example, the european innovation partnership for agriculture (eip-agri) and the european network for rural development (enrd) – and the bled declaration for a smarter future of the rural areas in eu (2018) have marked a new approach that accords digital technologies a more explicit and pivotal role. it is important to point out that technological development in itself (e.g. installing smart benches, establishing public space wifi networks) should not be regarded as constituting a smart village. smart villages are rural com3 according to the ‘eu action for smart villages’, smart villages are “rural areas and communities which build on their existing strengths and assets as well as new opportunities to develop added value and where traditional and new networks are enhanced by means of digital communications technologies, innovations and the better use of knowledge for the benefit of inhabitants.” (enrd, 2018, 7) munities which rely on participatory planning and seek to develop their services based on their local characteristics by using ict (thereby reinterpreting the rural way of life). smart villages can be understood as innovative and resilient communities that use the mobilization of internal resources (local values and community) and the channelling of external resources (through the effective mobilization of a mix of tender resources) for institutional capacity building and service development. as part of this approach, ict plays a central, but not exclusive, role, especially in such areas as resource sharing (e.g. shared cloud-based platforms between municipalities), e-commerce and public services (e.g. e-government). as global challenges also affect rural areas, environmental protection, green energy production, and the reduction of pollutant emissions in agricultural production are factors of consideration. thus, locally based ecotourism (which can be well supported by application developments and using gis tools in order to gather more data about landscape values, see lontaiszilágyi, zs. et al. 2019) and shopping communities, overall quality living conditions for teleworkers in the post-covid period serve as a potential breakthrough for rural areas. the essence of the smart village initiative is to connect community resources with information technology achievements, which are embedded in community innovation and development programs (figure 1). fig.1. main elements of the smart village concept. source: compiled by the authors. szalai, á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 97–112.100 smart village projects in the eu, with special attention to v4 countries to place our hungarian case study into context, we conducted a collection of smart village initiatives among the visegrád countries (v4: czechia, hungary, poland and slovakia). the sites and main objectives of the projects have been derived from the databases of eubased networks and from the final report of the pilot project: smart eco-social villages (european parliament, e c o ry s , 2019). it can be noted that the visegrád region is underrepresented in the list of smart village projects in the analysed eu-wide databases: only a few initiatives can be highlighted in terms of community, infrastructure or even in organizational matters in the last few years (table 1). the listed v4-based smart village projects are also represented on a map (figure 2). specific smart village projects cover a large spectrum from “soft” strategy development (smart rural 21 project, which is a network of settlements forming a smart village strategy, the main profile is technical assistance) to enrd-supported local brand development (in lower silesia near karpacz), circular economy-based business development (dzialdowo) or agriculture modernisation (panovce) using digital technologies. carbon-free villages like nagypáli and tomaszyn are examples of environmental and energy-focused smart village developments. the map also shows the nuts 3-level administrative division of the four countries based on the urban-rural typology of eurostat. there are several urban-rural typologies, and each of them builds on a mix of statistical data, using different methodological approaches. (novotny, l. et al. 2015). eurostat identifies three types of region based on the share of the rural population, using clusters, which consist of 1 km² sized grid cells with different population intervals. the three spatial categories are predominantly rural regions (where at least 50% of the population live in rural grid cells), intermediate regions (where between 50% and 80% of the population live in urban clusters) and predominantly urban regions (where more than 80% of the population live in urban clusters). regarding the general features of smart rural development in these countries, local leadership plays a very important role, as does also external knowledge transfer (which can initiate developments). as researchers have noted, access to digital tools is not necessarily the only obstacle to smart rural development within this area, as this concept implies not only technological modernisation but also organizational, institutional and societal innovation (vaishar, a. and štastná, m. 2019; torre, a. et al. 2020). this requires a thorough (qualitative) analysis of the situation in rural areas in terms of local potentials and priorities šipilova, v. et al. 2017) and the development of ris (research and innovation strategy) on a smaller scale (pelse, m. and lescevica, m. 2016). table 1. overview of smart village initiatives in the visegrád region location of smart village initiatives country description nagypáli hungary solar energy systems, innovation eco-centre, hybrid power plant koppányvölgy aquaculture; soil borehole heat pumps along with solar panels; insect breeding, hydroponics. alsómocsolád complex smart village program: smart tourism development, local currency, digital market ceglédbercel wireless lan systems, cctv uppony smart village strategy framing panovce slovak republic modernisation of dairy production via digital systems mukarov czech republic smart village strategy framing 101szalai, á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 97–112. towards a multiscalar perspective on the smart village academic research on the implementation of smart villages is still in its infancy, but in the past years one could witness a proliferation of studies on this issue (prause, g. and boevsky, i. 2015; zavratnik v. et al. 2018; philip, l. and williams, f. 2019; vaishar, a. and štastná, m. 2019; komorowski, l. and stanny, m. 2020). a shared aim of emerging smart village scholarship so far has been to discuss, mostly against the backdrop of the eu’s emerging smart development policy field, existing smart village initiatives and projects, and to assess their utility in revitalizing rural areas. beyond emphasizing that good digital telecommunications infrastructure is essential (philip, l. and williams, f. 2019; adamowicz, m. and zwolińska-ligaj, m. 2020), a key point of convergence is the focus on the facilitating and hindering factors of smart village implementation at the local scale. for example, komorowski, l. and stanny, m. (2020) and guzal-dec, d. (2018) mention the lack of skills and insufficient acceptance or awareness of new technologies as the main barriers to implementing the smart village idea; in a similar fashion, vaishar, a. and šťastná, m. (2019) refer to the lower education levels and conservatism of rural populations, and zavratnik, v. et al. (2018) emphasize the importance of strategies and solutions based on local or regional knowledge. although adamowicz, m. and zwolińska-ligaj, m. (2020) acknowledge the relevance of the supportive policy of regional and central governments, they also refer to the active participation of business entities, local institutions, and citizens. this is echoed by guzal-dec, d. (2018) fig. 2. overview map of smart village initiatives in the visegrád countries. source: eurostat, smartrural21.eu, enrd smart villages portal, smart-village-network.eu, european parliament, ecorys, 2019. compiled by the authors. szalai, á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 97–112.102 who underlines the initiating, activating, and coordinating role of local authorities. another related, yet often implicit commonality of smart village research is a pragmatic solutionist attitude, grounded in an (almost – see philip, l. and williams, f. 20194) unquestioned belief in the positive effect of digital technologies on rural development. hosseini, s. et al. (2018), for example, propose a blueprint for innovation processes that can stimulate digital innovation in smart towns. káposzta, j. and honvári, p. (2019) seem to be convinced that the smart village is a factor pointing towards the future. according to visvizi, a. and lytras, m.d. (2018, 2), “smart villages research has a very strong pragmatic orientation in that it seeks to diagnose a problem and, by reference to ict, offer a way of bypassing it”. this paper acknowledges the need to investigate the local conditions for smart development, as well as that of societally relevant research on smart rural development. however, it argues that to develop a comprehensive understanding of (the prospects of) smart village building, it is necessary to apply a perspective that attends to the interscalar processes through which smart village development takes shape, as well as to the fact that the solutions that smart village building claims to provide are not neutral. for example, how digital tools and non-digital interventions are combined to address a perceived rural development problem is a matter of political decision that benefits some actors (e.g. ict companies) and not others. also, the application of smart technologies might address some problems but might create new patterns of exclusion if certain groups cannot access or make use of the technology. the multiscalar perspective proposed by this paper builds on the assumption that just as smart city development does not unfold ‘at’ only one (the local) scale, smart village building has multiple scalar dimensions and is the result of power-laden institutionalized practices ‘at’ multiple (supranational, nation4 as philip, l. and williams. f. (2019, 629) note, “digital modes are not always appropriate. for example, some health care requires physical contact between patient and health professional”. al, regional, and local) scales (cf. varró, k. and bunders, d.j. 2020), whereby actors variously positioned fill the smart village concept with different meanings. drawing on insights from critical smart urbanism, smart village can, thus, also be interpreted as a political strategy involving actors ‘at’ different scales, promoting new arrangements for different policy areas and, by doing so, (re) shaping the institutional-territorial configuration of the state (cf. smigiel, c. 2018). from this perspective, the focus is on what (implicit) claims are advanced by which actors, and how power relations among actors, actors’ dependence on (external) resources, as well as coordination between relevant policy areas (or the lack of it) influence the actual course of smart village development. in other words, a key question is to what extent interscalar power relations across different policy fields facilitate or impede the development of the bottom-up approach that is regarded to be fundamental to the smart village. the remainder of the paper addresses this question regarding the case of hungary, to assess the prospects of smart village development. methodology the research had a qualitative exploratory nature and started off with the content analysis of (national and local) policy documents and websites of relevant institutions, focusing on how policy discourse and (envisaged) interventions frame the link between rural development and digitalisation. furthermore, eleven in-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted in the period between september and december 20205 with key figures of the emerging smart rural development policy field. the research questions (see table 2) were designed to investigate the research phenomenon in an open-minded way and to understand how key players of rural development such as mayors 5 given the restrictions that were in place due to the covid-19 pandemic during this period, all interviews were conducted online. 103szalai, á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 97–112. of small settlements, consultants, and spatial planners describe their approaches to digital transformation and understand smart village and its implementation as part of their real-life experiences. the topic guide was sent to the interviewees who requested it before agreeing to participate in the interview. specifically, the selection of some experts was based on their known national status in the field of rural development and their prior participation in (inter )national projects or in decision making. they have a high-level overview of the topic, as well as special knowledge and experiences based on their functions or responsibilities. further experts were selected by snowball sampling, that is, existing study subjects recruited future subjects from among their acquaintances. amongst the respondents, a representative of the digital welfare programme should be highlighted, who were selected with the aim of gaining an overview and understanding of governmental policies and plans, as well as a bottom-up perspective on policy developments by actors ‘on the ground’. the length of the shortest interview was 45 minutes, the longest was 91 minutes, and the average duration of an interview was 59 minutes. verbatim interview transcripts were closely (re-)read to distil the (implicit) assumptions that key actors hold about smart village development, as well as to identify the perceived tasks and challenges related to it. finally, insights were considered from the online civitas sapiens 2020 smart city conference in november 2020, where several sessions and panel discussions dealt with the issue of smart development and the launch of the dvp. towards smart(er) villages in hungary? the forming of the smart village idea rural areas cover 87 per cent of the territory and are inhabited by 47 per cent of the population in hungary (eurostat, 2018a); furthermore, the country is characterized by a fragmented settlement structure, with 76 per cent of the 3,152 settlements having less than 2,000 inhabitants (gáspár, m. 2019). the problems that these rural areas have faced – migration of the active well-trained labour force, depopulation, unfavourable age structure and high unemployment rate – are in many respects comparable to those of rural areas in other parts of europe (csotó, m. and herdon, m. 2008). the idea of addressing these problems by harnessing icts has already been present in the series of strategic documents (table 3) that have served as the backbone of hungary’s digitalisation agenda, which seeks to ensure the country’s alignment with digital agenda for europe (european commission, 2010c). the national information and communication strategy 2014–2020 (nics) (government of hungary, 2014a, 14) mentioned that ict investments may help rural areas integrate and improve quality of life. subsequently, the ‘digital welfare programme 2.0’6 (dwp 2.0), which set the aim of ensuring that “every citizen and business of hungary and 6 in some instances, the programme is referred to as ‘digital success strategy’. the present paper translates the middle term of the original hungarian title (jólét) as welfare. it should be noted that jólét also signifies ‘well-being’ as well as ‘prosperity’. table 2. main interview topics topic guide what is your opinion about recent processes in rural development? what kind of trends can be observed? what do you think about smart rural development and the smart village concept? what elements should it contain? how did you find out about the smart village concept? which developments serve the interests of rural areas the most? which policy framework has recently influenced rural development in hungary? how would you describe the vision of rural areas in terms of development policy? szalai, á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 97–112.104 the hungarian national economy becomes a winner of digitalisation” (government of hungary, 2017, 3), asserted that government was “committed to the development of smaller settlements and lagging areas” (government of hungary, 2017, 121) and argued in favour of extending the notion of ‘smart’ beyond cities to ‘smart areas’ (ibid.). nonetheless, despite the occasional occurrence of ‘smart settlement’ – also in the series of documents making up ‘the smart city methodology’ (http://okosvaros.lechnerkozpont.hu/hu) of the lechner knowledge centre, the background institution of the department of spatial planning and urban management of the prime minister’s office in the fields of architecture, spatial planning and related it services – ict use in the policy discourse of spatial development and public administration has remained dominantly framed in terms of the ‘smart city’. the 2017 revision of the 2012 government decree on local-level planning contained a definition of the smart city7, and the first government pi7 following this definition, smart cities are those ‘settlement(s), or a group of settlements, which develop(s) its natural and built environment, digital infrastructure, and the quality and economic efficiency of its locally available services by adopting novel and innovative information-technologies, in a sustainable way, through the increased involvement of its residents’ (hungarian gov. decree no. 56/2017 [20.03]). lot (in the town of monor) aiming at the development of a central platform for smart services has been referred to as a smart city pilot. the first steps aiming to extend the smart development discourse to include non-urban areas were initiated by a handful of municipalities. led by the town of budaörs and the village of alsómocsolád, they set up the digital future settlement network (dfsn) in 2016 to create a community platform for the testing and upscaling of inclusive smart projects and the exchange of best practices. yet, it was the promotion of the smart village concept by the eu’s policy discourse that created more publicity for the topic. arguably, what played a role was also that it was tibor szanyi, member of european parliament for hungary who – along with his slovenian colleague franc bogovič – assumed a key role in starting the smart villages for europe movement8 in 2018. confirming the government’s commitment to the development of (small) rural settlements, in november 2020 the ‘digital village programme’ (dvp) was 8 furthermore, perhaps not unimportantly, tibor szanyi, then member of the opposition hungarian socialist party, argued that a key motivation for his initiative was that the hungarian government had not done enough to reverse depopulation and the brain drain from rural to urban areas. table 3. overview of rural development related policy initiatives and organisations scheme of relevant policy initiatives eu level national level digital agenda for europe digital village programme (dvp) europe 2020 digital welfare programme (dwp) common agricultural policy (cap) national information and communication strategy (nics) – new hungary rural development programme – national digitalisation strategy – hungarian village programme (hvp) scheme of organisations european innovation partnership for agriculture (eip-agri) digital welfare non-profit ltd. european network for rural development (enrd) digital future settlement network (dfsn) – civitas sapiens smart city knowledge centre (cs knowledge centre) 105szalai, á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 97–112. launched in order “to effectively facilitate the improvement of the attractiveness and liveability of small settlements with different digital or smart solutions” (https://digitalisjoletprogram.hu/). the dvp is directly related to the hungarian village programme (hvp) and the dwp. introduced in 2019 and fully financed from the central state budget, the aim of the hvp is to keep quality of life in villages as high as possible in order to maintain or increase populations in rural areas; more specifically, the hvp’s aim is “to reinforce the capability of places with a population of less than 5,000, representing more than 30 per cent of the total population and more than 91 per cent of cities and villages, to retain their population, as well as to support housing opportunities in the countryside of hungary” (government of hungary, 2020, 23). the embedding of the dvp in the dwp is ensured through the supervision of the dvp by the civitas sapiens smart city knowledge centre (cs knowledge centre), a division of the digital welfare non-profit ltd. (dwn ltd.) operating under the auspices of the ministry of technology and innovation. the cs knowledge centre, which sees itself as an “agile developer that makes the move from academic thinking on smart development to implementation” (interview, cs knowledge centre representative) has also been responsible for elaborating the structure of the programme (see figure 3). at the moment of writing (december 2020), only one project has been fully put in place: the free online self-study training in digital area development targeting decision-makers and practitioners in towns and villages. the long-term aim and objective of the training is “that every settlement has at least one expert who has accomplished the training and who, thus, can effectively contribute to the operation, digitalisation and smartening of his/her own village and of neighbouring towns and villages” (https://www.edutus. hu). furthermore, the cs knowledge centre offers a ‘settlement survey’ which is meant fig. 3. the structure of the digital village programme. source: authors’ own elaboration based on conference material. szalai, á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 97–112.106 to reveal, based on the analysis of statistical data, existing planning documents and participative research (including in-depth interviews with key actors and local opinion makers), the state of digitalisation and aspects of local icts use, in order to sketch a local ‘problem map’. subsequently, reflecting on local needs, proposals are made by the knowledge centre concerning the improvement of municipal management, including suggestions concerning the use of specific products and services from the ‘smart city marketplace’ (to be launched early 2021), a centrally managed platform for the assessment, quality control and validation system of smart city products. while the dvp is yet to be implemented, small settlements eager to harness the opportunities offered by digitalisation have continued to seek collaboration at different scales to take steps on their own. the already mentioned village of alsómocsolád participated in the pilot project on smart eco-social villages (2018–2019), initiated by the european parliament and ecorys, along with four other villages forming the north hegyhát micro-regional union (nhmru), has set the aim of forming hungary’s first smart area. the union, which has also joined the european smart village network9, published a detailed strategy that puts great emphasis on community participation and stresses the need to combine technological innovation with social and economic innovation (északhegyhát mikrotérségi unió, 2019). assessing the prospects of smart(er) villages given that the dvp has only been recently launched and it is still taking shape, only a preliminary assessment of its prospective impacts can be given. however, based on the analysis of the declared objectives and instruments of the programme, as well consider9 the smart village network is a bottom-up initiative of villages and village associations across europe that aim to exchange their views and experiences about smart solutions in response to rural challenges (smart-village-network.eu). ing the perception of it by local stakeholders, some weaknesses can already be identified that make the shift towards smart(er) villages and to smart rural development, understood as a bottom-up form of governance, questionable, or in any case difficult in the short term. first, the dvp does not address the (longstanding) lack of synergy between the weakly positioned non-sectoral part of rural development policy on the one hand and digitalisation policies primarily geared towards the improvement of digital connectivity and skills in rural areas on the other. as to the former, the failure of the eu’s common agricultural policy (cap) to move away from being mainly an agricultural funding policy towards effectively addressing environmental and socio-economic challenges (pe’er, g. et al. 2020) has been exacerbated by domestic political choices in hungary. like other central eastern european countries, the country’s eu membership strengthened the position of agricultural lobbies and turned hungary into a stronghold of industrial agriculture (augustyn, a.m. and nemes, g. 2014). the focus on agricultural production and the food industry has deepened rural inequalities rather than tackling them (farkas, j.zs. and kovács, a.d. 2018). the agricultural focus remained strong in the 2014–2020 period, as hungary’s rural development programme prioritized agricultural development and decreased the available funding for rural development (finta, i. 2015). the relative stronger position of the agricultural sector is also apparent from the fact that under the dwp, a digital agricultural strategy has been issued. furthermore, rural development strategies – for example, the new hungary rural development programme (government of hungary, 2014b) – tend to mention technological renewal and ict use in relation to agricultural production. finally, even within the (marginal) section of rural development that was not defined in sectoral (that is, agricultural) terms between 2014 and 2020 (only 5% of the funds were used for leader purposes, see finta, i. 2015), one could observe little if any direct concern with aspects of digital107szalai, á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 97–112. isation, as (eu) funding was primarily made available for local economic development and community-building. the same holds for domestic funding for rural development, as the focus of the hvp is on basic infrastructural investments and public service provision. considering digitalisation policies, in line with the eu’s digital agenda, they have regarded digitalisation as one of the key driving forces of competitiveness, growth and welfare and, despite some references to rural areas (see above), they have shown less concern with the actual spatial development implications of digitalisation (varró, k. 2019). the national digitalisation strategy10 (ministry for innovation and technology and ministry of the interior, 2020), the objectives of which have been formulated in response to the eu’s latest digital economy and society index report11 of hungary (european commission, 2019), lays the focus on efforts in the field of the economy, education, and public administration that promote the country’s competitiveness and the well-being of its inhabitants. references to rural areas in the document are restricted to remarks on the spatial patterns of fttx (broadband network architecture using optical fibres) coverage and on internet use by, and the digital skills of, the rural population. second, state centralizing tendencies have prevented the development of a bottom-up integrated approach and the forging of inter-municipal cooperation, both of which are is regarded as prerequisites of successful smart village development (see zavratnik, v. et al. 2018, and spicer, z. et al. 2019, respectively). state centralization has been characteristic of the whole post-1990 period. however, since 2010 the trend has intensified, leading to a loss of competences and financial and discretionary freedom at the municipal level (pálné kovács, i. 2019). this in turn further reinforced the external funding dependence of (especially smaller) municipalities. 10 the national digitalisation strategy has replaced the nics. 11 the european commission has been monitoring member states’ digital progress through the digital economy and society index (desi) reports since 2014. third, the dominantly top-down character of both rural development and digitalisation policies has also unfavourably affected the prospects of smart village development. following eu accession, the leader programme – characterized by a bottom-up approach and a focus on local partnership in planning and implementation – was welcomed in hungary by many as a method that would allow the catching up of backward rural regions (patkós, cs. 2019). however, bottom-up processes encountered strong resistance from central institutions and the public sector at the local level (augustyn, a.m. and nemes, g. 2014). strengthening central state control has limited the room for implementing a bottom-up approach to rural development. in the 2014–2020 programming period, the leader method was extended under the broader term community-led local development (clld), but hungary chose to limit the institutionalisation of clld to the obligatory 5 per cent within the overall rural development budget (finta, i. 2015). the ability of leader local action groups (lags) to co-ordinate local forces and channel them into development programmes through governance remained at a low level, due in part to frequent changes in institutional structures and bureaucratic burdens (patkós, cs. 2019). moreover, lengthy and rigid procedures and the punitive attitude of national authorities have hindered local experimentation and innovation and have contributed to a loss of trust. coupled by the decrease in the volume of available of funding, the networking and project generating capacity of lags has diminished (nemes, g. and magócs, k. 2020). against the background of the above trends, respondents have expressed doubts that settlements can take development into their own hands; referring to the dvp, one of them noted that most likely that will be just as centralized as the hvp (interview with spatial planner at international organisation). a centralizing attitude has also permeated digitalisation policies. although large-scale ict infrastructure developments arguably warrant a centralized approach, the digital szalai, á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 97–112.108 hungary programme has often not sufficiently considered existing local capacities and knowledge. for example, the establishment of a network of 1,500 ‘digital welfare programme points’ (internet access points) did not build on the legacy of the telecottage movement12 that played a pioneer role in introducing icts to rural areas (see kovács, g. 2001). even more importantly, the dvp does not seem to take notice of the experiences of existing bottom-up initiatives of smart village development such as that of the he dfsn and nhmru. despite the rhetorical emphasis on the involvement of inhabitants, the cs knowledge centre represents a centralizing approach, where the smart city marketplace is meant to ensure that “(local) solutions don’t diverge from the state’s efforts” and to prevent situations arising in which “municipalities spend money unnecessarily” (interview with cs knowledge centre representative). discussion and concluding remarks in hungary, the interest in smart village building is rooted in long-standing efforts to improve the position of the rural population. meanwhile, the increased concern with digitalisation at the supranational and national scales has given a new impetus to attempts to harness icts for rural development ends. in line with the dominant policy discourse in europe, the smart village has been promoted as a locally led and holistic approach that combines social and technological innovation to address the challenges faced by rural areas. undoubtedly, the smart rural development policy field is still taking shape in hungary, and there might be promising initiatives. however, the latter appear to be sporadic illustrations of the role of local innovators (mostly mayors), and they have difficulties 12 telecottages functioned as hybrid (ngo-small business-municipal) organizations (ibid.) from the mid-1990s, and they have been conceived of as multifunctional public spaces offering a variety of technological, organizational and personal services tailored to the needs of local communities (gáspár, m. 2016). scaling up successful interventions. overall, our analysis reveals that path-dependent structural obstacles to bottom-up integrated development – such as the lack of (supranational and national) cross-sectoral policy coordination and the weak(ening) position of the local vis-à-vis other scales – present considerable obstacles to realize smart villages in the above sense. ongoing pressures to align with eu policy frameworks and performance targets, coupled by centralizing measures – which have been further reinforced in the course of the covid-19 pandemic – continue to represent an obstacle to local capacitybuilding and reinforce the funding orientation of small settlements and their focus on maintaining basic infrastructures. digitalisation policies, while increasingly including spatial development considerations, seem to remain primarily geared towards creating a ‘digital state’ where icts contribute to the effective and competitive functioning of the state. although there is a rhetorical emphasis on the need to make smart development people-centred, the dominantly user-centred view of inhabitants and the assumption that the ‘social validation’ of ict use is to be defined on the national level (“the question is, can a development be justified in hungarian society?”, interview, cs knowledge centre representative) implies that little room is left for genuine bottom-up citizen engagement and, thus, also for social innovation. while the lack of human resources and local knowledge might warrant a role for the central state in smart rural development, arguably, this should take a more a facilitating form and apply a long-term perspective. as a respondent noted, “these communities should be allowed to develop at their own speed […] central power should play an enabling role and supply them with information and knowledge” (interview with mayor ). however, in its current top-down form (“it is an absolutely technocratic approach that reigns”, interview with consultant), there is a risk that the dvp will be biased towards technological development. it will be a task for future research to confirm whether this is in109szalai, á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 97–112. deed the case, and to what extent hungarian policy developments fit the ideal-typical ‘european’ model of smart village building, or whether they show more similarities with a top-down approach applied elsewhere (e.g. in china, see zhang, x. and zhang, z. 2020). however, the juxtaposition of top-down and bottom-up approaches can easily lead to the formulation of a false dichotomy. in the context of globalisation, the situation of rural areas should be seen from a more complex relational perspective. building on the argument of massey, d. (2005) that local places are not passive victims of, or spatially fixed sites of resistance to, globalisation, there is a need to acknowledge that the character and development of rural places is determined by how local actors engage with global networks and processes, and as a result, how these places are constantly reconstituted, that is, the process of rural place-making is determined by both local and global forces (woods, m. 2007). from this point of view, an analysis of power geometries and the changing roles of the state and development policies is of utmost importance. in the era of globalisation, the legal monopoly of the state in the regulation of spatial processes is weakening, and new normative systems are emerging at both supranational and subnational levels. consequently, legal pluralism has become the norm, and normative systems operating at various territorial levels are key to determining the patterns of regional and local differences. state regulation, however, continues to have important functions, especially when other forms of regulation create and perpetuate socio-economic inequalities (kondor, a.cs. 2010). taking a relational multiscalar view on the production of local places and regional development has relevant implications for rural policies. in the age of globalisation, neither exogenous development models, driven from outside/above, nor purely endogenous approaches, based solely on local resources, seem to be realistic options for the development of rural (especially remote) areas. instead, as several scholars argue, a hybrid neo-endogenous development model needs to be adopted. while neo-endogenous development emphasises the importance of local actors and resources, this does not mean that nationaland regional-level actors should not contribute to the process. the main aim of this model is to develop long-term partnerships and cooperation between social actors at different territorial levels and with different needs. the role of the state lies in capacity building and in facilitating cooperation with local stakeholders. in addition, all these activities should be integrated into a broader rural policy and carried out in line with sectoral policies (shucksmith, m. 2010; gkartzios, m. and scott, m. 2014; bosworth, g. et al. 2016; gkartzios, m. and lowe, p. 2019). in more general terms, the findings of this paper show that smart village research should not limit its focus to the assessment of local conditions, and it should not be conceived in narrow solutionist terms. rather, and despite its (partly) different empirical focus, smart village research can usefully draw on critical smart urbanism (verrest, h. and pfeffer, k. 2019) to acknowledge the multiscalar and political nature of smart village development. smart rural futures might indeed need to be framed differently from smart cities research (cowie, p. et al. 2020), but both smart rural development and smart city development are shaped by shifting (spatial) forms of state power and governance in the digital age. a political-economic perspective allows for a more comprehensive assessment of the potential of smart village practices to address rural development challenges. it should, thus, be included in the repertoire of smart village scholarship. however, there is a need to strengthen the links between small rural towns and villages, as current policies do not pay enough attention to coordinating the development of different categories of space. in the future, more emphasis should be placed on communication, with the aim of familiarizing the community with the various aspects of smart development and its potential everyday benefits. in this way, future developments can be made known and acceptable to the szalai, á. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 97–112.110 community. for this reason, the successful implementation of pilot projects, the exchange of experiences and the projects implemented during the eu development period 2021–2027 will be even more important. still, it appears that the approach calls for making the current financial instruments more flexible and tailored to eu and national scales. limitations the course of the research was influenced by the covid-19 pandemic situation in several ways: none of the expert interviews were conducted face-to-face, leading some potential interviewees from the corporate sector to pull out of the interviews. given the pandemic situation and the fact that the digital village program will enter the implementation phase from 2021, we did not gather field data, so this study outlines a conceptual framework and was not intended to present topic-specific empirical results. in the light of the above, a micro-level investigation of examples of the local implementation of the smart village concept could be a potential direction for future rural research. acknowledgement: ádám szalai’s research was supported by the únkp-20-3 -szte-562 new national excellence program of the ministry for innovation and technology hungary. r e f e r e n c e s adamowicz, m. and zwolińska-ligaj, m. 2020. the “smart village” as a way to achieve sustainable development in rural areas of poland. sustainability 12. 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(24): 1–20. report on the 2011 annual meeting of the association of american geographers 315 report on the 2011 annual meeting of the association of american geographers seatt le, washington, april 12–16, 2011 the association of american geographers held its 2011 annual meeting in seatt le. this meant a great geographical shift aft er the 2010 washington d.c. meeting in the life of probably the most popular and colourful conference of global geography. nevertheless, the shift was worthwhile. seatt le enjoys the benefi ts of being enveloped in magnifi cent pacifi c northwest wilderness while being accessible via seatt le-tacoma international airport, important transcontinental highways and an international seaport. seatt le is a vibrant, cosmopolitan city with multicultural society, symbolised by economic actors like boeing and microsoft . therefore, one could hardly imagine bett er place for geographers to meet and exchange ideas. the conference took place in downtown seatt le at two nearby locations: the washington state convention center (wscc) and the sheraton hotel. onsite check in, the exhibition hall as well as breakout sessions and plenary sessions took place in the convention center, while breakout sessions and many reception events were organised in the seatt le sheraton. as usual the aag annual meeting provided a fantastic opportunity for making new connections and meeting geographers from all over the world with a plethora of backgrounds. the event was att ended by more than 7,000 participants which is beyond impressive. att endees could choose from great variety of activities and subjects at the aag photo 1. the washington state convention center in downtown seatt le 316 annual meeting. this conference off ered something for everyone. in terms of courses alone, it off ered a small phone book’s worth of sessions, workshops, discussion forums and studies running the gamut on everything from environmental issues to geopolitical concerns. the work of the conference was started by thematic sessions held already at lunchtime on tuesday, 12th of april. the opening session took place in the washington state convention center at 6:30 p.m. the same day. aft er the welcoming remarks of douglas richardson aag executive director, and kenneth e. foote aag president, participants could follow contributions of the presidential plenary session under the title ‘geography in the changing worlds of higher education: opportunities and challenges’. speakers of the plenary included duane nellis, president of the university of idaho, maresi nerad, director of the center for innovation and research in graduate education at the university of washington, and orlando taylor from the chicago school of professional psychology’s washington dc campus. as experts of higher education but being non-geographers the plenary speakers expressed their views on the future of geography in the context of the changing role of the university in society. this is a highly relevant topic not only for american geographers but also for the whole world. the presidential plenary session was followed by the opening reception, which provided the opportunity to see old friends and meet colleagues at the outset of the aag annual meeting. the keynote plenary of the conference was delivered by barry lopez winner of the us national book award with the title “geography and the humanities” on friday, april 15. from tuesday noon till saturday aft ernoon there were myriad of sessions organised in a broad spectrum of topics. examples are discussions of how to think the immensity of climate change and biodiversity loss or how to rethink the current political landscape and systems. these questions were not only tackled in paper sessions and panels, but also by the lectures. for instance, nigel thrift’s presentation, ‘the insubstantial pageant: photo 2. insight into the exhibit hall 317 producing an untoward land’, clearly refl ected his struggle to encounter recent economic and cultural changes on more than just analytical grounds. similar concerns were addressed by neil smith, who, in his lecture on ideology gave the example of the ‘arab spring’ and how it achieved an opening of the future for the whole world and an opening to imagine diff erent futures – a sentiment which, he stated, had not been there in the past few decades. asking questions such as ‘where do ideas come from?’ smith reminded the audience to think about everyone’s potential agency in such creative processes. several sessions addressed geographical phenomena of the post-communist countries. among them perhaps the most popular and most att ended was the session on ‘critical geographies of post-communist cities’ sponsored by the russian, central eurasian and east european specialty group. the session was organized by jessica k. graybill and megan dixon, and it took place in three subsequent paper sessions and a panel session. in the papers sessions thirteen papers were presented with a large spectrum analyzing the changing symbolic spaces, the suburbanization, or the new housing forms and their related social confl icts in post-communist cities. in the fi nal session panelists expressed their views on legacies and current trajectories of urban development in the post-communist world. a vital part of the aag conference was the exhibit hall in the wscc, where attendees could see the latest tools in teaching, fi eld research, graphic applications, computer modelling, and data collection and analysis in geography. it was an extremely rich and diverse exhibition with 66 exhibitors, among them leading publishers in geography like ashgate, elsevier, wiley, oxford univerity press and routledge with the hott est textbooks and publications. in addition, we could learn a lot about the most recent technical advances in geography, including cartography, gis and gps, being represented by such renowned organisations like google, nasa, or the us army geospatial center (agc). this was thematically an extremely rich and diverse conference in an inspiring environment. the next aag annual meeting will be held in new york city february 24–28, 2012. according to the expectations of aag staff , the number of att endees will go upwards of 10,000, thus we can expect an even more extraordinary meeting of the american and international community of geographers. zoltán kovács 321book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (3) 317–327.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.69.3.7 hungarian geographical bulletin 69 2020 (3) urban segregation remains a key issue in contemporary urban policy and is fiercely debated in academic circles. a range of disciplines have engaged with it, including urban geography, urban studies, urban and regional planning, political science, housing studies, urban sociology, urban design, urban economics and public policy. reflections on segregation encompasses a number of dimensions, including demography, socio-economic distinctions (class), migrant, ethnic and race aspects, with an emphasis on the role of globalisation and the impact of various local, historically rooted urban and welfare regime contexts. scholars with various disciplinary backgrounds from across the globe have developed a range of ideas, insights and interpretations regarding urban segregation in residential and other domains of life. a welcome contribution to this ongoing debate can be found in the handbook of urban segregation. the book’s 24 chapters offer the reader new interpretations of familiar processes, and present recent trends in segregation studies. after chapter 1, which is both introductory and theoretical, the book is made up of three parts: ‘key segregation issues across the globe’ (chapters 2–9); ‘multiple domains and dimensions of segregation’ (chapters 10–20); ‘measuring and conceptualising segregation’ (chapters 21–23). the boundaries between the parts are fluid or even open, nevertheless this division helps us consider the wide variety of segregation in terms of contexts, domains, dimensions and approaches in a structured and comprehensive way. each chapter has a historical or theoretical preface, allowing the reader to understand the nature of the question being addressed, followed by empirical research. in the epilogue (chapter 24) musterd, s. points to possible directions of future research into urban segregation. part i illustrates the variety of key segregation debates. the reader is taken to each of the earth’s continents, over 10 countries and a much larger number of cities, all of which are confronted with pressing segregation issues. the contributions reveal locational specificities and institutional contexts and show that beneath the surface of known segregation aspects, new experiences are unfolding and therefore new comprehensive views on current socio-spatial divisions are needed. in this part of the volume, significant attention is given to racial segregation patterns and how, if at all, they are changing. van rooyen, j. and lemanski, ch. (chapter 2) show, on the basis of cape town in south africa, that a quarter of a century of democracy and the ending of apartheid as a system has not erased segregation. the connection identified by the authors between racial and socio-economic segregation is highly significant as it suggests that in the current era neoliberal urban governance perpetuates socio-economic and racial forms of urban segregation. similarities with south africa in terms of the current relation between racial and socio-economic segregation can be found in the case of são paulo in brazil (chapter 3) and in us cities (chapter 9). marques, e. and frança, d. (chapter 3) begin with class segregation, which has a long history in são paulo, but later they point out the increasing connection between class and race segregation, resulting in cumulative urban inequality. jargowsky, p.a. (chapter 9) stresses the dynamic relation between racial and economic segregation. in my opinion, these chapters show that ethno-racial identity is not the only axis of segregation, and that in cities where ethno-racial diversity is visible, socio-economic position can be a parallel or even central criterion of segregation. in chapters 4 and 5 the authors deal with internal changes to the welfare state type and their effects. market-oriented reforms in the welfare regime exmusterd, s. (ed.): handbook of urban segregation. cheltenham–northampton, edward elgar publishing. 2020. 453 p. 322 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (3) 317–327. acerbate socio-spatial divisions. li, z. and gou, f. (chapter 4) focus their discussion of spatial inequality on the segregation of rural migrants who have settled in huge numbers around the centres of large chinese cities. the authors emphasise the importance of market forces and institutional factors, the obstacles hindering access to urban social housing and community services, and the limited property rights available to individuals with rural hukou status. randolph, b. (chapter 5) discusses changes in the socio-spatial segregation framework in australia after the transition to a more liberal-type regime and the subsequent increase in social inequality. the author focuses on the spatial figuration connected with the process of ‘urban inversion’, in which central areas of cities are transformed by gentrification and lower-class households and migrants are increasingly pushed out to suburban districts. the next three chapters present examples from europe showing the importance of specific local histories and contexts. kohlbacher, j. and reeger, u. (chapter 6) discuss the connection between migration and segregation in vienna. the inflow of distinct groups of migrants, from guest workers to asylum seekers, is contextualised within the city’s history. vienna’s ‘urban welfare policy’, visible especially in housing market interventions, has prevented an increase in segregation. the example of vienna shows that the level of segregation depends to a large extent on government policy, and globalisation has not fundamentally changed this. energetic government policies usually restrain tendencies to increasing segregation. this is true of welfare state policies developed in northern and western europe, even though their impact may be decreasing or their implementation increasingly fragmented and problematic. oberti, m. (chapter 8) discusses the relation between residential and school segregation in paris. research suggests that school segregation is greater than residential segregation and negatively impacts not only school achievement but also perceptions of inequality and even discrimination itself. kovács, z. (chapter 7) draws attention to different european experiences with social and spatial divisions. the author introduces the reader to the history of central and eastern europe’s transformation from a state-socialist system characterised by egalitarianism, social mixing, centralised allocation and redistribution, to a system ruled by market forces. he makes the very important observation that rapid transformation may temporarily reduce spatial inequality, even while social inequality in society is proliferating. in the case of central and eastern europe, segregation at micro level occurred first, then later new housing market mechanisms led to an increase in segregation levels. similar findings were obtained from studies in which the author of this book review has participated on the relationship between social segregation, spatial isolation and changes in housing policy in warsaw, poland (jaczewska, b. and grzegorczyk, a. 2017; grzegorczyk, a. and jaczewska, b. 2018). example of central and eastern european countries demonstrates clearly that policies which result in segregation are not always intended to do so, and similar policies may lead to different outcomes in different contextual conditions. part ii presents the multiple domains and dimensions of segregation, and is, in my opinion, the most interesting section of the volume. the authors discuss a wide range of spheres of life that give an even more comprehensive view of segregation patterns. two domains are highlighted first: public spaces and the quality of the environment. madanipour, a. (chapter 10) presents insights into the role of public space as a counterweight to social segregation and emphasises that urban development can unintentionally lead to exclusive spaces which deepen social segregation. cucca, r. (chapter 11) deals with the issue of environmental justice and discusses the complex relationship between quality of environment and spatial segregation. the author emphasises three very important processes: the concentration of the most deprived groups in the proximity of polluted areas; the concentration of the most affluent groups in areas with high environmental standards (garden cities) or in green innovation areas (eco-districts); and the process leading to the displacement of less affluent groups when environmental renewal is promoted in degraded areas (environmental gentrification). such green gentrification leads to a ‘green space paradox’, in which greening developments are only accessible to more privileged social groups and elites. the processes presented in these two chapters are producing a new domain of segregation. chapters 12, 13 and 14 deal with segregation in the residential domain from a demographic perspective, albeit in combination with other dimensions of segregation. boterman, w.r. (chapter 12) discusses segregation among children in amsterdam. he points out that ethnic inequalities are frequently reproduced throughout the course of a person’s life. moreover, these inequalities have a spatial dimension, as at the various stages of life households of differing ethnic groups tend to cluster in the same areas. bråmå, å. and andersson, r. (chapter 13) examine demographic segregation in the residential domain in stockholm between 1990 and 2004, and set out to explain the changes in age and family type segregation patterns which occurred during this period. the authors argue that the declining levels of segregation noted might be attributable to the low building rates after 1990. before 1990, due to large public housing programs which aimed to ensure homes at reasonable prices to all citizens, a firm relationship between residents’ age, household type and the built environment could be observed, whereas low building rates after 1990 led to a decrease in levels of demographic segregation. 323book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (3) 317–327. owens, a. (chapter 14) focuses on the residential segregation (and its spatial mapping) of households with and without children in the hundred most populated metropolitan areas in the usa. it is highly interesting that according to her research, high and low-income households with children seem to be increasingly separated across municipalities, especially between suburbs, but not between cities and suburbs. in chapters 15–18 the spotlight is turned towards socio-economic class, with particular reference to the middle and upper layers of society. hanhörster, h. and weck, s. (chapter 15) investigate social interaction between different social groups and illustrate the important role of micro-publics in regular social encounters. préteceille, e. and cardo, a. (chapter 16) present a comparative study of socio-economic segregation in paris, são paulo and rio de janeiro. the authors show that in these three urban areas the upper classes segregate themselves most, while differences in the levels of segregation are ascribed to higher levels of social inequalities in brazil and stronger public policies and more public housing in france. the chapter is especially worthy of attention due to its well-prepared methodological introduction. atkinson, r. and ho, h.k. (chapter 17) discuss the segregation practices of the very wealthy. they stress that research into the relative containment or segregation of the urban rich is important because this group has the power to shape policy responses directed towards the urban poor and those who reside in areas of poverty. this influence is exercised through lobbying for zoning restrictions, policing measures and urban housing policies intended to maintain the privileges of the wealthy while effectively reinforcing the concentration of zones of poverty outside areas inhabited by the urban rich. the geographies of the wealthiest urbanites can be seen as signalising aspects of the excessive, global and destabilising impact of global capitalist systems and their emphasis on nodal city points in which wealth is invested or realised through life in particular residential locations. the authors note that urban segregation is first a question concerning the rich, and not the poor, contrary to what is implied in much public discourse and policy. the relation between social classes is also discussed by van gent, w. and hochsenbach, c. (chapter 18), but here the authors relate the waning position of the poorer sections of the population to the activities and residential behaviour of the gentrifying urban middle class. chapters 19 and 20 describe the vertical segregation in multi-storey housing resulting from housing quality differences between floors. maloutas, t. (chapter 19) shows that in athens higher floors are preferred in terms of views, lights, fresh air and reduced noise. it comes as no surprise that the same factors are mentioned by forrset, r., tong, k.s. and wand, w. (chapter 20) when explaining the price differences in hong kong’s high-rise buildings. the authors describe the phenomenon as the ‘social stratification of air’, structured by income and occupation, where the height of the buildings continues to be prized for the access it gives to clean air. part iii of the book highlights issues that have not yet been extensively discussed in the literature but seem to be important for further research into residential segregation. bailey, n. (chapter 21) points out that studies of the processes behind changes in segregation remain in their ‘relative infancy’ and there is a clear need to develop standardised tools and software packages which will make it easier to produce comparable results from a wider range of contexts. östh, j. and türk, ü. (chapter 22) seek to model a multimethod oriented approach to how the measurement of segregation can be conducted, by comparing outputs from different multi-scale, bespoke neighbourhood methods. walks, a. (chapter 23) examines the origins, definitions, and measurements of the concept of the ghetto, and outlines the political implications of the debates in the scholarly literature on these areas. this chapter corresponds well to the powerful statement by marcuse, p. (1994, 41) that ‘the central problem of our societies is the division among people, and that division is increasingly reflected by walls dividing them, walls whose social weight and impact has increasingly overshadowed their physical might’. in the epilogue (chapter 24) musterd, s. discusses key issues for future research on urban segregation. he emphasises that the examples shown in the present volume confirm that globalisation, neoliberal and other welfare regimes, together with historically rooted economic, social, spatial and institutional contextual conditions all continue to play a crucial role in the development of social inequality and urban segregation, but some of these forces have become overwhelming. in particular, this applies to the ongoing rise of the neoliberal intervention model. a second aspect concerns the framing of the discourse concerning inequality and segregation. debates that currently feature in the media are based more on ideas relating to exclusion and inequality than inclusion, equality and solidarity. a shift in this emphasis could lead to a positive reframing of the discussion concerning segregation. musterd stresses that there is much debate about ‘just cities’: ‘cities characterised by a high decommodification, by the avoidance of a residualisation of the social housing sector, by the availability of affordable and accessible housing for all social classes and by limited social inequality; all of which result in limited spatial inequalities, and an absence of nogo or gated communities’ (p. 422). i agree that this spatial justice debate is worth continuing. an undoubted strength of the book is the fact that it presents varied urban settings from around the world, involving multiple versions of segregation that are not amenable to simple and universal explanations regarding their formative processes, their patterns and their 324 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (3) 317–327. impacts. the vast majority of the chapters have been authored by scholars with extensive research experience in urban segregation and are often based on well-known examples. at first glance i had the impression that the authors merely present the reader with processes which are already familiar. nevertheless, after careful reading i have come to the view that the volume does, in fact, set out new interpretations of familiar processes and as such should be considered a continuation of prior research (such as maloutas, t. and fujita, k. 2012). i was particularly interested in the chapters dealing with issues which are not so commonly addressed in the segregation debate, like environmental justice and environmental gentrification. of great importance in my view is the inference that the diversity of contemporary segregation patterns means that it is increasingly difficult to describe them and foresee their likely impact. international comparative research has revealed the crucial importance of confronting different contexts in understanding urban dynamics. such physical, economic, social, cultural, and institutional contexts not only differ in the way they have developed over time, but also in how they shape contemporary realities. the studies contained in this volume attempt to find a balance between the importance of global and local factors. this allows the reader to look for the common characteristics of segregation, but also understand its specific nature in each case, in line with the assumption that a global process can manifest itself in the form of diverse local phenomena. the book can be recommended to a wide audience, including scholars, students and all those interested in urban segregation. it will be of particular assistance to researchers in central and eastern european, especially if they are seeking inspiration as to ways of approaching the complexity of urban segregation. it is worth noting in this connection that central and eastern european countries are also experiencing an increase in urban segregation, the concentration of the middle and upper classes in gated communities, and even if the segregation indices are still quite low, this does not necessarily mean less inequality and more intense and effective contact between different groups. barbara jaczewska1 1 faculty of geography and regional studies, university of warsaw, warsaw, poland. e-mail: bgibki@uw.edu.pl r e f e r e n c e s grzegorczyk, a. and jaczewska, b. 2018. residential segregation in warsaw and its metropolitan area in the context of changing housing policy. european spatial research and policy 25. (1): 131–157. available at http://dspace.uni.lodz.pl:8080/xmlui/ handle/11089/25244 jaczewska, b. and grzegorczyk, a. 2017. residential segregation at the local level in poland. case studies of praga północ, włochy and ursynów. miscellanea geographica 21. (4): 1–11. available at https://content.sciendo.com/abstract/journals/mgrsd/21/4/ article-p168.xml maloutas, t. and fujita, k. (eds.) 2012. residential segregation in comparative perspective. making sense of contextual diversity. farnham, ashgate publishing. marcuse, p. 1994. walls: a metaphor and reality. in managing divided cities. ed.: dunn, s., keele, ryburn publishing, 41–52. 4th hungarian conference on landscape ecology 335 4th hungarian conference on landscape ecology kerekegyháza, hungary, may 13–15, 2010 although landscape ecology has long traditions in hungary the fi rst national congress was held at szirák only in 2004, success of that meeting underlined the importance of the topic both for research and practice. since 2004 the hungarian conferences on landscape ecology were organised in the springs of every even year. for the fourth time such an event was held at varga-tanya, kerekegyháza in the heart of the kiskunság region and organized by the geographical research institute, hungarian academy of sciences (mta fki). since landscape ecology is an interdisciplinary fi eld the national conference is always an appropriate occasion to discuss the topics with the representatives of various studies. most of the participants came from geography, but there were several experts on gis, botany, pedology, climatology, and management staff from the national parks. ádám kertész, head of the organizing committ ee opened the conference. in his speech the emphasis was put on the role of water and water management in the landscape, with a special reference to the kiskunság region. aft er the opening ceremony the fi rst day was devoted for plenary lectures. many of the presentations have dealt with the climate change and related problems. the keynote speakers of the plenary session tackled the present state of hungarian landscape ecology, analysed the professional composition of researchers and outlined the possible research directions. on the second half of the fi rst day both literature reviews and case studies were presented. on the second day parallel sections were held on the following topics: landscape forming, land use change, and the role of climate change riparian habitats, fl oodplains and water management landscape architecture, landscape planning and regional development landscape protection and conservation biodiversity in the landscape cultural landscape agricultural management and policy landscape ecology in earth sciences in addition to the paper sessions two poster sections were organised to display the summarised results. during the conference altogether 37 oral presentations were made and 15 posters exhibited. a volume of abstracts of papers were issued by the conference. the organizing committ ee decided to request all the authors to submit their results in an enlarged form. the full text conference proceedings are presumed to be published by the autumn of 2010. on the third day an excursion was planned to observe the most valuable natural landscapes of the kiskunság. the fi eld trip was organised and guided by the staff of the kiskunság national park. the fi rst stop was at strázsahegy to enjoy the superb panorama of the landscape. the following sight was next to fülöpháza where the participants could observe the one and only moving sand dune in hungary. the lack of vegetation due to grazing and to hoeing is that keeps the dune drift ing. meanwhile a heavy shower started accordingly the rest of the sights were viewed only from the coach. however during the fi rst two days of the congress there also occurred storms with extreme intensities both the alkaline ponds visited (szívós-szék and szappan-szék) were totally dried out. the last episode of the excursion and of the whole conference as well was the rich and delicious lunch at fülöpszállás. – – – – – – – – 336 to sum up the experiences of the meeting: interesting and important research results could be heard followed by fruitful and profi table discussions. éva konkoly-gyuró on behalf of the faculty of forestry, university of west hungary announced that the 5th hungarian conference on landscape ecology would be held at sopron in 2012. hopefully it will be as intriguing as the fourth was. gergely jakab field symposium at kiskunság national park. among the participants: profs á. kertész, d. lóczy and p. csorba. (photo by g. király) 5_irodalom.indd 69 l i t e r a t u r e hungarian geographical bulletin 59 (1) (2010) pp. 69–76. kocziszky, györgy: methodology of regional development. university of miskolc press 2009. p. 258. isbn 978-963-661-898-8 györgy kocziszky makes an important contribution to current debates on territorial planning and regional development, providing an empirically rich analysis of the theory and methodology of regional development. the book mainly addresses graduate students and is divided into four parts. the fi rst one critically reviews economic theories explaining regional development; the second presents diff erent types of spaces and space delimitation methods; the third provides an analysis of spatial level, time horizons and databases used in the spatial planning; and the fourth focuses on methodological questions linked to the preparation of regional development plans. readers with previous knowledge of the literature on regional development theories should be familiar with the polemics and questions reviewed in chapter 1: economic growth, economic theories of regional development, and regional development as an instrument of economic policy. the second part of the book examines diff erent types of space delimitations, according to administrative, identity-based, functional, statistical and economic criteria, while the third part presents the spatial levels of development plans, the typology and nature of development plans. the sources of data and information used in planning are presented as well. a novel and important contribution of this book is to provide an insight in the methodology of preparing regional development plans (chapter 4). the author divides seven steps in the preparation of regional development plans. for each of them are determined a range of specifi c objectives, tasks and methods. the fi rst of these steps, exploration and analysis, is largely presented on the basis of thematic sections: environment, demographic potential, living conditions, economy, labour market, infrastructure and spatial structure. through a well-planned selection the focus is on the presentation and discussion of quantitative methods of analysis, starting with descriptive statistical methods, continuing with methods of structural change measuring, examination of stochastic relations, cluster forming, and factor analysis. a qualitative method, the swot analysis is presented as well. a novelty for this kind of books is the next step: the positioning of the analysed territorial unit, on the basis of complex indices like the human development index. the concept of regional innovation potential is taken into the fi eld of analysis, due to the fact, that innovation is considered to be one of the key factors determining the global position of regions and localities. the chapter ends with a short overview on activities like documentation, implementation, monitoring. in summary, this book represents a good and compact addition to the literature on regional development both in educational form as well as in practical form. using personal refl ection and a comprehensive source material gives mindful insights to the methodology of regional development. the result is a most valuable tool for economists, geographers, planners, and policy-makers. józsef benedek far from the core – regions and industrial parks in economic shadow in hungary 89 hungarian geographical bulletin 59 (2) (2010) pp. 89–106. far from the core – regions and industrial parks in economic shadow in hungary1 part one tibor tiner2 abstract the economic development of nuts2 regions in hungary can be evaluated in diff erent ways. it is their economic potential which is put in the focus of this paper. this potential can be measured by total revenues of leading companies operating on their territories in the fi rst place, and then by number, profi le and profi t of these fi rms sett led into industrial parks of the regions. the results of an analysis showing close correlation between their geographical position and success (or failure) in business might be used by the experts of the regional development agencies in decision making. this article is an att empt to evaluate the level of development of nuts2 regions on the basic data for the leading 500 companies. the second part of the paper (hung. geogr. bull. no 3. 2010) will deal with economic effi ciency of top fi rms which are sett led into industrial parks of less favoured regions. analyses are going on the basis of fi nancial and statistical indicators published by diff erent institutions and fi rms (e.g. central statistical offi ce, creditreform ltd.) electronically or in printed version. the study also deals with a few regional eff ects of economic crisis burst in 2008. keywords: nuts2 regions, revenues, regional inequalities, industrial parks introduction to understand the problems the counties of hungary chosen to be studied face nowadays it is necessary to give a brief survey about the economic environment of the country. aft er a relative prosperous 10 years’ period (1995–2005) by 2006 hungary’s economic development slowed down and gdp growth remained below 4 per cent in that year. fiscal consolidation has become the focus of economic policy. in 2007, the government’s austerity program has 1 the project was sponsored by national scientifi c research fund (otka). id. no: 75906. 2 geographical research institute, hungarian academy of sciences, h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mail: tinert@mtafk i.hu; j. selye university, ul. hradná 21. 94501 komárno 1. slovakia. e-mail: tiner.tibor@selyeuni.sk 90 decreased hungary’s large budget defi cit, but the reforms have diminished domestic consumption, reducing gdp growth to less than 2 per cent. the global fi nancial crisis in 2008 hit hungary’s vulnerable economy extremely hard, with its large external debt, reliance on external fi nancing and high level of foreign currency borrowing by its citizens, in this emergency situation the country was secured by heavy loans from the international monetary fund (imf) and other fi nancial institutions. the borrowing has helped to balance a large current account and state budget defi cit, and resulted in a partially overvalued currency, supported a low stock of foreign reserve and secured a high level of short-term foreign currency debt. hungary’s growth prospects are likely to improve beyond 2009, owing to the loan off ered by the imf and diff erent european union funds – eu subsidy of 22.4 billion eur is available to hungary until 2013 – and the country’s traditional growth factors including relatively low wages and high skills of labour, advanced infrastructure and advantageous geographical position. according to experts’ estimation the considerable volume of foreign direct investment (fdi) transfehrred into hungary may help to get over the crisis within 2–3 years. its relative value exceeds the (weighed) average of central east european (cee) countries considerably (figure 1). fig. 1. fdi stock per capita in central east european countries, 2009. source: wiiw, 2010 91 additionally it is worth mentioning that hungarian economy is shift ing towards a service profi le, the rate of which from the gdp has reached 67 per cent in 2009. (among the developed eu members this rate is over 70 per cent.) from year to year the ratio of large eu-projects serving the development of tertiary sector of the country increases steadily at the expense of projects in industrial development. the industrial/service projects ratio changed from 79:21 per cent (2004) to 57:43 per cent (2009) (itd hungary, 2010; kukely, gy. 2008). att ention should be drawn to the decreasing weight of agriculture within the country’s economy (figure 2). being one of the key factors of rural economy in hungary, declining incomes from farming activities have led to serious problems not only for farmers but for all larger companies investing into agriculture production and food industry. according to latest forecasts hungary's industrial and trade data are improving as the country's export market recover, but the construction sector, retail and unemployment data is expected to deteriorate, gki co. (economic research company, budapest) claimed in a projection prepared together with erste bank. following a contraction in 2009 the institute anticipates hungary's economy to stagnate in 2010 as external demand picks up, european union funding boosts investments, sentiment among the country's economic players improves and businesses start restocking inventories (gki 2010). the topic of the paper requires to answer some questions. which regions may be considered developed or underdeveloped in hungary? whether the gap between developed and less developed regions is narrowing or widening? whether a county being part of a developed region and situated relatively far from the dynamically developing core of the nuts2 region it is incorporated within (e.g. zala county in western transdanubia) can be regarded a stagnating or declining administrative segment of hungarian economy? the present research takes into consideration the results of studies on the regional transformation and structural changes of hungarian industry in general, considering industrial parks as special elements (kiss, e.é. 2001, 2003; nikodémus, a. 2002; horváth, k. 2007). problematic nuts2 regions and the counties incorporated have a moderate dynamism of economic development. they are characterised mainly by processing industry, food industry and have agricultural character, which goes together with both personal income and rate of unemployment below the national average. fig. 2. gdp ratio per sector of economy in hungary, 2009. source: hungarian investment and trade development agency, 2010 92 14 counties from six regions3 were selected into this category. in spite of a large number of industrial parks with fairly good regional accessibility these counties have only few important industrial fi rms and service companies with large annual revenue and effi cient production. the facts mentioned above also pointed out that unfavourable position of the counties within these regions derives mainly from their weak economic structure and it is not due to transport logistical reasons. there is more evidence for the relative favourable transport logistic conditions of all regions of the country. hungary's strategic position in the heart of the continent – as well as its role as one of the major transport junctions in the central east european region – makes it increasingly important as a regional distribution centre. thanks to hungary’s relatively developed transport infrastructure and an established background in logistics (11 large logistical regions), companies sett led close to main international transport corridors can benefi t from outstanding effi ciency and added value. the latest world bank logistics performance index (lpi) ranked hungary highest of the central east european countries and the baltic states in 2008. creating a complex parameter of lpi the survey evaluates the logistics services of 150 countries according to factors including speed of customs clearance, transportation costs, average import transaction and export lead times (table 1). 3 baranya, somogy and tolna countries in southern transdanubia region; veszprém county in central transdanubia region; vas and zala counties in western transdanubia region; heves and nógrád counties in northern hungary region; hajdú-bihar, jász-nagykunszolnok and szabolcs-szatmár-bereg countries in northern great plain region; and bácskiskun, békés and csongrád counties in southern great plain region. table 1. ranking of cee countries and the baltic states according to logistics performance index, 2008 rank country lpi cus-toms infrastructure international shipments logistic competence 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. hungary czech republic poland latvia estonia slovakia romania bulgaria lithuania croatia 3.15 3.13 3.04 3.02 2.96 2.92 2.91 2.87 2.78 2.71 3.00 2.95 2.88 2.53 2.75 2.61 2.60 2.47 2.64 2.36 3.12 3.00 2.69 2.56 2.91 2.68 2.73 2.47 2.30 2.50 3.07 3.05 2.92 3.31 2.85 3.09 3.20 2.79 3.00 2.69 3.06 3.00 3.04 2.94 3.00 3.02 2.86 2.84 2.70 2.83 source: world bank report on lpi, 2009 93 database and methodology the statistical basis of the investigation is the group of the leading 500 productive companies of hungary (the top half of one thousand fi rms in industrial, agricultural and service sectors excluding banks and insurance companies) selected by their annual revenues and profi t in huf. they provide more than 85 per cent of total annual production value of hungary, measured in huf. their published data were analysed and compared to each other for the year of 2005 and 2009 fi rstly on a regional level, and secondly by counties (but only for the 14 counties mentioned above). in the third phase there will be analysed the activities of the relative small group of top 500 fi rms producing their products or services inside the industrial parks. simple mathematical and statistical methods are used in this empirical work to measure the most considerable regional and sub-regional inequalities and the level of concentration (sikos t.t. ed. 1984; nemes nagy, j. ed. 2005) and their changes during the period 2005–2009. the following indices4 were calculated for the regions and the 14 counties: range (p) range ratio (k) relative range (q) dual index (d) hoover-index (h) hirschman–herfi ndahl-index (concentration index) (c) for the purpose of calculation of h index the offi cial data for labour statistics, i.e. the rate of economically active population of the regions were used for 2005 and 2009. economic features and transport position of nuts2 regions in hungary each of the seven nuts2 regions of hungary has specifi c features of economy which predestine their economic potential and the trends for the near future. this statement is also valid for the counties belonging to them. central hungary (budapest and pest county) from the economic viewpoint can be characterized by its substantial contribution to gdp, a high concentration of businesses and the growing signifi cance of fi nancial and logistics services, as well as dynamic real estate development and att ractivity to foreign investors (kiss, e.é. 2000). the region is the country's most important transport 4 for the content and explanation of these parameters see nemes nagy, j. ed. 2005. – – – – – – 94 node with the junction of 6 radial motorways of hungary. the density of the trunk road network in the region exceeds the national average. part of the high-quality railway network belongs to ten corridor no. x running along the river danube, making it deeply integrated into the pan-european transport system. budapest's ferihegy airport is an international air traffi c hub with three terminals and high passenger traffi c. there are 35 industrial parks in central hungary (2009), mainly serving logistics companies but also off ering excellent conditions for automotive and electronics manufacturers and innovative industrial companies. the proximity of the capital as a key factor is of great importance. the infopark in budapest serves similar r&d purposes as technology park berlin-adlershof in germany (kulke, e. 2008). the local labour force has the professional qualifi cations required by multinationals in the service and commercial sectors, as well as sophisticated industries producing high added value (brinszky-hidas, zs. 2003). the region’s key role is in education and research is also worth mentioning. more than a quarter of the country's secondary school students attend institutions in central hungary, while 27.9 per cent of those in higher education pursue their studies here. the region also has the largest capacity in hungary for the education of economists and technical experts and 62.6 per cent of the country's scientifi c researchers and developers work here. two thirds of the state r&d budget was invested in central hungary and the majority of the country's research centres are headquartered in budapest (mátyás, b. 2002). central transdanubia (fejér, komárom-esztergom and veszprém counties) is located at the meeting point of two large european development zones. it is therefore directly aff ected by europe’s overall development and plays a key role in the country's in economic growth. the region has an excellent communications and transportation infrastructure and is intersected by important railways, public roads and motorways. two helsinki corridors, the m1, m6 and m7 motorways and pass through central transdanubia and the m8 is currently under construction. foreign direct investment received by hungary over the past decade amounts to eur 317.8 billion, of which 8.7 per cent arrived in central transdanubia. the region boasts among the highest industrial production per capita in the country. tatabánya (seat of komárom-esztergom county) and its surroundings and székesfehérvár (seat of fejér county) showed a particularly dynamic growth between 1995 and 2006. top industries include the automotive industry (suzuki, rába mór, afl hungary, lear corporation, continental, denso, valeo, visteon and hankook tire are all based in the region), electronics and information technology (albacomp, ibm data storage, nokia, sanyo, philips, videoton, foxconn 95 and sanmina sci) and the aluminium industry (inotal and suoft ec). major companies also operate in mechanical engineering and steel (dunaferr, alcoaköfém and le belier), the food industry and chemicals. in addition, ajka crystal and herend china are brands recognised all over the world. the region is bordered to the north and east by the international waterways of the river danube, extending over 140 kms, but with few river harbours. there are also several minor, and some major, currently abandoned military airports in the three counties of the region, providing opportunities for large-scale expansion of air traffi c and transportation. the region's infrastructural provision is above the national average and includes 32 industrial parks (kovács, z. 1998; kiss, e.é. 2003). western transdanubia (győr-moson-sopron, vas and zala counties) is considered one of the most developed parts of the country mainly owing to the advanced economic structure of győr-moson-sopron county in the north. manufacturing, the service sector and agriculture appear to be developing at more or less the same rate, while the standard of living is also above the national average. the same applies to the proportion of inward investment in industry and the export orientation of the region's businesses. besides central hungary and central transdanubia this region also has high proportion of enterprises founded with foreign capital. the geographical and cultural proximity of austria has resulted in close business ties in many areas, e.g. within the west/west pannonia euregion (i.e. with burgenland). western transdanubia is the most industrialized area of the country in terms of the employment of its population. several multinational automotive and electronics companies have established operations here. most profitable companies with advanced technologies accumulated in 27 industrial parks with the győr (raab) industrial parks as the fl agship (balogh, l. 2003; fancsali, j. 2005; mónus, á. ed. 2007). several fi rms of the region have joined the pannon automotive cluster established in 2000 and having 96 members all over the country. this cluster has provided an opportunity for local small and medium sized enterprises (smes) to become infl uential suppliers. in additional sectors of economy, this encourages the formation of product clusters, and the synergies thus created in turn have a benefi cial eff ect on the development of the region. the main industries in the region based on total employment are the machine industry, textiles and foods. around 70 per cent of the workforce is distributed between these sectors. the economic development of the western transdanubia region is above the national average and gdp per capita is the second highest in the country. the region’s economic structure is highly developed and ranks above its peers in terms of att racting foreign capital, the ratio of industrial investments and export orientation. 96 southern transdanubia, a region comprising three counties (baranya, tolna and somogy), is situated in the south-west of the country. it has home to 953,000 people, making it the most sparsely populated region. southern transdanubia is considered to be hungary's gateway to the south, and as such plays an important role in the country's foreign relations. its links to croatia and the adriatic sea off er a perspective on co-operation with southern and south-western countries. today southern transdanubia is ranked sixth of the country's regions in terms of gdp per capita. as many as 1,300 companies with foreign ownership have invested in southern transdanubia and the number of companies owned by hungarians is rising steadily. this is partly thanks to the establishment of 19 industrial parks in the region so far, off ering a host of communications services and supporting facilities for newly established businesses (nyakacska, m. 1998; csiba, zs. and pap, n. 2007). the manufacturing sector is dominated by agriculture and food processing, energy production; tourism is also important. some 8.6 per cent of the region’s gdp derives from the agricultural sector. the region holds a prominent position on a national level in the production of maize and is one of the country's most important wine growing regions. the wines of southern transdanubia are famous all over europe, but the high-tech sectors have also seen signifi cant development, encouraged by a sophisticated technical infrastructure. protecting the environment has always been a high priority in the region as illustrated by extensive reclamation following the closure of the coal mines – acknowledged all over in central east europe. the regions main road arteries are the m6 and m60 motorways linking two county seats (pécs and szekszárd) to budapest. the railway network is dense with budapest–gyékényes–rij eka as the main international line. the region has a direct railway connection pécs–osij ek and transfers to vienna and zagreb. there are four airports in the southern transdanubia, with the pécs–pogány airport holding international status. the region also has a river port on the danube at mohács, opened to traffi c in november 2008. northern hungary (borsod-abaúj-zemplén, heves and nógrád counties) has been a traditional industrial region of hungary from the late 19th century. its coal mining, metallurgy, heavy machinery production and chemical industry provided job for 2.5 million – mainly unskilled and low educated – people during the socialist era. aft er the regime change (1989–1990) restructuring of the region’s economy started, but this positive process has slowed down aft er the turn of the millennium and now the region has to cope with more serious problems than those of transdanubia. northern hungary which borders on slovakia to the north comprises 28 industrial parks altogether, but only few of them accommodate prosperous companies (lafferton, gy. 2003; kiss e.é. 2008). the m3 and m30 motorways link the region with budapest. 97 county seats miskolc and eger can also be reached from the capital via inter city rail services. from its industrial heritage borsod-abaúj-zemplén county maintains only the chemical industrial traditions up to this day (borsodchem, tisza chemical co). the economic structure of this county has changed dramatically with the arrival of several mncs (robert bosch power tools, aes, jabil circuit, continental tobacco) producing goods for world market. in addition, several small and medium sized enterprises are growing strong and creating new jobs. however, signifi cant workforce cuts still aff ect some branches of industry. as a consequence, the unemployment rate continues to be the highest in the country. on the other hand the county has an abundance in available skilled labour and their retraining and vocational training are subsidized by the government. heves county’s economy has experienced dynamic and impressive growth in recent years, while its export-orientation has also intensifi ed. the country’s economic output is concentrated in three regions: the county seat eger with its microregion contribute 48 per cent of total sales, while gyöngyös and hatvan with the surroundings provide an additional 40 per cent. the structure of the economy has undergone signifi cant changes in recent times. the importance of the mining industry has declined, while that of the processing industry – primarily the machine industry, metal processing and the furniture, food, and textiles sectors – has increased. the smallest county in north hungary is nógrád which belongs to the less favoured nuts3 regions in hungary against its proximity to pest county and budapest. it has moderate industrial and service production; only 4 industrial parks can be found on its territory. while the hungarian capital experienced a labour shortage during the previous years, nógrád county had human capital reserves. the northern great plain nuts2 region (hajdú-bihar, jász-nagykunszolnok and szabolcs-szatmár-bereg counties) borders on ukraine and romania, making it the eastern gateway of the european union. the northern great plain is accessible via the debrecen international airport, the m3 motorway and hourly inter city train services from budapest. the region is traditionally a farming area with a strong history of agricultural and food industry related machine manufacturing. that means its economic potential is low and only the larger cities (mainly the county seats) are home to a number of major investors, such as stadler (automotive, szolnok), teva (pharmaceuticals, debrecen), e.on (energy supply, debrecen) and lego (toys, nyíregyháza). in total, some 100,000 businesses operate in the region, but only few of them belong to the club of leading 500 companies of the country. there are 33 industrial parks in the region, but only 2 or 3 of them have a considerable economic importance (kovács, t. 2001; kiss-majtényi, m. 2004; percze, i.j. 2004). 98 the northern great plain has long-standing traditions in the health and wellness industry, including spas and health resorts, excellent clinics and medical universities. it is hoped that these will be enriched by further biotechnology, organic food and herbal companies in the near future. southern great plain (bács-kiskun, csongrád and békés counties) borders on serbia to the south and on romania to the east. its natural resources support both industry and agriculture. meanwhile, its spas’ waters of curative power, rare species of bird and gastronomic specialities make for an idyllic tourist destination. two helsinki corridors (iv. and x/b) cross the region. the m5 motorway leads from budapest to szeged and the serbian border directly. in the near future the a dual carriageway (m43) will run from szeged to the romanian border. the region has a public port on the danube at baja on the west and one on the river tisza at szeged. the region has twelve civil and one military airport. southern great plain has 32 industrial parks off ering their services to investors. besides them two enterprise zones have been created on the periphery of the region, one in csongrád county (makó and its sub-regional enterprise zone) and another one in békés county (in the area of sarkad and szeghalom) (osváth, s. ed. 2004; papp, j. 2008). the combined share of industry and construction in the economy is more or less similar to that of agriculture, for which the region is well suited. meanwhile, the service sector accounts for ca 60 per cent of the region’s economic performance. the exploitation of the considerable r&d potential accumulated in the research centres operating e.g. in biotechnology and soft ware industries, has already begun to accelerate ongoing industrial restructuring in the region. creating national logistics centres to reinforce the importance of the region derived from its geographical location may have a similar impact. new activities, such as electronics and mechanical engineering, are taking over from the region’s traditional industries: textiles, leather and shoe production. the food industry continues to play an important role with several key brands (pick salami, csaba sausage), have acquired an international reputation. mechanical engineering and the chemicals industry are also strongly export-oriented. some of the region’s industrial products also account for a sizeable share of national production (e.g. crude oil, natural gas, china products, roofi ng tiles and glassware). foreign companies that have made a signifi cant contribution to the region's development include phoenix-mecano, knorr-bremse, masterfoods, contitech rubber, hunguard, linamar, tondach and henkel. processes on the level of the nuts2 regions observing the regional distribution of total volume of annual revenues for the leading 500 fi rms of the country, a highly distorted structure can be experi99 enced both for 2005 and 2009. back to 2005 central hungary region concentrated 227 leading fi rms (55.4 per cent) which had increased to 303 in 2009 (60.6 per cent). this fact refl ects not only its absolute dominancy among regions, but also means that this nuts2 region accumulates nearly two thirds of the total annual revenue of the top 500 fi rms. moreover, its share has increased from 16,681 bn huf to 26,417 bn huf (from 60.7 per cent to 63.5 per cent) between 2005 and 2009. besides central hungary only northern great plain region was able to increase its share with 1 per cent (figure 3). the second ‘richest’ region central transdanubia had only 63 leading fi rms in 2005 which diminished to 54 (-15.7 per cent) in 2009, but the region nearly managed to preserve its share within the total annual revenue (2005: 15,4 per cent, 2009: 15,2 per cent). this process marks a considerable revenue concentration process among the leading fi rms of the region also (revenue per fi rm: 66.1 bn huf in 2005 and 117.5 bn huf in 2009). since the turn of the millennium central hungary and central transdanubia together have given more than 75 per cent of the total annual revenue of the top 500 companies. between 2005 and 2009 this imbalanced rate had grown further (from 76.2 to 78,8 per cent), because the rest 5 regions together produced only a modest increase during the period investigated (figure 4). fig. 3.the change of total annual revenues’s rate by regions between 2005 and 2009 100 the revenues of the two most developed regions demonstrate a considerable growth both in amounts and rate (2005–2009: 11,846 bn huf or 56.6 per cent), opposite to the rest 5 regions (2005–2009: 2,110 bn huf or 24.3 per cent), which marks 5.6 times diff erence in amounts and more than double growth in rate. parallel to it the number of companies belonging to the top 500 companies has also changed in nuts2 regions. excluding central hungary a diff erentiated decrease could be observed in the value of this parameter in the rest of regions (table 2). between 2005 and 2009 the relative annual revenue (revenue per company) has changed also in the regions, showing widening gaps between developed and lagging regions. but as for the rankings of this parameter central transdanubia has held the fi rst place versus central hungary since 2005 (figure 5). finally, calculating the indices showing the measure of regional inequalities for the leading 500 companies and its change, the results demonfig. 4. total annual revenue of leading 500 companies by nuts2 regions in 2005 and 2009, bn huf 101 strate a general increase for all parameters (table 3). these fi gures forecast unfavourable tendencies and refl ect ineffi cient eff orts to diminish them up till now. fig. 5. annual revenue per company by nuts2 regions, bn huf table 3. value of indices for revenue diff erences in nuts2 regions index 2005 2009 diff erence (+) range (p) range ratio (k) relative range (q) dual index (d) hoover-index (h) hirschman–herfi ndahl index(c) 15.8050 19.0400 4.0250 7.9610 33.1500 0.4129 25.4640 27.7200 4.2870 9.2850 34.3800 0.4377 + 9.6590 + 8.6800 + 0.2620 + 1.3240 + 1.2300 + 0.0248 source: calculated by the author table 2. number of companies belonging to the top 500 by revenue (2005–2009) region 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 change 2009/2005 number per cent central hungary central transdanubia western transdanubia southern transdanubia northern hungary northern great plain southern great plain 265 63 40 15 37 34 35 277 65 43 15 33 36 32 286 62 39 16 36 33 28 292 56 41 15 35 36 28 303 54 37 15 34 30 27 + 38 9 3 0 3 4 8 143.4 85.7 92.5 0.0 91.9 88.2 77.1 source: creditreform ltd. 2006–2010 102 turning to the regional distribution of total volume of the profi t for the fi rms investigated, the regional structure nearly goes to extremes. in 2005 central hungary has concentrated more than 70 per cent of the profi t of the top 500 fi rms. its profi t share has increased from 1,585.9 bn huf to 2,390.7 bn huf (from 71.4 per cent to 77.8 per cent) between 2005 and 2009. 68 per cent of the total profi t of the leading 500 fi rms has been generated at companies located in budapest (figure 6). comparing the change of revenues with that of profi ts in case of nuts2 regions a highly negative tendency can be seen. between 2005 and 2009 in case of profi ts of leading companies a serious decline or stagnation could be observed in all of the regions except central hungary. this process refl ects heavy concentration of profi t into budapest and its agglomeration zone (figure 7). in 2009 western transdanubia was the second most profi table region (its favourable position was due to the economic effi ciency of fi rms concentrated in the győr industrial park). the region has nearly reached 230 bn huf profi t opposite to its main competitor central transdanubia, ranking third. in 2005 the aggregate profi t of leading fi rms in central transdanubia still exceeded that in western transdanubia (161.8 bn huf). since 2005 three nuts2 regions (central hungary, western and central transdanubia) together give ca 90 per cent of the total profi t of the top 500 companies in hungary. between 2005 and 2009 this very high rate had increased further (from 89.1 to 91.2 per cent), because the rest four regions together produced only a very low increase of profi t (from 242.1 bn huf to 270.6 bn huf) during the period investigated (figure 8). fig. 6. the rate of total annual profi t by regions in 2009 103 fig. 7. change in total annual profi t’s rate by regions in 2009 (right side columns) compared to its shares in 2005 and to the change of total annual revenue‘s rate (left side columns) fig. 8. total annual profi t of leading 500 companies by nuts2 regions between 2005 and 2009, bn huf 104 the profi t increase of central hungary (801 bn huf between 2005 and 2009) demonstrates a heavy concentration process, opposite to the rest six regions, where the profi ts of the market leaders showed a very modest growth (52 bn huf) for the same period. parallel to it the majority of nuts2 regions show dramatic fall in the number of companies belonging to the top 500 ones by profi t (table 4). the three leading regions have experienced growth and fall in amounts of profi t while preserving their leading position over the regions situated in the rest of the country. between 2005 and 2009 the relative annual profi t (profi t per company) has changed also in the regions, showing a wide gap between developed and lagging regions. but as for the rankings of this parameter western transdanubia has got the leading position from central hungary since 2005 (figure 9). calculating the indices showing the measure of measure of regional inequalities in the profi t of the top 500 hungarian fi rms, and its change the results demonstrate a considerable increase in p, d, h and c indices, a minor decline in k-index and a minimal decrease in q index (table 5). these fi gures – similar to the annual revenue data – refl ect negative tendencies (except k-index) and the stabilization of a distorted regional structure of profi t distribution. to be continued table 4. number of companies belonging to the top 500 by profi t (2005–2009) region 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 change 2009/2005 number per cent central hungary central transdanubia western transdanubia southern transdanubia northern hungary northern great plain southern great plain 269 69 45 22 38 29 28 275 68 47 17 35 30 28 289 68 46 12 34 26 25 326 47 35 8 29 32 23 338 41 32 10 20 33 26 + 69 28 13 12 18 + 4 2 125.7 59.4 71.1 45.5 52.6 113.8 92.9 source: creditreform ltd. 2006–2010 table 5. value of indices for profi t diff erences in nuts2 regions index 2005 2009 diff erence range (p) range ratio (k) relative range (q) dual index (d) hoover-index (h) hirschman–herfi ndahl index (c) 2.1970 73.0700 6.9110 15.0170 39.8000 0.5283 3.0310 63.3400 6.8920 20.8840 46.6000 0.6146 + 0.8340 10.7300 0.0190 + 5.8670 + 6.8000 + 0.0863 source: calculated by the author 105 fig. 9. annual profi t per company by nuts2 regions, bn huf references az 500 legnagyobb árbevételű hazai cég, 2005–2009. (the top 500 companies by revenues in hungary, 2005–2009) budapest, creditreform ltd. az 500 legnagyobb nyereségű hazai cég, 2005–2009. (the top 500 companies by profi t in hungary, 2005–2009). budapest, creditreform ltd. balogh, l. 2003. magyarország legsikeresebb ipari parkja a győri ipari park. (the győr industrial park, the most prosperous industrial park in hungary). magyar építőipar 53. (5–6): 148–149. brinszky-hidas, zs. 2003. vállalkozások a budapesti agglomerációban. (enterprises in the agglomeration zone of budapest). területi statisztika 6. (5): 413–428. csiba, zs. and pap, n. 2007. a dombóvári ipari park. (the dombóvár industrial park.) in területfejlesztés a gyakorlatban. ed. pap, n. pécs, lomart – pte földrajzi intézete, 101–113. (a területés településfejlesztés oktatása 4.) fancsali, j. 2005. nyugat-dunántúl ipara – ipari parkok. (industry of western transdanubia – industrial parks), győr, ksh győri igazgatósága, 59 p. gki 2010: hungary's industrial and trade data are improving as export markets recover. budapest, gki economic research company, may 2010. 35 p. horváth, k. 2007. az ipari parkok kialakulása és fejlődése magyarországon. (shaping and development of industrial parks in hungary). in a társadalmi földrajz világai. eds. kovács, cs. and pál, v. szeged, szte gazdaságés társadalomföldrajzi tanszék, 205–214. hungary: business brief. budapest, itd hungarian investment and trade development agency, 2010. 5 p. 106 kiss, e.é. 2000. helyzetkép a közép-magyarországi régió ipari parkjairól (a survey about the industrial parks of central hungary). ipari szemle 2. 77–79. kiss, e.é. 2001. az ipari termelés új színhelyei: az ipari parkok. (the new places of industrial productions: industrial parks). in a földrajz eredményei az új évezred küszöbén. ed. dormány, g. et al. szeged, ii. földrajzi konferencia, 25–27. oct. 2001. cd-rom kiss, e.é. 2003. industrial parks in hungary: their furthering and role in regional economic development. regional symbiosis 11. 47–64. kiss, e.é. 2008. hungarian industry aft er 1989 – with special att ention to industrial estates. in dimensions and trends in hungarian geography. eds. kertész, á. and kovács, z. budapest, geographical research institute of h.a.s., 193–206. (studies in geography in hungary 33.) kiss-majtényi, m. 2004. az ipari parkok helyzete és perspektívái szabolcs-szatmár-bereg megyében. (the position and perspectives of industrial parks in szabolcs-szatmárbereg county). gazdaság és statisztika 16. (2): 25–38. kovács, t. 2001. a jövő lehetősége: a karcagi ipari park.(future prospects: the karcag industrial park). falu–város–régió 1. 4–7. kovács, z. 1998. ipari park pápán. (industrial park in the town pápa) comitatus 8. (2): 74–78. kukely, gy. 2008. a gazdaságfejlesztési célú állami és európai uniós támogatások szerepe az ipari térszerkezet formálódásában. (the role of state and eu supports in the shaping of industrial patt ern) területi statisztika 11. (2): 111–135. kulke, e. 2008. the technology park berlin-adlershof as an example of spatial proximity in regional economic policy. zeitschrift für wirtshaft sgeographie 52. (4): 193–208. lafferton, gy. 2003. ipari parkok a volt szénbánya üzemi területein. (industrial parks on the sites of former coal mine) bányászati és kohászati lapok. bányászat 136. (3): 198–203. mátyás, b. 2002. az ipari parkok forrásai, innovációs és fejlesztési jelentőségük. (the sources for industrial parks, their prospects for innovation and development) falu–város–régió 2. 13–18. mónus, á. ed. 2007. zöldmezős sikertörténet: 1992–2007. (a green fi eld success story, 1992–2007). győr, győri nemzetközi ipari park kft ., 92 p. nemes nagy, j. ed. 2005. regionális elemzési módszerek. (methods for regional analysis). budapest, elte ttk regionális földrajzi tanszék, 284 p. nikodémus, a. 2002. a regionális politika és gazdaságfejlesztés nemzetközi és hazai szemmel. (regional policy and economic development in international and hungarian context) területi statisztika 5. (2): 111–130. nyakacska, m. 1998. ipari park – vállalkozási övezet baranyában. (industrial park – enterprise zone in baranya county). területi statisztika 38. (4): 365–371. osváth, s. ed. 2004. az ipari parkok napjainkban magyarországon. (recent industrial parks in hungary). budapest, g-mentor kft ., 228 p. papp, j. 2008. az ipari parkok területi sajátosságai: békés megye példája. (regional characteristics of industrial parks: an exaple of békés county). fejlesztés és finanszírozás 4. 64–72. percze, i.j. 2004. ipari parkok, ipartelepítés, technológia-transzfer és kutatás-fejlesztés az észak-alföldi régióban. (industrial parks, location of industry, technological transfer and research and development in northern great plain region). logisztikai évkönyv 10. 107–112. sikos t.t. ed. 1984. matematikai és statisztikai módszerek alkalmazási lehetőségei a területi kutatásokban. (mathematical and statistical methods and their adaptation in regional research). budapest, akadémiai kiadó, 300 p. (földrajzi tanulmányok 12.) world bank report on lpi, 2009. gál, z.: the golden age of local banking. the hungarian banking network in the early 20th century 401 gál, z.: the golden age of local banking. the hungarian banking network in the early 20th century. gondolat kiadó, 2010. budapest, 199 p though this book was issued in 2010, the review is being published only in the end of 2011. this delay, however, does not lessen the actuality of the book. on the contrary, this way viktor orbán, the prime minister of hungary and jean-claude trichet, the president of the european central bank can also contribute to the review. if you would like to know, please read the review. in our age economic strength responsible for social, urban and regional development is expressed in the condition of all services, referred to as the third (tertiary) sector of economy. the stronger the tertiary is the more powerful the economy stands. and the cream of the tertiary services is the banking that yields the greatest profi t with the least investment. the american historical geography school found that the features of the urban network are in strong correlation with the spatial structure of the banking system. zoltán gál examines in this book the impact of the hungarian banking system on regional and urban development in the early 20th century, when local banks were already important territorial elements of the fi nancial space developing close links to regional economic structures. why can a hungarian topic be interesting to others than hungarians? first, this book opens a window on the past of central european provincial banks. we are reminded to the fascinating world of the provincial elites we have forgott en. by combining quantitative analysis of fi nancial stocks and fl ows with original insights into the relationships between fi nancial development and urban development, we witness a creative marriage of fi nancial geography and fi nancial history. the book’s theme resonates with particular significance in the context of the ongoing fi nancial crisis, which has demonstrated what happens when banks indulge indiscriminately in globalization and innovation, neglecting local knowledge, local responsibilities and local innovations. second, the author has found new and original methods to exploit the data, which remained aft er the provincial banks disappeared. he off ers a set of highly innovative approaches to important issues regarding the economic history of a central european country, in fact including the present slovakia, parts of romania, serbia and ukraine, including the role of fi nancial intermediaries in urban development, the hierarchy of fi nancial centers and economic disparities within this euro region. jean-claude trichet, the president of the european central bank stated on 4th october 2011 that our ongoing 402 fi nancial crisis resembles to the global fi nancial breakdown of 1929 in many aspects, though governments intervene more successfully than at that time. what can be the reason for it? they must be using the support of local expertise of a long history. this is what this book concentrates on: fi nding the roots of local banking expertise. viktor orbán, the prime minister of hungary said during his visit in saudi arabia on 4th october that one of the ways leading out of the worldwide banking crisis is hidden in the sleeping economic potentials of the central european countries. these economic potentials must include the top ranking branch of the tertiary sector i.e. fi nance on the local and not global level. the nature, the root and the history of local banking of the central european region are important to know once fi nancial, economic and regional reshaping is demanded and called for. now, a large part of the central european land used to belong to the historical hungarian state, the territory of which is examined in the book of zoltán gál. these are the reasons which make his book an interesting, timely and topical issue in our days for not only hungarian geographers and economists, but for everyone being interested in the fi nancial and economic reconstruction of the central european region, what is more in overcoming the global fi nancial crisis. thus the laziness of the reviewer is rewarded by the increasing actuality and timeliness of this volume that has been published in the doctorial masterpieces series. istván tózsa szabó, j., dávid, l. and lóczy, d. (eds.) 2010. anthropogenic geomorphology: a guide to man-made landforms 438 szabó, j., dávid, l. and lóczy, d. (eds.) 2010. anthropogenic geomorphology: a guide to man-made landforms. springer science+business media b.v., dordrecht-heidelberglondon–new york, 298 p. isbn 978-90-481-3057-3 in the past few decades interest in the environment has reached a peak as popular opinion has become aware of the extent of the human impact on natural systems. a proliferation of degrees has followed this wave of ‘environmentalism’, their focus has been on natural areas and the damage caused by human impacts. anthropogenic geomorphology deals with the special interaction between humans and the geographical environment which includes not only the physical constituents of the earth, but also the surface of the earth, its landforms and in particular the processes which operate to change it through time. since the 1970s in the research of the physical environment two, frequently intertwining trends are prominent. one of them investigates the changes in the natural environment induced by human economic intervention (which are oft en undesirable) along with their counter eff ects. the other aims at the quantitative and qualitative survey of the resources and potentials of the physical environment and the evaluation of also regionally varying geographical potentials. researchers reviewing the geomorphological literature of the last 40 years will gain the impression that the perception of man as a geomorphological agent is a fairly recent development. anthropogenic geomorphology is a new approach and practice to investigate our physical environment, because in the eighties the increasingly urgent demands from society against geography – ever more manifest due to the scientifi ctechnical revolution – underlined the tasks to promote effi ciently the rational utilization of natural resources and potentials, to achieve an environmental management satisfying social requirements and using opportunities. at the same time, anthropogenic geomorphology is a new challenge for geomorphologists, since environmental problems have an eff ect on several branches of science. anthropogenic geomorphology studies the huge – and an ever increasing – number of landform associations of extreme variety depending on the actual way and purpose of their creation by the human activity. the discipline also studies the surface 439 changes induced by these forms; moreover, predicts the consequences of disturbance of the natural equilibrium, and makes recommendations for preventing damages. therefore, anthropogenic geomorphology can also be regarded as an applied discipline, which helps to solve both social-economic issues and environmental protection and natural conservation problems. the editors and authors of the new hungarian text-book on anthropogenic geomorphology hold that mankind must be regarded as a direct geomorphological agent, for it has increasingly altered the conditions of denudation and aggradation of the earth's surface, and it has been becoming the major landscape sculpturing factor. anthropogenic geomorphology is regarded as an activity system and taught as such, therefore, it is believed that the various fi elds of science in environmental protection rank equal and an important part is assigned to anthropogenic geomorphology in the structure of our education. the organisation of the book follows this concept. aft er a general introduction into the aims and scope of this discipline, the individual chapters focus on the diff erent sectors of the human activity. the fi nal chapter intends to give a qualitative and quantitative summary of the human impact on the earth’s surface. professor andrew goudie has writt en in the book’s preface: ’this valuable book writt en by 14 hungarian researchers provides an overview of impacts from most types of human activity, demonstrates the value of an historical approach, and although it has a special emphasis on hungarian research, it provides examples from all over the world.’ lászló rétvári 440 since the disintegration of the ussr, the western world has shown an ever-growing interest in ukraine, its people and its economy. as the second-largest country in europe, ukraine has a strategic geographical position at the crossroads between europe and asia. it is a key country for the transit of energy resources from russia and central asia to the european union, which is one reason why ukraine has become a priority partner in the neighbourhood policy of the eu. ukraine has pursued a path towards the democratic consolidation of statehood, which encompasses vigorous economic changes, the development of institutions and integration into european and global political and economic structures. in a complex and controversial world, ukraine is building collaboration with other countries upon the principles of mutual understanding and trust, and is establishing initiatives aimed at the creation of a system that bestows international security. this recognition has prompted the institute of geography of the national academy of sciences of ukraine (kyiv) and the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences (budapest) to initiate cooperation, and the volume entitled “ukraine in maps” is the outcome of their joint eff ort. the intention of this publication is to make available the results of research conducted by ukrainian and hungarian geographers, to the english-speaking public. this atlas follows in the footsteps of previous publications from the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences. similar to the work entitled south eastern europe in maps (2005, 2007), it includes 64 maps, dozens of fi gures and tables accompanied by an explanatory text, writt en in a popular, scientifi c manner. the book is an att empt to outline the geographical sett ing and geopolitical context of ukraine, as well as its history, natural environment, population, sett lements and economy. the authors greatly hope that this joint venture will bring ukraine closer to the reader and make this neighbouring country to the european union more familiar, and consequently, more appealing. available! ukraine in maps edited by kocsis, k.–rudenko, l. and schweitzer, f. institute of geography national academy of sciences of ukraine geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences. budapest, 148 p. kyiv–budapest, 2008 -----------------------------------------price: eur 35.00 order: geographical research institute has library h-1554 budapest, pob. 130. e-mail: magyar@sparc.core.hu haynes, a., power, m.j., devereux, e., dillane, a. and carr, j. (eds.): public and political discourses of 437doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.65.4.11 hungarian geographical bulletin 65 2016 (4) haynes, a., power, m.j., devereux, e., dillane, a. and carr, j. (eds.): public and political discourses of migration: international perspectives. london, rowman & littlefield international, 2016. 302 p. whereas migration has been a key topic in geography and sociology already for some time, it could be expected that the events of 2015 will only serve its further growth. true, as this volume was finalised in september that year, we cannot expect it to have focused on the refugee crisis that reached its peak during exactly that month. the introduction as well as the conclusions nevertheless refer to the worldfamous image of aylan kurdi – a young boy fleeing or migrating to europe with his family – as he lies drowned on the mediterranean shores of turkey (p. xv; p. 227). the manner in which various acts of migration have been “discursively framed in recent times, and how that framing impacts on individual and collective lived experience, whether through formal policies or through more nebulous and often hostile public attitudes,” is what concerns the authors of this volume (p. xv). from the perspective of social sciences in hungary and central and eastern europe, an interesting feature of the book is its open and explicit positionality: “in terms of the politics of the contributions contained herein ... they are all supportive of migration” (p. xvi). such a transparent approach can be exemplary in a region where social scientists still too often think or at least work under the premise that objectivity is always necessary, or even desirable. the added value of not assuming that is reflected in the volume’s aim: “this text seeks to explore and problematise the relationship of discourse to issues of representation, and as such, highlights inequality, exclusion, subjugation, dominance and privilege in the context of migration” (p. xv, my emphasis). indeed, such a position implies an emancipatory character of the contribution, instead of simply providing a descriptive account of the state of affairs that can never be fully objective anyway. perhaps almost inevitably, such a position will also frame the analysis so that it will arrive at conclusions such as that “the mainstream media routinely circulate content which presents the migrant and migration in a predominantly negative light” (p. 225). while such a general statement is far-fetched (cf. the economist 2011; carvalho, p. 2015; harford, t. 2015; travis, a. 2016), it needs to be seen in the light of that “the book is not an exhaustive account of the phenomenon of migration. far from claiming to be definitive, this volume is unapologetically selective” (p. xvi). still, an extensive volume on migration in our days would benefit from at least touching upon, if not thoroughly engage with, influential conservative thinkers such as roger scruton (2015). the latter argued that “true conservatism seeks to maintain the authority of and public allegiance to the state... it encourages respect for the customs and institutions of civil society, including marriage and the family, religion,” etc. (freeman, s. 2016, p. 32). for scruton, liberalism “regards individual freedom and individuality as fundamental values,” and “thereby threatens to undermine the institutions that are the source of individuals’ identity as well as the bonds of their community” (freeman, s. 2016, p. 32). whether or not we agree with such criticisms of liberalism, we cannot fully ignore them in a time of their apparent growing influence. the volume should be interesting for central and eastern european scholars already for its methodology. while approaches differ, most chapters apply particular models of discourse analysis that are still relatively uncommon in our region. the editors understand discourse as “both an expression and a mechanism for power, by which particular social realities are conceived, made manifest, legitimated, naturalised, challenged, resisted and re-imagined” (p. xv). public and political discourses on migration are of key importance as “they are responsible for framing the issue, and for how, when and where it arrives on the public/political spectrum” (p. xvi). in other words, discourses can strongly influence public opinion and policy, which could well be observed in the ways the 2015 refugee crisis was framed in hungary (balogh, p. 2016). 438 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 433–446. the anthology includes fifteen case studies, fourteen of which focus on communities in a specific country (in one case, in two countries). six cases are on ireland; two on the uk; and one each on italy, the us, finland, israel, france/germany, and spain. from a geographic point of view, an interesting observation is made in chapter 1, which is less country-specific than the others. the point is made that arrivals by sea are emblematic and iconic of the more general coverage of migrations, and have a particular resonance. although (attempts at) crossing or circumventing fences at land borders can also be very dramatic, the drowning of thousands in the mediterranean and elsewhere indeed well illustrates the heightened vulnerability of people trying to move on huge water surfaces. a number of chapters deal with how various migrants, not least muslims, are ‘othered’ in political and public discourses. chapter 5 on finland particularly highlights the responsibility of public national media in maintaining the ideal of equality and integrity of various groups versus its involvement in the public exercise in othering. relatedly, chapter 7 on debates in the irish parliament argues that parliamentary discourses have a significant impact upon other institutions (such as the media) and upon the publics’ understanding of ‘illegal migration’. chapter 9 examines media depictions of roma communities in ireland, demonstrating how well-worn tropes regarding this group were circulated with ease, showing a lack of reflexivity on behalf of the media. raising these issues should be particularly relevant in the case of hungary. highly important for east central europe, chapter 8 studies how irish politicians constructed non-irish eu migrants to ireland during the period in which the irish economy turned from ‘boom to bust’. it concludes that politicians on all sides of the spectrum were not averse to perpetuating to frame migrant workers as an economic threat. the study also describes how pro-migrant policy-makers became ensnared in a reactive approach when the course of the debate was set by problematising the issue. again, there are some parallels here to hungary, where (despite a lack of economic recession) over the past year certain initially pro-migrant or at least hesitant politicians on the left were gradually giving in to hegemonic discourses. despite a number of challenges with integration, chapter 10 for instance describes more positive developments. in israel, namely, salsa music and dance has created and maintained a ‘pan-latin’ identity among latin american labour migrants, at the same time serving as a cultural interface for interaction with the hegemonic society. elsewhere, as detailed in chapter 13, commonly organised french-german exhibitions do not only deal with public negotiations of immigrant representations, but also form a cross-cultural stage for negotiation. the anthology’s conclusions (chapter 16) reflect on some possibilities and challenges of mobilising discourse as resistance. admittedly partisan, these consider the efficiency of different modes and means of disrupting and replacing anti-immigrant discourses. various opportunities for agency are discussed, targeting academics, policy-makers, civil society actors, online activists, and migrants themselves. the conclusions also mention hungary, whose policies towards refugees and migrants are contrasted to germany’s willkommenskultur (p. 227). this was indeed a fair description in september 2015, when the book was finalised. nevertheless, by the end of that year prime minister orbán’s stance has gained some acceptance throughout europe (higgins, a. 2015), with a number of western european countries introducing temporary border-controls within the schengen area. most recently, angela merkel has called for a burqa ban in germany and said the refugee crisis “must never be repeated,” while making her pitch for a fourth term as chancellor (dearden, l. 2016). whatever direction european migration debates and policies will be taking in the future, it is clear that the topic of refugees and migrants will need continued engagement by social scientists and others. in a climate of hardened debates, the present volume is an important a contribution. péter balogh1 r e f e r e n c e s balogh, p. 2016. the hungarian referendum on eu migrant quotas: fidesz´s popularity at stake. baltic worlds, september 25. available at: http:// balticworlds.com/the-hungarian-referendum-oneu-migrant-quotas/ (accessed 09.12.2016) carvalho, p. 2015. why migrants may be our greatest economic asset. abc news, april 21. available at: http://www.abc.net.au/news/2015-04-21/carvalhowhy-migrants-may-be-our-greatest-economicasset/6409042 (accessed 09.12.2016) dearden, l. 2016. angela merkel calls for burqa ban ‘wherever legally possible’ in germany. independent, december 6. available at: http:// www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/ germany-burqa-burka-ban-veils-angela-merkelcdu-muslims-speech-refugee-crisis-elections-termvote-a7458536.html (accessed 09.12.2016) freeman, s. 2016. the enemies of roger scruton. new york review of books, lxiii, april 21, 32–34. harford, t. 2015. the real benefits of migration. financial times, october 23. available at: https:// 1 institute for regional studies, hungarian academy of sciences (cers-has), pécs, hungary. e-mail: baloghp@rkk.hu 439book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 433–446. www.ft.com/content/20d5c9f6-7768-11e5-a95a27d368e1ddf7 (accessed 09.12. 2016) higgins, a. 2015. hungary’s migrant stance, once denounced, gains some acceptance. the new york times, december 20. available at: http://www. nytimes.com/2015/12/21/world/europe/hungaryviktor-orban-migrant-crisis.html?_r=0 (accessed 09.12.2016) scruton, r. 2015. fools, frauds and firebrands: thinkers of the new left. london, bloomsbury. the economist 2011. drain or gain? the economist, may 26. available at: http://www.economist.com/ node/18741763 (accessed 09.12.2016) travis, a. 2016. mass eu migration into britain is actually good news for uk economy. the guardian, february 18. https://www.theguardian.com/uknews/2016/feb/18/mass-eu-migration-into-britainis-actually-good-news-for-uk-economy (accessed 09.12.2016) 281book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 281–289.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.70.3.6 hungarian geographical bulletin 70 2021 (3) b o o k r e v i e w s e c t i o n in the era of anthropocene, it is important to synthesise and uncover the relationship between humans and nature throughout the past centuries. the timing could not be better to resurrect the history of the recently unstable permafrost zone at the timeliness of global climate change. investigating the changing permafrost is considered a hot topic in light of the positive feedback loop it may cause in the climate system. in the 21st century, permafrost is recognised as a ‘time bomb’ in relation to the climate change. due to the rapid temperature rise this mostly high-latitude area of the world is thawing. during this process, microorganisms decompose the detritus of plants and animals which had been frozen underground. as a result, carbon dioxide and methane are released, increasing the amount of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere, which intensifies warming (schuur, e. et al. 2015). the question may arise how something can change and be so unstable if its name implies it is permanent. such terminological problems are rooted in the epistemological and ontological dialectic permeating the history of research on frozen earth. the complex processes during the life cycle of permafrost embrace many phenomena inseparable from each other, including nature itself and culture, society and political ideology. therefore, science must be put in its place, by exploring the local and national context of knowledge production. the volume addresses questions around the various conceptualisations of frozen earth throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. it recovers the multiple ontologies of permafrost, mainly in terms of whether it is a structure, a space, or a condition. related questions include how the discourse has evolved and what kind of social and political phenomena and which scientific disciplines have contributed to shaping it. finally, the author discusses what we can gain by recognising the multiple aspects of permafrost. the book contains five main chapters, each divided into four subsections and a conclusion. chu reveals the birth of frozen earth as an object of scientific research, the challenges of applied study, encapsulated debates, the adaptation of scholars to environmental and political conditions, and, lastly, the broad adoption of related terminologies. the chapters focus on how the term of frozen earth has been academised by extending it with adjectives and word collocations, which have changed over time according to the different motivations of scientists studying permafrost. the author uses a metaphor to bring this process closer to the reader, describing the life cycle of permafrost by comparing it to a butterfly. in the introduction, the author explains her aims and puts the subject in its spatial and temporal context. most importantly, she declares her goal is neither to cast doubt on the legitimacy of permafrost as a scientific term, nor to decide which concept of permafrost is more valid, but to historise the notion of permafrost, the altering scientific context of which she presents in the following chapters. the first chapter (mapping) is dealing with the embryonic phase of the concept of permafrost in 19th-century russian empire, when the first expeditions took place to siberia. according to that, scholars were aimed at providing a synthetised conceptualisation of frozen earth and its relationship to climate, physical geography, and the history of earth. the frozen condition of the land became a research subject chu, p-y.: the life of permafrost: a history of frozen earth in russian and soviet science. toronto– buffalo–london, university of toronto press, 2020. 288 p. 282 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 281–289. on its own right, with a specific geographical distribution, covered by a growing network of observation stations. this approach fit siberia into the empirewide and global perspective. these efforts also were in line with a humboldtian approach to science. yet, there was disagreement about what is actually being investigated: earth, ice, space, condition, or all aspects as a whole? the first scientific names were born in the russian empire, but in german language: boden-eis or ‘soil ice,’ referring to a substance, and eis-boden or ‘ice soil,’ referring to a space. in fact, a dialectic was created between the application of the concept as a component of earth system, and understanding it as an aggregate physical structure, a substance. in chapter two (building), frozen earth emerges as an object of engineering related to a physical-geographical structure, the ground. the leaders of the russian empire decided to improve infrastructure to encourage the development in eastern siberia. therefore, they undertook construction works at a very large scale, often without proper scientific knowledge and methodology. russian engineers were the first to confront with permafrost conditions like swamps, bogs, peatlands and icings, damaging and deforming already set up infrastructures. the chapter presents that imperial engineers explicitly urged for an applied research on frozen earth, the soil science of roads. this practice continued after the bolshevik revolution along the 1167-kilometre amur-yakutia highway. during this stage, an epistemology oriented to the needs of engineering strengthened only the one side of the dialectic of permafrost. chapters three and four (defining and adapting) concentrate on what one may call the ‘pupal’ stage of the historical life of permafrost. at this phase, a scientific name and definition was formulated in the soviet union by the scientist mikhail sumgin. eventually, his adaptation vechnaia merzlota gave rise to the english word permafrost. however, the definition generated controversies. chapter three focuses on the debate between sumgin, who regarded the phenomenon as permanent from the (anthropocentric) point of view of human life, and his rival, a gifted geographer, sergei parkhomenko, who considered merzlota a process formed in geologically recent times, taking thus a geocentric approach. chapter four reveals the process by which the definition started to spread. pakhomenko’s goal was to establish the correct fundamentals for understanding frozen earth, while sumgin concentrated on producing knowledge that contributed to the development of the soviet economy in a relatively short time. according to the needs of civil engineering, sumgin’s approach gained priority, which also embodied in the first full-fledged institute for frozen earth research. in those years, the centralisation of science in the ussr left no room for multiple conceptions of frozen earth. sumgin’s interpretation of frozen earth was in line with the major objectives of the soviet state, which conceptually separated humans from nature, thereby implying the former being capable of conquering the latter, dramatically transforming landscapes to suite them to needs of the national economy and to get access to its treasures. in this approach, the environment was defined as both an enemy and a mystery. this chapter guides the reader to the conclusion that soviets did not conquer the nature, just adapted to the conditions it provided, which was an economically better move than to eliminate the perennial frozen ground. the author also argues that soviet scientists, by focusing on industrial development, contributed to the generation of waste and pollution that endangered human and non-human lives, which cannot be ignored. chapter five (translating) puts the reader in front of the adult stage of the notion of permafrost in the postwwii cold war period, when the concept started to spread internationally, although the framework and the subject of this new scientific field lacked a clear definition. after sumgin’s death, the post-stalinist ideological revival provided space for younger scientists in the soviet union (especially grigoriev, redozubov and shvetsov) to revive the alternative understandings of frozen earth. they promoted the concept of frozen earth as a space, the cryolithozone. they also involved the heat exchange as the key of the process, while employing some principles of marxism-leninism, which resulted in a concept of universal consistency rather than an ad hoc and oversimplified concept. yet, the general circumstances did not allow the new generation’s ideas to become dominant, neither in the ussr, nor abroad. by then, sumgin’s views had already taken roots internationally, mainly in the united states, due to which permafrost became the scope of a programme by the military geology unit. although translations by russian speaking earth scientists tried to highlight problems in terminology, the sumginian term corresponded well to the army’s practical needs, as its simplicity facilitated quick communication, similarly to the case of russian-soviet infrastructure development programmes. according to my subjective evaluation, the life of permafrost is a significant contribution not only to environment history but to history of science and to geography as well. it successfully responds to social, ideological, environmental, and linguistic challenges of the topic widely known as permafrost. human interactions with the environment mainly take the form of adaptation of the former to conditions of the latter. poorly prepared, forced construction megaprojects and agriculture-related activities had already caused, or will cause, problems that we are not yet aware of. the book focuses on the russian empire and the soviet union, but with the rise of soviet influence, the whole communist eastern europe was caught up 283book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 281–289. in the sovietisation of science and policy, including forced industrialisation, the cultivation of new crops like cotton and lemon, and related water management projects (turnock, d. 1996; pavlínek, p. and pickles, j. 2004). the landscape changes caused by mining (lintz, g. et al. 2007), the altered hydrological and ecological conditions resulting from the installation of hydroelectric power stations (balon, e.k. and holčík, j. 1999; ; trásy, b. et al. 2018) and the provision of irrigation to meet the needs of agriculture (ujházy, n. and biró, m. 2018) have led to irreversible environmental changes. the damming or diversion of rivers has extensively disturbed ecosystems as well as the interaction between surface water and groundwater (trásy, b. et al. 2018). the installation of nuclear power plants may raise security issues due to insufficient knowledge on, and sometimes unjustified underestimation of, quaternary tectonism, e.g. the potential reactivation of pre-existing shear zones, and seismicity (tóth, t. and horváth, f. 1997; bada, g. et al. 2007). thus, there is a risk that excessive environmental transformation and exploitation may backfire later. in conclusion, i found this book very informative. the quality is greatly enhanced by the author’s style, which makes the book easy to read. it is illustrated by maps and diagrams from former researchers which well support the arguments of the author. the research behind the study was built on a forceful combination of scholarly literature, archival sources and powerful storytelling that brought permafrost to life, while also employing most recent scientific findings on global climate change. oversimplifications like ‘melting permafrost’ may cause false imaginaries of the climate change, which affects education and political decisions as well. in line with these, the author’s comments on the current use of the term permafrost are entirely valid. the framework of anthropocene evokes humans as a geological force that leaves an imprint not only on the earth’s atmosphere, but also on its soils, water bodies, and living nature (steffen, w. et al. 2007), manifested as antropogeomorphology (granados aguilar, r. et al. 2020). that is in harmony with the author’s final thoughts, that the elements of the environment may be studied, learned from, lived with, and perhaps mourned, but neither saved nor conquered. i do believe this volume will encourage further research on environmental history and history of science in other regions of the world that are underrepresented in mainstream global scholarly literature. fruzsina gresina1 1 elte eötvös loránd university, institute of geography and earth sciences, department of landscape and environmental geography, budapest, hungary; elkh, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences, geographical institute, budapest, hungary. e-mail: gresina.fruzsina@csfk.org r e f e r e n c e s bada, g., horváth, f., dövényi, p., szafián, p., windhoffer, g. and cloetingh, s. 2007. presentday stress field and tectonic inversion in the pannonian basin. global and planetary change 58. (1–4): 165–180. balon, e.k. and holčík, j. 1999. gabčíkovo river barrage system: the ecological disaster and economic calamity for the inland delta of the middle danube. environmental biology of fishes 54. 1–17. granados aguilar, r., owens, r. and giardino, j.r. 2020. the expanding role of anthropogeomorphology in critical zone studies in the anthropocene. geomorphology 366. (1): 107165. illyová, m., beracko, p., vranovský, m. and matečný, i. 2017. long-term changes in copepods assemblages in the area of the danube floodplain (slovak–hungarian stretch). limnologica 65. 22–33. lintz, g., müller, b. and schmude, k. 2007. the future of industrial cities and regions in central and eastern europe. geoforum 38. (3): 512–519. pavlínek, p. and pickles, j. 2004. environmental pasts/environmental futures in post-socialist europe. environmental politics 13. (1): 237–265. schuur, e., mcguire, a., schädel, c., et al. 2015. climate change and the permafrost carbon feedback. nature 520. 171–179. steffen, w., crutzen, w.j. and mcneill, j.r. 2007. the anthropocene: are humans now overwhelming the great forces of nature? ambio: a journal of the human environment 36. (8): 614–621. tóth, t. and horváth, f. 1997. neotectonic investigations by high resolution seismic profiling. in seismic safety of the paks nuclear power plant. eds.: marosi, s. and meskó, a., budapest, akadémiai kiadó, 123–152. trásy, b., kovács, j., hatvani, i.g., havril, t., németh, t., scharek, p. and szabó, cs. 2018. assessment of the interaction between surfaceand groundwater after the diversion of the inner delta of the river danube (hungary) using multivariate statistics. anthropocene 22. 51–65. turnock, d. 1996. agriculture in eastern europe: communism, the transition and the future. geojournal 38. (2): 137-149. ujházy, n. and biró, m. 2018. the ‘cursed channel’: utopian and dystopian imaginations of landscape transformation in twentieth-century hungary. journal of historical geography 61. 1–16. glückler, j., ries, m. and schmid, h.: kreative ökonomie. perspektiven schöpferischer arbeit in der stadt heidelberg 307 l i t e r a t u r e hungarian geographical bulletin 60 (3) (2011) pp. 307–309. glückler, j., ries, m. and schmid, h.: kreative ökonomie. perspektiven schöpferischer arbeit in der stadt heidelberg (creative economy. prospects of creative work in the city of heidelberg). geographisches institut der universität heidelberg, 2010. heidelberg. 204 p. (series: heidelberger geographische arbeiten. issue 131) heidelberger geographische arbeiten (heidelberg geographical studies) is a series of research papers published at the university of heidelberg, an excellent university in badenwürtt emberg, germany. since the 1956 fi rst volume, more than ten dozens of scientifi c studies have been released by the university’s institute of geography, an internationally renowned workshop of geography and earth sciences. in accord with the wide variety of research topics the local academic staff is involved in, the volumes give a picture of the whole cross-section of the discipline from geomorphology and biogeography to political, cultural and economic geography. among the issues, multi-author textbooks as well as phd dissertations and products of multi-party research projects are to be found. the latest, 131st issue is also belonging to the last category: it contains scientifi c results that precipitated during a 2009–2010 research project initiated and fi nanced by the city of heidelberg. the book deals with the topic of creative work that has become a popular issue in social researches and is now regarded by decision-makers as a potential engine of economic growth. in particular, the volume focuses on the prospects of creative work in the city of heidelberg that is living in a deep symbiosis with the oldest university of germany. while doing so, the authors not only pay att ention to ‘creative economy’ in a narrow sense (including no more than cultural and creative industries), but consider all creative and innovative aspects of ‘economic events’. a necessary consequence of this broad focus is a comparative evaluation of theoretical concepts on related issues, which forms the fi rst thematic bloc of the volume. aft er the three-sector model investigating cultural production along types of sponsorship, approaches defi ning cultural and creative economies as a sum of strictly-defi ned economic branches are presented. concepts concentrating on cultural value chains and richard florida’s concept on the creative class are also described and evaluated. finally, a new theoretical framework is introduced: it basically follows the three-sector model in logic, but takes into consideration all sorts of creative work in all economic branches, while excluding not-creative activities within branches conventionally regarded as cultural and creative economies. 308 the theoretical introduction is followed by a thorough empirical analysis of creative economy in heidelberg. first, the importance of public sector is presented. for german cities, a strong positive correlation between per capita economic production and per capita expenditures on culture is revealed. heidelberg is also no exception, but has extremely high values in related investments. no wonder that high local demand for culture meets profound satisfaction with supply. more than half of all expenditures on culture, however, originate not from public sources. therefore, the following chapter concentrates on the role of private sector in typical branches of cultural and creative economies. results reveal a high proportion of those employed in these branches in heidelberg compared to the national average. this is foremost due to a number of highly competitive companies in book and soft ware markets, intensively cooperating with each other, and forming the backbone of cultural economy in heidelberg; advertisement and architecture are identifi ed as rapidly emerging branches. although most enterprises are located in the historic old town of heidelberg, they are strongly embedded in the regional market. statistics are even more remarkable if all employees belonging to the creative class are considered. this category includes almost two-thirds of all employees in heidelberg. the high ratio can be traced back foremost to science, research and development. here, the leading role is that of the 625-year-old ruprecht karls university with its 18,200 employees and 28,000 students, and gross expenditures reaching about 1.2 billion euros annually. academic sector in heidelberg, however, also embraces several colleges and research institutes. it means altogether 23,000 workplaces and 1.4 billion euros. with other words, the academic sphere is a decisive segment of local economy, and not only directly. the number of jobs only created by secondary eff ects of the university’s expenditure can be estimated at some further 6,700 within the region. the authors devote a whole chapter to the role of patronage. the issue is of especial interest since the old university town off ers relatively few opportunities for art education. unlike the nearby mannheim, heidelberg has no art academies; it is diffi cult for young artists to emerge. moreover, the town that is well-known for high real estate prices due to limited supply off ers few spaces for art activities. thus, local creative production is reliant on patrons as well. in this sense, circumstances are optimal. local households own a big and constantly increasing amount of assets; the relative number of foundations is similarly high. on the one hand, the latt er phenomenon is to be thanked to several extremely rich persons, who are from and emerged in the region, and regard patronage of local culture their moral duty. on the other hand, this sort of philanthropy can also be seen as prudent investment; investment in creative projects of creative artists and creative researchers. the latt er category is especially important in heidelberg: almost half of all philanthropic expenditures fl ow into science, which is an outstandingly high proportion in interregional and international comparisons. the authors reveal causes through network analysis. they show that the 68 local advisory boards in diff erent spheres and branches are characterized by strong inner centre-periphery structures, where network centers are dominated by representatives of scientifi c life. in general, the volume can serve as useful and interesting reading for several reasons. the well-structured theoretical overview can be used well by those interested in conceptual issues of creativity and culture and their economic aspects. the detailed empirical analysis off ers information for everybody who wants to learn more about practical issues of creative economy, about methodological challenges of conducting such researches, or simply about the city of heidelberg. hopefully the volume will give inspiration to decision-makers and researchers in other countries to fi nance and conduct similarly well-founded and useful case studies on the local economic importance of creative work. ferenc gyuris 6_book reviews.indd 73book review section – book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 73–78.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.69.1.6 hungarian geographical bulletin 69 2020 (1) kerényi, a. and mcintosh, r.w.: sustainable development in changing complex earth systems. springer, cham, 2020. 292 p. b o o k r e v i e w s e c t i o n extracting and collating relevant information from the vast amount of knowledge revealed by science is the key to ensure the sustainability of humaninfluenced future. the sustainable development goals (sdgs), formulated as part of the 2030 agenda for sustainable development, identify 17 focus groups – sets of challenges – across different disciplines. springer has organised a series of publications around these 17 major topics, dedicated 17+1 subseries to them. as part of the sustainable development goals series the global processes are measured by means of general system theories in this book. the foreword by dénes lóczy (university of pécs, hungary) reminds the reader of the fundamental problems of the terrestrial environment and of conflict situations resulting from the activities of human society which significantly shape the chances for sustainable sevelopment. the purpose of the authors, attila kerényi and richard william mcintosh (university of debrecen, hungary), is to introduce and systematise all factors (geographical, environmental, social, economic and geopolitical issues) influencing sustainable development. the book summarises in seven chapters the state of knowledge using system theory tools and provides a clear logical approach to the background of the present environmental, geographical, socio-economic and geopolitical state of the world. in addition to examining the status quo based on the interactions between society and environment, it also presents the international trends of development. when they describe and explain relevant processes, the authors move a step back and examine the same processes from a distance. they clearly present their personal point of view in a number of topics throughout the work and often point out essential shortcomings in the internationally accepted views on global trends as well. chapter 1 explores both the process of the changing terrestrial environment and the historical evolution of the sustainable development concept. it provides a comprehensive picture of the geopolitical and economic efforts and achievements of global institutions such as the world committee on environment and development of the united nations (un) that have achieved a major shift in social and economic attitudes along globalisation trends and have pushed long-term economic development processes in a more positive direction towards sustainable progress. chapter 2 introduces in detail and in a textbook style general system theory and its applicability to better presenting and understanding global earth systems. this chapter is not just a summary for professionals familiar with system theory. in addition to providing definitions, the necessary mathematical contexts, examples of the operation of systems is highlighted to illustrate the basic system theory principles needed for a comprehensive understanding the oncoming chapters of the book (classification, topology, system models and model making, earth models). it describes different types of earth models, such as the prem model, global climate simulation models, gaia, the “world models”, the models of the global human society, without discussing the deeper mathematical and physicochemical relationships in detail. supplemented with explanations in the text, the illustrations in this chapter are easy to comprehend. complex topics are presented in a clear language to the reader. 74 book review section – book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 73–78. 73–78. in chapters 3–5, using system theory, the book provides the subsystems that make up global earth systems, their processes as well as the operation of the social and political systems that control them. chapter 3 focuses exclusively on the presentation of impact processes in the geosphere, manifested by a few widely-known events (natural catastrophes) in the past, along with the effects of the impact processes originating from the geosphere hotspots. this chapter concludes with the theory presented by authors that post-disaster reconstruction entails the potential for sustainable development. it would be interesting as well to present a systematic examination of this theory – similarly to other cases treated in the book – so that the audience can gain a deeper insight into the motivations of the actors involved in the reconstruction works and what kind of influence they have on the processes of implementation of the relevant sd tools. chapters 4 and 5 introduce and examine the internal processes of the global environmental system based on physical and chemical principles in different spheres along with the effects that determine human interactions in global and local human communities (anthroposphere). subchapter 4.1.1, written by mcintosh, displays the general internal changes caused by natural and anthropogenic processes in the crust. it discusses the physical effects caused by energy and raw material demand, as well as the main cross-system processes (e.g. co2 emissions, acid rain, deforestation and groundwater overuse) between spheres induced by the extraction of raw materials through the example of major fuels (coal, natural oil, gas and uranium) and key industrial feedstock (minerals of modern technology). each subchapter describes the main geopolitical and economic background and driving forces as well. the following subchapters analyse, from the viewpoint of general system theory, the material flows of a population, the expected population growth and, as a consequence, the negative interactions and conflicts between the shrinking natural environment and the expanding built environment, such as loss of territory or loss of ecological corridors which maintain landscape connectivity. it is claimed that the tendency of spatial evolution of human society is clearly recognisable: based on infrastructural and economic factors „cities became a dominant place of life and their significance will only rise”. these will lead to a range of conflicts since urban infrastructure cannot be expanded further and badly needed sustainable solutions (appropriate sewage treatment and green areas, overloaded traffic infrastructure indicated air pollution and noise loads) will not be found within such a short time. afterwards the reader receives abundant information on the evolution of the sustainable development approach in cities, mentioning the background institutions and international associations, civil engagement which provide a platform for good practices to increase the liveability of settlements. in subchapter 4.2, with the tools of system theory, authors describe soil degradation as a result of multiple anthropogenic impacts and the principle environmental problems induced by intensive agriculture. system diagrams illustrate the processes that exceed the primary systems. the author mentions the problems of intensive animal farming, leaching and acidification of soils and the use of wide-range pesticides, describes the material flows, but does not consider water demand in the study of material flows (figure 4.4), despite the fact that one of the fundamental issues of intensive plant cultivation and cattle breeding is sustainable water use. (in other contexts, however, water issues are mentioned in subchapter 4.3.) subchapters 4.4 and 4.5 focus on human-induced changes in the carbon cycle and on its inevitable consequences on climate change. it informs about the changes in biodiversity during the five most significant periods of extinction of the geological history, and cites the results (living planet index) of wwf’s observations of recent times. the book also tackles geographically large-scale changes e.g. loss of vegetation cover (deforestation), vanishing coral reefs through oil and chemical pollution, increasing water temperature and physical destruction, and provides detailed information on the efforts towards biologically sustainable fishing. a significant part of these regional changes are the result of anthropogenic modifications in the atmosphere associated with increased concentrations of greenhouse gases. kerényi presents the development of global climate models; the ippc’s efforts to provide a broad, detailed multidisciplinary process review, as well as a very topical issue: the economically generated geopolitical aspirations of new resource-rich areas made accessible by climate change. although authors examine earth-scale models, in order to illustrate the impact processes, several examples are listed from around the world. amongst the international cases, it would be interesting for the hungarian reader to learn about positive examples from hungary, such as the good practice of pécs city creating a low traffic and partially strict pedestrian zone in the entire city centre, which was a progressive local measure to improve air quality and quiet area similar to those cited for new york, london, sydney and vancouver. in chapter 6 the various sdgs related to proposals for solutions based on geopolitical conventions of the un and engagement are outlined. a number of significant goals and their feasibility are discussed, e.g. renewing education, sustainable economic growth, decreasing inequalities, making peace among different religious and cultural civilisations. besides this, the main issues are highlighted in a more complex view (in subchapter 6.7), in which the essential approaches are discussed in the context of the predictable evolution scenarios of human society. authors devote a separate chapter to the description of the 75book review section – book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 73–78. theory of the “second curve” as the development scenario of human society, as well as to the favourable globalisation of higher education through open online courses and to the achievements of meadows and his research team (massachusetts institute of technology) in the field of establishing sd criteria in the early 20th century. in addition, the possible development paths and their general criteria, shortcomings and the remaining (quite a few) unresolved issues, such as stabilising population growth are also highlighted. the conclusions (chapter 7) focuses on these unresolved problems. by examining the 17 areas of acting identified by un regarding the 2030 agenda for sustainable development, it points out the shortcomings of systems and institutions needed for implementation, the inherent and human-based weaknesses, and the conflicts of interest of relevant actors. authors see the potential for advancing local and regional solutions of problems arising from social differences and inconsistencies in religious and political views. they use the “think global, act local” approach repeatedly in their suggested solutions, but they fail to provide a real solution either. they also observe sceptically the real long-term benefits of increased global connectivity and stability, and, in general, the long-term sustainability of the current globalised system. the chapter concludes that humanity, despite technological evolution, cannot neglect the continuous development of the individual through an advanced education system. it shows that speeding up environmental and social changes leads to accelerated changes in the probability and risk severity top charts of threats – presented in tables 7.1 and 7.2 as results of world economic forum’s risk assessment –, meanwhile the speed of problem recognition cannot keep pace which makes adequate intervention difficult. it proves, that the technocratic approach alone does not respond to the negative processes of the late 21st century, but it can also result in significant, unpredictable social changes, to the realisation that small achievements in different areas are important but might not be sufficient for an effective global solution. the book itself is structured proportionately as regards topics and navigates easily between subchapters. the size of the figures, tables and pictures does not hinder their interpretation, and the references to them are correct. the experience of reading is enhanced by the application of grey-coloured boxes that supply easy-to-understand, actual background information from context, providing examples and insights from public life that are related to the topic of the chapter. the relevance of the book is confirmed by the enumeration of the conventions and institutions that have emerged in recent decades as a result of the global economic and world political endeavours also presented in the book. the most important ones, such as the brundtland report and ippc, appear repeatedly in the relevant chapters, not only as mentions, but adequately explained in each chapter. this increases both the general readability of the book and the understanding of finer details. based on the above remarks, this book is well suited for shaping the attitudes of diverse expertise of the thematic areas of sustainable development. in addition, it can be used as a widely disseminated educational material in higher education, since it summarises the knowledge of certain disciplines, and encourages the reader to synthesise and to disclose the relationships between them. you should not be an expert in every subject to understand the essential messages of the book, because it is logically well structured and presents all required information from a wide range of areas of expertise. the system processes presented through widely known examples encourage the reader to think beyond and may induce excellent discussions between experts. the opinions and remarks of the authors emphasise the importance of sustainable development goals implementation throughout the book, while consistently advocating the importance of peaceful solutions and tackling social inequalities. ágnes óvári1 1 doctoral school of earth sciences, university of pécs, pécs, hungary. e-mail: ovari.agnes@krtk.mta.hu measuring and interpreting emigration intentions of hungarians 361siska-szilasi, b. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 361–368.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.65.4.5 hungarian geographical bulletin 65 2016 (4) 361–368. introduction hungary has been strongly affected by international migration recently and problems associated with it. although the hungarian government and media predominantly focus on the issue of immigration, we should not ignore the growing number of hungarians who left the country (emigrated) which also generates serious problems for the economy and society (illés, s. 2008). the main objective of this paper is to examine the emigration intentions of hungarians via empirical research methods. we would like to know which social groups and which geographic areas are the most affected by possible emigration, and what are the main triggering factors of migrants planning to leave the country. though, the topic of emigration intentions among young people has been increasingly on the agenda in the media little has been said so far about the possible measurement of the process (marien, a. 2015). during our research we carried out a questionnaire survey among hungarian people regarding their migration intentions. through this survey the following research questions are anwered: 1. is emigration a selective process in hungary? 2. which social and demographic groups are the most affected? 3. what are the spatial differences of planned emigration within hungary? 4. are there any differences between rural and urban areas in this respect? 5. what are the main push factors behind the emigration intentions of people? the growing importance of international migration in hungary the bulk of academic literature on migration focuses on models of international migration with special attention to push and pulls factors (portes, a. and böröcz, j. 1989). most of these studies come to the conclusion that behind long-distance migration processes we usually find economic factors closely remeasuring and interpreting emigration intentions of hungarians beáta s i s k a -s z i l a s i , tibor k ór ód i and péter va d n a i abstract international migration and problems associated with it attracted increasing attention among geographers. hungary has been affected by various forms of international migration since the systemic changes of 1990. this paper focuses on the emigration intentions of hungarians, with special emphasis on regional differences, and age and gender dimensions. for the sake of analysis a questionnaire survey was carried out which resulted a database containing the answers of nearly 10 thousand respondents nationwide. during the survey we measured socio-economic status, age, gender, migrations intentions and previous migration records. subjective quality of life factors, like happiness and satisfaction which may influence the migration intentions were also recorded. based on the survey the main push factors of potential migration were defined. our results confirm a more globalised pattern of migration intentions where women are at least as much involved in the process of preparation as men, and regions with good economic performance are equally affected as regions with economic hardship. keywords: international migration, labour mobility, emigration intention index, post-socialism, hungary 1 institute of geography and geoinformatics, university of miskolc, h-3515 miskolc, egyetemváros. e-mails: ecobea@uni-miskolc.hu; ecokt@uni-miskolc.hu; ecovape@uni-miskolc.hu siska-szilasi, b. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 361–368.362 lated to employment opportunities and labour market conditions of the home country (dayton-johnson, j. et al. 2009). international migration has been steadily growing in the world. in europe the number of migrants was 64.1 million in 2005, while in north america 44.5 million. increasing part of the european migration flows migration was stemming from east central europe (ece), a geographical area that includes the former communistbloc countries (including hungary) (robila, m. 2010). another important issue often discussed in the literature is the growing complexity of migration. previous concepts cannot always been used for explaining new forms of movements (salt, j. 2001). countries can be predominantly sending (e.g. india, china) or receiving (e.g. usa, australia) areas of international migration or as the case of hungary demonstrates they can fit to both categories (lakatos-báldy, zs. 2011). international migration has several advantages for the host and the sending countries (nyáradi, g. 2011). the emigration intention is mostly determined by economic factors, but among young people the role of study abroad is also important (hidasi, j. 2011). focusing on youth migration the active youth in hungary research group examined the migration intentions of hungarian university students. the study focused on future plans of students about working abroad. the research found that while in 2013 about onethird of the hungarian students planned emigration, by 2015 this ratio increased by 37 percent (szabó, a. 2015). other case-studies on migration intentions of university students showed similar results. in a study about the university of pécs, two-thirds of respondents planned international emigration (rohr, a. 2012). the identity research workgroup of national minorities in zenta (serbia) made a similar research among high school students in 2010. results showed that 25 percent of the students wanted to go abroad after graduation. in 2013 the hungarian demographic research institute (népességtudományi kutatóintézet, nki) interviewed 1,500 people and calculated a 33 percent cumulative migration potential among young people. similarly, the “omnibusz” survey of tárki social research institute showed that in april, 2012, 39 percent of the young people (age between 18–29) wanted to go and stay abroad for a couple of weeks or months. almost 40 percent wanted to work abroad for a couple of years and almost 25 percent of them planned permanent residence abroad. examining the emigration statistics of the eu countries based on data of the eurostat, the emigration of hungarians does not seem to be very high. 20 out of the 28 member states of the european union have higher emigration rate than hungary, including those more developed western european countries. france, sweden, england and austria are all ahead of hungary regarding the rate of emigration. however, since these countries have a continuous supply of human resources due to substantial immigration, emigration does not make a serious problem for them. on the other hand, even a more modest emigration rate can cause serious concern in hungary, as population loss caused by emigration is exacerbated by an aging population which is not compensated by immigration. previous research results already showed that the intensity of emigration continuously grew in hungary, especially among highly educated people (sik, e. 1999; langer-rédei, m. et al. 2011; blaskó, zs. et al. 2014; blaskó, zs. and gödri, i. 2014; dabasi halász, zs. and hegyi kéri, á. 2015; molnár, j. et al. 2015; hárs. á. 2016). in the case of the six main destination countries (usa, canada, australia, germany, united kingdom and france) the number of emigrants exceeded 100,000 in 2000 (egedy, t and kovács, z. 2011). recently, the number of migrants has multiplied. while before 2007 3,000–4,000 people left hungary annually, in 2008 this figure jumped to 9,500 and since then it has been growing steadily. the increase became more and more dramatic, while in 2011 a total of 15,100 hungarians moved abroad, in 2012 this figure was already 22,800 and in 2013 it went up to 34,691. we must also note that these figures are the offi363siska-szilasi, b. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 361–368. cial data of eurostat, and they are likely to be under-represented because of the difficulty of measuring migration. thus, the number of hungarians who live, work or study abroad is probably higher. measuring migration intentions, research method and data the measurement of international migration is not an easy task. due to the expansion of the eu and the schengen area the registration of migrants became more and more difficult, because neither passport, nor visa is required to cross international borders anymore. it is also problematic that international migration statistics focus exclusively on quantitative issues, and they do not deal with the characteristics of migrants. however, it is necessary to understand the process and the motivations of participants, in order to find policy responses for the negative effects associated with it. in the light of these it is easy to understand that more emphasis should be placed on measuring migration intentions and estimating future migration flows. of course, we can try to outline future trends with analysis of time-series data, but based on recent experiences, there could be a lot of unforeseen variables which affect the process and question the reliability of the method. in addition, if the basic data are just estimated or there is some inaccuracy, the future trend calculated from these data could differ from reality. therefore, we have decided to use empirical research method (i.e. questionnaire survey) to measure the emigration intentions of hungarians. this method helped us not only to estimate the level of emigration in the near future, but we also got information about the reasons and motivations. in addition, the questionnaire survey shed light on the role of subjective factors (e.g. happiness and satisfaction), which allowed us to find out if subjective or objective quality of life factors have more influence on migration intentions in hungary. to meet the challenges of representative data it is important to achieve a high number of respondents. during the combination of field survey and online questionnaire survey finally we received nearly 10,000 filled forms. due to the large number of respondents, the limited human resources and time, we had to make the fieldwork as efficient as possible. the easiest way was to keep the questionnaire as short and concise as possible. to fill out the questionnaire it took about 2–5 minutes on average. before the survey dozens of test questionnaires were filled out by persons also with or without relevant professional experience of surveying. according to the original plan, a random generator selected the sample areas where surveys would have taken place on site. given the fact that international migration affects mainly urban residents, and more than a third of hungary’s population lives in the county seats, we decided that only these cities were subject to random selection. it also seemed to be a good decision, because during the field surveys we could easily find people in the county seats, who live in the county but not in the seat (i.e. main centre), ensuring balanced spatial distribution. during the field survey we collected a total of 6,461completed questionnaires. in order to reach the appropriate response rate at the national level (one respondents per thousand people), we also launched an online questionnaire survey. during the design we took into consideration that young people are the most affected by emigration in hungary (sansum-molnár, j. 2012), therefore, the online questionnaire was sent out mainly to higher education institutions. finally, a total of 3,372 filled questionnaires were received through the online survey. thus, the total number of respondents in our sample was 9,833, which provided a solid basis for deeper analysis. main findings of research emigration intentions by gender and age due to the size and nation-wide coverage of the sample the representativeness of our data can be considered high. also, during siska-szilasi, b. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 361–368.364 the sampling the group of university and college students was paid special attention, and they are slightly over-represented. the measurement of the emigration intentions of students is really a crucial issue because the loss caused by the emigration of young people, whether it is a short or long-term stay, or permanent move, has an immediate impact on the economy and society (siska-szilasi, b. et al. 2016). in terms of gender distribution women are slightly overrepresented (ration of female respondent was 55.2%) in our sample. the intention of women to emigrate is higher than to that of the men, thus, our results also confirm previous research results (gödri, i. 2005) that the earlier dominance of men in international migration has mostly disappeared by now (figure 1). the relatively high willingness of women to emigrate from hungary can be explained by several factors. firstly, the growing employment level of women which causes the prolongation of starting a family and having children plays clearly a role. secondly, cultural and social factors (globalisation) also influence the growing participation of women in emigration. nowadays the family and the society accept the higher mobility of women which gives them more freedom in decisions regarding emigration. due to the method of sampling younger age groups were overrepresented among respondents. 76 percent of them belonged to the age group 13–40 years. as figure 2 shows, the propensity for migration among younger people is higher, for the age group below 40 the overall emigration propensity is 52.3 percent, whereas in the age group over 40 the ratio drops to 17 percent. this is in line with earlier research findings on hungarian emigration (seemig 2014). we can find sharp differences between the two main age groups (below and above 40) also regarding concrete migrations plans and previous experiences. in the younger age group (those below 40) the ratio of those who plan to move abroad within one year is 18 percent, whereas in the older age group (those above 40) it is only 4.5 percent. previous migration experiences do not show substantial differences. 1.5 per cent of the younger cohort had already lived abroad while it was only 1.1 percent among those above 40. the geography of emigration intentions due to the sampling method we could aggregate answers of respondents (according to the places of residence) for 38 geographical units within hungary, among them 19 counties, 18 county seats (i.e. major cities) and the capital budapest. to measure the intensity of emigration intentions we created a new index, which shows the weighted emigration intentions of people. the emigration intention index (emini) was calculated as follows: fig. 1. emigration intentions by gender. source: own survey fig. 2. emigration intentions by age. source: own survey 365siska-szilasi, b. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 361–368. emini = (0,25 * th) + (0,5 * pre) + (1 * la) * 100nresp where th = thinking about emigration, pre = preparing to emigrate, la = living abroad and nresp = number of respondents the emini index could help us define the relative strength of emigration intentions by counties and major cities in hungary. the pattern shown by figure 3 is somewhat different from the classic east–west dichotomy, which is otherwise very characteristic for hungary. three counties with the lowest emigration intentions (pest, jász-nagykunszolnok and hajdú-bihar counties) are located around budapest and in the eastern part of the country. highest emini values were found in the north (nógrád, heves and borsod-abaúj-zemplén counties), in the southern transdanubia (baranya county) and along the austrian border (vas and győrmoson-sopron counties). the first group of high emini values covers those counties that suffered most from economic restructuring and the loss of industrial jobs over the last two decades. on the other hand, counties along the austrian border belong to the most developed part of the country, with low level of unemployment and higher average wages. yet, the proximity of austria and germany with much higher salaries creates a significant triggering factor for local labour force. in most cases cities (i.e. county seats) showed lower level of relative emigration intentions than their hinterland. the value of emini index was highest in the major centres of eastern hungary: miskolc, nyíregyháza, debrecen, szolnok and in budapest. in the case of budapest the role of global information flows and the higher educational level of population are also undeniable. the emini index also shed light on interesting ruralurban dichotomy. generally, people living in rural areas showed much less intentions to emigrate than urban people. in this case the role of place attachment and the strong retaining function of family and local social networks seem to be relevant. the analysis of push factors behind the emigration intentions was also important part of our research. figure 4 illustrates the main push factors for counties merged into broader categories. the most important group with fig. 3. emigration intention index (emini) by counties and cities in hungary. source: own survey and calculation siska-szilasi, b. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 361–368.366 29 percent of the answers referred to “economic and financial problems”. the second most important push factor was “lack of jobs” with 13.6 percent of the answers. future uncertainties (mostly financial) were handled as a separate category and covered 5.2 percent of the answers. thus, we can say that answers related to economic difficulties and uncertainties made up nearly fifty per cent of the total answers regarding push factors. other factors like political situation (5.3%), “low living standards” (3.9%), “lack of appreciation” (3.0%) had much less influence. answers categorised as “social problems” included discrimination, cultural problems, minority problems, bureaucracy. the weight of this group was also relatively low with 3.1 percent of the answers. in the group of “other reasons” answers were included like: do not like the country, lack of experience, frustration, privacy problems, unhappiness, fear, lack of recreational opportunities. however, their role was negligible. if we examine counties with highest emini values and their push factors we can see that the role of economic and financial problems as push factors is everywhere outstanding. special case is békés county where the weight of economic factors is low, however, uncertain future appears with a higher than average weight. important agents of emigration are friends and relatives who are already living abroad and who can help potential migrants to find a job and housing in the target country, who can assist in arranging bureaucratic affairs or even in integration as well. figure 5 shows the distribution of those who have intentions to emigrate or has been living abroad according to two major categories whether they have contacts abroad or not. the results are not so much astonishing people with contacts abroad have higher share among potential migrants than the mainstream population. however, a very important trend was shown by our results, due to increasing emigration rates there fig. 4. distribution of emini, with the main push factors in hungary. source: own survey and calculation 367siska-szilasi, b. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 361–368. – the level of emigration intentions is somewhat higher for women than men which are the outcomes of growing employment and career opportunities of ladies. this is clearly a break with the state-socialist past when males were much more mobile than female. – the intention to move is much stronger among people of the young active age groups (i.e. below 40). this is not surprising and it can be explained with better language skills and less family ties among young people. – the emigration intention index (emini) proved to be a useful indicator showing emigration intentions of people living in different geographical areas. we calculated emini values for counties, county seats (i.e. bigger cities) and other settlements. according to our data the classic east–west dimension of emigration intentions within hungary has changed, budapest and regions located in the west are also heavily affected by international migration, just like former mining and industrial regions and agricultural areas with serious economic problems. – the growing importance of personal networks in emigration was also confirmed. information and help provided by friends and relatives who live or had been living abroad has utmost importance in current migration decisions. we plan to continue this research with investigating hungarian migrants who actually live abroad. for this purpose an online questionnaire survey has been launched which aims to collect information about the hungarian communities living abroad. besides, using the snowball method we also try to extend our survey with interviewing hungarians living abroad, and also some of those who have already returned to hungary. we think that migration (both emigration and return migration) will remain a hot issue in hungary and other post-socialist countries; therefore, the topic deserves increased attention among geographers. acknowledgement: this research was supported by the hungarian scientific research fund (otka) grant no. 109449. fig 5. relation between emigration intention and having contacts abroad. source: own survey are more and more people who have acquaintances abroad. this trend makes the hypothesis on further accelerating emigration very likely, due to intensifying personal relations. conclusions and future research questions the free movement of people principle within the european union has left its imprints on the hungarian labour market and economy since 2004. a significant part of the active population has decided to work abroad after taking into account various factors. in our research the emigration intentions of the hungarian population was investigated, with special focus on the main triggering factors of the process. as part of the research we carried out a questionnaire survey among hungarian people (both on site and online) which created a unique data base. the survey focused primarily on the emigration intentions of people. our data showed that the main destination countries for hungarians are still germany, the uk, austria and the usa. we pointed out marked territorial differences within the country regarding emigration intentions. based on our empirical research, the following findings can be summarised: – the main reasons behind the emigration intentions of hungarians are the economic situation of the country and unsatisfactory job opportunities. uncertain future, corruption and people’s mentality are also among the push factors, but with less relevance. siska-szilasi, b. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 361–368.368 r e f e r e n c e s blaskó, zs and gödri, i. 2014. a munkaerőpiaci kivándorlás magyarországról; szelekcióés célország-választás az „új migránsok” körében (the emmigration 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(1): 55–63. lakatos-báldy, zs. 2011. válság, kulturális diverzitás, migráció – egy nemzetközi konferencia tükrében (crisis, cultural diversity and migration – in the light of an international conference). in tanulmányok a nemzetközi migráció köréből. ed.: nyusztay, l., budapest, perfekt gazdasági tanácsadó, 189–203. langer-rédei, m., illés, s., karácsonyi, d. and kincses, á. 2011. ukrán állampolgárok magyarországon (ukrainian citizens in hungary). budapest, európai integrációs alap. marien, a. 2015. a területi identitás magatartási megnyilvánulásai, különös tekintettel a költözési szándékra és annak magyarázatára (the behavioural manifestations of the regional identity, especially the explanation of the migrational intention). észak-magyarországi stratégiai füzetek 12. (1): 4–16. molnár, j., gál-szabó, l., siska-szilasi, b., vadnai, p., mohos, m. and dudás, g. 2015. legújabb trendek a magyarországi kivándorlásban (recent trends in hungarian emigration). észak-magyarországi stratégiai füzetek 12. (1): 27–37. nyáradi, g. 2011. tudástranszfer és kooperáció a migrációkutatásban (knowledge transfer and cooperation in the migration research). in tanulmányok a nemzetközi migráció köréből. ed.: nyusztay, l., budapest, perfekt gazdasági tanácsadó, 175–188. portes, a. and böröcz, j. 1989. contemporary immigration: theoretical perspectives on its determinants and modes of incorporation. international migration review 23. (3): special silver anniversary issue, 606–630. robila, m. 2010. eastern european immigrant families. new york–london, routledge. rohr, a. 2012. kivándorlási, külföldi munkavállalási tervek a pte hallgatóinak körében (the plans of emigration and working abroad of the students of university of pécs). acta sociologica 5. 181–190. salt, j. 2001. current trends in international migration in europe. strasbourg, council of europe, cdmg 33. sansum-molnár, j. 2012. a külföldi munkavállalás lehetősége a magyar felsőoktatásban tanulók terveiben (the possibility of working abroad in the future plans of hungarian students). in vi. magyar földrajzi konferencia tanulmánykötete, szeged, szegedi tudományegyetem, 618–627. seemig 2014. helyzetkép a magyarországi elvándorlásról (emigration status report of hungary). seemig – managing migration in south east europe project, press copy. budapest, ksh. sík, e. 1999. migrációs potenciál a mai magyarországon. a munkaerő migrációja és az európai unió (the migration potential in the present hungary. the workforce migration and the european union). európai tükör 61. 93–118. siska-szilasi, b., kóródi, t. and vadnai, p. 2016. menni vagy maradni? egyetemisták kivándorlási szándékának statisztikai vizsgálata (staying or leaving? the statistical analysis of the emmigration intention of the university students). in social geographical challenges and search for adequate answers in east-central europe of the 21st century. eds.: berghauer, s. et al., berehove, international geographical conference, ua, 211–218. szabó, a. 2015. az egyetemisták és főiskolások magyarországon (university and college students in hungary). szeged, belvedere meridionale. 196 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 189–197.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.70.2.9 hungarian geographical bulletin 70 2021 (2) after the flood represents an important contribution in dealing with the long history of human impact on the environment. as the subtitle suggests, the book investigates how the issue of global environment became a scientific and philosophic topic beginning in the european modern age. barnett moves from contemporary concerns about global warming and environmental degradation as also expressed by pope francis’ encyclical laudato si’ in 2015 to bridge the present debate on the anthropocene with the reflections regarding the human role in transforming the nature that emerged at the time of the protestant reformation and catholic counter-reformation. the analysis is based on extensive research among printed and archive sources collected in several archives and libraries, particularly in northern italy. barnett’s discourse focuses specifically on the intellectual discussion of noah’s biblical flood that flourished in the late sixteenth century, a debate that interpreted human sin as the cause of planetarian cataclysm and natural disasters. her hypothesis is that, well before the large-scale transformations brought about by industrial society, there existed an idea of humanity as a unified body that could act to transform the natural world on the global scale. as occurred in the biblical account, these transformations produced by human agency could be interpreted as a possible threat to the survival of humanity and the world itself. noah’s flood also came to be used as an archetype for explaining european political and religious divisions and conflicts at the time and for imagining the future, salvation, and human redemption from sins. the research focuses specifically on the intellectual contexts of protestant britain and catholic italy while also investigating the role switzerland’s religious and philosophical milieu played as a mediator between northern and southern europe. barnett stresses the importance of actors and networks in developing and exchanging ideas about nature, religious disputes, and political claims in relation to the rise of colonial exploration and overseas dominions. studying the universal deluge was thus part of the effort to reunify christian europe by understanding the fragmentation and clashes caused by religious divisions across the continent and, at the same time, by bringing together religion and science as “a way of thinking about unity and division, place and globe, in a world that was both deeply divided and rapidly expanding” (p. 6). this intellectual development was also connected to the effort to spread european civilisation all over the world. significantly, the introduction presents a very powerful image – drawn from georg horn’s history of the universal deluge of 1666 – that represents the bridge between the postflood restoration of the world enacted by noah and the new european world order that was emerging at the beginning of the modern age. the book begins with an extensive theoretical introduction in which barnett develops a long-term historical perspective about the awareness of the human impact on the environment, showing that it emerged well before the rise of modern, industrial society. building on the growing body of literature in the history of science and environmental history and critiquing an environmental determinism perspective, she sustains that, from in the modern age onwards, european intellectuals grappled with the consequences of human agency in transforming the natural landscape: “clearing forests, draining swamps and fens, and ‘improving’ arable land were all undertaken with the intention of hastening or forestalling climatic changes that they believed would either promote or interfere with their political, social, and economic goals” (p. 9). specifically, the author moves beyond a traditional approach in which premodern society with its supposed perception of a barnett, l.: after the flood: imagining the global environment in early modern europe. baltimore, johns hopkins university press, 2019. 264 p. 197book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 189–197. humanity dominated by god’s will and the predominance of natural forces is treated as separate from modern secularised society with its recognition of human agency’s role in shaping the world of nature. of course, barnett recognises the important differences between early modern perceptions of human/nature interactions and contemporary debates on climate change and environmental degradation connected with anthropic transformation. however, she argues that, beyond the global imaginary built through exploration and field trips, commercial routes, and colonial expansionism, a perception of global catastrophe was also fundamental for establishing a global consciousness in european thought. the universal deluge made it possible to think about different races spread across the earth’s surface, to imagine a global climate giving rise to the various transformations in the natural landscape, and also to envision a post-diluvian world as “a depopulated wasteland waiting to be restored and reclaimed” (p. 12) that humanity needed to settle and populate through migration. this debate made possible the circulation and mediation of ideas in a transnational perspective, reinforcing a significant trans-scalar way of thinking that brought different local knowledge into contact with one another and generated different spatial and temporal scales. moreover, barnett identifies a connection between early modern concerns about catastrophic floods and global climate issues and present-day reflections on the anthropocene and climate change: “premodern histories of the planet and people centred on the biblical story of noah’s flood were premised on several ideas that fell out of fashion in the 19th century but have rightly returned to view in recent decades: the idea that human history must be written in reference to nature’s history; that the earth’s future should be of equal concern as its past; and that multidisciplinary collaboration is necessary in order to reconstruct the past, understand the present, and discern the future of the human species and the global environment” (p. 18). this premodern perspective also transcended the idea of humanity having a common destiny and uniform collective responsibility, a move paralleled by recent anti-speciest accounts of the anthropocene asserting that different global populations bear different degrees of responsibility for climate change. different representations and re-interpretations of noah’s flood, she argues, can in some ways be considered the forerunners of the contemporary imaginary which “derives considerable force from its recollection and reactivation of deep cultural myths about the awesome power of floods to ruin the world as the unintended result of human behaviour – myths that are, it must be noted, not universally shared across the diverse human cultures on the planet and thus not equally compelling everywhere” (p. 19). in the chapters that follow, barnett illustrates the complex debates and circulation of ideas that have shaped the modern understanding of the biblical account through time and space. the first chapter is dedicated to the rise of studies about the great deluge in renaissance northern italy, starting from camilla erculiani’s late sixteenth century work in the city of padua. erculiani, who was also one of the few female thinkers published at this time, explained the flood as a consequence of overpopulation and began to interrogate naturalphilosophical issues and the biblical account. barnett also analyses her work in relation to that of other european intellectuals. chapter 2 is dedicated to the transatlantic networks that developed during the 17th–18th centuries between spanish catholic colonies and protestant scholars to put the role of colonisation into relationship with studies on the flood. the next two chapters are dedicated to philosophical discussion on the flood in dialogue between england and switzerland that unfolded until the early eighteenth century. specifically, chapter 3 is dedicated to the figures of thomas burnet and john woodward and their claim that humanity might find redemption following the flood, while chapter 4 analyses the correspondence between woodward and the swiss naturalist jakob scheuchzer. chapter 5, finally, returns to padua to engage with the figure of naturalist antonio vallisneri and his discussion of the theories developed by english and swiss protestants from a catholic perspective. one of the book’s strong points is its impressive reconstruction of the networks and circulation of ideas that sustained this debate across two centuries. barnett has also connected these reflections to the present debate on climate change and environmental issues, deconstructing certain preconceptions and shedding light on the history of science and environmental history by tying early modern theories to contemporary assumptions and moving beyond the nineteenth-century idea of a separation between nature and humanity. further research could potentially analyse in more depth the connection between the histories and imaginaries produced by these past religious-philosophical accounts and contemporary theoretical debates and methodologies investigating the anthropocene. matteo proto1 1 department of history and cultures, university of bologna, italy. e-mail: matteo.proto2@unibo.it akkerman, t., de lange, s.l. and rooduijn, m. (eds.): radical right-wing populist parties in western europe. into the mainstream? 183book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 175–186. akkerman, t., de lange, s.l. and rooduijn, m. (eds.): radical right-wing populist parties in western europe. into the mainstream? london–new york, routledge, 2016. 298 p. radicalism and the strengthening of the radical right parties have become dominant phenomena of recent political transformations. as a result, the topic of the transitions of radical right-wing parties has become a dynamically growing segment of political geography and political science literature. this book is an important theoretical contribution to the core issue along with the inclusion-moderation thesis, which holds that participation in democratic institutions and procedures will amend the radical nature and ideology of political parties. authors of the volume analyse the ‘mainstreaming’ of various radical right-wing parties in several countries and different political situations in western europe, which is also a rather current process in hungary if we consider the transition of the party jobbik. the authors provide us a description about the behaviour of radical right parties according to their goals and positions. in the 1990s, growing intolerance against immigrants and increasing populism gave the opportunity for many radical right-wing parties to escape from the margins. the french national front (front national, fn), the austrian freedom party (freiheitliche partei österreichs, fpö), the norwegian progress party (fremskrittspartiet, frp) and the swiss people’s party (schweizerische volkspartei, svp) became supported by more than 10 per cent of the electorate as a result of increasing disappointments of voters. after the turn of the millennium the danish people’s party (dansk folkeparti, df) and the flemish interest (vlaams blok/belang, vb) also crossed the 10 per cent threshold and many other radical-right wing parties emerged on the scene so the upward trend continued for the radical right-wing party family. the average vote share of radical-right wing parties in national elections increased from 8.0 per cent in the 1990s to 12.5 per cent by nowadays. some of these radical right parties even entered governments, either as cabinet members or as support parties of minority governments. every radical rightwing party had to face the dilemma between vote maximising and office-seeking. participating in a minority government always comes with price and these parties had to give up their radical profile, but on the other hand, they could more likely achieve their political goals. in austria, switzerland, italy, norway, finland and the netherlands radical right-wing parties took up the responsibilities that come with holding office, while the danish people’s party and the party for freedom (partij voor de vrijheid, pvv) agreed to support minority governments without formally joining them. in total these radical right-wing parties participated in multiple coalitions, leading to the formation of 17 governments between 1990 and 2015. the main aim of this volume is to assess whether the described developments have induced radical rightwing parties to move into the mainstream. the book consists of two major parts and contains altogether thirteen chapters. the first part of the book sets the conceptual framework in general and presents the explanatory model for mainstreaming. tjitske akkerman, sarah l. de lange and matthijs rooduijn address in a general and comparative way the question whether and in what ways radical rightwing parties have moved into the mainstream by use of expert surveys, comparative manifesto data analyses and their own measurements. they assess how radical right-wing parties mellowed programmatic positions, broadened their scope of issues and toned down populist stances, or how mainstream rightwing parties became more radical. the term ‘mainstream’ is widely used in political science, but definitions are generally lacking. according to the authors the term has at least two different meanings. on the one hand, it refers most often doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.66.2.8 hungarian geographical bulletin 66 2017 (2) 184 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 175–186. to centre-left and centre-right parties like christian democratic, conservative, liberal and social democratic parties. so it denotes parties that have a centrist position on the classic left-right scale and attribute importance to socio-economic issues. in this sense, the term ‘mainstream parties’ is often used in contrast to ‘radical parties’ and ‘niche parties’ (including radical right-wing populist parties, green parties, leftlibertarian parties and regionalist parties that exploit programmatic niches). on the other hand, the term ‘mainstream parties’ is used to describe established parties that are loyal to the political system and oppose anti-establishment and anti-political movements, which seek reforms to overthrow the existing political system, and the norms and values on which it is based. in this meaning the term ‘mainstream’ can encompass programmatic and positional centrism, the high salience of socio-economic issues, and behaviour and stances that show commitment to the principles of liberal democracy and to the formal and informal rules of the political game. radical right-wing parties potentially face high costs when they join the mainstream so it is a big question how to combine a populist stance with office after entering government. many of their voters become disillusioned once they are in office. government participation can have a moderating effect on radical right-wing parties’ stance because it is difficult to maintain an anti-establishment profile, as governing parties are in many way part of the establishment. in a minority government there might be more opportunities to maintain an anti-establishment profile than for radical right-wing parties that are member of a majority government. mainstreaming can be a short-lived phenomenon, however, when it is only the coalition forcing them into the mainstream. when the government participation terminates, very often these parties return to opposition, and radicalise again. thus, the phenomenon of mainstreaming is often not the result of internal change and may, therefore, be ephemeral. on the other hand, a radical (niche party) profile, and anti-establishment attitudes tend to be barriers to entering office but they can be rewarding electorally. therefore, a vote-seeking strategy may be a disincentive for radical right-wing parties to move into the mainstream. in the second chapter authors operationalise the three dimensions of mainstreaming and describe the data that they used to measure them. in addition, they analyse changes in party scores in order to discern general patterns of mainstreaming. they study whether the programmatic profiles of radical right-wing parties have changed over time, and if so, whether these changes signal that these parties have become more like mainstream parties. akkerman, lange and rooduijn measured radicalness, anti-establishment character and ‘nichness’ of radical right parties. the most commonly used methods for the estimation of party positions and their salience are the analysis of election manifestos (manifesto based approach) or the analysis of actors’ (e.g. party members, voters, experts) perceptions of parties’ positions and their salience. while manifesto-based approaches give us more reliable estimates because they rely on an extensive, predetermined coding scheme, perception-based approaches produce more valid estimates because they tap more easily into a general notion of left and right, and other party attitudes. overall there is no indication that radical rightwing parties tend to become less radical. only the danish df has been in office continuously since the turn of the millennium and it is the party that has become most clearly mainstreamed. but it is the only example that fully confirms a correlation between experience in a coalition government and mainstreaming. in contrast, the swiss svp has also been continuously in office, but this party has become more radical over time. nevertheless, the swiss case can be an exception because the seven members of the swiss government are elected by the federal parliament and there is no real president or prime minister, and the coalition has never been based on a common legislature programme, so parties enjoy a considerable level of autonomy with respect to their representatives in government. as the authors measured, from the early 2000s radical right-wing parties have on average begun to pay more attention to socio-economic issues, which could be taken as a sign of mainstreaming. however, mainstream parties also experienced a period around the millennium when they more emphasised these issues than before, which makes the changes in the agenda of radical right-wing parties less distinct. moreover, radical right-wing parties have started to pay more attention to sociocultural issues in this period, which means that they reinforced their niche party profile. authors could clearly distinguish the radicalisation of the dutch pim fortuyn list (lijst pim fortuyn, lpf) and the belgian vb, and the mainstreaming of the austrian alliance for the future of austria (bündnis zukunft österreich, bzö) and the dutch pvv. this means that the first two parties gradually devoted more attention to sociocultural issues and less to socio-economic ones, while the latter two moved into the opposite direction. the comparative analysis also suggests that mainstreaming could indeed be related to the question of participation in government and, therefore, to shifts from voteto office-seeking. for example, the mainstreaming of the df, fpö and pvv occurred prior to the elections in which these parties assumed office or in which they started to support a minority government. inversely, the belgian vb radicalised after a period of exclusion through the cordon sanitaire. at the same time many radical 185book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 175–186. right-wing parties began to re-radicalise during or after their government participation. all in all, these observations indicate that being in office may have a temporary mainstreaming effect. in the third chapter matthijs rooduijn investigates whether voters for radical right-wing parties and mainstream parties have become increasingly alike over time. many researchers argue that those who vote for radical right-wing parties tend to have lower socio-economic status and they can be considered as the ‘losers of modernity’ because they have to compete with immigrants for low-skilled jobs. rooduijn displays a mechanism which can also be observed in hungarian political contexts. he claims that when mainstream parties are radicalising their message and use populist discourses they intend to convince voters who previously supported radical right-wing parties. on the other hand, radicalisation could also result that the more moderate voters leave the party. to assess the attitudes and sociodemographic characteristics of voters for the radical right-wing rooduijn applied the european social survey (ess). for every variable of interest, he pointed out how regression coefficients have changed over time. he expected that radical right-wing voters do not differ significantly from mainstream voters. in general, from a socio-economic point of view, radical rightwing voters have not become increasingly similar to mainstream voters because they tend to have lower educational levels, and they belong to lower socioeconomic classes which status has not changed in the last decade. but when attitudes towards the european integration were measured, the author observed that radical right-wing voters were significantly different from mainstream voters in 2004, 2006 and 2008, but not in 2012. it means that the gap between the two groups decreased considerably and according to his analysis this convergence is mainly the result of the radicalisation of the mainstream voters and not the ‘mainstreaming’ of the radical right-wing voters. overall, since the beginning of the millennium there has been a distinct but decreasing gap between voters of the mainstream parties and voters of the radical right-wing parties, which is mainly due to the radicalisation of mainstream voters, for radical voters have not mainstreamed at all. the second section of the book is the largest with nine case studies about western european countries. they focus on electorally successful radical right-wing parties with stable party organisations. authors of this section selected only those parties that have already gained an electoral breakthrough and for whom national office is at least in the longer term a realistic option. most parties, except for the flemish interest, the french national front and the uk independence party (ukip), also had the opportunity to enter national office. many of them renewed their ideological profile just like the swiss svp and the austrian fpö. the finnish finns party (perussuomalaiset, ps) did not have to start from scratch, partly because it was formed as a successor party of an agrarian populist party in 1995. the others are new parties that emerged in the 1970s or later, but not all of them started as radical right-wing parties. these parties managed electoral breakthroughs at one point or another, and gathered sufficient electoral support and attention through media coverage to be able to put pressure on the policy agendas of the political competitors. they can also be characterised by a blackmail potential in the sense that they have been able to politicise issues like immigration, european integration or law and order issues, which forced other parties to amend their policy agendas. majority system is a hard challenge for fn and ukip to gain access to parliament and these parties have great difficulties also in gaining coalition potential, as some of them, like the belgian vb and the fn, have been subjected to a cordon sanitaire by other parties. this political isolation and stigmatisation by the mainstream parties resulted in the prioritisation of vote-maximisation because it is the most realistic option for radical right-wing parties. yet, most of the other radical right-wing parties dealt with in the book (e.g. frp, ps, pvv, svp, fpö) have managed to gain coalition potential at a certain point. the danish df and the swiss svp participated more than once in national office, the others have only a one-time experience which noted that coalition potential can be gained but also can be lost again. the former two parties have got the longest history of (semi-)inclusion into national office and continuous blackmail and coalition potential, while frp, ps, fpö, pvv have got incidental or recent (semi-)inclusion into national office with substantial blackmail potential. nowadays, fn, which is commonly considered a model for the western european radical right, is at a political crossroads ahead of the 2017 presidential elections. (manuscript was submitted on march 30th, 2017, before the french presidential elections took place. – the editor.) the filtered political rhetoric and de-demonisation has allowed the party to broaden its electoral support and tap into new social groups such as women or younger voters. presidential polls promise marine le pen new electoral heights in the 2017 elections and public opinion polls suggest that the fn’s negative views of immigration, islam or the eu are currently shared by a large proportion of the french. according to gilles ivaldi changes of the electoral market include a growing attitudinal convergence between the conservative and the radical right poles of the french electorate, which augments the potential for future coalitions. although the fn seems to be gradually normalising in french politics, nonetheless a majority of the french still regard it as an extremist party with little governmental credibility. 186 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 175–186. this kind of incredibility towards the radical rightwing appeared in dutch elections held earlier this year. led by geert wilders, pvv has been the focus of international attention ahead of the general elections in the netherlands because events there bear some similarities to what happened in recent us and british elections. but it has not happened in the same way. although prime minister mark rutte (people’s party for freedom and democracy, volkspartij voor vrijheid en democratie, vvd) lost 8 from 41 seats and geert wilders gained 5 to 15 seats, the resounding success of radical right failed this time. the map of election results shows that the base areas of pvv are near to the german border, mainly in the southern limburg province and in the northern drenthe. to sum up, contributions to this volume revealed that western european radical right-wing parties have been mainstreaming to relatively small extent on the dimension of radicalness, but there has been partial or substantial mainstreaming in the other dimensions such as niche profile, anti-establishment ideology and extreme right reputation. these parties have overall remained radical in their positions on issues related to their nationalist ideology (immigration, authoritarianism, european integration). the inclusion-moderation thesis is partially inadequate in the case of radical right-wing parties because electoral competition generally has not pressured these parties to moderate. exceptions to these findings are ukip and fn, where plurality or majority systems had a moderating effect. the case studies showed that mainstreaming can be a successful strategy if the choice for office-seeking is internally supported by the party elite and activists. on the other hand, a radical profile, a niche party profile, and antiestablishment attitude tend to be barrier to entering office but they can be rewarding in votes. therefore, a vote-seeking strategy may be a disincentive for radical right-wing parties to move into the mainstream and lose the voters as a result of the moderate turn. they have to choose between the short-term voteseeker and the long-term office-seeker strategies. these questions are also relevant for the hungarian jobbik (and other parties in east central europe with similar radical right-wing platforms), which seems to have chosen the long-term office-seeking strategy, but the effects of this mainstreaming will come to light only in the 2018 elections. zoltán bertus₁ 1 department of economic and social geography, university of szeged, szeged, hungary. e-mail: berzoltan16@gmail.com errata hungarian geographical bulletin (2017) volume 66 number 1. p. 3: affiliation of authors emilio gonzalez and paula trivino is university of cordoba, spain. 8_book review.indd 81 jackson, p., spiess, w.e.l. and sultana, f. (eds.): eating, drinking: surviving. the international year of global understanding – iygu. cham, springer, 2016. 105 p. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.66.1.9 hungarian geographical bulletin 66 2017 (1) the problem of resource depletion in a world with growing population has been intensively deliberated over the centuries in both scientific and economic discourses. malthus, who in 1798 published ‘an essay on the principle of population’, argued that agricultural outputs would not be sufficient to meet the needs of an increasing global population. although his predictions have not come true, the approach advocating either intensification or the extension of production and referred to as ‘productionist’ prevails in debates on food and water-related challenges. the current volume, however, contests these assumptions and presents some new trends in scientific, socio-economic and political discourses. it also shows that the problem of hunger and water scarcity emerges from unequal access to resources rather than insufficient supply. not only does the book present current challenges that result from accelerating population growth rates and simultaneously exacerbate economic and social disparities, but also proposes possible solutions that have become increasingly widespread over the recent decades. eating, drinking: surviving’ is one of the springer briefs published under the aegis of the 2016 international year of global understanding and the post-2015 development agenda. its main goal is to address some crucial issues of food and water security and the influence of global food systems on the livelihoods of people from all over the world. according to benno werlen’s (executive director of the iygu) series preface, the book aims to connect the local and the global, the social and the natural as well as the everyday and the scientific, in order to achieve better understanding of the current processes occurring in an ever-globalising world. the volume consists of eleven essays by various authors. the first chapter introduces the subject area. chapter 2 covers the problem of malnutrition from a geographical perspective, whereas chapters 3 to 6 and 7 to 11 address problems related to water and food security. in the introduction, peter jackson, walter e.l. spiess and farhana sultana present a broad overview of contemporary issues that are discussed in the book, after a careful presentation of the historical context that provides the reader with the necessary conceptual background. implications related to the millennium development goals as well as the sustainable development goals of the united nations show what has been done to halve hunger and adequately supply the population of the world with improved drinking water as well as what other actions must be taken in order to ameliorate current conditions. furthermore, in addition to introducing key definitions that are essential for comprehending the proceeding essays, the editors present short summaries of each chapter to familiarise the reader with the major issues of the book. elizabeth young, the author of chapter 2, focuses on geographical inequalities in access to food and water that are directly associated with current food systems and global networks of production and consumption. she spotlights the ‘cruel paradox’ that is evidenced by malnutrition in some regions and over-nutrition in others. moreover, there are several countries nowadays where many suffer from hunger, while others suffer from obesity. a definite strength of the essay is its critical approach. the author contests (with concrete examples) commonly used aggregated statistics that provide us with false pictures of malnutrition for concealing disparities between various regions or countries. additionally, the chapter provides an evaluation of two divergent political perspectives on food production systems. the first is the previously mentioned ‘productionist’ approach that promotes sustainable intensification and advocates an “increase [of] food production from existing farmland in ways that place far less pressure on the environment” (garnett, t. et al. 2013, p. 33), and 82 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 77–87. which the author criticises. the second perspective argues that the current mechanisms of food provision need profound changes in order to establish a more socially and environmentally stable system. the chapter, just as the entire book, also emphasises the role of economic and political power in shaping contemporary food. chapter 3 by trevor birkenholtz contests the technocratic paradigm with its concept of ‘modern water’, which is perceived only in a physical and calculable context, deprived of any socio-cultural substance. the author also rejects understanding water scarcity as an exclusively technical problem and strongly promotes the view that water should be regarded as part of a ‘hydrosocial system’. in the recent years several publications have taken a similar approach (swyngedouw, e. 2009; boelens, r. 2014; budds, j. et al. 2014; budds, j. and linton, j. 2014; linton, j. 2014; mollinga, p.p. 2014). the chapter is based on abundant statistics that reveal both regional and rural-urban disparities in access to improved water. the author emphasises that not only does the problem of water scarcity disproportionately affect certain regions, but also certain social groups like women and children. chapter 4 by jeroen vos and rutgerd boelens discusses the concept of ‘virtual water’, which refers to water used or contaminated to produce goods and services. the authors show repercussions of virtual water trade that was initially expected to cure inequalities in access to water on basis of comparative advantages. in fact, however, it has extended the distance between the place of production and the place of consumption instead. although the authors claim that data on the volume of virtual water do not illustrate the social, environmental or economic value of water, they propose the application of the concept as an indicator of social, political and environmental risks associated with the current global food system. furthermore, the chapter provides an interesting analysis of environmental, political and social threats that arise from the increasing production of high-water-consuming crops, and also employs remarkable examples. finally, it critically evaluates the creation of multiple stewardship standards. in chapter 5 olivier graefe investigates the integrated water resource management, which is the new approach leading international institutions such as the global water partnership (a strong supporter of choosing river basins as the primary unit of water management), un and unesco are proposing to improve water access. although the author notes that the basin approach is probably more relevant than focusing on administrative boundaries, he argues that the exclusive use of natural or ecological borders neglects the issues of water transfer between different rivers as well as the high complexity of water management itself. similar to the authors of previous chapters greafe underlines that the main reason for unequal access to water is barely regional water scarcity but rather political economy and poor management, what is proved by a number of accurately documented instances and requires substantial improvement. kathleen o’reilly, the author of chapter 6, raises the problem of limited access to hygienic sanitation that affects approximately 2.4 billion people in the world (p. 51). she underlines the risks posed by open defecation, most likely to occur among rural dwellers, and urges to provide the global population with access to clean water and sanitation. however, the provision of wash (water, sanitation and hygiene) programmes should embrace long-term initiatives and be adjusted to the needs of local communities. o’reilly emphasises that women and children are particularly at risk of, and suffer the most from, the lack of adequate water and sanitation. the chapter focuses on social aspects of sanitation and indicates that open defecation causes high stress levels above all among women and young girls. in chapter 7 walter e.l. spiess scrutinises some challenges to food security in light of the manifold threats the global community is facing or is predicted to face in the near future. due to fast population growth the demand for food is estimated to increase. hence, the volume of water required in food production will also grow. spiess describes the main characteristics of the virtual meal referred to as the standard diet and points out changes in dietary habits of the global population that are very likely to occur. he highlights the risks posed by the extensive production of biofuels that causes concern among the international community and previous researchers (clancy, j.s. 2008; janssen, r. and rutz, d. 2011). the chapter employs precise and complex statistical data. in chapter 8 marisa wilson introduces the term of moral economy, which indicates a relationship between social or moral dispositions and norms on the one hand, and economic activities on the other. the author compares two different food provision systems, the socialist (or post-socialist) and the liberal (or neoliberal), and their impact on food sovereignty. the essay is particularly valuable from a central and eastern european perspective as most countries in the region have transformed or are still transforming from the former to the latter. the choice of a cuban case study is certainly enlightening. indeed, due to its peculiar geographic location and historical past cuba exemplifies the country exceptionally affected by a socialist political system on the one hand and by the global capitalist network on the other. in chapter 9 matthew kelly discusses substantial changes in the diet of asian population. the process of ‘nutrition transition’ consists predominantly of the dramatic increase of oil, fat, sugar and meat consumption. moreover, traditional ingredients of asian cuisines are being replaced by temperate 83book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 77–87. zone products like fruit, vegetable or dairy products. demand for rice is progressively decreasing in favour of wheat, mainly in middle-income countries like china. the main engine of this shift is economic growth, as well as rising incomes and purchasing power of the consumers. furthermore, the rapid pace of urbanisation results in increasing demand for convenience processed food. kelly presents both positive and negative consequences of the nutrition transition and predicts that the process will soon occur in low-income countries, too. although it might appear obvious that the term ‘nutrition transition’ was motivated by the concepts of ‘demographic transition’, ‘epidemiological transition’ and the sort, a reference to all these theories would have enriched the conceptual background of the essay in my view. chapter 10 by ann e. bartos investigates the main challenges faced by the inhabitants of aotearoa, new zealand, in light of two of the main concepts discussed in the volume, food security and food sovereignty. the author critically evaluates the former. in his opinion the food security approach has contributed to the growing production of exportoriented crops and the increasing reliance on food aid in many regions, which has resulted in worsening economic and social conditions. the food sovereignty approach that perceives food as a basic human right and highlights the fundamental role of culturally appropriate food was developed to redress some of the problems resulting from the neoliberal food security approach. the aotearoa example reveals local social and economic disparities that have become obstacles for achieving food security and sovereignty. new zealand is an apt choice with its ninth position in global rankings of the un human development report (undp 2015) for showing that profound discrepancies in access to food and water also exist in countries with very high human development. the chapter questions the ‘purity’ discourses that present new zealand as a country of unspoiled nature and free of environmental contamination as well as food-related problems. the author claims that these discourses impede a thorough analysis of the intrinsic challenges the country is facing. the last chapter by jonathan cloke calls for reconsideration of the term ‘food security’ and accentuates the narrowness of the approach. the author focuses his attention on food waste and disapproves of neglecting the problem in official discourses of food supply. moreover, cloke introduces the concept of a waste or ‘vastogenic’ system as important part of the global food system that has not been deliberated by previous researchers. on basis of relevant statistical data the author provides a complex analysis of food waste systems and the challenges created by their inadequate management. i consider the chapter most insightful and innovative as it offers a new perspective to the problems taken up in the volume. the volume ‘eating, drinking: surviving’ addresses many issues linked to global food systems and their effects on the lives of people in different parts of the world. it presents the challenges resulting from unequal access to natural resources and investigates them from various research perspectives, including environmental, economic, social and political ones. according to werlen, b. et al. (2016), one of the aims of the international year of global understanding was to highlight that local actions affect global situation. the reviewed book, however, makes the far more important claim that global circumstances strongly affect local conditions and improving access to food and water requires changes at both scales. each chapter is based on relevant data and discusses theoretical as well as practical questions. although the book does not present the results of primary scientific research and provides rather an overview of current challenges of the global food system and its value chains, it introduces many innovative ideas. nevertheless, the volume neglects the problem of unequal access to land and its consequences, what i regard as its main deficiency. ongoing competition for land resources is one of the most important issues directly linked to the global food system. previous studies underlined the role of land, its tenure system, management and distribution in the concept of food security and food sovereignty, as well as their utmost relevance for mdgs and sdgs (garnett, t. et al. 2013; uneca 2005). moreover, the authors of the book do not properly address the problem of land grabbing (although the term is mentioned), that is the focal point of many debates among scholars (tscharntke, t. et al. 2012; cotula, l. 2013; endelman, m. et al. 2013; franco, j. et al. 2013; golay, c. and biglino, i. 2013). land grabbing has remarkable negative impacts on food security as well as the food sovereignty of local communities, mainly those in the global south. hence, it would be necessary to take it into consideration while scrutinising the global food system. in addition, although the volume is supported by several interesting, innovative and illustrative maps (published with permission of the worldmapper project), as a geographer i reckon that such a remarkable publication might have been illustrated with more advanced cartographic elaborations. one of the major strengths of the book is its interdisciplinary character and practical approach that makes it useful for both scientists and policymakers. moreover, due to its comprehensive language on the one hand and the cross-section of many different topics it provides on the other, the volume is easily understandable and might be interesting for the general public. in my opinion it will serve as a useful instrument in university education as well as primary and secondary-level instruction. the fact that the book combines different spatial scales ranging from the global to the local enhances its value from a geographical point of view. 84 despite the fact that the volume does not employ many examples from the region, it is also valuable from a central and eastern european perspective. first of all it examines global challenges that to some extent affect central and eastern european countries and their inhabitants as well. in light of increasing social and economic disparities it is important for the region to elaborate development strategies that will help overcome the current and predicted challenges presented in the book. in conclusion, i find the volume highly enlightening for building on previous research on food and water security and helping us to understand the mechanisms that control the global system of food provisioning. ada górna1 r e f e r e n c e s boelens, r. 2014. cultural politics and the hydrosocial cycle: water, power and identity in the andean highlands. geoforum 57. 234–247. budds, j. and linton, j. 2014. the hydrosocial cycle: defining and mobilizing a relational-dialectical approach to water. geoforum 57. 170–180. budds, j., linton, j. and mcdonnell, r. 2014. the hydrosocial cycle. geoforum 57. 167–169. clancy, j.s. 2011. are biofuels pro-poor? assessing the evidence. the european journal of development research 20. (3): 416–431. cotula, l. 2013. the new enclosures? polanyi, international investment law and the global land rush. third world quarterly 34. (9): 1605–1629. endelman, m., oya, c. and borras, s.m. 2013. global land grabs: historical processes, theoretical and methodological implications and current trajectories. third world quarterly 34. (9): 1517–1531. franco, j., mehta, l. and veldwisch, g.j. 2013. the global politics of water grabbing. third world quarterly 34. (9): 1651–1675. garnett, t., appleby, m.c., balmford, a., bateman, i.j., benton, t.g., bloomer, p., burlingame, b., dawkins, m., dolan, l., fraser, d., herrero, m., hoffmann, i., smith, p., thornton, p.k., toulmin, c., vermeulen, s.j. and godfray, h.c.j. 2013. sustainable intensification in agriculture: premises and policies. science 341. (6141): 33–34. golay, c. and biglino, i. 2013. human rights responses to land grabbing: a right to food perspective. third world quarterly 34. (9): 1630–1650. janssen, r. and rutz, d.d. 2011. sustainability of biofuels in latin america: risks and opportunities. energy policy 39. (10): 5717–5725. 1 faculty of geography and regional studies, university of warsaw, warsaw. e-mail: gorna.ada@gmail.com linton, j. 2014. is the hydrologic cycle sustainable? a historical-geographical critique of a modern concept. annals of the association of american geographers 98. (3): 630–649. malthus, t.r. 1798/2008. an essay on the principle of population. oxford, oxford university press. mollinga, p.p. 2014. canal irrigation and the hydrosocial cycle: the morphogenesis of contested water control in the tungabhadra left bank canal, south india. geoforum 57. 192–204. swyngedouw, e. 2009. the political economy and political ecology of the hydro-social cycle. journal of contemporary water research & education 142. (1): 56–60. tscharntke, t., clough, y., wanger, t.c., jackson, l., motzke, i., perfecto, i., vandermeer, j. and whitbread, a. 2012. global food security, biodiversity conservation and the future of agricultural intensification. biological conservation 151. (1): 53–59. undp 2015. human development report 2015. work for human development. new york. uneca 2005. land tenure and land reform: management of land and natural resources africa. in sustainable development report on africa managing land-based resources for sustainable development. addis ababa, united nations economic for africa. 77–96. werlen, b., osterbeek, l. and henriques, m.h. 2016. 2016 international year of global understanding: building bridges between global thinking and local actions. journal of international geoscience episodes 39. (4): 604–611. worldmapper project. the world population atlas. available at: http://www.worldmapper. org (accessed 26.02.2017). 213book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 209–220. since the early 2000s, debates revolving around the global economy focused on powerful processes of the reorganisation of production processes and the emerging new global division of labour, the complexity of social relations underpinning those, the rise of new economic cores, and the unfolding variegated landscape of the current capitalist regime (hudson, r. 2016; peck, j. 2016). financialisation shifted in the score of such discourses due to the enhanced scale of capital flows and transactions between national and regional markets, the apparent role of financial capital in driving globally organised production, and the penetration of global financial processes in all realms of social relations and everyday life. accordingly, inquiries on financialisation were extended spatially and focused not only on national institutional-regulative contexts and the interplay local markets and global capital flows, but endeavoured to grasp the multi-scalar and relational nature of financialisation (dymsky, g.a. 2018). the 2008/9 financial crisis exhibited the multiplicity of agencies in financial processes and the need to relate processes inside and outside financial markets, such as the power of global financial centres, insular financial practices, structural imbalances in global trade, the growing power of financial media, and cultural-institutional dimensions of national market – to understand financial linkages as social relations (aalbers, m. 2009; sokol, m. 2017). the 2008/2009 crisis and its consequences revealed the complexity and versatility of socio-spatial relations of the current regime of capitalism, and also challenged core economy-focused theorisations of financialisation. the latter emerged not only as a powerful subject to academic inquiry, but also as a lens through which socio-spatial processes of financial capitalism could be grasped. this inevitably led to theoretical debates that challenged dominant discourses rooted in general equilibrium that drives the allocation of resources in the most efficient way, thus, had no explanation to financial crisis either at macro-, or micro-scale (the latter were limited to decision failures, asymmetry of information flow and moral hazard problems) (dymsky, g.a. 2018; hadjimichalis, c. 2018). alternative concepts that relied on heterodox economics, e.g. on demand-side explanations of macro-processes and critical political economy, argued for cross-disciplinary approaches, linked the economic and the political in the inquiry, and introduced spatiality as inherent to all social relations of financial capitalism (sheppard, e. 2018; wójcek, d. 2018; coe, n. and yeung, h. 2018). current debates on financialisation embrace powerful problems that reflect on the unfolding new global financial order and also on the changing context of knowledge production on that, such as innovations in the financial systems and its socio-spatial consequences, global financial centres as source of growth and/or instability, homogeneity vs. variegated nature of global finance, the mechanisms of exploitation, and the unevenness and core bias of knowledge production on financialisation. the edited volume ’geofinance between political and financial geographies: a focus on the semiperiphery of the global financial system’ is an interdisciplinary endeavour to address the last three topics, i.e. to reveal how strategies and practices of various social agents, such as people, firms, and state institutions acting in various socio-spatial contexts are related and entangled outside the financial core of the global economy. writing from a semi-peripheral context, the authors enrich our knowledge on financialisation as a diverse real-world process, and by doing so, reveal mechanisms of unequal development and its variegated nature in the current regime of capitalism. grandi, s., sellar, ch. and jafri, j. (eds.): geofinance between political and financial geographies: a focus on the semi-periphery of the global financial system. cheltenham–northampton, edward elgar, 2019. 264 p. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.69.2.9 hungarian geographical bulletin 69 2020 (2) 214 book review section– hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 209–220. the book is meant to address two plus one major gaps in studies of financialisation as a spatial process. one is understanding financialisation as a political process, i.e. how state regulations, institutional practices and political discourses drive financial processes, moreover, how financial processes and agents impact upon state policies and politics, and through those, drive the allocation of capital shaping local and regional development. the editors mobilise the concept of state power as “the result of the interactions between the territorially framed institutions and the social forces operating within and around these institutions” (p. 19). this is very much in the heart of current debates on state spaces, and the book is a valuable contribution to those by relating financialisation and the organisation of state power. this entails a relational (cross-sectoral and cross-scalar) approach that encompassed the authors of case studies and contributed to the coherence of the volume. secondly, the book is devoted to reveal the processes in the financial ‘semi-periphery’ of the global economy, embracing established or emerging industrial economies with substantial and structured domestic financial service sector, and clear state policies toward financing firms and households by the definition of the editors. this is consistent with wallerstein’s concept of semi-periphery in a sense that it places the dominance of agents of the financial core (in innovation, assets, information monopoly, institutional practices, etc.) and the dependent nature of financial(ised) relations in the focus. nevertheless, it challenged the authors and the editors to go beyond macro-scale and national contexts, and grasp the essentials of the semi-peripherality along with the multiplicity agency beyond the state and powerful agents of finance. finally, semi-periphery is identified also as an epistemological context, a position from which corefocused (‘western’/’eurocentric’) theories could be challenged also in the current regime of capitalism. thus, case studies from outside the global financial core are to reveal not only the vulnerabilities stemming from dependent financial position of agents in semi-peripheral economies, but to discuss the latter as “place for experimentation for the politics of finance” (p. 25), thus, a source of knowledge on how global finance unfolds at subnational scale and how it is (how it could be) counteracted to/responded by less powerful agents. for geographers researching socio-spatial inequalities in and from the european (semi-)periphery, the book raised a number of questions that are related to debates on current processes of uneven development and financialisation as a powerful mechanism propelling it. here i group them and structure the review as it follows: (1) what political agencies, strategies and social relations drive the integration of non-core economies in global finance? how did the entanglement of such agencies produce unevenness and (semi)peripheralisation at subnational scale and within the global semi/periphery? (2) in what way does this volume contribute to reconceptualising semi-periphery in the era of financial capitalism? is semi-periphery a relevant spatial concept to explain uneven development despite its heterogeneity rooted in diverse economic-financial historical trajectories? how to grasp the mechanisms and relations that manifest financial semi/peripheral position? could we challenge the binary logic of dominant discourses on economic development from the (semi)periphery? multiscalar agencies and relations of financialisation driving uneven development the volume is focused on the relations of various agents of financialisation acting at various spatial levels and in diverse sociocultural contexts, nevertheless, the studies are organised along a scalar logic. the first section is devoted to discussing how powerful global agents drove uneven development in the post-crisis (2008-) era. the authors explain how actual geopolitical contexts, discourses and struggles are inscribed in the spatial organisation, memberships and practices of international financial institutions, how national political and economic interests are mediated by those contributing to the rise of new centralities and dependencies (semi/peripheralities) at macro-regional and global scale (chapter 2 by grandi, s.; chapter 4 by rosati, u.). they also highlight the mechanisms that emerged to get rid of national regulations and political interests to enhance the scope of agents of the financial system. those include the unfolding ‘shadow banking’, a financial model that rests on pooling and securitisation of financial vehicles to seek investment opportunities, and to which borrowers are only instrumental; thus, how model could be destructive to regional and national economies (particularly, those in peripheral position) and destabilise the global economy (chapter 3 by battisti, g.). offshore financial centres are discussed as building blocks of such mechanisms, as they offer non-binding legislative frameworks, skilled labour and high-quality communication networks and transportation services, and a dense network of social relations (a cluster of firms related to finance) linking them to global financial centres. they manifest national (regulative) strategies for economic development, and also the mutually constitutive nature of local embedding and global power – a process identified as semi-peripheralisation exhibiting structural change, dense (inter)dependent relations to global financial centres, and socio-spatial polarisation stemming from agglomerative effects of the rising financial sector (chapter 4 by rosati, u.). the second section (relying on case studies form brazil, russia, italy, bulgaria and vietnam) reveals the diversity of national financial systems and provides an insight in internal and external relations that reflect and also reproduce the ‘semi-peripheral’ 215book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 209–220. position and institutional responses of the discussed economies. the macro (national) scale focus is justified by the powerful agency of the nation state as driver of regulative-structural changes stimulated by global financial crises. the discussed models of state interventions bifurcated, paving the way either (1) for neoliberal policies (deregulation-liberalisation) to manage structural crises, or (2) for a top-down state controlled reforms. (1) the former is exhibited by bulgaria and brazil where growing external control over the domestic financial market increased the vulnerability of the national economy to global crises due to the enhanced mobility of capital (chapter 8 by stavrova, e.; chapter 6 by sellar, c.). neoliberal schemes, even those accompanied by national development programmes (such as in brazil) stimulated organisational and spatial centralisation in domestic financial systems that fuelled uneven development by directing capital flows from peripheries to economic cores (chapter 5 by contel, f.b.; chapter 8 by stavrova, e.). (2) state control over domestic economies and finance also entailed highly uneven socio-spatial processes. in such regimes, the power of political elites is anchored in domestic financial systems through which they control key industries, manage risks, and mitigate the consequences of external crises. major state banks that hold monopolistic position in domestic markets are instrumental to run such systems, while smaller regional banks have to rely on households’ and smes’ savings and enter transactions that have higher costs and carry more risks (chapter 7 by ageeva, s. and mishura, a.; chapter 9 by lim, g. and nguyen, t.t.). the five case studies suggest that unevenness in the financial semi-periphery is stemming from dependent market relations, and also from non-transparent social relations and bargaining processes in domestic finance, in which national states have multiple roles. the diversity of state policies, institutional configurations, market relations and strategies revealed, how diverse mechanisms are at work outside global financial cores producing unequal power relations and spatial inequalities—a lesson to learn and go beyond binary thinking and economic reductionism in financialisation studies. section three does not have a clear scalar focus; the studies analyse the mechanisms of social restructuring related to financialisation, thus, give a deep insight in the production of inequalities at subnational scale. studies written by yilmaz, e. (chapter 10) and jafri, j. (chapter 12) revealed how subjectivity is produced through the mechanisms of lending. in turkey, post-crisis economic recovery rested upon household consumption. that was fuelled by extensive lending of banks that linked globalised financial market and the realms of social reproduction through their sourcing strategies; thus, households and individuals were instrumental to maintain growth, profitability, and political power exploited by the coalition of banks and the political elite. a more pronounced differentiation of subjectivities has been produced in pakistan, where the commercialisation, global embedding and growing reliance on ict of the microcredit system (that was established to support more inclusive lending and, thus, counteract social polarisation) led to increasingly selective institutional practices that confined the poor to ‘shadow citizenship’ with limited access to finance at a higher cost. finally, going beyond the scale of individuals and households, percoco, m. (chapter 11) discussed, how locally embedded business relations could be sources of growth and also of instability in the regime of financial capitalism, and highlighted the role of relations of various forms of capital in regional development in the context of italy (thus, could be considered as complementary to sellar’s insight). the studies included in the volume added a lot to our understanding on the mechanisms of the unfolding post-crisis financial order, such as how spatially differentiated structures of markets and institutions and practices are related and combined, what new power relations unfolded and how they produced new dependencies and socio-spatial inequalities across scales in the post-crisis (2008-) era. non-core contexts exhibited institutional diversity in which global processes could be played out, and also revealed the political nature of financialisation and its complex roles in restructuring social relations, challenging simplified, economistic and binary approaches to current socio-spatial processes. grasping semi-periphery in the current regime of financial capitalism semi-periphery is a conceptual tier of the world system theory (wst) and as such, defined as a transitory category to explain social relations that drive the expansion and highly uneven spatial organisation of capitalist regimes (wallerstein, i. 2010). it was developed and later mobilised as an analytical category by many to research the diversity and the socio-spatial dynamics of capitalism critically, moreover, as a source of criticising dominant discourses and institutional practices in politics and academia. nevertheless, semi-periphery was scrutinised as an undertheorised element of the wst; criticism was articulated due to its functional definition (as a stabiliser of capitalist regimes), and as part of this theory, economic reductionism and macro-scale bias (massey, d. 2005; peet, r. and hartwick, e. 2009). the authors of the book mobilised the concept of semi-periphery by going back to wallerstein’s seminal work (wallerstein, i. 1974) to reveal how politics and finance are entangled in the current financial system that is fundamental to understand the processes, relations an underlying structures of 216 book review section– hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 209–220. the current regime of capitalism. the adoption of semi-periphery as a subject to study and also as an analytical tool raised the problem of recursive argumentation, such as the relation of explanandum (the grasp what financial semi-periphery is) and explanatory factors (agencies, processes and mechanisms that emerged in the contexts identified as semi-periphery in the introduction). since the problem remained implicit (the book is not focused explicitly on defining semi-peripherality), i relied on the lessons of the case studies and discussed only their lessons to grasp the relevance of this concept. discussing financialisation and geopolitics in a semi-peripheral context is justified by the scope, multiplicity and diversity of state interventions, an attribute of such transitory spaces in the financialised world system. the authors of the volume mobilised and also enhanced the explanatory power of the concept by approaching to finance and geopolitics relationally, focusing on key agents, their strategies and relations; thus, they revealed the mechanisms (adopting dominantly an institutional focus) producing unevenness, and got rid of functionalism (a source of critique toward wst). case studies also explained, how power relations are played out in global financial institutional practices, how new dependencies manifest in lending practices, and how emerging offshore centres as financial semi-peripheries (defined so by rosati, u.) put forward and reproduce such relations. by doing so, the authors placed current processes in a historical perspective, revealing diversity in national financial systems, state policies and related discourses, and also powerful mechanisms that limited agencies and produced new ones operating at national and subnational scales. thus, the authors contributed to grasp semi-periphery as a scene to constant experimentation (as proposed in the editors’ introduction) to capture values from differences in regulative contexts, and also to the subjection of the society to the mechanisms of financialisation as means of exploitation and dispossession by global and also by domestic agents (see ginelli, z. 2017; hajdimichalis, c. 2018; gerőcs, t. and pinkasz, a. 2018 on the european context). finally, semi-periphery is identified as a source of risk and instability stemming from the dependent embedding of such economies/agents in global finance, but also a context from which new strategies and policies could emanate addressing economic crisis and social inequalities. nevertheless, the latter offer remedies (from inclusive micro-credit systems to locally embedded banking, discussed by jafri, j., sellar, c. and percoco, m.) that are sooner or later get controlled by powerful market agents, thus, produce new risks and unevenness—that is also a manifestation of semi-peripherality in the current regime of capitalism. returning to the original concept of wst, that placed multiplicity of agents and their relations in the explanation of inequalities (wallerstein, i. 2010), and also addressing the criticism on the economistic approach of the wst, case studies discussed, how the re/production of political power and the financialisation of non-core economies are related. the value added of the book is (a) focusing explicitly on the mechanisms through which global power relations are played out at national, regional, or local scale, enforcing externally-driven institutional strategies, that supported the subjection of the society; moreover, (b) how global financial relations are mobilised by national elites to enhance their power, i.e. how diverse yet neatly tied political structures are supporting the regime of financial capitalism. discussing financialisation from a semi-peripheral context is conceptual tier for the book that was guiding the selection of case studies and also the argumentation of the authors to highlight unequal power relations and mechanisms of subjection in discourses and institutional practices. it is consistent with the world system theory that introduced an alternative epistemology of researching social change, challenging dominant (eurocentric/core-biased) approach to social sciences. to emancipate the subjected from the discursive position of the ‘other’ in the context of financial capitalism is an issue that should be in the heart of critical social inquiry to counteract ongoing exploitation and social polarisation. semi-periphery as an analytical category could be instrumental to such an intellectual and political endeavour, as it exhibits the complex dependencies of core and noncore agents and spaces, the class-biased and externally driven nature of state interventions, and the thorough changes in local societies (arrighi, g. 2010; wallerstein, i. 2010). understanding such processes as part of different historical trajectories we could reveal how diversity is incorporated in the current regime and why anti-systemic responses and movements failed (peet, r. and hartwick, e. 2009). nevertheless, discussing alternative approaches and practical solutions to tackle crises and social conflicts stemming from semi-peripheral positions make such spaces ‘visible’ in international debates (boatca, m. 2006), and the lessons of those could support the rise of new responses at local, national and also global scale. this volume contributed to such processes by enhancing our knowledge on financial semi-peripheries, and also by politicising financialisation studies. acknowledgement: this paper is an output of the project ’agents of change in old industrial regions’ (acore) funded by the volkswagen foundation. erika nagy1 1 centre for economic and regional studies, békéscsaba, hungary. e-mail: nagye@rkk.hu 217book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 209–220. r e f e r e n c e s aalbers, m. 2009. geographies of the financial crisis. area 41. (1): 34–42. arrighi, g. 2010. the long twentieth century: money, power and the origins of our times. london–new york, verso. boatca, m. 2006. semi-peripheries in the worldsystem: reflecting eastern european and latin american experiences. journal of world-systems research 12. (1): 321–346. coe, n. and yeung, h.w. 2018. global production networks. oxford, oxford university press. dymsky, g.a. 2018. finance and financial systems: evolving geographies of crisis and instability. in the new oxford handbook of economic geography. eds.: clark, g., feldman, m.p., gertler, m.s. and wójcik, d., oxford, oxford university press, 539–556. gerőcs, t. and pinkasz, a. 2018. debt-ridden development on europe’s eastern periphery. in global inequalities in world systems perspective. pews annual. eds.: boatca, m., komlosy, a. and nolte, h.h., london–new york, routledge, 131–153. ginelli, z. 2017. opening the semi-periphery: hungary and decolonisation. research report for the vera and donald blinken open society archives. available at: http://www.osaarchivum.org/files/fellowships/ visegrad/reports/2017/ginelli-201704.pdf hadjimichalis, c. 2018. crisis spaces: structures, struggles and solidarity in southern europe. london– new york, routledge. hudson, r. 2016. rising powers and the drivers of uneven global development. area development and policy 1. (3): 279–294. massey, d. 2005. for space. london, sage. peck, j. 2016. macroeconomic geographies. area development and policy 1. (3): 305–322. peet, r. and hartwick, e. 2009. theories of development: contentions, arguments, alternatives. new york, guilford press. sheppard, e. 2018. heterodoxy as orthodoxy: prolegomenon for a geographical political economy. in the new oxford handbook of economic geography. eds.: clark, g., feldman, m.p., gertler, m.s. and wójcik, d., oxford, oxford university press, 157–178. sokol, m. 2017. financialisation, financial chains and uneven geographical development: towards a research agenda. research in international business and finance 39. b: 678–685. wallerstein, i. 1974. the modern world system: capitalist agriculture and the origins of the european world economy in the sixteenth century. new york, academic press. wallerstein, i. 2010. bevezetés a világrendszer-elméletbe (an introduction to world-systems theory). budapest, l’harmattan. wójcyk, d. 2018. the global financial networks. in the new oxford handbook of economic geography. eds.: clark, g., feldman, m.p., gertler, m.s. and wójcik, d., oxford, oxford university press, 557–574. flea markets in the space – typology and spatial characteristics of second-hand retail in budapest 75várnai, i. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 75–90.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.67.1.6 hungarian geographical bulletin 67 2018 (1) 75–90. introduction our consumer society faces a rather diverse typology of second-hand retail nowadays, which puts second-hand retailing into a different perspective. parallel with the development of consumer culture and retail trade, the market of second-hand items has greatly diversified (stobart, j. and van damme, i. 2010), and broken into special segments. not only the economic, social, and cultural driving factors of consumer behaviour are getting more and more complicated, but the motivations of the actors of the supply-side are expanding with new aspects. trading with second-hand goods has been expanding in hungary too. along with the appearance of new forms of trade, new consumer trends appear, which further diversify hungarian market competition, however, so far relatively little attention has been placed on the analysis of their spatial aspects. additionally, second-hand retail may contribute to the transformation of consumption spaces (nagy, e. et al. 2016) and support the retail trade diversity of public spaces in urban areas (boros, l. et al. 2016). in our everyday shopping experiences, we run into second-hand items on flea markets, in antique shops, thrift stores and flea shops, as well as on antique fairs and garage sales. retailing in second-hand clothes and used cars have developed their own market, and due to the development of e-commerce, online market places for used items and auction sites have also become popular. however, until now there is no study which examines and thoroughly analyses the characteristics of the elements of this market segments. when defining the market of used items, one has to very careful, since it is rather difficult to draw the exact line between retailing in 1 enyedi györgy doctoral school of regional sciences, faculty of economics and social sciences, szent istván university, h-2100 gödöllő, páter károly u. 1. e-mail: varnai.ibolya@gmail.com flea markets in the space – typology and spatial characteristics of second-hand retail in budapest ibolya v ár n a i 1 abstract nowadays the term “used items” has a rather rich connotation, thus their retail trade has also diversified, has broken into several segments. this study first defines the aspects according to which the different types of second-hand retail trade can be classified, then – on the basis of this – it describes the types and sub-types of the sector. based on hungarian and foreign literature, considering the profile of second-hand retailers we can distinguish fairs (antique fair, car boot sale, and garage sale), markets (flea market, burse) and shops (secondhand clothes shop, vintage shop, flea shops, charity shops, antique shop and shops with additional functions). the study based on primary research also classifies the different retail units on the basis of their location, product range, opening hours and their operators. then with gis methods the spatial distribution of used item retailers in budapest is represented on a map, finally the data is analysed. in 2016 the majority of second-hand retail units was antique shops and second-hand clothes shops, but the market was enriched with flea shops, thrift stores and flea markets as well. the study points out that due to their functions in the market, the different types show spatial characteristics, the different shops are concentrated in different parts of the capital. keywords: second-hand retailing, flea market, shop typology, spatial structure, budapest várnai, i. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 75–90.76 second-hand goods and other forms of retail trade. moreover, on the market of used items not exclusively “used” goods are traded, so it is more accurate to talk about re-selling (van cayseele, p. 1993). for the definition international standards for classifications of economic activities can provide a reference point. isic rev.4 applied by the united nations statistics division and nace rev.2 used in the eu member countries – on which the hungarian nace ’08 system is built – lists in-store retailing in used items (mainly books, clothing items, antiques) and the activities of auction houses under the heading „not elsewhere classified” retail activities (https://unstats.un.org, http://ec.europa.eu, http://www. teaorszamok.hu). the branch does not include retailing in used cars and their parts, online auctions, mail order and pawning activities. at the same time, the author also finds it important to make distinction between retailing in second-hand items and used cars because of the different market mechanisms. plus, we have to make distinction between retail of second-hand goods – in the traditional sense – and selling in auction houses. the latter ones mainly sell artwork and antiques in auctions for adding or storing value, so their activities are more like the activities of art galleries, than of garage sales or flea markets. thus, the author more agrees with the classification of the north american industry classification system (naics), which distinguishes the activities of auction houses and retailing in used items. the aim of this study is to introduce the supply side on the market of used items in hungary through the example of budapest. the author sets up a typology which can be used for classifying activities on the market of used items, and also covers the full spectrum of retail activities in second-hand goods. this systematic classification would be required, because in hungary buying and selling used goods, and the experiences connected to this affect several layers of the society. another aim of the study is to examine spatial dimensions of second-hand retail units in the capital from a point of view of regional science, highlighting spatial distribution of the actors of this special market segment. the author seeks answer to the question whether a concentration or separation in space can be observed in the distribution of these retailers, and if there is a connection between spatial distribution and the functions of the different types. theoretical overview – outline of previous international research in the research history of second-hand retailing, the development features of secondhand clothes retail have been in focus. this sector has been investigated mainly from cultureand socio-historical points (lemire, b. 1997; frick, c. 2005; palmer, a. and clark, h. 2005; fontaine, l. 2008). however, gregson, n. and crewe, l. (2003) dealt with the spatial dimensions of second-hand clothes retail. while williams, c. and paddock, c. (2003), as well as guiot, d. and roux, d. (2010) have remarkable findings in researching the sector’s market. delong, m. et al. (2005) focused on a special segment in second-hand clothes retail, on vending vintage and retro fashion items. more holistic studies on the whole of the market for second-hand goods are mainly related to the names of economists. in previous decades, several macroeconomic researches focused on the issues of substitutability between new and used items and the effects of changes in product life cycle on the market (swan, p.l. 1972; liebowitz, s.j. 1982). scitovsky, t. (1994) in his work discussed how second-hand retail influences the macrobalance of the market, while shulman, j.d. and coughlan, a.t. (2007) placed the emphasis on the conditions of profitability. another studies focused on transactional costs on the market for second-hand goods and on the role of price discrimination (anderson, s.p. and ginsburgh, v.a. 1994; thomas, v.m. 2003), and on revealing bidding mechanisms and pricing factors (stroeker, n.e. and antonides, g. 1997). williams, c.c. (2002, 2003) discussed the factors of the operation 77várnai, i. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 75–90. of second-hand retail market and buyers’ needs and motivation from a demand-side approach. gabbott, m. (1991) analysed consumers’ risk-taking behaviour, huang, s. et al. (2001) segmented consumers on the basis of their willingness to pay. besides the earliest researches on u.s: swap markets (sherman, e. et al. 1985), socio-cultural (sherry, j. 1990a) and eco-sociological researches (chantelat, p. and vignal, b. 2005) are worth mentioning. the characteristics of traditional us garage sales and community fairs were examined by soiffer, s. and herrmann, g. (1987), herrmann, g. (2011) and crawford, m. (2014). researches in car boot sales are connected to mulholland, m. and cockfield, r. (1993), stone, j. et al. (1996), crewe, l. and gregson, n. (1998). the first scientific researches of charity shops of wester-european origin started in the 1990s (horne, s. and broadbridge, a. 1995; horne, s. 1998), and several outstanding studies have been published on the clientele of charity shops, on customer behaviour and motivation (chattoe, e. 2000; bardhi, f. and arnould, e.j. 2005; mitchell, m. and montgomery, r. 2010). nowadays two new directions of research on second-hand retail have emerged. with placing environment-conscious lifestyle and re-use of gods into focus, novel aspects of second-hand goods market will gain more attention (gregson, n. et al. 2013; fortuna, l.m. and diyamandoglu, v. 2017). as a result of the spread of e-commerce, researchers also focused on exploring online marketplaces and auction sites (peters, m. and severinov, s. 2006; hummel, p. 2015). definition of second-hand retail trade the market of used goods can be considered an alternative/informal distribution channel for consumer durables, see c.c. williams’ work (2002), whose emergence and operation is based on the substitutability of products (swan, p.l. 1972; anderson, s.p. and ginsburgh, v.a. 1994), and on different consumer value judgement (shulman, j.d. and coughlan, a.t. 2007). selling and buying used goods is a diverse activity, and is constantly changing in the context of space-and-time. its prime characteristic is self-organization (sherry, j. 1990b, leyshon, a. et al. 2003; williams, c.c. 2003). it includes legitimately (or in some cases illegally) organized garage sales, antique fairs and flea markets, as well as individual and chain stores selling second-hand clothes, thrift stores and flea shops, and electronic auctions and auctions as well. items sold and bought during the transaction can be new or used ones, and cover the full range of goods, but their basic common feature is that they used to be the property of at least one owner, so they end up on the market as second-hand items. hungarian aspects of the research topic in hungary, in the previous decades, researches in second-hand culture mainly focused on social and sociological aspects (valuch, t. 2004; zachariás, k. 2007; berta p. 2012). the history of the most well-known hungarian flea market, the “ecseri” in budapest was researched by bruckner, é. (2007). the range of goods supplied on the ecseri market, the market in bakancs street, and the flea market in petőfi csarnok covers the whole spectrum of used goods, including unique pieces of collections and rarities. a special form of used goods retail, typical for east central europe, is junk and jumble picking, popular with antique retailers. as kovács, e. et al. (2008) state, at times of house clearance and junk removals pickers select items which are of considerable value and sell them at different fairs and in markets. opposed to waste pickers, junk pickers are specialized in collecting different tools, objects, materials and often work cross-border. differentiation in retailing in used items can be observed in hungary too. although car boot sales are not very common in hungary, thrift stores, flea shops, vintage várnai, i. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 75–90.78 stores, community and garage sales have already appeared. today – in the age of electronic auctions – prevail of auction websites sets the trends in second-hand retail. the most well-known international online markets (amazon, craigslist, ebay, freecycle és a yahoo!) (hickman, b. 2010; fortuna, l.m. and diyamandoglu, v. 2017) are gaining popularity in hungary too, and the number of users of hungarian auctions sites is also increasing (vas-egri, m. and danó, gy. 2013). the most popular ones are apród, jófogás, teszvesz, and vatera. applied research methods the methods for establishing the typology are based on the relevant literature and on the results of inductive research. international and hungarian literature mostly fall short on the holistic approach. generally, researchers specialize in a segment and research only that one thoroughly. consequently, a model which synthetizes the different segments of second-hand retail needs to be developed. to establish a primary database google search engine was used. the research – besides the retailers with an own homepage and a webshop – was extended to information in online directories, databases, advertising portals and on facebook. data collection included data on stores operating in the field of second-hand retail in the capital and events and facilities connected to them. (due to the above mentioned reasons, data collection did not include auction houses and used car dealers.) data collection took place between september 2015 and january 2016. in this period a total of 178 retailers were listed, their data were collected in an excel spreadsheet. the database2 contains the name and address of the retail units, their product range and other relevant pieces of information. 2 only data of major second-hand clothes shop chains were entered into the database, because some of these shops exist only for a short period (many of them are private enterprises where the owner would be unemployed otherwise.) data were collected in budapest, because the relatively new forms second-hand retailers (flea shops, thrift stores, vintage shops, etc.) appeared in budapest first. to reveal these processes, data collection was supplemented with personal observation (visits to shops and markets). during the field work the main characteristics of second-hand retailers were further discovered and primary data were refined. in phase one of the research, criteria for the typology were set. from the results based on the primary analysis of the database, it turned out that second-hand retail units in hungary can be classified according to their profile (1), location (2), product range (3), opening hours (4), purpose of the business activity (5), and owner/operator (6). the next stage in the research process was to examine spatial aspects of second-hand retail in budapest. to this end, the change in the number of second-hand retail units between 1998 and 2014 was analysed and represented on a graph (annual data for districts derived from teir – national regional development and spatial planning information system (hereinafter referred to as spis) – and were combined according to areas). besides this, changes in the examined period were analysed according to districts and the results were marked on a map. we were looking for the answers to two important questions: whether the different types of second-hand retail units are spatially separated and to what extent the different types of these units are concentrated inside the capital. results were represented on the map with geomarket 4.5 and mapinfo 10.5 gis software. since the research focused mainly on used goods retail in geographical space, spatial dimension of transactions on auctions sites and online auctions were not analysed. locations of one-time events (antique fairs, garage sales, car boot sales) and bourses are not marked on the map either, since marking the constantly changing location of these occasional markets would only provide a snapshot, thus they would distort the process of the exploration of permanent spatial 79várnai, i. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 75–90. processes. the location choices of antique fairs and garage sales in different periods of time should be discussed in a separate study. aspects for classification of retail of used goods and their types as the analysis of the database including data about 178 second-hand retailers, which was compiled during the research process, and the results of on-the-spot observations proved, the different forms of second-hand retail in hungary fall into the above described 6 categories (table 1). types based on profiles regarding the profile of second-hand retail units, fairs, markets and shops can be distinguished. fairs are events providing unique occasions for buying and selling, while markets function as a regular location for exchanging goods. there are similarities and differences between the types based on their frequency and gravity zone. shops and chain shops operate indoors, in a permanent brickand-mortar shop. these chains include a set of shops with the same profile; however, their sub-types greatly differ from each other. a) fairs: defining events of the sector are antique fairs, which are usually attended by a great number of sellers. garage sales, community sales and car boot sales belong to the group of occasional events, which usually involve local groups, thus locality plays a remarkable role. the location of garage sales are usually the home of the seller (soiffer, s. and herrmann, g. 1987), while carboot sales are held in a public area (parking lot, schoolyard, etc.) (stone, j. et al. 1996). b) markets: among markets, flea markets are outstanding locations where supply meets demand in a multi-actor arena, and they are relatively constant, regularly available channels for sales activities (sherry, j. 1990b). just like antique fairs, these events may have an extended gravity zone, often with international relations. swop markets (flea markets) are the oldest and most common informal places for retail and black market (sherman, e. et al. 1985). they provide place for different transactions, and illegal barters, but, at the same time, they serve as traditional locations for interactions (belk, r. et al. 1988; petrescu, m. and bhatli, d. 2013). according to the experiences of the author, bourses are organised with varying frequency; their main characteristics are defined by their supply concentrating on a certain theme. c) shops and chain shops: retailing in second-hand clothes have evolved their special, informal channels (palmer, a. and clark, h. 2005); so second-hand clothes shops also have special selections, different price structures and different locations. increasing demand for second-hand clothes can be depicted in the fact that after the economic downturn in 2008, several second-hand clothes boutiques appeared in the streets of shopping malls (makó, a. 2013). motivations for buying used clothes vary between economic, ethical ecological aspects but uniqueness, nostalgia, and quest for stimuli or experiences also count (guiot, d. and roux, d. 2010). the vintage style and shopping in vintage shop is a tool for self-expression for young people (delong, m. et al. 2005). for the followers of this style the historical value is important (cervellon, m-c. et al. 2012), thus the selection of shops also comprises of high quality, exclusive pieces of clothes (palmer, a. and clark, h. 2005). flea shops are the location for private individuals to exchange goods with each other (c2c marketplaces). people wishing to sell bring in their items, and pay a certain amount of money – shelf money or rental fee. when the product is sold, they will receive its countervalue. in hungary prices are usually set by the seller, while the shop in advance stipulates the share they get from the transaction. charity shops sell goods donated to them as voluntary offering (parsons, e. 2004). their activities are similar to the activities of swop markets, but the profit generated from the activity mainly serves charity purposes (horne, s. and madrell, a. 2002; bardhi, várnai, i. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 75–90.80 f. 2003; mitchell, m. and montgomery, r. 2010). in the supply of antique shops, we can find used furniture, inherited items, artefacts and paintings with stable value at the same time. due to this versatility, this sub-type represents transition between second-hand retail and art trade. according to the experiences of the author, recently a new type of shop has evolved, shops with additional retail functions are a new phenomenon, where besides the dominant function of the shop, used items are also sold, but only as a supplementary activity. types based on location trading with used items can take place offline, or on online markets. according to the location, the following 3 types can be distinguished: a) trading in real geographical space includes any retail activity which is bound to physical space. among its sub-types the first one is traditional retail process, when in every step there is a contact between the seller and the buyer; while in case of a self-service buying processes, generally there is no contact table 1. possible aspects of typology of second hand retail trade aspect type sub-type profile fair antique fair garage sale, community fair car boot sale market flea marketbourse shop, chain shop second-hand clothes shop flea shop thrift shop antique shop additional second-hand retail function location in real geographical traditionalself-service electronic markets multichannel – – product range general used items wide range of general used itemsspecialized on one kind of product second-hand clothes wide range of clothing items baby and children clothes vintage, retro opening hours fixed (according to working hours) – periodical periodically open according to fair calendar seasonal by appointment occasional – – purpose of business activity profit-oriented not-for-profit – – operator private person private personprivate entrepreneur partnership, cooperation legal entity (limited liability company, ltd., cooperation) without a legal entity (partnerships) not an open market player state organization owned by the local government note: data from the research database. 81várnai, i. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 75–90. between the two parties, the buyer makes decisions independently, on his own. great examples for traditional retail processes are flea markets and antique fairs, where a lot might depend on the personal contact and trust (chantelat, p. and vignal, b. 2005) between the vendor and the potential buyer. at the same time in self-service flea shops and second-hand clothes shops the joy and pleasure of shopping lies in the lengthy looking and picking and in the quest for the perfect “haul” (guiot, d. and roux, d. 2010). b) exchanging, buying and selling used items can also take place in electronic marketplaces. a large number of businesses operate only online, people can simultaneously buy or sell in webshops and online auctions sites, without any personal contact, due to the opportunities provided by technological innovation (smartphone apps for shopping, paypal mobile payment). c) multi-channel retail is becoming more and more popular in the market of secondhand items. then business activities take place in traditional and online channels at the same time, and this may refer to fairs, markets and shops as well. this, obviously, increases competitiveness. types based on product range based on their product range, used items retail can be divided into two types: general used items retail, and second-hand clothes retail, which is restricted to selling clothing items and textiles. a) in this type, the first sub-type is retailing in a wide-range of second-hand items. those antique fairs and flea markets are characterized by this selection of goods where more expensive relics and dirt-cheap items can be found next to each other. the main feature of the second sub-type – the specialist – is limited to a single type of product; the product range does not include any other kind (flea markets for electronic goods or second-hand books, fairs for bicycle parts or old-timer cars, antique shops specialized in old vinyl records or clocks, etc.). b) retail units selling a wide range of used clothing items, other accessories and textiles have been serving their clients for a long time. although second-hand clothes shops with their large selection represent the most popular sub-type, the individual shops apply rather different price strategies, depending on the quality of the goods (individual prices, “hanger”, “baled”, or “falling prices” strategies). an important sub-type of second-hand clothes retail trade specializes in maternity, baby and children’s clothes and in “pawning” baby clothes. apart from clothing items, these shops also sell shoes, toys and other textiles. a newly emerging sub-type of used goods retail units is the group of “luxury thrift shops”, which is the hungarian equivalent of vintage and retro shops. the special selection they offer makes them unique compared to the other secondhand clothes shops. these shops usually deal with high quality, individually priced pieces and accessories. types based on opening hours retailers of used goods fall into 4 categories based on their opening hours and schedules. there are retailers with permanent or fixed opening hours, some are periodically open, others are open by appointment, and finally, other retail units operate occasionally. a) shops with fixed opening hours usually adjust to the schedule of the 5-day working week. to this type belong most shops, chain shops and some flea markets. b) shops, fairs and markets which are periodically open fall into 3 sub-categories: periodically open ones (for example, flea markets with opening hours limited to certain days of the week), events organized as scheduled in the half year or annual fair calendars (for example antique fairs, bourses when organizers advertise the date and venue in advance), and seasonal fairs and markets (their organization is mostly bound to the changes of seasons and weather conditions, so this mainly refers to open air flea markets). várnai, i. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 75–90.82 c) opening by appointment is applied when it is not profitable to keep the shop open for a longer period or to employ a full-time shop assistant (e.g. thrift shops, specialist antique shops). d) occasional retail activities like community fairs and garage sales and non-recurring bourses held occasionally should also come into a separate category. types based on the purpose of their business activity based on the primary purpose of their business activity, second-hand retailers can fall into two categories: profit-oriented and notfor-profit (charity). a) profit-oriented second-hand retailers aim to create profits. their activities are motivated by different things. specialist antique retailers spend remarkable time on finding rare pieces their clients (collectors) crave for, vintage and retro clothes retailers choose sought-for and fashionable items and accessories with refined taste. both groups have one thing in common: to satisfy customer demand, to make their clients happy. the organizers of garage sales and owners of flea shops, however, have different drivers in selling used items (e.g. environmental consciousness, recycling used goods, raising money without investing some, etc.). b) all second-hand retailers can be considered not-for-profit who wish to spend their profit deriving from their business activity on a charity purpose, undertaking environmental or social responsibility. in hungary mainly thrift shops belong to this category, but garage sales and community fairs can also be organized for charity purposes. types based on the person of operator/owner second-hand retail units based on who operates them can fall into the following categories: units operated by private persons, partnerships, or by not the players of the open market. a) private persons (or groups of them) can pursue second-hand retail activities as private individuals if they do not pursue any registered business activity (e.g. organizers of one occasion garage sales, community fairs), or as private entrepreneurs, who have the necessary contractor id number. the majority of the examined retail units belong to this type (e.g. antique shops, flea shops, vintage and retro shops and some thrift shops). b) partnerships and cooperatives with separate legal entity are usually the owners of second-hand clothes shop chains (angex kft, háda kft, humana kft), or the operators of thrift shops chains (cseriti szociális szövetkezet, közösségi szociális szövetkezet). partnerships without separate legal entity include antique shops and secondhand clothes shops too, since to establish them requires smaller capital. c) partnerships run by government organizations mainly pursue activities connected to social responsibility (red cross thrift shops), while businesses owned by local governments (e.g. companies managing urban areas) mostly operate antique fairs and flea markets. spatial distribution of the different types of second-hand retail in budapest before describing and analysing the main features of the spatial distribution of secondhand retail trade in budapest, we should provide an overview of the changes in size and direction which took part in the last few years (between 1998 and 2014). analysing the data form national regional development and spatial planning information system (spis) database3 we can point out that while in 1998 only 760 second-hand retail units operated in budapest, this number more than doubled in 16 years, and by 2014 it exceeded 1460. 3 spis data referring to used goods retail trade include the number of auctions and art galleries, which significantly increases the number of shops in case of districts and groups of districts (cbd and central districts in pest) which traditionally provide location for art trade. 83várnai, i. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 75–90. the increase in the number of shops in the sector can be explained by two main reasons. firstly, demand for value-increasing artefacts and antiquities increased among the representatives of a narrow, but wealthy layer of the society, triggering art-traders to open more shops. additionally, the same tendency can be observed in the case of “retro” goods, which are increasingly sought after by foreign tourists. secondly, impoverishing groups in the different layers of the society living in the capital and its agglomeration zone also create growing demand for lowprice goods (second-hand clothes, low-price furniture, household items, electronic appliances, etc.) and satisfying their demand can also urge sellers to open new units. the twofold increase in the number of shops dealing with used goods in the capital shows remarkable differences in the cbd and in some groups of districts (district v and its 4 neighbouring central districts, 5 districts in the transition zone, 7 suburban districts and another 6 districts in buda)4. these differences reflect the difference in the pace the number of second-hand retail chains increase (figure 1). as the graph shows, in the central business district (cbd) in budapest almost 70 shops with this profile existed already back in 1998, which number approached 150 by the year 2014 (an increase of 2.25 times). the other 4 districts in the central area can also be characterized by a dynamic increase, where – in contrast with the figure lower than 130 in 1998 – the number of shops well exceeded 400 by 2014 (an increase of 3.25 times). as a result, since the millennium the extension of send-hand trade units mostly concentrated to the central districts. around the millennium, the number of empty stores in the city centre significantly increased because of high rental fees and continuous restructuration of shops (sikos, t.t. 2000), which enabled the appearance of second-hand retail units and antique 4 central districts are: district vi, vii, viii and ix; districts of the transition zone: x, xiii, xiv, xix and xx; suburban districts: iv, xv, xvi, xvii, xviii, xxi and xxiii; districts in buda: i, ii, iii, xi, xii and xxii. shops, and also their increase in numbers in these districts. the 5 districts in the transition zone have been an important venue for second-hand retail trade for a long time. this is underlined by the fact that back in 1998 63 per cent of the capital’s “classical” second-hand retail shops were registered in district xix, home for “ecseri” flea market. (this rate still reached 43% in 2014.) although in the transition zone the number of shops in this sector only increased by 26 per cent between 1998 and 2014, which can be explained with the relatively high benchmark value (in 1998 about 300 shops), we can still find the largest number of second-hand retail shops here. during the examined period, the changes in the number of shops in this sector the 6 districts in buda scored below average (1.48 times), while the 7 outskirt districts showed average (1.88 times) increase, and this is in accordance with the above described general tendency. examining the rate of change in the number of second-hand shops in the capital between 1998 and 2014 on the level of districts, we can say that the winners of this process are districts vii, viii and ix, i.e. the central districts, where the increase rate slightly exceeded 200 per cent. in these districts the increase in demand for used items was significantly higher than in the other districts in the capital, which triggered secondhand goods retailers to open new shops primarily in these districts after the millennium. among the suburban districts only district xxiii can boast with a similar increase rate (figure 2). a similar process took place in poland during the post-socialist transition period, and as a result, the number of outdoor markets and street vendors grew significantly in warsaw (witkowski, t.h. 1993). in districts belonging to the first category we can detect a smaller, but still significant increase (between 100% and 180%): the 6 districts covering the north-western part of the capital (3–3 districts in buda and pest) and additional 3 ones in south-pest. analysing the spatial characteristics in this area, we can discover that the primary direction of the exvárnai, i. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 75–90.84 pansion process in this sector in budapest is northwest and the secondary is the south. among the suburban districts in district xvi – including sashalom and mátyásföld – was there a change bigger than 100 per cent in the number of shops. but the districts surrounding this administrative unit all show smaller increase in this respect. the 3 districts in the transition zone and their neighbouring district (district xv) produced a modest (below 100%) increase. however, even this group of districts in the capital can be regarded as a location for vivid second-hand retail trade. only district xi in buda belongs to this category. increase in the number of second-hand retail shops was insignificant only in 4 districts (2 districts in buda and 2 in pest), or even there was a decrease. this can be explained by the fact that inhabitants here have above average living standards, so only few of them shop in these stores (districts xi, xii and xvii), and market conditions for opening second-hand retail shops are more favourable in the neighbouring districts, see district xix for example. examining the internal structure of the individual districts, there are remarkable differences in the distribution rate of shops based on their profiles (figure 3). as figure 3 clearly shows, the proportion of antique shops is outstanding (above 80%) in tourist areas, mainly in cbd and in district i and xii, but their rate is above 50 per cent fig. 1. changes in the number of second-hand shops in budapest between 1998 and 2014 according to districtgroups. source: data from the spis database, 2016. fig. 2. rate of change in the number of second-hand goods shops in the districts of budapest between 1998 and 2014. source: data from spis database, 2016. 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450 0 th e n um be r of s ec on dh an d sh op s cbd central districts districts of the transition zone suburban districts districts in buda xi iii v vi vii viii ixii ii xxii xxi ix xx xix x xiv xiii xv xvi xviii xxiii xvii iv 200 – 301 (4) 150 – 199 (3) 100 – 149 (7) 58 – 99 (5) 8 – 14 (2) -18 – -12 (2) % % 85várnai, i. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 75–90. usually can be connected to the outskirts. the 8 flea shops represent remarkable rate in the selection of second-hand retail units only in districts xiii and xviii (27% and 33%). examining the profile of the 178 secondhand retail units, we can see that in 2014 53.3 per cent of them were antique shops, and 25.3 per cent of them were second-hand clothes shops. thus, these two types of second-hand retail units together represent 4/5 of the whole network (table 2). spatial distribution of antique shops is rather uneven. as the author has previously mentioned, the supply of antique dealers extends to valuable artworks and antiquities, so it is not surprising that there are a lot of these shops in the vth district, which is also the centre of hungarian art trade. there are a significantly large number of them in district v, so 36.8 per cent of the total number of shops in the capital is concentrated here. sherry, j. (1990a) also points out that antique shops are mainly located in the downtown areas. their share in used items retail reaches 92 per cent. their number in the other central districts is under 10. in the buda districts (except district xxii), where the purchasing power is rather high, the number of these shops vary between 3 and 6, so buda’s share from the total number of antique shops is more than 15 per cent. the majority of these shops are situated along the boulevards or near them, in the side streets. among the districts in the transition zone only in district xiii and xiv, which districts are mainly inhabited by highly educated people, can we find 3 of them in each, and in district xix there are 2. out of the 7 suburban districts only district xv and xviii operate one shop. in more than one third of the districts in the capital this type of retail unit does not exist at all. the distribution of second-hand clothes shops in the districts is much more even. 17 districts in the capital give home to some of the total of 45 shops, which means that only 6 districts (26%) do not have a shop of this kind. the densification zone of secondhand clothes shops covers districts vi, vii, viii and ix, where almost half of these shops fig. 3. distribution rate of shops in the districts of budapest based on their profile. source: data from the research database. among the shops in the second-hand retail sector in buda in district ii and iii, and in pest in district vi, ix and xiv. this figure in the central districts in pest (vii, viii and xiii) and in district xi in buda is between 25 and 50 per cent. the rate of second-hand clothes shops is the highest (50–100%) in those districts where only few (1–3) second-hand retail shops can be found (district xxii in buda, district x in pest and in suburban districts), which is the natural result of the low nominal values. their rate in the central districts in pest does not reach 50 per cent. (in 2 districts in buda and in 4 districts in pest this type of shops does not exist.) 17 thrift shops are scattered in 10 districts in the capital, so their rate in the individual districts exceeds 25 per cent only in district xi and in 3 of the suburban districts (xvii, xviii and xxi). the case of flea markets is rather similar, they only have a significant rate in district x (50%) and in district iv, xvii, xviii and xix (33–40%). belk, r. et al. (1988) in their work also refer to the fact that flea markets antique shop flea market flea shop second-hand clothes shop shop with additional used item retail function thrift shop pieces of shops 1 16 38 xi iii v vi vii viii ixii ii xxii xxi ix xx xix x xiv xiii xv xvi xviii xxiii xvii iv várnai, i. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 75–90.86 (46.7%) are concentrated. one third of the shops deal with vintage or retro goods, 2/3 of them belong to one of the market leader second-hand clothes shop retail chains. shops with different profiles are rather clearly separated from each other in space. most of the vintage boutiques are located inside the ring of the great boulevard, in areas next to the cbd, these “luxury” thrift shops are probably able to keep pace with the high rental fees. as we move away from this area, with distance these boutiques are replaced with leading second-hand clothes chain shops. second-hand retail in district iv, x, xv and xi is formed mainly by used clothes shops, and in district xx and xxii the only form of second-hand retail is clothes shops. as we can see, in the southern and southeastern outer districts of pest, and in the northern and north-western parts of buda none of the chains are represented. háda kft opened 10 out of their 19 shops in shopping malls. humana shops – similar to háda’s strategy – await customers in the central districts in favourable locations, in malls and shopping precincts. their boutique in district v specializes in vintage clothes and accessories. the 4 angex shops operating in the capital are not centred in the city centre. humana only deals with individually priced clothes; háda sells clothes on hangers and by kilo as well, while angex’s strategy is to combine piece prices and falling prices. pricing policy of the 2 latter chains is supposed to be addressed to a wider layer of society. the share of thrift shops in the total number of shops in second-hand retail sector is only 10 per cent. there is no significant spatial contable 2. spatial distribution of used item retail units of different profiles in the districts of budapest district antique shop secondhand clothes shop thrift shop flea market flea shop shop with additional used item retail function total i ii iii iv v vi vii viii ix x xi xii xiii xiv xv xvi xvii xviii xix xx xxi xxii xxiii together 5 6 3 – 35 8 9 5 4 – 4 6 3 3 1 – – 1 2 – – – – 95 – 4 1 2 2 5 8 5 3 1 3 – 3 2 1 – – – 1 1 2 1 – 45 – – 1 – – 1 3 2 – – 4 1 2 – – – 1 1 – – 1 – – 17 1 – – 1 – 1 1 1 – 1 1 – – 1 – – 1 1 2 – – – – 12 – – – – 1 – 1 – – – 2 – 3 – – – 1 – – – – – – 8 – – – – – – 1 – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 1 6 10 5 3 38 15 23 13 7 2 14 7 11 6 2 – 3 3 5 1 3 1 – 178 note: data from the research database. 87várnai, i. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 75–90. centration here, these shops are mainly situated in the side streets in central districts (vii, viii and xiii) or operate near the boulevards and busy main streets, embedded in busier commercial areas (gregson, n. and crewe, l. 2003). thrift shops in buda (4 shops) are concentrated in district xi. some outer ones (district xvii, xviii and xxi) also have one. two chains of thrift shops must be mentioned here: cseriti szociális szövetkezet (charity social cooperation) maintains 5 charity points on the pest side, and közösségi szociális szövetkezet (community social cooperation) operates two e-cherry shops in buda. flea markets are rather scattered on the capital’s map. this is not surprising, since in prague in the 1990s a similar tendency could be observed: these shops and markets were excluded to outer parts of the city (temelová, j. and novák, j. 2011). they operate almost in half of the districts (11 districts). usually there is one of them in each, except district xix, where 2 flea markets can be found. some of them are organized indoors, in downtown courtyards, but the most are held in suburban public places, near roads leading out of the city since they require a large place. similarly, in košice (slovakia) the popular flea market of the city is located in the outskirt (fertaľová, j. 2006). regarding their opening hours, it can be said that 2/3 of them operate occasionally, another 2 flea markets (16.6%) are seasonal. the share of flea shops in second-hand retail in budapest is rather modest. the existing eight flea shops account only for 4.5 per cent of the total. flea shops are sometimes – incorrectly – called garage sales or flea markets, although their characteristics match those of a flea shop. they operate only in 5 districts and almost 2/3 of them are located in district xiii (3 shops) and in district xi (2 shops). there is only one shop with additional second-hand retail function in district vii, in the cellar of a street food restaurant. the bazaar is located in the bar, where retro and rare items – originally part of the decoration – can also be bought. conclusions in conclusion we can state that the emergence and spatial expansion of the different types of second-hand retail units is stimulated by customer needs constantly changing in space and time. the difference in their target groups and business strategies can clearly be seen in the spatial distribution of the different types, in the areas where their shops and markets are concentrated. following the u.s. and western european trends, secondhand retail trade in budapest has been going through a remarkable diversification process in the last few decades. this process can be characterized by the followings: – the number of second-hand retail units in budapest almost doubled between 1998 and 2014, and this process was the most dynamic in the central districts of the capital. – antique shops and second-hand clothes shops represent more than 4/5 of the total in second-hand retail in budapest. elegant antique shops and more expensive vintage stores are concentrated in the inner buda and pest districts, the locations of secondhand clothes shop chains are in districts further from the centre. – thrift shops, flea markets and flea shops mainly make the palette more colourful, but at the same time, they play an important role in satisfying the needs of customer groups of different socio-economic situations. – increasing concentration of second-hand retail trade can be observed in districts next to the downtown area, and here can be found the most diverse selection of shops considering their profiles. these busy areas are popular locations for flea shops and charity shops too. – opposed to this, the second-hand retail trade network in the suburban districts is modest both in size and profile, they provide favourable location mainly for flea markets. in the future, a remarkable research direction can be the comparison of spatial characteristics of second-hand goods retail and other retail segments, the exploration of similarities and differences between them. according to the author, várnai, i. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 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(2–3): 147–154. várnai, i. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 75–90.90 other sources european commission 2008. nace rev.2. statistical classification of economic activites in the european community. 363. p. http://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/ documents/3859598/5902521/ks-ra-07-015-en.pdf executive office of the president office of management and budget 2017. north american industry classification system (naics), 961. p. https:// www.census.gov/eos/www/naics/2017naics/2017_ naics_manual.pdf teáor ’08 nómenklatúra http://www.teaorszamok. hu/4779/haszn%c3%a1ltcikk%20bolti%20kiskereskedelme/ united nations statistics division: international standard industrial classification of all economic activities (isic rev.4) https://unstats.un.org/unsd/ cr/registry/regcs.asp?cl=27&lg=1&co=4774 3_bilandzija et al.indd 29bilandžija, d. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 29–35.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.66.1.3 hungarian geographical bulletin 66 2017 (1) 29–35. introduction agricultural sector has contributed by 9.4 per cent to total croatian greenhouse gas emissions in 2014 (nir 2016). agricultural soils can act both as a source or a sink of greenhouse gases. tillage often accelerates and increases soil co2 emissions by speeding organic carbon decomposition i.e. decreasing soil organic matter, changing soil microclimate (temperature and water content), disrupting soil aggregates, increasing aeration and increasing contact between soil and crop residues (gebhart, d.l. et al. 1994; reicosky, d.c. et al. 1995, 1997; gregorich, e.g. et al. 2005; bilen, s. et al. 2010; bilandžija, d. et al. 2016). tillage may have long-term influence on soil co2 emissions but also it often increases short-term soil co2 emissions due to a rapid physical release of co2 trapped in the soil air pores (bilandžija, d. et al. 2013). tillage management can increase atmospheric co2 concentrations but it is uncertain to which extent tillage enhances the transfer of soil co2 to the atmosphere. the objectives of our research were (1) to determine the effects of ploughing (30 cm depth), very deep ploughing (50 cm depth) and ploughing (30 cm depth) with subsoiling (50 cm depth) on short-term soil co2 emissions relative to no-tillage (nt); (2) to determine the effect of four different tillage systems and time after tillage operation on soil co2 emissions and soil microclimate; (3) to determine best function of correlation between soil co2 emissions and microclimatic conditions. influence of tillage systems on short-term soil co2 emissions darija b i l a n d ži j a , željka z g o r e l e c and ivica k i s i ć1 abstract agricultural ecosystems can play a significant role in greenhouse gas emissions, specifically, carbon dioxide. tillage management can increase atmospheric co2 concentrations and contribute to global warming but it is uncertain to which extent tillage enhances the transfer of soil co2 to the atmosphere. our objectives were (1) to determine short-term, tillage-induced soil co2 emissions; (2) to determine the effect of different tillage systems and time after tillage operation on soil co2 emissions and soil microclimate and (3) to examine the relations between short-term soil co2 emissions and microclimate (soil temperature, soil water content; air temperature and relative air humidity). soil co2 concentrations were measured on stagnic luvisols, in a temperate continental climate of the central lowland croatia in october 2013 before, zero and three hours after tillage operations with in situ closed static chamber method. the four tillage systems were no-tillage (nt), ploughing to 25 cm (p25), very deep ploughing to 50 cm (p50) and subsoiling to 50 cm (ps50). the study showed that tillage has impact on soil co2 emissions and soil microclimate. tillage has accelerated the transfer of soil co2 to the atmosphere but soil co2 emissions declined sharply within three hours after tillage operations. soil temperature has decreased after tillage operation and afterwards continued to rise while soil water content has been decreasing during whole study period. correlations between soil co2 emissions and microclimatic factors were mostly weak or modest while best type of studied correlations between soil co2 emissions and microclimate showed to be the second order polynomial correlation. keywords: short-term soil co2 emissions, tillage, soil water content, soil and air temperature, relative air humidity 1 department of general agronomy, faculty of agriculture, university of zagreb. svetošimunska cesta 25, 10 000 zagreb, croatia. e-mails: dbilandzija@agr.hr; zzgorelec@agr.hr; ikisic@agr.hr. bilandžija, d. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 29–35.30 materials and methods experimental site and tillage systems field experiment with four different tillage systems usually implemented in croatia was set up in blagorodovac near daruvar (elevation: 133 m a.s.l.; n 45°33´54´´, e 17°02´56´´) in central lowland of croatia. field experiment was established in 1994 with the aim of research on determination of soil degradation by water erosion and later, in 2011, expanded to the research on soil co2 concentration measurements. soil type at the experimental site is determined as stagnic luvisols (iuss 2014). size of each tillage plot is 22.1 m x 1.87 m. tillage systems differed in tools that were used, depth and direction of tillage and planting. tillage was conducted in october 2013 and tillage systems were: a) no-tillage (nt) – planting directly into the mulch along the slope; b) ploughing to 30 cm (p30) – tillage and planting across the slope; c) very deep ploughing to 50 cm (p50) – tillage and planting across the slope; d) ploughing to 30 cm + subsoiling to 50 cm (ps50) – tillage and planting across the slope. measurement of co2 concentrations and calculation of soil co2 emissions soil co2 concentrations were measured before, zero and three hours after tillage implementation in three repetitions at each plot. for the measurement of soil carbon dioxide concentrations, in situ closed static chamber method was used. the chambers were made of lightproof metal material and they consist of two parts: frames (25 cm in diameter) and caps (25 cm in diameter and 9 cm high) fitted with a gas sampling port. the circular frames were inserted about 10 cm into the soil at the beginning of measurements. before the chambers closure, near the soil surface, the initial co2 concentrations inside the frames were measured. afterwards, the chambers were closed with caps and the incubation period was 30 minutes after which accumulated co2 in the chamber was measured (photos 1–4). measurements of co2 concentrations (ppm) were conducted with portable infrared carbon dioxide detector (gasalertmicro5 ir, 2011). measurements were conducted on bare soil and when necessary (at no-tillage system), vegetation was removed before the beginning of measurement. the soil co2 emissions (efflux) were afterwards calculated according to widen, b. and lindroth , a. (2003), and tóth, t. et al. (2005) as: fco2 = m x p x v (c2 – c1) , r x t x a (t2 – t1) where fco2 = soil co2 efflux (kg/ha per day); m = molar mass of the co2 (kg/mol); p = air pressure (pa); v = chamber volume (m3); c2 –c1 = co2 concentration increase rate in the chamber during incubation period (µmol/mol); r = gas constant (j/mol/k); t = air temperature (k); a = chamber surface (m2); t2 – t1 = incubation period (day). photos 1–4. measurement of short-term soil co2 emissions (from left to right): tillage implementation (1); inserted circular frames into the soil (2); incubation period (3); measurement of accumulated co2 in the chamber (4). 31bilandžija, d. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 29–35. determination of microclimate soil temperature, soil water content, air temperature and relative air humidity were measured in order to determine their influence on tillage-induced co2 emissions. soil temperature (°c) and soil water content (%) were determined with imko hd2 probe trime, pico64 (2011) at 10 cm depth in the vicinity of each chamber along with measurement of soil co2 concentrations. the air temperature (°c) and relative air humidity (%) were determined with testo 610 (2011) and air pressure was determined with testo 511 (2011) at the height about 1 m above the soil surface. data analysis soil co2 emissions were analyzed using statistical software sas (sas 2002–2004). variability between tillage systems were evaluated with analysis of variance (anova) and tested, if it were necessary, with adequate post-hoc (bonferroni) t-tests. in all statistical tests significance level was p≤0.05. a linear, exponential, logarithmic and second order polynomial regression procedure was used to determine the dependence of each climatological factor on soil surface co2 emissions. the value of the correlation coefficient was ranked by roemerk-orphal scale (0.0–0.10: no correlation; 0.10–0.25: very weak; 0.25–0.40: weak; 0.40–0.50: modest; 0.50–0.75: strong; 0.75–0.90: very strong; 0.90–1.00: full correlation) (vasilj, đ. 2000). results microclimate and short-term tillage-induced soil co2 emissions during the studied period on october 28, 2013 (between 8.00 and 17.00 hours) it was mostly sunny and warm, air temperature ranged from 23.2 to 28.2 °c and relative air humidity varied from 50.9 to 60.4 per cent (table 1). soil temperature before the tillage operations varied from 26.9 to 33.0 °c, immediately after the tillage operations it declined sharply up to 10.9 °c and afterwards it mostly continued to table 1. soil co2 emissions and climatologic factors (means ± sd) before, zero and three hours after tillage operation (n = 3) parameter tillage system before tillage operation zero hours three hours after tillage operation air temperature, °c nt p30 p50 ps50 23.2 ± 0.7 23.2 ± 0.9 23.4 ± 1.2 23.4 ± 0.8 25.7 ± 0.5 25.7 ± 0.3 25.8 ± 0.3 25.8 ± 0.2 28.1 ± 0.7 28.1 ± 0.4 28.2 ± 1.1 28.2± 0.9 relative air humidity, % nt p30 p50 ps50 60.4 ± 2.2 60.4 ± 1.9 56.7 ± 2.2 56.7 ± 2.1 55.6 ± 0.8 55.6 ± 0.7 53.7 ± 0.9 53.7 ± 0.9 50.7 ± 1.1 50.7 ± 0.9 50.9 ± 1.3 50.9 ± 1.1 soil temperature, °c nt p30 p50 ps50 33.0 ± 1.7 31.5 ± 1.3 26.9 ± 1.3 31.0 ± 3.2 33.4 ± 2.2 10.9 ± 0.7 12.8 ± 2.1 11.6 ± 1.5 33.0 ± 2.0 11.5 ± 2.7 16.2 ± 2.5 10.7 ± 1.5 soil water content, % nt p30 p50 ps50 23.4 ± 0.1 23.9 ± 0.3 25.7 ± 0.1 25.7 ± 0.1 22.7 ± 0.1 23.0 ± 0.0 23.8 ± 0.1 23.7 ± 0.1 16.2 ± 0.0 16.2 ± 0.1 18.7 ± 0.0 18.6 ± 0.1 soil co2 emissions, kg co2/ha per day -1 nt p30 p50 ps50 114.1 ± 13.3 85.9 ± 4.7 76.5 ± 4.5 85.9± 6.3 100.5 ± 20.1 126.0 ± 10.2 116.6 ± 18.8 123.3± 15.3 122.8 ± 16.3 45.6 ± 6.3 49.6 ± 6.4 34.9± 7.6 bilandžija, d. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 29–35.32 rise while on no-till system, soil temperature was mostly steady. soil water content ranged from 23.4 to 25.7 per cent before the tillage operations, and after the tillage operations it was continuously declining during the study period up to 16.2 per cent (table 1). the soil co2 emissions measured on tilled systems before tillage ranged from 76.5 to 85.9 kg co2 /ha per day -. immediately after tillage soil co2 emissions ranged from 116.6 to 126.0 kg co2 /ha per day and were on average 47.4 per cent greater than the average emission before tillage operations, while three hours after tillage it was on average 48.6 per cent lower compared to average emission before tillage operation. the exception was no till system where soil co2 emissions were high and ranged from 100.5 to 122.8 kg co2 /ha per day during the whole study period (table 1). influence of tillage systems and time on soil co2 emissions and soil microclimate different tillage systems didn’t have any significant impact on average soil co2 emissions and soil water content while average soil temperature determined at no-till was significantly higher compared to other tilled systems (table 2). average soil co2 emission of the experimental plot measured before tillage operation was not significantly different from soil co2 emissions after tillage but emissions measured immediately after and three hours after tillage operation were significantly different. soil temperature measured before tillage was significantly higher compared to those measured after tillage. soil water content was significantly declining within hours after tillage operation correlation between short-term soil co2 emissions and microclimate between soil co2 emissions and soil temperature, very weak positive logarithmic (r = +0.23), modest positive second order polynomial (r = +0.41), weak positive linear (r = +0.25) and exponential (r = +0.35) correlation was determined. the values of correlation coefficients indicate the presence of positive modest linear (r = +0.40), exponential (r = +0.48) and logarithmic (r = +0.40) correlation between soil co2 emissions and soil water content. an exception is the correlation in the second order polynomial type which is negatively modest and amounts r = -0.41. between soil co2 emissions and air temperature, negative weak linear (r = -0.36), negative modest exponential (r = -0.47), negative weak logarithmic (r = -0.35) and negative strong second order polynomial (r = -0.70) correlation was determined. positive weak linear (r = +0.37) and logarithmic (r = +0.38), positive modest exponential (r = +0.46) and negative strong second order polynomial (r = -0.52) correlation was determined between soil co2 emissions and relative air humidity. table 2. influence of different tillage systems and time on soil co2 emissions and soil microclimate tillage soil co2 emission,kg co2 /ha per day soil temperature, °c soil water content, % vol. nt p30 p50 ps50 112.5 a 85.9 a 80.9 a 81.4 a 33.2 a 18.0 b 18.6 b 17.8 b 20.8 a 21.0 a 22.7 a 22.7 a time soil co2 emission,kg co2 /ha per day soil temperature, °c soil water content, %vol. before tillage zero hours after tillage three hours after tillage 90.6 ab 116.6 a 63.2 b 30.6 a 17.2 b 17.9 b 24.7 a 23.3 b 17.4 c averages followed by same letter are not significantly different. 33bilandžija, d. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 29–35. discussion air temperature was rising and relative air humidity was declining during the measurement period. soil temperature was high and steady at no till during the whole study period while on tilled systems soil temperature declined sharply after tillage operation due to the disruption of soil aggregates and increasing aeration by which the soil climate was changed; after which soil temperature continued to rise. soil water content was continuously declining, partly due to the tillage operation but also due to the increase of air temperature and an increase in soil water evaporation. decreased soil water content in tilled treatments just after tillage and the greatest soil water content in nt was observed by alvaro-fuentes, j. et al. (2007). lampurlanes, j. et al. (2001) also observed greater water contents in nt and suggested that better infiltration rates in nt promoted greater soil water content as compared to tilled treatments. at no till system, soil co2 emission was not significantly higher compared to tilled systems and was high and steady during the whole study period. soil co2 emissions increased rapidly immediately after tillage operation due to physical release of co2 from soil pores and solutions at all tilled treatments. a significant increase of co2 emission immediately after tillage operations in tillage treatments, except nt, was also observed by alvarofuentes, j. et al. (2007). already three hours after tillage operation, soil co2 emissions declined sharply and were lower compared to emissions measured before tillage operation. reicosky, d.c. (1997), observed a decrease within 2 hours after a pass with plough. many authors (reicosky, d.c. and lindstrom, m.j. 1993; reicosky, d.c. et al. 1997; ellert, b.h. and janzen, h.h. 1999; alkaisi, m.m. and yin, x. 2005) also obtained in their research that the effect of tillage on soil co2 emission was short-lived. reicosky, d.c. and lindstrom, m.j. (1993), and prior, s.a. et al. (2000) suggested that initial co2 emission after tillage was also related to the depth and degree of soil disturbance. in our experiment, similar results were not determined. within tilled treatments, p30 was the tillage operation with greatest co2 flux after tillage compared to other tilled treatments although the differences were not significant. in our study, no significant relationships between co2 emissions and microclimate conditions were found. microclimatic conditions had mostly weak or modest impact on soil co2 emission. similar results were reported by kessavalou, a. et al. (1998); alkaisi, m.m. and yin, x. (2005); omonode, r.a. et al. (2007); jabro, j.d. et al. (2008); li, c. et al. (2010); bilandžija, d. et al. (2014) and bilandžija, d. (2015). of all tested functions, best type of correlation between soil co2 emissions and microclimatic factors, showed to be the second order polynomial correlation, except for soil water content. according to its determination coefficient, 17 per cent of soil co2 emissions depended on soil temperature, 17 per cent of soil co2 emissions depended on soil water content, 27 per cent of soil co2 emissions depended on relative air humidity and 49 per cent of soil co2 emissions depended on air temperature. a possible explanation for this lack of relationship with co2 flux may be related to the fact that soil microclimate conditions were only measured to 10 cm depth and soil tillage was implemented to 30 and 50 cm soil depth. therefore, a large proportion of the co2 emission could come from deeper than 10 cm soil layer. conclusions at no till system soil co2 emissions were steady and high during whole study period. tillage did not have significant, on 3 hours average, short term impact on soil co2 emissions. however, tillage accelerated the transfer of soil co2 to the atmosphere and caused an immediate sharp increase in soil co2 emissions which were on average 40–50 per cent higher compared to those before tillage. this was a relatively short lived process, bilandžija, d. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 29–35.34 lasting less than 3 hours from tillage operation after which the soil co2 emissions were on average 40–50 per cent lower compared to those measured before tillage. at tilled systems, soil temperature rapidly declined after tillage operation and afterwards continued to rise while at no-till system it was steady during whole study period. soil water content was declining with time of measurement during whole study period. the tillage-induced soil co2 emissions appeared to be independent of changes in microclimate as correlations between soil co2 emissions and microclimatic factors were mostly weak or modest. the obtained data suggested that correlations were independent from the function type used. further long term research is needed to better assess also the impact of other agroecological factors such as soil physical and chemical parameters, especially changes of soil organic matter content in the topsoil on co2 emissions. r e f e r e n c e s al-kaisi, m.m. and yin, x. 2005. tillage and crop residue effects on soil carbon and carbon dioxide emission in corn-soybean rotations. journal of environmental quality 34. 437–445. alvaro-fuentes, j., cantero-martinez, c., lopez, m.v. and arrue, j.l. 2007. soil carbon dioxide fluxes following tillage in semiarid mediterranean agroecosystems. soil and tillage research 96. 331–341. bilandžija, d. 2015. emisija ugljikovog dioksida pri različitim načinima obrade tla (carbon dioxide emissions under different soil tillage treatments). doctoral dissertation. zagreb. bilandžija, d., zgorelec, ž. and kisić, i. 2013. tillage induced co2 emissions in relation to soil parameters. in soil and crop management: adaptation and mitigation of climate change. eds.: vukadinović, v. and đurđević, b., osijek, grafika d.o.o., 201–208. bilandžija, d., zgorelec, ž. and kisić, i. 2014. the influence of agroclimatic factors on soil co2 emissions. collegium antropologicum 38. 77–83. bilandžija, d., zgorelec, ž. and kisić, i. 2016. influence of tillage practices and crop type on soil co2 emissions. sustainability 8. 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(38): 6312–6319. ellert, b.h. and janzen, h.h. 1999. short-term influence of tillage on co2 fluxes from a semi-arid soil on the canadian prairies. soil and tillage research 50. 21–32. gebhart, d.l., johnson, h.b., mayeux, h.s. and polley, h.w. 1994. the crp increases soil organic carbon. journal of soil and water conservation 49. 488–492. gregorich, e.g., rochette, p., van den bygaart, a.j. and angers, d.a. 2005. greenhouse gas contributions of agricultural soils and potential mitigation practices in eastern canada. soil and tillage research 83. 53–72. iuss 2014. working group world reference base for soil resources 2014. world soil resources report 2015, rome, fao. jabro, j.d., sainju, u., stevens, w.b. and evans, r.g. 2008. carbon dioxide flux as affected by tillage and irrigation in soil converted from perennial forages to annual crops. journal of environmental management 88. 1478–1484. kessavalou, a., mosier, a.r., doran, j.w., drijber, r.a., lyon, d.j. and heinemeyer, o. 1998. fluxes of carbon dioxide, nitrous oxide, and methane in grass sod and winter wheat-fallow tillage management. journal of environmental quality 27. 1094–1104. lampurlanes, j., angas, p. and cantero-martinez, c. 2001. root growth, soil water content, and yield of barley under different tillage systems on two soils in semiarid conditions. field crops research 69. 27–40. li, c., kou, z., yang, j., cai, m., wang, j. and cao, c. 2010. soil co2 fluxes from direct seeding rice fields under two tillage practices in central china. atmospheric environment 44. 2696–2704. nir 2016. national inventory report. croatian greenhouse gas inventory for the period 1990–2014. zagreb, croatian agency for the environment and nature. omonode, r.a., vyn, t.j., smith, d.r., hegymegi, p. and gal, a. 2007. soil carbon dioxide and methane fluxes from long-term tillage systems in continuous corn and corn–soybean rotations. soil and tillage research 95. 182–195. prior, s.a., raper, r.l. and runion, g.b. 2004. effect of implement on soil co2 efflux: fall vs. spring tillage. transactions of the asae 47. 367– 373. reicosky, d.c. 1997. tillage methods and carbon dioxide loss: fall versus spring tillage. in management of carbon sequestration in soil. eds.: lal, r., kimble, j. and follet, r., boca raton, fl, usa, crc press, 99–111. reicosky, d.c. and lindstrom, m.j. 1993. fall tillage method: effect on short-term carbon dioxide flux from soil. agronomy journal 85. (6): 1237–1243. 35bilandžija, d. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 29–35. reicosky, d.c., dugas, w.a. and torbert, h.a. 1997. tillage-induced soil carbon dioxide loss from different cropping systems. soil and tillage research 41. 105–118. reicosky, d.c., kemper, w.d., langdale, g.w., douglas, c.l. jr. and rasmussen, p.e. 1995. soil organic matter changes resulting from tillage and biomass production. journal of soil and water conservation 50. (1): 253–261. sas 2002–2004. sas 9.1.3. help and documentation. cary, nc, usa, sas institute. tóth, t., fórizs, i. and kuti, l. 2005. data on the elements of carbon cycle in a solonetz and solonchak soil. cereal research communications 33. 133–136. vasilj, đ. 2000. biometrika i eksperimentiranje u bilinogojstvu. zagreb, hrvatsko agronomsko društvo. widen, b. and lindroth, a. 2003. a calibration system for soil carbon dioxide – efflux measurement chambers: description and application. soil science society of america journal 67. 327–334. bilandžija, d. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 29–35.36 guest editorial address 92 guest editorial address in the last decades urbanisation accelerated and reached enormous magnitude. the earth’s urban population grows faster than the total population, therefore, more and more people live in urbanised regions. not only the large cities but also the smaller ones can modify almost all properties of the urban atmospheric environment compared to the natural surroundings. these changes are caused by the artifi cial building-up, as well as by the emission of heat, moisture and pollution related to human activities resulting changes in radiation, energy and momentum processes. as a result a local climate (urban climate) develops in the urbanised areas. the climate modifi cation eff ect of cities occurs most notably in the temperature increase (urban heat island) which infl uences, on the one hand, the energy demand for heating in winter and air conditioning in summer, and on the other hand, it increases the thermal load of the city dwellers in varying degrees in time and space within the sett lement. the heat island aff ects not only the quality of life and well-being (e.g. human comfort), but in many cases also the health conditions of people living in cities. this can be a problem especially as heat waves are becoming more and more frequent due to climate change. this special issue of the hungarian geographical bulletin provides some insights into the recent results of research groups of fi ve central european cities (brno, budapest, cluj-napoca, novi sad and szeged) from four countries related to this large and diverse topic. certain parts of their research were linked by joint projects (e.g. urban-path project – htt p://en.urbanpath.hu/, urban climate in central european cities and global climate change project – htt p:// www.klimat.geo.uj.edu.pl/urbanclimate/about.html). the apropos of this thematic issue is given to the session ‘applied urban climate and bioclimate’ of the eugeo-2015 congress in budapest. the presented results of this session were largely derived from the above mentioned research groups (htt p://www.eugeo2015.com/sessions/session/3). the focus of this special issue is the measurement/modelling of thermal patt erns and human thermal sensation within urban environments. the fi rst three papers deal with temperature measurements at districts and city scales. the next three ones contribute to our knowledge on human thermal comfort and radiation modifi cation eff ects of urban environments. the last two studies present modelling tools that can be used to assess and compare the intra-urban thermal conditions both at present and in the future. jános unger hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (2) << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.3 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 /colorconversionstrategy /leavecolorunchanged /dothumbnails false /embedallfonts true /embedopentype false /parseiccprofilesincomments true 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice minkenberg, m. (ed.): transforming the transformation? the east european radical right in the political 81book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 81–85. b o o k r e v i e w the transformation of the post-socialist region is a dynamically growing segment of political geography literature. furthermore radicalism, more specifi cally the recent strengthening of the radical right has been becoming a hot issue. this book gives a closer insight to the role of radical right parties in the region, regarding their involvement in the political processes of the new democracies. authors of the volume analyse the interaction of the radical right with other political actors (parties, governments, interest groups, syndicates) and the eff ects of such interaction on agenda-sett ing and policies in sensitive policy fi elds like minorities, immigration, law and order, religion, territorial issues, democratisation, privatisation. aft er the fall of communism many grievance came to the surface and many economic problems appeared which provided a fertile breeding ground for populist radical right parties. the main aim of the book is to examine key factors of radicalisation, and to underminkenberg, m. (ed.): transforming the transformation? the east european radical right in the political process. london–new york, routledge, 2015. 376 p. stand radical right political mobilisation in general and its impact in central and eastern europe with a measurable outcomes (policies, election results, regime changes etc.). the book consists of four major parts and contains altogether fi ft een chapters. the fi rst part of the book sets the conceptual framework and introduces a broad discussion about the location of the radical right in the political spectrum. klaus von beyme addresses the theoretical as well as macro-political and social contexts of the phenomenon from a pan-european perspective. then michael minkenberg focuses more on the east european radical right movements by specifying their distinct ideologies (compared to west europe) as well as the patt erns of success and failure in elections and the role of non-party formations, movements of the radical right. the east european radical right is contextualised historically and structurally. the author highlights the volatility of the party systems, the legacies of the non-democratic past and the particular ethnic and cultural make-up of the countries. in the second part of the book lenka bustikova deals with the transformation of minority issues in the region, starting with the observation that the repressive regimes in eastern europe before 1989 hindered the democratic aspirations of many, at the same time curbed expression of group animosity, thus preventing outright att acks on minorities. aft er 1989 this delicate balance was disrupted as new democracies transformed their economic and political systems, thereby allowing a third transformation. she claims that in states with resolved ethnic boundaries, the expansion of minority rights generated violent responses. andrea pirro in the fourth chapter looks more closely at the impact of radical right parties in bulgaria, hungary, and the slovak republic and their contribution to shift s in the party system as far as minority issues are concerned. in these countries the mainstream competitors’ response to the radical right is gradual and mostly passive and there are not cordon sanitaire between the radical right and mainstream parties. bartek pytlas and oliver kossack in the fifth chapter prove that the active political participation of radical right parties in the sphere of issue competition causes spatial as well as narrative shift s to the right doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.65.1.7 hungarian geographical bulletin 65 2016 (1) book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 81–85.82 among their mainstream competitors and in the east central european party system in general. moreover, the radical right parties infl uence the salience of confl icts along the socio-cultural axis. the last comparative contribution of the second part of the book focuses on the baltic republics. according to daunis auers and andres kasekamp the three baltic states share very similar historical trajectories such as the experience of the russian empire, and aft er a brief independence, incorporation into the soviet union before regaining independence in 1991. the estonian and latvian party systems and elections can be characterised by deeper ethnic cleavages which heavily infl uences the political discourse. the estonian party system is more consolidated and less volatile than the latvian one, and it provides less opportunity for radical right parties to succeed. in contrast, the main reason for the weakness of the radical right in lithuania is the absence of a large and infl uential minority (the ratio of poles is only 6.6%). on the other hand, the mobilisation of radical right is strongest in latvia, where radical nationalists try to marginalise russians and other russian-speaking in-migrants from the soviet era. the third part of the book is the largest with four case studies on east central europe. in the seventh chapter, dominika kasparowicz tackles the polish case. this chapter distinguishes two types of relations between radical right actors (internal and external) which inform their impact on their political environment. although the book was writt en by sociologists and political scientists there are also many geographical factors e.g. in poland the radical right lpr (league of polish families) performed best in the traditionally most religious parts of the southeast. the eighth chapter is the most relevant for hungary. the evolution of contemporary hungarian radical right is interpreted by péter krekó and gregor mayer. they discuss the interaction between the mainstream conservative ruling party fidesz and the far-right party jobbik, along with its non-party formations such as the hungarian guard. they claim that fidesz has been ‘transforming the transformation’ and implementing some of the policy solutions taken from the manifesto of jobbik. the specifi c character of the hungarian case is that the ruling party has a constant fi ght against the international political establishment and against the ‘colonisation’ of hungary. so the mainstream conservative party fidesz tries to withhold and compete with the radical right and use jobbik as an instrument to reach its political goals and jobbik served fidesz as a ‘pioneer’ to mark out new pathways in the ideological and political sense, that prime minister viktor orbán could then follow afterwards (for example in the case of hungarian dual citizenship law, the ‘eastern opening’ and so on). in the ninth chapter miroslav mares analyses the direct and indirect impact of the radical right on the transformation and (de)consolidation of democracy in the czech republic. klaus von beyme identifi es three core fi elds of democratic consolidation: (1) the institutional conditions of consolidation (national borders, choice of governmental system, option for electoral system), (2) the consolidation of democracy (which means free and active civil society, autonomous political society, rule of law, democratic loyal bureaucracy, market economy), (3) the consolidation of the party system (a minimum of extremism, clear cleavage structure, division of territorial and functional representation, decline of factionalism and voter ’s volatility, coalition building). extremism is conceptualised as a negative consequence of these processes. in the czech case it has only limited importance because no radical right party participated in a coalition government in the post-1989 era. in comparison with hungary, poland, romania and slovakia a large part of the extreme right is not religiously profi led. the historical legacy of the ‘fight against pangermanism’ was and continues to be promoted by a section of the extreme right as well as by the ‘patriotic left ’, which is interconnected with the extreme left /communist spectrum. pan-slavic groupings are affi liated with the extreme left as well as with the extreme right. radical right has been divided into several ideological streams, predominately (1) czech nationalism with an anti-german orientation which has its roots in the hussite movement of the 15th century and (2) neo-nazism with a pan-aryan and german friendly orientation. they were opponents of the dissolution of former czechoslovakia and they had irredentist demands on carpathian ukraine. in neighbouring slovakia the radical right label ‘czechoslovakism’ a political concept invented to allow the czech to dominate the slovaks. but the biggest threatening enemy is hungary. typically the northwest region of slovakia is the most antihungarian, which phenomenon has been labelled the ‘bubble eff ect’ and provides empirical evidence that anti-hungarian feelings do not stem from everyday contacts, but rather from resentments which is politically highly instrumentalised. olga gyárfásová and grigorij meseznikov focus on the social context of radicalism, its agenda sett ing, and trends in popular support, thereby distinguishing societal impact from political and policy impact of the radical right. in such situations, nationalism serves as a classic ‘conveniently available’ mobilisation tool. radical right is mobilising collective identities and motivating and encouraging people to distinguish themselves from others. the sns (slovak national party) was the only relevant political party in slovakia which rejected slovakia’s membership in the nato, using anti-globalist and anti-hungarian rhetoric as the principle tool of voter mobilisation. in slovakia, similar to hungary and poland, the government party does not 83book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 81–85. use cordon sanitaire and adopted some of the standards set by sns. the sns is the only party in slovakia that has succeeded in returning to parliament aft er a previous electoral failure and it was member of coalition governments on three occasions between 1990 and 2012. slovakia sets a good example of an illustrative country case. the structural opportunities for an emerging radical right are also aff ected by its ethnic heterogeneity, combination of cultural, and socio-economic appeals, as well as the nature of confl ict in the early time of transition. moreover, slovakia was facing a three-fold transition (political, economic and nation-state building which was also highly relevant, more so than in the czech republic aft er the split of czechoslovakia in 1993). the fourth part of the book focuses on the south eastern countries of post-communist east central europe. gabriel andreescu identifi es the romanian orthodox church as a new player on the far right by introducing the concept of active and passive resources of radical right politics. the specifi c kind of nationalist-communist power was the basis for the party for greater romania (prm). while the prm gradually declined aft er 2000, the radical right ideology did not vanish but found other way to the society paved by the romanian orthodox church. the church has got dominant position in religious education and fuelled by the anonymity and range of the internet, as evidenced by the new relationship between the church and the state in the 2000s. religious education actively contributes to receptivity of young people towards radical ideas. as a result 26 percent of the students considered democracy as an inappropriate political system for romania in 2001. in the early 2000s on the eve of eu accession the main political forces followed containment policy towards the radical right which caused the marginalisation and then elimination of extremist parties from mainstream politics. bulgaria became eu member state in 2007 together with romania. but it has got a more peripheral position and a closer connection to the near east. kiril avramov in the thirteenth chapter studies the emergence and development of the bulgarian radical right aft er the break-up of the bi-polar party competition in 2001. the public apathy, a desire for retribution, deeply embedded institutional mistrust; the general feeling of pessimism coupled with fear of the rise of radical islam provided opportunity for marginal populist radical right parties and movements. the chapter argues that the mainstreaming of the radical right ataka (att ack) opened the way for speedy growth of a number of other radical right formations on party and sub-party levels. alina polyakova in the next chapter deals with the issue how freedom and various ukrainian nationalist groups negotiated their interaction in two western regions, galicia and volyn. the cooperation which came to existence in galicia but not in volyn, depended on the size and strength of subcultural networks, the strength of social networks between the party and subcultures, and the appeal of historical legacies of radical nationalism. between 2007 and 2012 freedom saw a rise in support across many ukrainian districts; mainly in the central ukrainian regions but even in the farthest east regions (luhansk, kharkiv), where it has no historical or cultural foundations. historically, galicia has been the heartland of ukrainian nationalism. as eu enlargement has progressed further to the east, ukraine became the sett ing for geo-political struggles between eu and russia, but freedom, with its populist anti-establishment discourse will likely gain support, and the future of ukraine’s democratic transformation remains uncertain. to sum up, the case studies of the volume revealed the negative externalities associated with the democratic transition in central and eastern europe. however, it is not an easy task to defi ne ideologically the radical right parties in the investigated countries. the czech republic shows a particularly interesting picture, because the right-wing radical parties perform poorly in the parliamentary elections and they have never played a role in any coalition government. this means that the czech republic is the most successful in democratic transition and consolidation. however, this is not completely true as the book also mentions that nationalism and islamophobia are still present at the presidential level. also, it is a diffi cult question if we can clearly identify jobbik as a radical right party, and if jobbik in hungary changes its present profi le by moving towards the centrum (‘néppártosodás’), than it might bring other far-right parties appearing. zoltán bertus 1_jakab.indd 109jakab, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 109–120.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.67.2.1 hungarian geographical bulletin 67 2018 (2) 109–120. introduction soil organic matter (som) is an important component of soil. as a result of input (mainly plant residuals) and output (mineralization) som is an ever-changing holistic system that is complex and spatially diverse, therefore cannot be described or modelled adequately still today even though it is a key parameter of sustainability (jancsovszka, p. 2016). the first, widely accepted theory was the humus concept (kononova, m.m. 1966), which separated som to single molecules based on their extent and polymerization. main components were classified as humic, fulvic substances and humin that belonged to colloid size and polymerisation range of an increasing order respectively (stevenson, f.j. 1982). according to this theory the stability of a certain som molecule is proportional of molecular extent, polymerisation and aromaticity. this way the process of humification was presumed to be constructed more complex molecular structures to be more resistant against mineralisation. the proxies applied to measure som composition, therefore based on humic substance solubility in various solvents (kononova, m.m. 1966). in recent times studies proved that som highly interacted with the mineral phase of the soil, creating various types of complexes that affected som stability more than mosoil organic matter characterisation by photometric indices or photon correlation spectroscopy: are they comparable? gergely j a k a b 1, ádám r i e d e r 2, anna viktória vancsik1 and zoltán s z a l a i 1 abstract soil organic matter (som) is a complex component of soil that acts as basis for most of the soil forming processes. som characteristics, including quantity, spatial distribution, molecular size and composition, are the results of environmental effects. som is definitely hard to be measured in situ, therefore most investigations are based on incomplete som extractions or other proxies. even though, the traditional humus concept that polymerisation degree of som molecules are proportional to their stability are refuted, the concerning proxies for som composition predictions are still in use. these are mainly based on the photometric investigations of alkali extractions. however, this extraction method received many rightful critiques, it still could be a possible alternative, since it is quite simple, cheap and represented much more som than water extractions. this study aimed to compare som composition results based on carbon-nitrogen ratio and alkali extractions measured by uv-vis spectrometry and photon correlation spectrometry on the same soil used as forest and crop field. som composition proxies provided inconsistent results using the naoh extraction method compared with photon correlation. therefore, the application of organo-mineral som protection theory in association with the photometric proxies seems to be difficult in the case of the investigated luvisol. on the other hand, photon correlation spectroscopy provided results in line with the published results of the organo-mineral stabilization theory that suggested alkali extraction with special care could be a useful alternative. however, due to the known imperfections of it, the application of in situ measurement methods would be preferable. keywords: organic matter composition, tillage, soil carbon, dynamic light scattering 1 geographical institute, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences of the hungarian academy of sciences. h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mails: jakab.gergely@csfk.mta.hu, vancsik.anna@csfk.mta.hu, szalai.zoltan@csfk.mta.hu 2 university of leeds, earth surface science institute, ls2 9jt leeds, uk. e-mail: eeari@leeds.ac.uk jakab, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 109–120.110 lecular composition alone (zimmermann, m. et al. 2007; schmidt, m.w.i. et al. 2011). accordingly, som could not be clearly classified on the basis of the humus concept (lehman, j. and kleber, m. 2015). however, according to this theory stable som was directly related to the fine particles of the soil (hassink, j. 1997; wiesmeier, m. et al. 2014) the role of aggregates was less clear. six, j. et al. (2002) revealed that som takes a major role in forming and stabilizing these aggregates, which are thus considered to be storage vessels for som by protecting it from decomposition (meng-yun, l. et al. 2014; jakab, g. et al. 2016). therefore, in general, som is classified to i) mineral phase associated, recalcitrant pool with long turnover time; ii) aggregate associated chemically and biologically active pool with short turnover time; iii) particulate organic matter (often called light fraction), which consists slightly degraded plant tissue and iv.) water soluble pool (filep, t. et al. 2015). moreover, nowadays, the application of highly intact biochar in soils is coming to the focus (kása, i. et al. 2016; dencső, m. et al. 2017). natural som systems can be disturbed by physical and chemical effects, such as agricultural land use. many studies have shown that cultivation can change the structure of som by affecting aggregate size and stability (spaccini, r. and piccolo, a. 2013), carbon/ nitrogen (c/n) ratios ( john, b. et al. 2005; rieder, á. et al. 2018) and soil organic carbon (soc) quantity and distribution (falkengrengerup, u. et al. 2006). meng-yun, l. et al. (2014) demonstrated that easily oxidisable organic carbon tended to be enriched in macro-aggregates instead of within microaggregates, and in addition their data confirmed aggregate breakdown in farmlands. these combined effects can lead to massive soc loss in regions of cultivated land (plazabonilla, d. et al. 2014; bilandžija, d. et al. 2017). in contrast, rabbi, f.s.m. et al. (2014) demonstrated that soc mineralization rates and protection was irrespective of aggregate size. the effect is clearer under tropical conditions while not always so obvious in the temperate zone, where the influence of global warming (mika, j. and farkas, a. 2017) makes the picture more complex. zimmermann, m. et al. (2007) published a fast procedure to separate som pools, that combines physical and chemical fractionation techniques, such as density separation and naocl oxidation. as poeplau, c. et al. (2013) pointed out in their study, this method is likely to become widely used. parallel with the conceptual development, the investigation methods and technics were also improved. x-ray spectromicroscopy as an important part of in situ investigations of organo-mineral interactions became more available (lehman, j. et al. 2008). increasing number of published studies are based on other in situ technics such as raman spectroscopy and fourier transform infrared spectroscopy, nano scale secondary ion mass spectrometry (mueller, c.w. et al. 2017) even though they are less widespread for routine measurements because of financial reasons. this could be the reason why humus concept proxies based on som solubility are still in progress. moreover, using these extractions, more up-to-date analytical methods such as static (sls) and dynamic light scattering (dls) can be used to measure molecular weight and size values of som. despite its efficiency, only a few studies (palmer, n.e. and wandruszka, r. 2001; esfahani, m.r. et al. 2015) have applied this method. however, naoh extraction method has received many critiques (rice, j.a. 2001; lehman, j. and kleber, m. 2015) it is still widely applied (wang, k. and xing, b. 2005; chaudhuri, s. et al. 2013; reddy, s. et al. 2014). therefore, it is still a question whether the naoh extraction based photometric proxies developed for the humus concept are applicable in combination with the organo-mineral theory. this study aims to compare som composition results gained by the fractionation method of zimmermann, m. et al. (2007) in combination with alkali extraction as a proxy of the humus concept. our hypothesis is that traditional photometry based results are comparable to those received using photon 111jakab, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 109–120. correlation spectroscopy. reaching this aim the same soil under different land uses were investigated in order to determine how land use change affects soc content and som composition of the various pools. materials and methods study site soil samples were taken in 2015 near kisbárkány, hungary 48°00’55.3”n; 19°40’24.5”e (figure 1), where the mean annual temperature is between 9–12 °c and precipitation is 600 mm (dövényi, z. 2010). this site was a typical example of forest clearance during the 18th century as it was widespread in the hilly parts of hungary at that time (szalai, z. et al. 2016). two quite similar, slightly eroded soil profiles were sampled and described as a haplic luvisol (iuss wg wrb, 2015) on oligocene siltstone (table 1). fig. 1. location of the sampling sites under forest and arable field google earth table 1. main parameters of the investigated topsoil* parameter forest arable size, µm v/v >200.0 70.0–200.0 63.0–70.0 20.0–63.0 2.0–20.0 0.5–2.0 0.5> sesquioxides, m/m phdw depth of humic horizon, cm caco3, m/m 0.0 2.1 1.5 28.5 53.2 12.6 1.8 14.2 6.3 40.0 0.0 0.0 2.3 1.7 26.9 51.8 14.7 2.3 – 6.8 42.0 0.0 munsell color 10yr4/2 *partly based on németh, t. and sipos, p. 2006. sampling sites were chosen on flat areas (slope steepness < 3%). mineralogy of the soil was characterised by 40–70 per cent quartz and 5–15 per cent feldspars (sipos, p. 2004). the predominating clay mineral was smectite (németh, t. and sipos, p. 2006). 100 m0 50 kisbárkány kisbárkány h u n g a yr jakab, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 109–120.112 the first profile was situated in a forest which has existed for more than 120 years, while the second was in an area which had been converted to an arable field before the 19th century according to the third military survey of hungary (1869–1887). forest was dominated by quercus robur with the appearance of ulmus campestris < 10 per cent. crop production on the arable field was based on autumn ploughing tillage with < 5 kg ha per year nitrogen fertilizer application in spring as an average of 20 years. main crops were wheat, maize, rape and sunflower. sampling one sample from the forest and one sample from the crop field as composites of 9 subsamples taken from the diagonals of two 100 m2 squares were collected from the 0–10 cm layer of the topsoil (rowel, d.l. 1994). subsamples were mixed in order to create a spatially representative sample. samples were dried and crushed, after which the > 2,000 µm particles were removed by dry-sieving. soil fractionation the zimmermann fractionation method was improved by poeplau, c. et al. (2013) and in its present form widely used and accepted. the authors decided to use this method for compatibility reasons to the rothc model (coleman, k. and jenkinson, d.s. 1996) for possible further application. fractionation procedures were as follows, 30 g of each sample were taken to 150 ml of distilled water then ultrasonic dispersion with 22 j/ml was applied. then the samples were wet-sieved over a 63 µm screen in order to separate the sand, aggregate and particulate organic matter (pom) fraction from the rest of the sample. particles < 63 mm were centrifuged (at 3,500 rpm for 15 min) in order to separate the silt and clay (s+c) and the dissolved (doc < 0.45 mm) fraction (popleau, c. et al. 2013). after the centrifugation the liquid component including doc was decanted, whereas the solid phase was considered as s+c fraction. 1 g of the s+c fraction was oxidized with 6 per cent naocl in order to determine the resistant soc (rsoc) content. finally, the >63 mm fraction was separated by density. the heavy fraction (> 1.8 g cm-3) contained the sand and aggregates (s+a), while the light fraction (< 1.8 g per cm3) was pom. uv-vis spectroscopy for som extraction the most traditional alkali solution method was applied since this was quite simple and therefore, still in use in recent studies (nierop, k.g.j. et al. 2001). 40 ml 0.5 m naoh were added to 4 g of sample, which were then shaken for 24 h according to the method of galantini, j. a. et al. (2004) under non reductive conditions. following this step, the solvent was centrifuged at 3,500 rpm for 15 min (szalai, z. et al. 2016) and right after that measured by photometry in order to avoid oxidation and recombination. a shimadzu uv-3,600 spectrophotometer was used to measure the absorbance values of the extractions depending on the wavelength. the total spectrum was recorded from 180 nm to 1,000 nm wherein the e2/e3 (245/265 nm), e4/e6 (400/600 nm) and ultraviolet absorbance ratio index uri (210/254 nm) ratios were calculated as they are in connection with som composition (tan, k.h. 2003; guo, m. and chorover, j. 2003; her, n.g. et al. 2008; nadi, m. et al. 2012). dynamic light scattering this method was chosen since it needed the same alkali som extraction as the photometric method did, therefore independently from extraction method the results were directly comparable with each other. dls measurements were made using a malvern zetasizer nano instrument where 0.5 m naoh was determined as the solvent and extracted som was determined as the 113jakab, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 109–120. substance. measurements were carried out right after the extraction process as it was described at photometric measurements. the resulting histograms are based on volumetric percentage of the averages of at least three repetitions. (in case of high diversity two additional repetitions were created.) soc, particle size and ph measurement soil organic carbon (soc) and total nitrogen tn data were achieved applying a tekmar dohrmann apollo 9,000n instrument, which used dry combustion at 800 °c (szalai, z. et al. 2016). this instrument is additionally capable of measuring solid state samples, and so there was no need for prior sample preparation (buurman, p. et al. 1996). particle sizes of the bulk samples were determined in a range of 0.2-2000 µm using a fritch analysette 22 microtech laser diffractometer by applying 0.5 m sodium pyrophosphate and 15 min ultrasonic treatment for disaggregation (centeri, cs. et al. 2015). the device provided 105 size classes those were grouped to 10 according to the usda system (table 1). ph values were determined using a potentiometer according to buurman, p. et al. (1996). statistical analysis soc, doc and tn values were determined as three repetitions at least. if sd exceeded 10 per cent additional measurements were carried out. normality of the data was checked using shapiro-wilks test and transformation was carried out if that was needed. differences among the averages were tested using one-way anova with post hoc tukey test. since pom had one order higher values this fraction was excluded from the anova for soc and tn. results and discussion sand + aggregate fractions and soc distribution the most relevant component of the bulk soil was in aggregated form and was classified as s+a by the fractionation under both land uses. the ratio of aggregates was higher under forest vegetation (table 2). this ~ 10% difference did not highlight relevant changes so we cannot conclude that it was generated by land use conversion. in contrast, there was a difference between the soc concentration of s+a, pom and bulk soil under forest and arable land, as under forest the soc concentration is twice as much as under arable land use in all these fractions. it is in accordance with the results of falkengren-grerup, u. et al. (2006) approximately 48 per cent of the soc has mineralized under arable use due to intensive cultivation during the last ~200 years (table 2). moreover, soc distribution among fractions has also varied substantially between table 2. carbon content and fractional distribution of the samples fractionated by the zimmermann, m. et al. (2007) method soil fraction forest arable soil mass, % soc, g/kg proportion of soc weighted with soil mass, % soil mass, % soc, g/kg proportion of soc weighted with soil mass, % s+a1 pom2 s+c3 (rsoc)4 doc5+ (loss) bulk soil 83.8 1.8 7.2 0.0 (7.3) – 18.8 182.8 19.7 (4.8) 0.005 (n. a.) 25.4 76.0 15.8 6.8 0.0 (1.4) – 71.7 8.8 7.2 0.0 (12.3) – 9.0 94.2 17.7 (10.7) 0.005 (n. a.) 13.3 39.6 50.7 7.8 1.9 – 1sand and aggregates, 2particulate organic matter, 3silt and clay; 4resistant soil organic carbon; 5dissolved organic carbon; n. a. = no data. jakab, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 109–120.114 the two land use types. both s+a and pom fractions contained approximately half of their soc content under arable field compared to the forest soil. this changes could be the result of both mineralization and a lower degree of formation (john, b. et al. 2005) beyond the potential soil erosion under both land uses. s+a had a much higher soc loss than might be predicted on the basis of decreasing aggregate stability (lower ratio of s+a), which consequently implies that there might be some additional/secondary aggregating agent besides som, such as sesquioxides (barthes, b.g. et al. 2008). soc content of the finest fraction (s+c) seemed to be decreasing as well because of tillage operations, even though this change was not significant (figure 2). in contrast, in this fraction, the volume of resistant soc increased significantly, which suggested the overrepresentation of chemically active soc in mineralization. moreover, tillage could improve som conservation on the mineral phase as it was reported by fortuna, a. et al. (2003). soc solubility did not change, and doc presented less than 1 per cent under both land uses. tn content of the fractions tn distribution compared to that of soc revealed the higher proportion (~ 40%) of dissolved component under both land uses (table 3). the high volume of water soluble n content in topsoil of the forest does not necessarily indicate inorganic n but could be the result of increased microbiological activity (chatigny, m.h. 2003). tn content of the bulk soils decreased (p<0.01) under cultivation, although tn related to the finest size fractions (s+c, rsoc) did not changed significantly (figure 3). this was in line with the classic som saturation theory of hassink, j. (1997) and wiesmeier, m. et al. (2014) who emphasized the role of <20µm fraction in som conservation. therefore, the tn difference of the bulk soils was solely due to the tn loss of aggregates under cultivation (table 3) (goebel, m. et al. 2005). the proportion of pom n increased by 5 times under cultivation, which increase is 3 times higher compared to carbon. an additional som loss opportunity was detected wherein som was dissolved in sodium polytungstate (spt). the potential error caused by this process is relatively unknown, although crow, s.e. et al. (2007) estimated it to be up to 26 per cent. fig. 2. differences among som fractionated by the zimmermann, m. et al. (2007) method concerning soil organic carbon (soc) content. whiskers indicate standard deviation. same letters indicate groups with no difference at p < 0.05 level. – s+c = silt and clay; rsoc = resistant soil organic carbon; doc = dissolved organic carbon; s+a = sand and aggregates; bulk = bulk soil; particulate organic matter (pom) is excluded from this figure because of a higher magnitude value. fig. 3. differences among som fractionated by the zimmermann, m. et al. (2007) method concerning total nitrogen (tn) content. whiskers indicate standard deviation. same letters indicate groups with no difference at p < 0.05 level. – s+c, rsoc, doc, s+a, pom, bulk = for explanation see fig. 2. pom is excluded from this figure because of a higher magnitude value. 115jakab, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 109–120. c/n ratios of the fractions most fractions had a c/n ratio between 10 and 20, which is usual for temperate som (bronick, c.j. and lal, r. 2005). as it was expected lowest values were related to the water soluble components, while outstanding high c/n values were found in the pom (of forest’s soil) and rsoc (of arable field’s soil) fractions (figure 4), even though significant differences at p<0.05 were only found under forest. due to the lower c/n values of crops compared to those of the forest litter (cools, n. et al. 2014), c/n arable field pom was lower, since this fraction referred to the most recent non degraded som. the most extreme value was found in the rsoc fraction of the arable field, which could not be interpreted adequately. photometric indexes the absorbance value at 280 nm revealed a consistent pattern that highlighted only the quantitative difference between each pair (figure 5). absorbance values normalized to soc content prove that absorbance is not a direct function of soc content. since this property would be a proxy of aromaticity, the results suggested the same order of fractions under both land use types which was in contrast with both the results of c/n ratio of table 3. nitrogen content and fractional distribution of the samples fractionated by the zimmermann, m. et al. (2007) method soil fraction forest arable soil mass, % tn, g/kg proportion of tn weighted with soil mass, % soil mass, % tn, g/kg proportion of tn weighted with soil mass, % s+a1 pom2 s+c3 (rsoc)4 doc5+ (loss) bulk soil 83.8 1.8 7.2 0.0 (7.3) – 0.9 4.5 1.2 (0.2) 0.1 (n. a.) 1.4 51.7 5.2 5.6 0.0 (37.7) – 71.7 8.8 7.2 0.0 (12.3) – 0.5 4.1 1.1 (0.1) 0.1 (n. a.) 1.0 27.7 24.8 5.4 42.1 – 1sand and aggregates, 2particulate organic matter, 3silt and clay; 4resistant soil organic carbon; 5dissolved organic carbon; n. a. = no data. fig. 4. c/n values of the som fractionated by the zimmermann, m. et al. (2007) method under various land uses. same letters indicate groups with no difference at p < 0.05 level. – s+c, rsoc, doc, s+a, bulk, pom = for explanation see fig. 2. fig. 5. absorbance values of som solutions (in 0.5 m naoh) at 280 nm fractionated by the zimmermann, m. et al. (2007) method. abs/soc is the absorbance value normalized to the soc content of the sample. – s+c, rsoc, s+a, pom = for explanation see fig. 2. jakab, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 109–120.116 this study and the som stabilization theory of schmidt, m.w.i. et al. (2011) and lehmann, j. and kleber, m. (2015). moreover, lützow, m. et al. (2006) pointed out that aromaticity is not necessarily indicative of higher resistance against degradation, especially in the most resistant clay associated fraction. uri revealed different results compared to the e2/e3 and e4/e6 indexes. the only significant tendency regarding the uri is that the s+a fraction has the highest value under both land uses, which could refer to the higher proportion of aliphatic som components within the aggregates (figure 6). the reason of extremely high value at arable s+a is unknown. the trend of e2/e3 and e4/e6 were different, even though both of them were presumed to be a proxy of som polymerisation degree. e4/ e6 indicated that the average polymerization degree of som is the highest in pom and lowest in the finest mineralogical fraction. this is in accordance with the traditional humus concept (kononova, m.m. 1966), but contradicts the results of chaudhuri, s. et al. (2013) who reported a tendentious decrease in e4/e6 value with maturation. almost similar but they have got different values, which was also reported by nadi, m. et al. (2012). e2/e3 did not indicate relevant differences among the fractions. moreover, there was no considerable difference between the two land use types either. results of molecular size distribution most investigated organic substances had a polydisperse molecular size distribution. the histograms were bi-, trimodal or possessed even more peaks that referred to the heterogeneous compositions of som in each fraction (figure 7). there were trimodal distribution at both land uses concerning the pom fraction. the two higher molecular sized peaks were situated at the same size under both forest and crop field, whereas the lowest peak that dominated the forest sample was shifted upward under crop field. in general, this comparison implied that the forest had the relatively lower molecular-sized pom composition; however, there was no relevant difference measured by the photometric indexes. in the aggregate fraction (s+a), the size difference between the forest and arable samples was the highest with a very wide range of large molecular sizes under the forest. moreover, under forest, as it was expected, this fraction had the highest molecular size values compared to the others as was also reported by (tan, k.h. et al. 2003). in case of s+a, the average molecular size was significantly lower under the arable land, even though photometric indexes revealed the opposite tendency. however, the highest peaks indicated nearly the same modulus value in both cases at approximately 550–600 nm, though the distribution is obviously different regarding the s+c fraction. the arable sample seemed to be much more diverse, and was shifted to the lower size direction, although no changes were indicated by c/n ratio. concerning the rsoc in either case, the main peak was shifted downwards and became narrower compared with those of the whole s+c fraction. this suggested that oxidation (hypochlorite treatment for labile fraction removal) diminished the molecular size in both cases, however, the more intensive degradation occurred under the forest. accordingly, i) oxidization could degrade som molecules in a wide size range; ii) molecular sizes rangfig. 6. photometric index values of som fractionated by the zimmermann, m. et al. (2007) method under different land uses uri = ultraviolet ratio index; e2/e3 = ratio between absorbance values at 254 and 365 nm; e4/e6 = ratio between absorbance values at 465 and 665 nm; s+c, rsoc, s+a, pom = for explanation see fig. 2. 117jakab, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 109–120. ing from 300–350 nm seemed to be more resistant, although other narrow peaks appeared depending on land use variations. these spectra did not substantiate the results obtained from the photometric indexes, even though they were in line with the results of organo-mineral theory (i.e., pom is the direct function of plant cover, and aggregates contain the largest som molecules – manzoni, s. and porporato, a. 2009; burd, a.b. et al. 2015). som compositions of the soil fractions under arable land and forest were comparable, but quite different (figure 8). som of the crop field demonstrated substantial diversity, both the highest-and lowest-sized som molecules were associated with pom. in this case som molecules were found to have a more or less continuous size distribution, whereas under forest the fractions seemed to be clustered around certain size values. fig. 7. soil organic matter molecular size distributions of the studied fractions (zimmermann, m. et al. 2007) under different land uses. spectra are averages. – s+c, rsoc, s+a, pom = for explanation see fig. 2. fig. 8. som molecular size distribution of different fractions (zimmermann, m. et al. 2007) under arable (a) and forest (b) land uses. – s+c, rsoc, s+a, pom = for explanation see fig. 2. jakab, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 109–120.118 conclusions even though om input and land use are presumed to be the primary driving forces of soil aggregation and som composition, no relevant difference was found in the volume of aggregation and aggregate stability due to former forest clearance and cultivation, however soc and tn concentrations decreased significantly in the investigated smectite rich luvisol. therefore, the binding capability of this particular soil was presumed to be the function of rather som composition than soc content. in contrast silt and clay associated som quantity did not change significantly. som composition proxies provided inconsistent results using the naoh extraction method. therefore, the application of organo-mineral som protection theory in association with the photometric proxies seems to be difficult in the present case. on the other hand, photon correlation spectroscopy provided results in line with the published results of the organo-mineral stabilization theory that suggested alkali extraction with special care could be a useful alternative for such soils. however, due to the known imperfections of it, the application of in situ measurement methods would be preferable. references barthès, b.g., kouakoua, e., larré-larrouy, m.c., razafimbelo, t.m., de luca, e.f., azontonde, a., neves, c.s.v.j., de freitas, p.l. and feller, c.l. 2008. texture and sesquioxide effects on waterstable aggregates and organic matter in some tropical soils. geoderma 143. 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of european union resources in the southern great plain region (hungary) in 2007–2008 gizella vajda1 abstract from the very formation of the european union there have existed regions with diff erent natural and social endowments. this causes a diversity in living conditions, income, and maturity within the integration. to reduce the socio-economic disparities between regions, and to raise the lagging ones are the major tasks within the eu in order to strengthen social and economic cohesion. the 2007–2013 year planning period for the fi rst time opened an opportunity for the regions to develop separate operational programs in the eu. the present study summarizes the results of a survey which examined the direct or indirect resources that arrived into the region during the fi rst two years (2007–2008) of the southern great plain’s operational program (sgpop). an analysis is made how the eu funds were used, which part of the regional operational program was fi nanced from them and how the mechanism for resource allocation worked. keywords: european union, regional development, regional policy, southern great plain introduction hungary’s accession to the european union in 2004 opened up new prospects for ample improvement in functioning of the country’s urban system. the eumembership has brought along a signifi cant change in the sett lement development in hungary due to the access to the new fi nancial resources providing new opportunities. the resources provided by the eu funds support the advancement of the economic and social cohesion and balanced territorial development. from 1990 hungary was a benefi ciary of the phare (poland and hungary: aid for restructuring of the economies) program, which provided non-refundable resources to enhance the transition process into market economy, to advance the establishment of political democracy and to facilitate the integration process and the preparations for obtaining eu-membership (horváth, gy. 2001). from 2000 on, hungary received a share from the two pre-accession funds: sapard 1 southern great plain regional development agency, planning department, szeged, h-6726, közép fasor 1–3., vajdag@darfu.hu, vajda.gizella@gmail.com 256 and ispa. while the phare program mainly prepared hungary for the utilization of the social and regional development fund, the sapard program paved the way for the reception of the agricultural fund whereas the ispa program did it for the use of the support from cohesion fund. the signifi cance of these programs amounts to much more than the fi nancial advantages they provide. these programs could make hungary acquire the knowledge necessary for handling the rather complicated procedures and performing tasks in relation with the structural and cohesion funds. hungary established relationships with the european committ ee as early as the fi rst days of the change of regime and signed the articles of partnership in 1991. among the fi rst ones in central eastern europe the country submitt ed its application for the eu accession in 1994 (faragó, l. 2000). the regional development policy of hungary underwent a signifi cant qualitative change in 1996, when the xxi act on spatial development and planning was passed including the establishment of the institutional system of regional policy as its greatest achievement (forman, b. 2001). in 1996 the act did not take the responsibility of accomplishing the “top-down” regionalisation of the country, but it determined the regional levels and their range of tasks delegating some of the latt er to organizations for public benefi t (hrubi, l. 2000). the range of actions of regional politics is determined on the one hand by the institutional, operational and fi nancial reforms of the eu and by its eastern extension, and on the other hand by the decentralisation processes within the national states (michalski, a. and saraceno, e. 2000). as a consequence of the decentralisation it may occur that the consolidation of the regional level is not followed by cooperation between the local and other sub-regional authorities. the networks established between the various levels, sectors and actors as a rule improve the innovative capacity and fl exibility of the regions signifi cantly (capellin, r. 1997). on may 1, 2004 the european union welcomed 10 new member states in the union and hungary was one of them (probáld, f. and szabó, p. 2007; nemes nagy, j. 2009). the benefi ts of the eastern extension were expected from the region’s dynamism and consequently from the increase of the eu’s inner market and the growth of the eu’s weight in world economy. the economic development of the new member states is accelerated by the support granted from the eu funds. by the harmonized regulations, the risk foreign investors hitherto had to take has become reduced, thus the infl ow of the capital could be growing. aft er the accession the newly accepted member states had the right to participate in the eu’s decision making processes in those pointing out the future trends of the development over the whole continent (probáld, f. and szabó, p. 2007). in the fi nancial period of 2000–2013 more than one third of the budget was aimed at fulfi lling the objectives of the eu’s regional policy. more than 257 80 per cent of the whole sum is devoted to facilitate “convergence”. within the framework of the “convergence”, the poorest countries and regions of the eu (among them hungary and the southern great plain region ) are eligible to obtain fi nancial support. there are signifi cant diff erences regarding the economic structure and the development levels of the eu member states and regions (probáld, f. and szabó, p. 2007). various methods have been used to reduce or balance these territorial diff erences, and depending on the methods the states and regions use, they may become either losers or winners (horváth, gy. 2009). the primary objective of the policies in the european community is to achieve balanced, harmonic development, which is not equal to “general” spatial development. rather the policies highlight the most important developmental factors of the various territories, emphasise these factors and indicate the developmental directions, taking into consideration the most important characteristics of the various regions (csatári, b. 2002). stöhr, w. and tödling, f. (1997) point out that the concept of “spatial equity” is rather changeable regarding its content. according to their research the internationally defi ned aim of spatial and sett lement development policies are to create spatial equity and reduce inequality. the agreements and documents of the eu concern all the member states impartially, but their eff ects may be diff erent in the various member states and regions (hamedinger, a. et al. 2008). by now it has become obvious that in certain territories of the eu the fi nancial resources distributed for developmental purposes have not yielded suffi cient results (boldrin, m. and canova, f. 2001; puga, d. 2002), which is the case in hungary as well. it is impossible to control the spatial processes without monitoring them. this is the reason why the analysis of the spatial data is essential and has great importance in predicting the outcomes (kis, k. 2008). the community’s most important strategic aim is to mitigate the backwardness and to develop the regions. the member states and their regions receive signifi cant monetary support from the common budget to overcome the diff erences (horváth, gy. 2009). the changing role of the territorial levels in the new access countries comparing the countries that joined the european union in 2004, it can be concluded that the territorial levels of the countries gain diff erent functions. in poland the spatial planning, regional development and economic development belong to the regions’ range of authority (young, c. and kaczmarek, s. 2000; swianiewicz, p. 2006). – 258 in the czech republic and in slovakia the function of territorial development, which is rather important for the local economic development, also belongs to the regions’ responsibility (józsa, z. 2006), but local governments have important functions as well (mezei, c. 2006). in lithuania the supervision of the use of territory, planning, education, the support of training and employment fall to the scope of the regions, however, in the fi eld of infrastructural development the local governments also have the right to intervene (petkevicius, a. and linertas, r. 2005). the role of the regional development agencies (rda) being active participants in the management of the projects, is changing from country to country. rdas are actually the actors between the public sphere and the market sector. though forming part of the state governance still they are fi nanced from public funds (pálné kovács, i. 2003). in latvia the development concepts of the planning statistical regions are prepared by the rdas, at the same time they cooperate with the local governments and with the regional organs (espon 2006). in romania the rdas are subordinated to the regional development councils (rdc). in slovenia the rdas are the representatives of the sett lements’ interests both on local and national level, and also in the structures of the union. their task is to prepare the regional plans, to initiate regional developmental projects, to present them at public tenders and to monitor and evaluate these projects. in slovakia the rdas function as the local and regional governments’ educational institutions, methodological centres or eu related centres for consultation (buček, j. 2005). in bulgaria the agencies operating in developmental-fi nancial regions both coordinate the resources deriving from the structural funds and play a mediating and communicating role between the public and the private spheres. the hungarian rdas are not only the operative organs of the regional councils, but they also play an active, initiating role in spatial development (somlyódiné pfeil, e. 2004), and as a re-conciliating organisation of the regional operational programs, they also manage the eu applications and participate in regional innovative and international projects. southern great plain region taking into consideration the state of infrastructural development, the great hungarian plain (alföld) usually is listed as underdeveloped macro-region in hungary. this statement is exaggerated and it simplifi es the existing diff er– – – – – – – 259 ences in the urban system of the great hungarian plain (kovács, z. 1999). the great hungarian plain is one of the most extensive physico-geographical units of hungary. the endangered state of its environment, the structural problems of its economy, the unique structure of its sett lement system, the state of its infrastructural development contribute to the area’s being “diff erent”, due to its unique characteristic features that are strikingly diff erent from those of other hungarian regions. on the basis of nuts2 great hungarian plain consists of two parts: northern great plain and southern great plain regions. by area southern great plain located in the south-eastern part of hungary, is the largest region in the country. southern great plain is covered by bács-kiskun, békés and csongrád counties. most of the territory is fl at – no more than 200 m above sea level – and rich in diverse natural assets and landscapes. given the number of municipalities (254 being the lowest value within one region compared with the rest of the country) and the size of the region southern great plain has the lowest density of municipalities in hungary. however, with 49 towns, it is also the second most urbanized area of the country aft er northern great plain (figure 1). fig. 1. size of urban sett lements in southern great plain. source: own editing on the basis of statistical yearbook, 2008 260 municipalities lagging behind in regional, social and economic terms include villages and towns alike and these municipalities represent 42 per cent of all populated areas. it is highly typical of the network of municipalities in southern great plain that there is an increasingly varied range of scatt ered farmsteads, which constitute an integral part of the municipalities and therefore they cannot be developed separately from them (sgpop). taking into consideration the gdp per capita, of all the hungarian regions only central hungary belongs to the “competitiveness and employment regions”, all the other ones are “convergence regions”. the present study deals exclusively with the “convergence regions”. of the latt er southern great plain is among the most populous ones in hungary being second only to northern great plain (table 1). regarding the gdp per capita, southern great plain is far from being in the leading group. when compared to the other regions, it is considered to be a medium-ranked one. if the fi nancial resources distributed by the eu in the 2007–2013 period are taken into account, it can be seen that the regions with lower gdp and development level have gained stronger fi nancial support. the greatest amount of the eu-resources was received by northern great plain, followed by northern hungary, whereas southern great plain ranked third. the fi nancial period of 2007–2013 was the fi rst one, when the regions were given the opportunity to work out their independent operational programs for the utilization of the fi nancial resources allocated for development purposes (table 2). the southern great plain’s operational program (sgpop) was the fi rst hungarian regional programme that was accepted by the european commission in july, 2007. the fi rst tenders for applying for the eu-resources table 1. comparative fi gures for regions in hungary region population,person gdp per capita, 1,000 huf* share of gdp, per cent* eu source development, 2007–2013, billion huf** southern great plain southern transdanubia northern great plain northern hungary central transdanubia central hungary western transdanubia 1,334,506 960,088 1,514,020 1,236,690 1,104,841 2,897,317 997,939 1,564 1,596 1,490 1,512 2,139 3,921 2,370 8.8 6.5 9.6 8.0 10.0 47.1 10.0 207.05 194.99 269.64 249.91 140.46 430.29 128.25 total 10,045,401 2,363 100.0 1,620.59 * 2006 data, ** data calculated on 2007 prices source: own editing on the basis of hungarian statistical yearbook 2007, and regional development operational programs 261 available from 2007 were published in april 2007. since then 53 tenders have been invited. the fi nancial resources could be applied for by submitt ing projects within the framework of oneor two-round procedures. in case of two-round procedures the preliminary proposal of the project had to be submitt ed fi rst, and the detailed project was to be submitt ed only later, in case the preliminary proposal had been accepted and its further elaboration advised. the aim of the two-round procedure is to make it easier for the large investments with the requirement to elaborate the projects in more detail only if they have not been rejected in the fi rst round. the projects of high priority are the special ones that are approved by the national government, and thus they are treated diff erently. the analysis of the submitt ed projects during the fi rst two years of the implementation of the sgpop nearly 45 per cent of the fi nancial resources of the 7 year-long fi nancial period became applicable. 60 per cent of the fi nancial resources aimed improving tourism and human infrastructure became applicable in the fi rst two years of the period. in connection with the tenders invited in 2007 and 2008, 1315 project proposals arrived at the instrumental constitution from the region (table 3). the outstandingly high proportion (46.5 per cent) of the projects aims to develop human infrastructure. ta bl e 2. s ou th er n g re at p la in ’s o pe ra ti ve p ro gr am r es ou rc es a llo ca te d an d an no un ce d du ri ng th e 20 07 –2 01 3 pl an ni ng p er io d p ri or it y nu m be r an d n am e so ur ce 20 07 –2 01 3, m ill io n h u f* a nn ou nc ed s ou rc e in 20 07 –2 00 8, m ill io n h u f a d ve rt is ed r es ou rc es in r el at io n to th e an nu al s ou rc e in 7 ye ar s pe ri od , % te nd er in g fe at ur ed pr oj ec t 1. r eg io na l e co no m ic d ev el op m en t 2. t ou ri sm -r el at ed d ev el op m en t 3. d ev el op m en t o f t ra ns po rt in fr as tr uc tu re 4. h um an in fr as tr uc tu re d ev el op m en t 5. 1. u rb an d ev el op m en t a ct io ns 5. 2. s ett le m en t d ev el op m en t w it h en vi ro nm en ta l f oc us 37 ,5 23 39 ,6 08 45 ,6 77 40 ,6 48 26 ,5 78 18 ,4 26 5, 47 1 18 ,3 24 13 ,9 51 23 ,7 85 6, 50 2 4, 57 0 1, 12 0 4, 50 0 4, 84 4 0 2, 99 9 5, 77 8 17 .6 57 .6 41 .1 58 .5 35 .7 56 .2 to ta l 20 8, 46 0 72 ,6 03 19 ,2 41 44 .1 * d at a co rr ec te d o n 20 09 p ri ce s so ur ce : o w n ed it io n ba se d o n d at a fr om s ou th er n g re at p la in r eg io na l d ev el op m en t a ge nc y (s g p r d a ) a nd n at io na l d ev el op m en t a ge nc y (n d a ) 262 other substantial part (30.8 per cent) of the projects is related to the development of transport infrastructure. the amount of the required fi nancial support of the submitt ed applications three times exceeds that of the available fi nancial resources, which shows the region’s sore need for sources of development. the invited fi nancial resources to develop human infrastructure proved to be insuffi cient, as applicants would require 3.5 times more money. the greatest need for the fi nancial resources appeared in the fi elds of transport infrastructure and educational infrastructure. school buildings and equipment in southern great plain badly need modernisation, which is strikingly visible. the greatest interest was shown in the complex projects aiming to improve the infrastructure of educational institutions on the elementary and the secondary levels and of dormitories. most of the projects arrived at the instrumental constitution in this area, claiming fi nancial support fi ve times more than the available sum. the number of the submitted projects and the claims for the fi nancial resources show uniform distribution between the three counties (csongrád, bácskiskun and békés) of the region. taking into consideration the main indicators related to the territory and the population of the counties, it is bács-kiskun county that claimed 34.9 per cent of the region’s fi nancial resources. this value is only slightly above one third still it does not reach the county’s share within the regional population or territory of the region, which means that bács-kiskun county is underrepresented in the 2007–2008 period. on the other hand 32.4 per cent of the submitta bl e 3. t en de rs r ec ei ve d fo r th e sg p o p in 2 00 7– 20 08 sg p o p pr io ri ti es a d ve rt is ed re so ur ce s (m ill io n ft ) te nd er s re ce iv ed c la im s re ce iv ed / av ai la bl e re so ur ce sh ar e, % n um be r (p ie ce s) ne ed fo r su pp or t ( in m ill io ns f t) 1. r eg io na l e co no m ic d ev el op m en t 2. t ou ri sm -r el at ed d ev el op m en t 3. d ev el op m en t o f t ra ns po rt in fr as tr uc tu re 4. h um an in fr as tr uc tu re d ev el op m en t 5. 1. u rb an d ev el op m en t a ct io ns 5. 2. s ett le m en t d ev el op m en t w it h en vi ro nm en ta l f oc us 5, 47 1 18 ,3 24 13 ,9 51 23 ,7 85 6, 50 2 4, 57 0 70 12 0 40 5 61 1 48 61 6, 84 2 24 ,8 77 43 ,8 69 85 ,9 30 16 ,6 15 11 ,7 13 12 5. 1 13 5. 8 31 4. 5 36 1. 3 25 5. 5 25 6. 3 to ta l 72 ,6 03 1, 31 5 18 9, 84 6 26 1. 5 so ur ce : o w n ed it in g ba se d o n d at a of s g p r d a a nd n d a 263 ted projects from békés, and especially 32.7 per cent from csongrád (the latt er with a territorial share of 23.2 per cent within the region), indicate overrepresentation of these two counties. if the number of the submitted projects and the amount of fi nancial resources claimed in them are also compared to the diff erent types of settlements, a rather surprising result is obtained (table 4). analysing the number of the submitt ed projects and the claims for fi nancial resources, it can be seen that the major part of claims was submitt ed by villages. 45 per cent of all the competing projects and 30 per cent of the claims for fi nancial support originated from these types of sett lements. this is due to the thematic separation of the sectoral operational programs (sop) and the regional operational programs (rop). while the larger towns can fi nance their development from the resources of the sectoral operational programs, the opportunities of the smaller sett lements are rather limited. they can promote their development by using the fi nancial resources obtained from the sgop or occasionally from the rural development programs. the analysis of the projects from fi nancial point of view shows that the average fi nancial requirement of a project is nearly 150 million huf. the projects that claim less than this amount were submitt ed by the villages. this is due to both the size of the projects and the restricting eff ect of the shortage of the sett lements in own resources. taking into consideration the type of sett lement where the projects were submitt ed, it can be concluded that the number of the ta bl e 4. t en de rs r ec ei ve d ac co rd in g to s ett le m en t t yp es se tt le m en t c at eg or ie s (r es id en t p op ul at io n) a d ve rt is ed re so ur ce s (m ill io n ft ) te nd er s re ce iv ed se tt le m en t r at e of to ta l n ee d fo r su pp or t % n um be r (p ie ce s) n ee d fo r su pp or t ( in m ill io ns f t) c ou nt y to w n po pu lo us c it y of 3 0, 00 0 in ha bi ta nt s to w ns w it h po pu la ti on b et w ee n 10 ,0 00 a nd 3 0, 00 0 to w ns w it h po pu la ti on o f 1 0, 00 0 in ha bi ta nt s m un ic ip al it ie s 72 ,6 03 18 3 85 21 5 23 5 59 7 32 ,6 87 21 ,3 61 43 ,6 48 36 ,1 98 55 ,9 51 17 .2 11 .3 23 .0 19 .1 29 .5 to ta l 1, 31 5 18 9, 84 6 10 0. 0 so ur ce : o w n ed it io n ba se d o n d at a fr om s g p r d a a nd n d a 264 submitt ed projects is in direct proportion to the size of the sett lements. while the urban counties (towns with county rights) submitt ed 46 projects on an average, villages presented 2–3 projects at tenders to receive fi nancial resources from the sgpop. the analysis of the supported projects during the evaluating process of the projects, the examination committees decide whether certain projects are supported or rejected and whether the projects of tworound procedure are to be remodelled. the division of the winning projects according to the developmental spheres in southern great plain is the following (table 5). as it is visible the amount of the claimed fi nancial resources was 2.5 times higher than the available sum, however only 70 per cent of the available sum was distributed and 26.4per cent of the submitt ed projects were decided to be supported. there are several reasons behind this fact: 1. in case of two-round procedures, the ultimate decisions regarding the range of the supported projects has not been taken yet, ta bl e 5. r at e of s up po rt ed /r ec ei ve d te nd er s sg p o p pr io ri ti es a d ve rt is ed re so ur ce s (m ill io n h u f) te nd er s re ce iv ed te nd er s su pp or te d r at e of s up po rt ed o f re ci ev ed te nd er s % n um be r (p ie ce s) n ee d fo r su pp or t (m ill io n h u f) n um be r (p ie ce s) to ta l su pp or t (m ill io n h u f) b as ed o n nu m be r of te nd er s, % b as ed o n am ou nt o f su pp or t, % 1. r eg io na l e co no m ic d ev el op m en t 2. t ou ri sm -r el at ed d ev el op m en t 3. d ev el op m en t o f t ra ns po rt in fr as tr uc tu re 4. h um an in fr as tr uc tu re d ev el op m en t 5. 1. u rb an d ev el op m en t a ct io ns 5. 2. s ett le m en t d ev el op m en t w it h e nv ir on m en ta l f oc us 5, 47 1 18 ,3 24 13 ,9 51 23 ,7 85 6, 50 2 4, 57 0 70 12 0 40 5 61 1 48 61 6, 84 2 24 ,8 77 43 ,8 69 85 ,9 30 16 ,6 15 11 ,7 13 37 47 13 6 17 1 10 17 3, 68 0 9, 65 1 16 ,4 37 15 ,3 08 45 5 4, 55 8 52 .9 39 .2 33 .6 28 .0 20 .8 27 .9 53 .8 38 .8 37 .5 17 .8 2. 7 38 .9 to ta l 72 ,6 03 1, 31 5 18 9, 84 6 41 8 50 ,0 88 31 .8 26 .4 so ur ce : o w n ed it io n ba se d o n d at a fr om s g p r d a a nd n d a 265 2. the submitt ed and professionally acceptable projects (e.g. developing cluster management, creating barrier-free spaces) have not required all the available fi nancial resources, 3. in case of several tender implications, there were no suffi cient fi nancial resources to support the professionally correct projects. taking into consideration the decisions about the supported projects taken in the fi rst round of the two-round-procedures, the winning projects are going to receive nearly 95 per cent of the available fi nancial resources. (in the areas of human infrastructure and environmental development this percentage is nearly 100 per cent.) if the proportion of the supported projects within the submitt ed ones is examined, it can be seen that the projects submitt ed in the fi eld of regional economic development were the most successful. on the one hand every second project submitt ed in this area won, whereas in the fi eld of urban development only every fi ft h project was supported. on the other hand more than 50 per cent of the available fi nancial resources were distributed between the applicants. the projects submitt ed in the area of urban development proved to be the weakest, as only every fi ft h project won and only 2.7 per cent of the claimed fi nancial resources could be distributed. taking into consideration the territorial division of the submitt ed and the supported projects in the region the greatest number of projects and claims for fi nancial support were submitt ed in bács-kiskun county. regarding the number of the supported projects and the amount of fi nancial resources distributed, csongrád county was the most successful, where more than 37 per cent of the winning projects was submitt ed, which covers 45 per cent of all the distributed amount. if the effi ciency of the two other counties is analysed, it can be concluded that in case of békés county nearly 30 per cent of the submitt ed projects won, whereas bács-kiskun county proved to be the least effi cient. the reason for these relatively low values is due to the unsatisfactory elaboration of their projects. all the statistical subregions of the southern great plain region have submitt ed projects, and all of them – although in various proportions – have received some fi nancial support in the fi nancial period of 2007–2008. szeged statistical subregion was the one that submitt ed the most projects with the highest amount of claimed fi nancial resources. when taking into consideration the ratio of the supported projects and the received fi nancial support it is again szeged statistical subregion that has proven to be the absolute winner. the statistical subregion of kistelek achieved the highest fi nancial aid per capita, with more than 138,000 huf (figure 2). analysing the distribution of the submitt ed and the supported projects by type of sett lements, it can be concluded that projects were submitt ed at all the types the sett lements received fi nancial aid in various percentages, but nearly 266 fi g. 2 . s up po rt n ee d s pe r ca pi ta in th e st at is ti ca l s ub re gi on s of s ou th er n g re at p la in . s ou rc e: d at a co lle ct ed b y va jd a, g ., m ap d es ig n: n óg rá di , g y. 267 in direct proportion with the number of projects they had submitt ed. in the fi nancial period of 2007–2008 most of the projects (597 items) were submitt ed by villages with the highest claim for fi nancial resources (29.5 per cent). this type of sett lement was the winner when taking into consideration the number of the supported projects and the amount of the distributed fi nancial aid (table 6). regarding the number of the submitted projects, the towns with less than 10,000 inhabitants were the second most active type of sett lements (235 items). regarding the claims for fi nancial resources and the amount of the distributed aid, the same position is taken by the towns with population number between 10,000 and 30,000. when the amount of the distributed aid was compared to the amount of the claimed fi nancial support, the towns with less than 10,000 inhabitants have proven to be the most successful, since 37.9 per cent of the projects submitt ed by them won support. urban counties were also successful, as 33.3 per cent of their projects were also supported. taking into consideration the amount of the distributed fi nancial aid, the villages and the towns with inhabitants between 10,000 and 30,000 were followed by the urban counties. regarding the number of the winning projects and of the amount of the distributed financial aid, the category ranked last were the towns with more than 30,000 inhabitants. these towns submitt ed the least projects selected to be supported and the smallest amount of fi nancial aid was also received by this type of sett lements. ta bl e 6. s up po rt ed te nd er s ac co rd in g to s ett le m en t t yp es se tt le m en t c at eg or ie s (r es id en t p op ul at io n) te nd er s re ce iv ed te nd er s su pp or te d r at e of s up po rt ed o f re ci ev ed te nd er s % n um be r (p ie ce s) ne ed fo r su pp or t (m ill io n h u f) n um be r (p ie ce s) to ta l su pp or t (m ill io n h u f) b as ed o n nu m be r of te nd er s, % b as ed o n am ou nt o f su pp or t, % c ou nt y to w n po pu lo us c it y of 3 0. 00 0 in ha bi ta nt s to w ns w it h po pu la ti on b et w ee n 10 .0 00 a nd 3 0. 00 0 to w ns w it h po pu la ti on o f 1 0. 00 0 in ha bi ta nt s m un ic ip al it ie s 18 3 85 21 5 23 5 59 7 32 ,6 87 21 ,3 61 43 ,6 48 36 ,1 98 55 ,9 51 61 24 69 89 17 5 11 ,2 03 3, 89 3 11 ,6 85 9, 99 2 13 ,3 16 33 .3 3 28 .2 4 32 .0 9 37 .8 7 29 .3 1 34 .2 7 18 .2 3 26 .7 7 27 .6 0 23 .8 0 to ta l 1, 31 5 18 9, 84 6 41 8 50 ,0 88 31 .7 9 26 .3 8 so ur ce : o w n ed it io n ba se d o n d at a fr om s g p r d a a nd n d a 268 summary to balance spatial concentration and promote territorial equalisation, polycentric development has to become of primary importance in the future. when future project tenders are invited, eff ective measures are needed to be taken to embed the region-specifi c elements into both the determination process of the supportable activities and the establishment of the criteria for the evaluating system. for example, it would be reasonable to give preference to the projects submitt ed in inner or outer peripheries by giving them extra bonus; or to defi nitely separate the innovation-type development of economic centres and the balance-type development that aims to moderate the spatial concentration. as to facilitate the preparation works of the following periods, the implementation of the southern great plain’s operational program has to be continuously monitored and recommendations are needed to be produced based on the evaluation of fi nancial and professional advancement. the content of the future project tenders has to be adjusted to the economic processes (crisis-management, more eff ective utilisation of the external sources). the success of territorial development is signalled by emerging and strengthening of centres, by stabilisation and improvement of disadvantageous statistical subregions. in my opinion the evaluations of the developmental programs and regional developments are not to be regarded as mere evaluating reports. they aim is to identify the eff ects of interventions and also to – by providing feedback – help to establish a basis for future development. for decision making persons evaluating reports have to become an instrument that helps to understand the processes of interventions and the causes of the changes that take place. by taking all these into consideration, decision making persons need to make recommendations as to foster the elaboration of regional policy. in my view the necessity of the evaluations of development is obvious; however, further steps are needed to be taken as to put the gained results into practice. references boldrin, m. and canova, f. 2001. inequality and convergence in europe’s region reconsidering european regional policies. economy policy, 3. 205–253. buček, j. 2005. the role of local government in local economic development. slovakia. – in local government and economic development. ed. čapkova, s. budapest, open society institute, 107–133. capellin, r. 1997. federalism and the network paradigm: guidelines for a new approach in national regional policy. in: regional governance and economic development. eds. danson, m. et al., london, pion, 47–67. csatári, b. 2002. az új európai területfejlesztési perspektíva lehetséges adaptációja az alföldre. területfejlesztés, rendszerváltás és az alföld. magyarország az ezredfordulón. 269 stratégiai tanulmányok a magyar tudományos akadémián. budapest, mta, 186–203. espon 2006. espon 2.3.2.: governance of territorial and urban policies from eu to local level. 2006. május htt p://www.espon.eu/mmp/online/website/content/projects/243/374/ fi le_2186/draft _fr-2.3.2-full.pdf – 2006.10.18. faragó, l. 2000. területi tervezés az európai integráció tükrében. in a régiók szerepe a bővülő európai unióban. szerk. horváth, gy. pécs, mta rkk, 149–163. forman, b. 2001. az európai unió strukturális és előcsatlakozási alapjai. budapest, európai bizott ság magyarországi delegációja. hamedinger, a.–bartik, h. and wolffhardt, a. 2008. the impact of eu area-based programmeprograms on local governance: towards a ‘europeanisation’? urban studies 45. (13): 2669–2687. horváth, gy. 2001. regionális támogatások az európai unióban. budapest, osiris kiadó. horváth, gy. 2009. regionális egyenlőtlenségek európában. in a regionális tudomány két évtizede magyarországon. szerk: lengyel, i. and rechnitzer, j. budapest, akadémiai kiadó, 173–193. hrubi, l. 2000. a régiók szerepének felértékelődése a magyar területi struktúrában. in a régiók szerepe a bővülő európai unióban. szerk. horváth, gy. pécs, mta rkk., 139–148. józsa, z. 2006. önkormányzati szervezet, funkció, modernizáció. budapest–pécs, dialóg campus kiadó. kis, k. 2008. a hódmezővásárhelyi kistérség humán erőforrásainak hierarchia-rendszerű vizsgálata. agrártudományi közlemények. 29. 91–110. kovács, z. 1999. alföldi nagyvárosok társadalmi térszerkezetének vizsgálata. alföldi ttanulmányok, 16. 52–71. mezei, c. 2006. helyi gazdaság-fejlesztés közép-kelet-európában. tér és társadalom, 20. (3): 95–108. michalski, a. and saraceno, e. 2000. regions in enlarged in the enlarged european union. brussels, ec forward studies unit. nemes nagy, j. 2009. terek, helyek, régiók. budapest, akadémiai kiadó. pálné kovács, i. 2003. a területfejlesztés irányítása. pte ktk regionális politika és gazdaságtan doktori iskola. habilitációs előadások sorozata. pécs, pte ktk. petkevicius, a. and linertas, r. 2005. the role of local government in local economic development. lithuania. in local government and economic development. ed. čapkova, s. budapest, open society institute, 47–64. probáld, f. and szabó, p. 2007. európa regionális földrajza. társadalomföldrajz. budapest, elte eötvös kiadó, 33–53. puga, d. 2002. european regional policies in light of recent location theories. journal of economic geography, 2. 373–406. somlyódiné pfeil, e. 2004. a gazdaságfejlesztés megjelenési formái a területfejlesztési régiók szintjén. in: versenyképesség és igazgatás. szerk. pálné kovács, i. pécs, mta rkk. 141–160. stöhr, w. and tödling, f. 1977. spatial equity – some anti-thesis to current regional development strategy. papers of the rsa, 38. 33–54. swianiewicz, p. 2006. local taxes in poland – a base for local accountability? in local government financial capacity building in transition countries. selected country studies. ed. šević, ž. bratislava, nispacee, 180–201. young, c. and kaczmarek, s. 2000. local government, local economic development and quality of life in poland. geojournal, 2–3. 225–234. 270 károly kocsis (ed.): south eastern europe in maps 2nd, revised and expanded edition geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences. budapest, 2007. 136 p. over the past fi ft een years the explosion of the “balkan powder-barrel” shocking the european continent deeply i.e. the fanning of ethnic-religious tensions (suppressed for several decades) into regional confl icts and warfare renewed traditional interests of the hungarian public towards the countries of south eastern europe (the former member republics of yugoslavia, albania, bulgaria and romania). there has emerged a necessity to publish an atlas in the form of a book or a book combined with an atlas in which a large number of att ractive thematic (political, ethnic, religious, economic) maps, charts, tables completed by concise textual analyses provide explanation for the up-to-date societal and economic issues of south eastern europe and the most characteristic segments of the region’s development in the 20th century. the present publication produced in the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences serves as a brief account for public and scientific audiences and political decision makers on the region which largely belongs to the balkans, with some countries as the primary targets of the enlargement of the european union. the chapters are entitled by the main topics fi guring in the book: the concept of south eastern europe and the balkans; territorial distribution by states; ethnic and religious patt erns; urbanisation and town network; the standard of economic development; spatial disparities; industry; transport; and tourism. -----------------------------------------price: huf 3,000 (eur 12.00) order: geographical research institute has library h-1388 budapest, pob. 64. e-mail: magyar@sparc.core.hu << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.7 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 /colorconversionstrategy /cmyk /dothumbnails false /embedallfonts true /embedopentype false /parseiccprofilesincomments true 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice returning home: an evaluation of hungarian return migration 321lados, g. and hegedűs, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 321–330.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.65.4.2 hungarian geographical bulletin 65 2016 (4) 321–330. 1 department of economic and social geography, university of szeged, h-6701 szeged, p.o. box. 650. e-mails: ladosg@geo.u-szeged.hu, hegedusg@geo.u-szeged.hu introduction the importance of migration including return migration is increasing worldwide. global professionals take part more and more in different migration processes (conway, d. and potter, r.b. 2009). as part of global trends, millions of people moved to the more developed countries within the european union after the enlargements in 2004 and 2007 (nagy, g. 2010; egedy, t. and kovács, z. 2011; hegedűs, g. and lados, g. 2015). the countries suffering from emigration are increasingly aware of the negative effects of this phenomenon called “brain drain”. more and more specific national policies, initiatives and programmes with different territorial scopes have been established. we use the terms of “remigration policy”, “remigration initiative” and “remigration programme” as synonyms, as they are considered such in hungary. remigration policy measures were not very successful at the beginning, since re-attracting emigrants is a difficult objective. a reason for such hardship is that remigration policies define the group of returnees in a fairly general way. but some researchers point out individual factors determining the decision of return (van houte, m. and davids, t. 2008; sinatti, g. and horst, c. 2015), including the effects of different territorial scales (boros, l. and pál, v. 2016). the first main question of our study focuses on the features of return migration policies in hungary. we analysed most of the hungarian policies and initiatives previously in a more detailed way (kovács, z. et al. 2012; hegedűs, g. and lados, g. 2015). in addition, in 2016 we made content analysis of the website ”come home, youth” programme aimed explicitly at re-attracting emigrants. our second main question examines the identity change of hungarian returnees returning home: an evaluation of hungarian return migration gábor l a d o s and gábor h e g e d űs 1 abstract this paper deals with the hungarian return migration process and the importance of identity changes for migration decisions. outmigration of labour force from hungary and other east central european countries has intensified after the eu accession in 2004 and 2007. the possibility of free movement encouraged many eastern and central european citizens to leave their country; however, this is not a one-way process. a significant number of migrants returned to the home country with newly acquired skills and other assets. the majority of migration theories evaluate return migration by the role of family, motivations or different kinds of acquired capital, but the importance of identity change is less considered. our primary aim is to investigate the future migration strategy of hungarian returnees. the paper is based on national policy analysis and indepth interviews. according to our results, interviewees highlighted the role of work experience and family status. in general, highly skilled returnees met fewer obstacles during their return due to higher flexibility and former employer contracts, but family issues might represent more obstacles during the return. lower skilled returnees were more dissatisfied with their return, especially those who migrated together with their family members. hence, the chance for another emigration was higher than in the highly skilled group. keywords: emigration, return migration, circular migration, migration policies, identity change, hungary lados, g. and hegedűs, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 321–330.322 in the analytical framework of the cultural identity model of sussman (sussman, n.m. 2011), with some adaptations. we conducted 48 semi-structured interviews with hungarian citizens who returned to hungary between 2012 and 2015 in order to analyse their identity change. interviewees were selected by snowball sampling, and we used pseudonyms in our study. our sample includes both highly-qualified (e.g. researchers, physicians) and less-qualified (e.g. waiters, unskilled workers) returnees. returnees who took up unskilled jobs in foreign countries as compared to their professional qualifications were also included in the less-qualified group. the examination of macroand microlevel factors that are often indistinguishable played an important role for both of our research questions (cassarino, j-p. 2004; sussman, n.m. 2011). we consider individual factors in a narrower sense (e.g. family or friends). in our analysis, the macro-level encompasses basically national or transnational factors (e.g. general economic or income conditions). the general features of emigration, remigration and change of identity according to the literature, research on return migration within the broader phenomenon of migration became significant from the 1970s (glaser, w.a. and habers, c.g. 1974; gmelch, g. 1980; cassarino, j-p. 2004; van houte, m. and davids, t. 2008; de haas, h. 2010), and as for hungary, from the late 2000s (langer-rédei, m. 2007; kovács, z. et al. 2012). national policies supporting return migration can be classified according to various aspects (lowell, l.b. 2001; van houte, m. and davids, t. 2008). based on these aspects, we developed our own categorisation. according to their objectives, remigration polices were classified as “re-attraction”, “reintegration”, “re-employment”, “networking” (with diaspora members abroad) or “immigration” (which encourages immigration and therefore prevents “brain drain” – hegedűs, g. and lados, g. 2015). in our research, re-migrants are persons older than 15 years old, who returned to their country of birth after having been international migrants in another country (kovács, z. et al. 2012; hegedűs, g. and lados, g. 2015). theories of return migration focus generally less on the individuals’ personality such as their identity and identity changes (sinatti, g. and horst, c. 2015). nevertheless, identity and identity changes can significantly influence the individual’s future migration decisions (berry, j.w. 1997; van houte, m. and davids, t. 2008; sussman, n.m. 2011). in relation to return migration, circular migration can also be defined diversely (wickramasekara, p. 2011; illés, s. and kincses, á. 2012). according to the definition by wickramasekara, p. (2011), circular migration is a temporary, repeat movement of a population that consists of more than one migration cycle (a migration cycle involves an outmigration phase from the sending country and a remigration phase to the sending country). the integration into the host culture is not uncomplicated for emigrants. berry’s acculturation model points out two main challenges for emigrants: how they maintain their native culture and how they adopt the host culture (berry, j.w. 1997). berry, however, does not examine the case of remigrants (e.g. their “re-acculturation”), but sussman studies this group and process as well. sussman’s cultural identity model examines the temporal change of cultural “identity” and the cultural “flexibility” of re-migrants from the time before emigration until the period after remigration (sussman, n.m. 2011). according to sussman, the adaptation of host cultural values takes places in different ways during the migrants’ period abroad. the “cultural identity model” defines four different strategies of identity shift (and groups) of returnees. the “affirmative” identity shifters maintain their home culture identity while abroad, and they are not so adaptive towards the host 323lados, g. and hegedűs, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 321–330. culture. they feel much better in their native country. the members belonging to the two other types have a lot of stress related to their return. but the features of these two groups are different. therefore, it is important, that people of the first group (called “subtractive”) are not attached firmly to the culture of the host or the native countries either. but they attempt to acquire as many new things as possible while they are abroad. the second mentioned group, called “additive” is quite similar, except for their relation to the different cultures, which distinguishes them from the “subtractive” group. additive returnees also insist on keeping their native culture. nevertheless, they are more open towards new things abroad, and usually adapt to some of them. they still uphold connections with their host country even after their return. the fourth returnee group within the cultural identity model is called “global” or “intercultural”. its members are able to have more identities simultaneously, and adapt different cultural patterns according to their actual circumstances. this does not imply a kind of mixing of native and host culture elements for them, or establishing a dual (e.g. bicultural) identity. such returnees consider themselves transnational and cosmopolitan, and they can adapt to the expected social requirements everywhere in the world in a fast and flexible way. they esteem their return as a moderately positive and not a final experience, since they are ready to move abroad again for a shorter or longer time in the future (sussman, n.m. 2011). the place of hungary in the european migration pattern the emigration of qualified workforce is a serious problem in hungary. it is difficult to provide the exact number of hungarian emigrants, but it has been increasing for the last several years (gödri, i. et al. 2014). therefore, the reasons for emigration and return initiatives that counterbalance the brain drain are worth investigating. differences in wage levels among member states of the european union intensified eastwest european migration flows. furthermore, it was supported by the liberalisation of the labour markets of old member states and the free movement between eu countries. source countries and regions suffer from most of the negative effects of emigration, such as a lack of qualified workforce, but migration also puts pressure on the social services and housing market of the host countries (lados, g. et al. 2015). analysing the migration patterns of european regions we can distinguish central, peripheral and internal-peripheral regions (kovács, z. et al. 2012). the most developed european regions could be characterised as central regions (e.g. the successful postfordist regions, pál, v. and boros, l. 2010). conversely, peripheral regions are located mainly in post-socialist countries, southern parts of the mediterranean and the sparsely populated regions of scandinavia. the socalled “internal-peripheries” were recorded in the former east germany, north of france or north of england (figure 1). the majority of eu regions suffering most intensely from out-migration are located in post-socialist countries (kovács, z. et al. 2012). millions of east central europeans left their home countries during the last few decades (table 1). most of them originated from romania or poland, while more developed countries such as the czech republic and slovenia were less affected by emigration. however, the out-migration of the labour force has different effects on the home countries. for example, in the less populated baltic states the share of out-migrants per 10,000 inhabitants is higher than in the visegrád countries (lados, g. et al. 2015). according to previous research, about 330,000–350,000 hungarians live in other eu countries. this is only an estimate, because only the age group between 18 and 49 was considered during this research (kapitány, b. and rohr, a. 2013). national and international statistical databases cannot provide the exact number of emigrants; however, they show the dynamics of the emigration process lados, g. and hegedűs, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 321–330.324 fig. 1. population change by main components (2000–2007). source: kovács, z. et al. 2012. table 1. the number and rate of east central european’s living in another eu country, 2014 country number of emigrants emigrants per 10,000 persons romania lithuania latvia croatia bulgaria estonia poland slovakia hungary slovenia czech republic 2,402,792 327,641 172,190 292,245 420,080 70,166 1,968,035 191,353 276,710 34,036 92,662 1,204.6 1,113.1 860.3 688.2 579.8 533.2 517.7 353.3 280.1 165.1 88.1 source: the authors’ own calculation based on eurostat 2015. 325lados, g. and hegedűs, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 321–330. fig. 2. hungarians living in other eu countries (2005–2015). source: authors’ own calculation based on eurostat 2015. very well (figure 2). the rate of out-migration from hungary was three and a half times higher in 2014 than in 2001 (gödri, i. 2015). initially, after the eu enlargement in 2004 the number of hungarian emigrants raised slowly. the main host countries for hungarians did not change essentially, although there were some shifts compared to the period before 2004. in 2015, the most important host country was still germany. according to eurostat, 40.7 percent of hungarian emigrants are currently living in germany; however, in 2001 this proportion was 59.8 percent. the role of united kingdom increased most dramatically. in 2001 only 4.7 percent of hungarian emigrants lived in the country, whereas in 2015 it had grown 23.4 percent. as a historically important destination country, 14.7% of hungarian emigrants settled in austria (hárs, á. et al. 2004; gödri i. 2015). it is more difficult to provide the number of hungarians living outside of europe. major non-european destination countries are usa, canada, australia, russia and israel. according to un data, 36 percent of hungarians living abroad moved to these countries. the role of north america is significant; every fourth hungarian emigrants lives there (gödri, i. 2015). providing the exact number of returnees is also challenging. aside from the increasing flows of out-migrants from hungary, more and more hungarians are returning. according to available data, there have been more than 10,000 hungarian returnees in recent years (kincses, á. 2014). when considering their return, the labour market conditions of hungarian regions play an important role. the rate of return to the previous places of residence was only 30.7 percent. most hungarians return to budapest and its agglomeration, lake balaton and its surroundings, and bigger cities are also more attractive than rural peripheral areas (kincses, á. 2014). the study of remigration policies and initiatives in hungary hungarian remigration initiatives are usually not co-ordinated. additionally, they focus only on some narrow fields of the return migration (kovács, z. et al. 2012; hegedűs, g. and lados, g. 2015). a general and comprehensive national-level policy has yet to be created and implemented in hungary. lados, g. and hegedűs, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 321–330.326 the “project retour” (2003–2005) was the first hungarian initiative, which offered networking services and help in returning for well-educated young hungarians working abroad. after 2011, scholarships were established in different areas of the hungarian health-care system with the aim of retaining health-care professionals mostly by raising their wages (hegedűs, g. and lados, g. 2015; boros, l. and pál, v. 2016). workforce retention was also targeted at by the adoption of a new law on higher education in 2011. according to the law, students have to work in hungary for the 20 years following their graduation for a time period that equals their government-financed university education. campaign films realised as part of the “future of new generation” government programme were made for the youth in 2012 (hegedűs, g. and lados, g. 2015). one of the best-known hungarian initiatives is the “momentum” programme, which has functioned since 2009. in the beginning, the main aim of this initiative was to re-attract young talented researchers to hungary. but so far, the main objective of this initiative has been retention (hegedűs, g. and lados, g. 2015). such initiatives are significant in the academic world not only in hungary, but in other countries, as well (martin, r. and radu, d. 2012). the “come home” foundation was established in 2010 as a non-governmental initiative to facilitate the return of hungarians living abroad who are willing to come home. supported by the ministry of human capacities, the foundation extended its services in 2013. the “come home, youth” programme was launched also by the ministry for national economy in 2015. this complex programme included the “re-attraction”, “reemployment” and “retention” types of remigration policies, similar to several other initiatives (e.g. thaff in east-germany, kovács, z. et al. 2012) in the european union. the target groups of the “come home, youth” programme were mostly emigrants with higher education or a profession in great demand in the hungarian labour market. emigrants from the united kingdom alone could participate in the programme [1]. this programme offered many services to returnees (table 2), but it attracted only a small number of migrants. as a result, in june 2016 the programme was discontinued [2]. nevertheless, another programme was set to be launched in june 2016, that encourages young hungarian returnees to become entrepreneurs. it would support returnees who would start a new enterprise in hungary, since, according to the experiences with “come home, youth”, some of the returnees had such plans [3]. the foundation “come home” will continue its activity, as well. evaluation of emigration and return migration of hungarian returnees for different perspectives for the purpose of our study, we conducted semi-structured interviews with hungarian returnees to find out how they personally assess their return. on the one hand, we aimed to analyse the extent of their identity change while abroad. on the other hand, we examined the role of micro and macro factors at three moments: before emigration, while living abroad and after their return. only relatively few interviewees could be characterised as affirmative returnees according to sussman’s identity change model (sussman, n.m. 2011). those were mainly lower skilled migrants. they did not feel comfortable abroad and came back with some savings, which was spent immediately after their return. subtractive identity shifters were primarily lower skilled migrants who emigrated with their families. they typically tried to utilise each input abroad, but they managed to acquire new skills only to a limited extent because of their working conditions and their lower language skills. this latter issue also prevented them from improving their language abilities at work because they could not communicate clearly with other immigrant colleagues, or simply they did not need to use the language of their host country, because they only had hungarian colleagues. 327lados, g. and hegedűs, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 321–330. table 2. the main services offered by “come home, youth” programme services offered details introduction of partner firms. general information service for returnees about partner firms registered in the programme. information about the latest vacancies at partner firms. detailed information on new vacancies at partner firms registered the programme. information about: a) job search assistance, b) housing allowance, c) mobility allowance. a) a single reimbursement of the costs of travelling to the job interview and back. b) supplement on rental prices and general expenses. c) housing supplement for taking up a job far away from the place of residence, mobility supplement on commuting between residence and workplace (both for employers and returnees). information about employment opportunities in hungary. detailed information. information on entrepreneurship opportunities in hungary. assistance for starting up an enterprise. elementary entrepreneurship knowledge, elearning education, professional advice on making business plan, mentorship for enterprises. information package about possibilities of return. practical advice (task before leaving the united kingdom, the administrative process of homecoming, information needed after returning). mentorship in london and budapest. e.g. preparation of returnees for job interviews with firm chosen. latest news. different news targeting the youth. success stories. some selected individual success stories. source: the authors’ own edition based on “come home, youth programme. http://www.gyerehazafiatal.hu/ accessed 13.06.2016. the integration of subtractive migrants to the host society was hampered by their family ties. they usually stayed close to each other, and spent their free time together or with other hungarians, while singles were more sociable. they reported several difficulties related to their reintegration. for instance, reintegration to the labour market of the home country was often difficult, as foreign working experiences were not necessarily advantageous. another significant problem was that they were unable to achieve their goals, their original expectations of their return. many returnees mentioned that they had hoped to be able to start a family or have a stress-free life without financial problems after their return, but the majority were disappointed. a returnee quoted one of his friends, also working abroad: ”we are working so much here [abroad] (…) and we absolutely do not have better living conditions than those who never left home”. he mentioned as an example a former class mate who ”has a house, two cars, children, goes to greece every year for a holiday (…) and we are working like crazy”. he had realised that his life in general was not as good as he had thought it would be. he returned home with great expectations, but very soon he changed his mind, when he faced an unexpected situation during the construction of his house: ”it was a real slap in the face. work inspectors came and fined me. at my house! that was outrageous!” (ferenc, labourer). for subtractive and additive identity shifters, the most important return motivation was family. on the one hand, subtractive returnees felt unhappy about their return because it was contrary to their initial ambition. ”our children wanted to come back. we did not want to be separated from each other, so we followed them. when they finish secondary school, we [the parents] are sure to go abroad again because i cannot find any suitable job here” (zoltán, butcher). in view of these negative lados, g. and hegedűs, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 321–330.328 factors, lower skilled people are more likely to leave their home country again; hence, they could be regarded as potential circular migrants (illés, s. and kincses, á. 2012; martin, r. and radu, d. 2012). on the other hand, additive returnees also made some compromises during their return; however, thanks to their better skills, they could seek more opportunities abroad, so they felt more positive about their return. this group of returnees also includes graduates who were employed in lower skilled jobs in the host country. they consider their foreign working experience and their improved language skills as major benefits of their emigration. furthermore, highly skilled returnees returning with their family were also classified with this group. we found that they also felt more unhappy about their return than their family members because the migration decision was made at the family level: “i would have gladly stayed abroad, but my child did not feel comfortable there. (…) i rather chose my family (…) on my own i would have not returned home. but as for my current workplace, i don’t have anything to complain” (tamás, researcher). according to the identity change model, the most successful returnees are global identity shifters who changed most during the migration process (sussman, n.m. 2011). mainly highly skilled single returnees could be characterised as returnees with a global identity shift. they experienced changes in both their professional and private lives. one of them said: first, i would position myself as a european; second, a budapester; and third, a hungarian” (szabolcs, translator). highly skilled returnees did not cut their ties with their former employers, so their reintegration to the hungarian labour market was smoother than in the case of lower skilled returnees. further, they could easily utilise their newly acquired skills, such as management and technological know-how, therefore, in most cases their return generated job advancement as well. during the research we also focused on the importance of micro and macro factors and assessed their role three times during the migration process: before emigration, during the stay abroad and after the return. the fact that micro and macro factors were equally important demonstrates the complexity of migration decisions. moreover, there was a slight difference among interviewees according to their qualifications. the role of micro factors was more important among highly skilled returnees. almost each of them regarded their emigration as a temporary stage of life. as one of them evaluated his emigration: ”it was a well calculated, almost obligatory step in my career” (tamás, researcher). another interviewee was looking for a challenge in his life, severed almost all ties with the home country, and moved forward towards the second host country: ”i sold my stuff i owned here [in hungary] and i could have lived only from its interest [abroad]. however, i did not see any perspective in germany, because i did not own anything, nor did my wife, as we were not born there. it was too comfortable, too perfect. there was no challenge at all” (márk, entrepreneur). on the contrary, the role of macro factors was more important for lower skilled returnees, among them higher wages, and the expected savings: ”me and my partner wanted to save as much money for a house as possible. here, in hungary it seemed unlikely to reach our goal within some years” (mária, semi-skilled worker). the majority of returnees were satisfied with macro factors in the host country and they missed them after their return. many of them mentioned the advantages of social security (e.g. housing benefits) and the positive effects of change of environment, and numerous possibilities they enjoyed abroad. ”we went on excursions a lot. if we did not, we had an invitation to barbeque party (…) sometimes we just jumped in the car, refuelled it (…) and we drove until it was half empty. indeed, we did stuff like this all weekend long” (zoltán, butcher). most of the interviewees seemed to have also some very positive memories related to their stay abroad. for instance, learning traditions and culture of the host society was often mentioned. one of the returnees highlighted when he was talking about his colleagues abroad that “politeness is the primary 329lados, g. and hegedűs, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 321–330. behaviour of people in anglo-saxon countries. even so, if they do not like you, they remain polite with you” (józsef, researcher). another returnee confirmed this statement: “it does not matter who you are visiting (…) ‘how are you’? (…) even if you have not met before (…) and they asked it every day, each afternoon they said to me ’see you tomorrow’. it is partly good. and what is going on here? do not dare to ask a hungarian because he really tells you in the end” (zoltán, butcher). during the return phase the interviewees were motivated by different factors, both on the micro and macro levels. among microlevel factors, which were more important than macro ones, family had the most conspicuous role. “my elderly parents live here, some of my friends also tie me here, but i had already known before my return that i do not want to live here anymore (…) i just cannot find any job in this region” (márta, receptionist). another returnee came home because his child could not integrate to the host society and did not feel comfortable abroad. hence, his family decided to return home rather than remain separate from each other. as he assessed his own return: “on a personal level, being here is great, i am together with my family, i think i settled down; i do not have to travel all around the world. but on a professional level this is terrible” (tamás, researcher). nevertheless, family was not the only return motivation. professional development, especially for highly skilled returnees, was also a significant motivation to return: “in terms of prestige my actual workplace is one of the best in hungary (…) and i wanted to utilise my foreign working experience in a great place” (sándor, researcher). the place of origin also played a crucial role when deciding about the return, but it can be seen as a micro factor rather than a macro factor: “this is an undeveloped region, i know it quite well. but i grew up here, i love all these hills; i almost know every single bush here” (csaba, labourer). in conclusion, returnees do not form a homogeneous group. they might go through several identity changes, and micro and macro factors influence them differently. obstacles during their return might make them consider leaving their home country again. conclusions emigration, return migration and circular migration have become inevitable processes of our age. the emigration of professionals often called “brain drain” tends to afflict hungary and other east central european countries more intensely, like other semi-peripheral or peripheral countries in the world. in this paper we analysed the most important recent remigration programmes in hungary. these programmes have various objectives, which can be evaluated positively; however, they have managed to attract only a limited number of return migrants. we studied the identity change of returning migrants who could be classified into four groups according to sussman’s model. according to our research findings, the role of micro-level factors and identity change should be considered more in the design and implementation of remigration initiatives than previously. it implies on the one hand, that people who are more likely to take part in circular migration or have more stress upon their return should be more assisted by, for example, more detailed information, financial gain or other means. otherwise their motivations for another emigration increase again. on the other hand, future policies on remigration should also focus more on the skills and social capital of groups maintaining their transnational connections. both emigration and circular migration will presumably remain long-term processes in hungary, a member state of the european union. consequently, return migration policies will have more relevance in the future, and an increase the technical and financial support available for returnees seems to be inevitable. acknowledgement: this research was realised in the frames of támop 4.2.4. a/2-11-1-2012-0001 „national excellence program – elaborating and operating an inland student and researcher personal support system”. the project was subsidised by the european union and co-financed by the european social fund. lados, g. and hegedűs, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (4) 321–330.330 references berry, j.w. 1997. immigration, acculturation, and adaptation. applied psychology 46. (1): 5–34. boros, l. and pál, v. 2016. a magyarországi orvosmigráció néhány jellemzője (some aspects of emigration of hungarian doctors). észak-magyarországi stratégiai füzetek 13. (1): 64–72. cassarino, j-p. 2004. theorising return migration: the conceptual approach to return migrants revisited. international journal on multicultural societies 6. (2): 253–279. conway, d. and potter, r.b. 2009. return migration of the next generations: 21st century transnational mobility. ashgate, farnham. de haas, h. 2010. migration and development: a theoretical perspective. international migration review 44. (1): 227–264. egedy, t. and kovács, z. 2011. budapest as a destination of migration: the view of transnational creative workers. hungarian geographical bulletin 60. (2): 161–188. espon 2010. the espon 2013 programme demifer – demographic and migratory flows affecting european regions and cities. atlas of maps for draft final report. luxembourg, 37–74. glaser, w.a. and habers, c.g. 1974. the migration and return of professionals. international migration review 8. (2): 227–244. gmelch, g. 1980. return migration. american review of anthropology 9. 135–159. gödri, i. 2015. nemzetközi vándorlás (international migration). in demográfiai portré 2015. eds.: monostori, j., őri, p. and spéder, zs., budapest, ksh népességtudományi kutatóintézet, 187–211. gödri, i., soltész, b. and bodacz-nagy, b. 2014. immigration or emigration country? migration trends and their socio-economic background in hungary: a longer-term historical perspective. working papers on population, family and welfare 19. budapest, hungarian demographic research institute. hárs, á., simonovits, b. and sík, e. 2004. the labour market and migration: threat or opportunity? in social report 2004. eds.: kolosi, t., tóth, i. gy. and vukovich, gy., budapest, tárki, 261–278. hegedűs, g. and lados, g. 2015. a remigrációval kapcsolatos európai és magyarországi nemzeti politikák elemzése (analysis of national remigration policies in european and hungarian context). északmagyarországi stratégiai füzetek 12. (1): 38–49. illés, s. and kincses, á. 2012. hungary as receiving country for circulars. hungarian geographical bulletin 61. (3): 197–218. kapitány, b. and rohr, a. 2013. a magyarországon állandó lakcímmel rendelkező 18–49 éves magyar állampolgárok mintegy 7,4 százaléka tartózkodik jelenleg tartósan külföldön (7.4 percent of hungarian citizens between 18–49 years and owning a permanent address in hungary is permanently residing abroad). korfa 13. (3): 1–3. kincses, á. 2014. nemzetközi migrációs körkép magyarországról a 2011-es népszámlálási adatok alapján (review of international migration concerning hungary according to population census 2011). területi statisztika 54. (6): 590–605. kovács, z., boros, l., hegedűs, g. and lados, g. 2012. returning people to the homeland: tools and methods supporting remigrants in a european context (baseline report). leipzig, leibniz-institut für länderkunde. lados, g., hegedűs, g., kovács, z. and boros, l. 2015. oda és vissza – az elvándorlás hatásainak és a visszavonzás lehetőségeinek értékelése hazánkban (back and forth – evaluating effects of emigration and possibilities of return migration in hungary). in otthon a kárpátmedencében. eds.: fábián, a. and bertalan, l., sopron, nyugat-magyarországi egyetemi kiadó, 115–136. langer-rédei, m. 2007. mozgásban a világ. a nemzetközi migráció földrajza (the world in motion. geography of international migration). budapest, elte eötvös kiadó. lowell, l.b. 2001. policy responses to the international mobility of skilled labour. international migration papers 45. geneva, international labour office. martin, r. and radu, d. 2012. return migration: the experience of eastern europe. international migration 50. (6): 109–128. nagy, g. 2010. a világgazdaság és a globális munkaerőpiac (the world economy and global labour market). in a globális gazdaság földrajzi dimenziói. eds.: mészáros, r. et al., budapest, akadémiai kiadó, 229–248. pál, v. and boros, l. 2010. a globális gazdaság ágazati és területi jellemzői (the sectorial and spatial features of global economy). in a globális gazdaság földrajzi dimenziói. eds.: mészáros, r. et al., budapest, akadémiai kiadó, 123–198. sinatti, g. and horst, c. 2015. migrants as agents of development: diaspora engagement discourse and practice in europe. ethnicities 15. (1): 134–152. sussman, n.m. 2011. return migration and identity. a global phenomenon, a hong kong case. hong kong, hong kong university press. van houte, m. and davids, t. 2008. development and return migration: from policy panacea to migrant perspective sustainability. third world quarterly 29. (7): 1411–1429. wickramasekara, p. 2011. circular migration: a triple win or a dead end? global union research network. discussion paper 15. geneva, international labour office. [1] http://www.gyerehazafiatal.hu/ (“come home, youth” programme). accessed 13.06.2016). [2] http://www.portfolio.hu/en/economy/hungary_ scraps_come_home_youth_programme.31428.html (hungary scraps “come home, youth” programme, 13.06.2016). [3] http://www.vg.hu/gazdasag/jon-a-gyere-hazafiatal-program-folytatasa-471188. ( t h e c o n t i n u a t i o n o f “ c o m e h o m e , yo u t h ” programme, 10.06.2016) wiest, k. (ed.): women and migration in rural europe: labour markets, representations and policies 302 wiest, k. (ed.): women and migration in rural europe: labour markets, representations and policies. basingstoke, palgrave macmillan, 2016. 257 p. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.65.3.8 hungarian geographical bulletin 65 2016 (3) in recent years, there is a growing interest among policy-makers and academic scholars in the research on the relationship between gender and ‘the rural’. on the one hand, gender relations and the potential role of women in development have gained signifi cant att ention in rural policies of the european union over the last decades (e.g. european commission 2000, 2012, 2016). on the other hand, due to the so-called cultural turn research on gender, sexuality and other dimensions of ‘otherness’ have come to the forefront of the research agenda of rural studies (see e.g. philo, c. 1992; cloke, p. 1997; cloke, p. and little, j. 1997; little, j. 2002; little, j. and panelli, r. 2003; woods, m. 2010). aft er a long time of neglect, there is an increasing fascination with the gender aspects of rural migration, well-refl ected by the expansion of the relevant international literature (e.g. bock, b.b. 2006, 2010; bonifacio, g.t. 2013). results of these studies show that despite increasing att ention to gender issues, rural women still have to face serious disadvantages, compared not only to rural men, but also to urban women, what underscores the importance of further research on this issue. the book to be introduced fi ts well in these trends, and it is a valuable contribution to current debates on gender and rural migration. the 257-page-long book consists of 12 chapters. the fi rst one introduces the collection, sett ing the conceptual framework and principal aims of the book. as the editor, karin wiest, senior lecturer and project manager at the leibniz institut für länderkunde (ifl) in leipzig, points out, “…this volume aims to shed light on the diversity of female living conditions and female migration decisions in the european countryside, with a particular focus on the question of how women deal with restrictive conditions in rural labour markets” (p. 6). in addition, throughout the book, particular att ention is paid to the question what it means to be a rural woman in contemporary postmodern societies, and policy aspects of gender issues are discussed respectively. the editor also provides an overview on the topics covered by this volume, and places the main fi ndings of the contributors into these debates. the themes include the possible explanations of women’s migration, the characteristics of european rural labour markets from a gendered perspective, the gendered representations of rurality, and the relationship between gendered migration and rural development. for wiest, the contemporary transformation of rural areas serves as a starting point for discussing gendered rural migration. in fact, rural areas are constantly changing under globalisation and concomitant phenomena (e.g. economic restructuring, environmental changes, the expansion of information technology), what is a multi-faceted process. on the one hand, the material conditions of rural life have been undergoing a profound change due to the transition of labour market from a traditional to a post-fordist type, resulting in various new employment opportunities for women. on the other hand, dominant social and personal representations of the rural are also shift ing, coupled with the re-negotiation and reinterpretation of rural life and rural manand womanhood, producing alternative or new feminities and masculinities. these two facets, the material and the representational ones, play a key role, since both ‘real’ as well as perceived economic and social structures aff ect women’s quality of life and migration behaviour. as a consequence, european rural areas can be characterised by a gender-selective migration, since the number of women leaving rural areas exceeds the number of male out-migrants. this process results in severe demographic imbalances between and within regions, and hampers the solid economic and social development of rural areas. therefore, adequate poli303book review – book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 302–305.hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 302–305. cy measures are needed to tackle such challenges, and authors of this volume try to make their part adopting a strong policy focus. the rest of the book is divided into three main parts. the fi rst part introduces four case studies from spain, germany, hungary/romania and poland that focus on gendered representations and perceptions of the rural and pay particular att ention to the interconnections between women’s evaluation of rural life, their personal identities and mobility. the case studies off er an insight into the processes of rural transformation outlined above. for instance, it can be observed in women’s narratives how post-fordism, postmodernism and the altering material and social realities of the rural destabilise traditional categories, such as the urban-rural divide, rural lifestyle or gender roles. at the same time, the persistence of stereotypical beliefs about rurality and female duties is palpable in the stories and positionalities of surveyed women. mobility has a crucial role in this respect, not only because decision of women on migration is determined by their changing living situations, but it is strongly infl uenced by their att itudes and identities. this is maybe the greatest contribution of this section. in the fi rst study of this section (chapter 2), mireiya baylina, maria dolors garcia-ramon, ana maría porto, isabel salamaña and montserrat villarino investigate how highly-qualifi ed women in galicia and catalonia perceive ‘the rural’ and characterise ‘the rural woman’. they point out that although the respondents are rural residents, they do not identify themselves as typical rural women. most of them classify themselves as rural professionals. their narratives contain elements of the traditional rural idyll that are much appreciated by postmodern labour (e.g. peaceful tranquillity), while their mobility (e.g. owning a car) enables them to maintain a high living standard in the countryside. gesine tuitjer (chapter 3) discusses the everyday life experiences of young mothers in three rural communities in western germany. she comes to the conclusion that normative assumptions about female roles (especially, being a mother) have a signifi cant eff ect on the interviewed women’s self-perceptions. they predominantly construct their lifestyles based on the traditional family model involving a male breadwinner and a female caregiver. nevertheless, most of them adjust their roles according to the changing rural milieu, developing a postmodern suburban/rural lifestyle. using a questionnaire survey, éva g. fekete (chapter 4) examines rural inhabitants’ att itudes towards traditional, modern and postmodern values in eight hungarian and transylvanian micro-regions. the study sheds light on signifi cant gender diff erences, as women are more oft en devoted to postmodern values (e.g. nature, social participation) than men. this is particularly true for those with higher level of educational att ainment, and for those living in culturally more open communities (i.e. for women more infl uenced by external factors, like commuting or remigration). in the near future, these areas can become more successful, since their inhabitants possess the appropriate competencies and att itudes to utilise local resources for a postmodern-type of development. in their study, nana zarnekow and christian henning (chapter 5) see perceived quality of life as an important factor in migration decisions. employing a standardised household survey, they examine local residents’ evaluation of and satisfaction with life conditions in two rural and two suburban communities in poland, with a special emphasis on gender diff erences. their analysis reveals that employment opportunities are a key component of the quality of life for both women and men, although the natural environment and cultural and social life seem also important. the authors draw the conclusion that rural migration in poland is dominated by regional labour market conditions, and there are no considerable gender diff erences in the motivations to move. the second main part of the volume is comprised of four studies focusing on germany and poland, and it is devoted to rural labour markets and gender inequalities in migration. it is well illustrated by these studies that structural characteristics of regional and local rural labour markets disadvantage women, and real as well as perceived defi ciencies of job markets can act as a major push-factor in migration. nevertheless, contributors of this section also demonstrate the notable benefi ts of self-employment, and the role of social and creative sectors which not only enhance female job prospects but contribute to sustainable regional development. first, kim philip schumacher and alexander kunz (chapter 6) introduce the possible causes of graduated pupil’s out-migration in rural northern germany. according to their results, the majority of surveyed youngsters have a strong intention to leave their region for further education or work, but regional labour markets have unequal eff ects on female and male migration behaviour. while young men see better chances in att ending vocational training or fi nding a job in the secondary sector, young women are more dissatisfi ed with educational and employment opportunities in their region. authors conclude that in the decision of young people on migration, the structure of local labour markets and gendered job preferences are equally important explanatory factors. susanne schmidt (chapter 7) examines the spatial patt erns of women working in creative occupations in germany. one of the main results of her statistical analysis is that in the spatial distribution of creative female workers east-west diff erences are more pronounced than the urban-rural dualism. rural areas in eastern germany show a relatively high share on creative labour. therefore, the commonplace that 304 book review – book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 302–305.hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 302–305. creative workers are predominantly concentrated in metropolitan areas cannot be confi rmed in the case of germany. regarding explanatory factors, comfortable working environment in terms of public service provision (e.g. the distribution of health-care and educational institutions) or economic prosperity play a dominant role. ewa rollnik-sadowska (chapter 8) convincingly demonstrates that the structure of labour markets in rural poland clearly disadvantages women. the character of job markets is a signifi cant push-factor. nevertheless, as the author argues, self-employment and female entrepreneurship can be eff ective tools for enhancing women’s job opportunities and fostering regional economic development. in line with the relevant international literature, rollnik-sadowska emphasises the usefulness of local knowledge and traditions in launching women’s businesses under harsh economic circumstances. however, there is an urgent need for the support of local and central authorities, because insuffi cient transport and social infrastructures (e.g. lack of child-care facilities) hinder the reconciliation of job and family life for rural women. similarly to the previous study, bogusław bembenek, teresa piecuch and joanna sudoł-pusz (chapter 9) draw att ention to the importance of female entrepreneurship and economic cooperation in rural poland. using a qualitative approach, they examine business clusters and social cooperatives as potential forms of collaboration between local businesses. they argue that business clusters and social cooperatives can foster entrepreneurial attitude among women and create att ractive workplaces at the same time providing a framework for cooperation and meaningful competition between the members. therefore, such organisations embody real alternatives for rural regions facing growing unemployment and the decline of agricultural incomes. the third part of the book deals with living situation of rural women, gendered migration and the relevance of gendered aspects in rural policies. authors in this section discover relevant gender-sensitive factors that should be taken into account by policy-makers. using empirical data on spanish rural areas, luis camarero and rosario sampedro (chapter 10) focus on gendered migration and rural employment opportunities. they make a remarkable contribution to existing literature, arguing that labour mobility is a fundamental factor in both rural masculinisation and female job prospects. due to the structural defi ciencies of local labour markets, women have to out-migrate from rural areas at a higher rate than men, and for bett er job prospects out-migration is essential for rural women to access higher-quality occupations. yet, for older generations, domestic care-giver role is a signifi cant barrier to mobility. the authors come to the conclusion that women in rural spain experience a double disadvantage. to fi nd an appropriate job, they have to show a higher level of mobility, but their mobility is oft en limited by social expectations towards them. therefore, the authors call for public policies that foster equality between men and women in terms of mobility opportunities. verena peer (chapter 11) investigates the factors infl uencing the migration behaviour of female graduates in rural austria. her results show that while developing their own professional and family life, highly qualifi ed women like to combine the benefi ts of urban and rural lifestyles. while the former meet their job preferences (e.g. bett er employment opportunities), the latt er satisfy their housing needs (e.g. similarities with their communities of origin). decentralised (i.e. located in rural areas, at a noticeable distance from urban agglomerations) highereducational institutions (heis) play an important role in this respect, as they foster the development of regional labour markets and contribute to the quality of life in the region. actually, there is a complex mixture of natural, economic, social and cultural amenities that is highly valorised by the postmodern skilled labour (e.g. the surveyed women). this chapter is a magnifi cent contribution, because it demonstrates the potential of decentralised heis for att racting skilled labour, retaining youth and encouraging re-migration or circular migration. in the last chapter of the book, theresia oedlwieser (chapter 12) looks at the feasibility of producing gender-sensitive rural policies illustrated by the case of austrian rural and regional development. she provides a comprehensive overview on the concepts of gender equality and gender mainstreaming, and policy recommendations for various levels of state administration. she is critical to the eu and to the insuffi cient implementation of gender policies, and points out that “gender equality and gender mainstreaming are oft en no more than rhetorical reference rather than an integral part of programmes” (p. 236). the conclusion of the study could be the conclusion of the whole volume. on the one hand, gender issues should be integrated into rural policies at various levels and on the other hand, there is a need to intensify research on rural governance structures and processes in the future, from a gender equality perspective. in summary, maybe the greatest advantage of the present volume is the wide range of viewpoints. firstly, the topics covered by the studies are manifold, but most of the themes are defi nitely in the centre of academic research on gender and the rural (e.g. representations of the rural, labour markets). secondly, the volume provides diff erent approaches. for instance, the combination of functionalist and social constructivist approaches helps us to understand the complex realities of gendered rural life. thirdly, methodologies applied by the authors include both quantitative and qualitative methods, such as statistical analysis, standardised questionnaires, in-depth 305book review – book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 302–305.hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 302–305. interviews and narrative research. fourthly, the book introduces case studies from several countries with diff erent historical development paths, political systems and welfare regimes. the authors gathered evidence from western european countries (austria, germany), from southern europe (spain) and from east central european post-socialist states (hungary/ romania, poland). the book is an academic writing with solid arguments, and it is easily readable at the same time. illustrations are also of high quality. the volume contains 16 fi gures, 13 maps, 14 tables, photographs and interview quotes as well, which are all detailed, accurate and informative. the book is highly recommended to all, especially to scholars and policy-makers in the fi eld of gender, rural and migration issues. szabolcs fabula1 references bock, b.b. 2006. gender and migration: an overview. in rural gender relations: issues and case studies. eds.: bock, b.b. and shortall, s., cambridge, cabi. 155–164. bock, b.b. 2010. personal and social development of women in rural areas of europe. brussels, european parliament, comagri (ip/b/agri/ic/2010_089; pe 438/608). bonifacio, g.t. 2013. introduction. in gender and rural migration: realities, confl icts and change. ed.: bonifacio, g.t. new york, routledge. 1–22. cloke, p. 1997. country backwater to virtual village? rural studies and ‘the cultural turn’. journal of rural studies 13. (4): 367–375. cloke, p. and little, j. 1997. introduction: other countrysides? in contested countryside cultures: otherness, marginalisation and rurality. eds.: cloke, p. and little, j., london–new york, routledge. 1–18. european commission 2000. women active in rural development: assuring the future of rural europe. luxembourg, european commission directorateg e n e r a l f o r a g r i c u l t u r e , o f f i c e f o r o f f i c i a l publications of the european communities, 28 p. htt p://ec.europa.eu/agriculture/publi/women/broch_ en.pdf. retrieved 7 september 2016. european commission 2012. women in eu agriculture and rural areas: hard work, low profile. eu agricultural economic briefs, no 7 – june 2012. european commission 2016. second pillar of the cap: rural development policy. luxembourg, european parliament, fact sheets on the european union. 1 university of szeged, szeged, hungary. e-mail: fabula.szabolcs@geo.u-szeged.hu little, j. 2002. rural geography: rural gender identity and the performance of masculinity and femininity in the countryside. progress in human geography 26. (5): 665–670. little, j. and panelli, r. 2003. gender research in rural geography. gender, place and culture 10. (3): 281–289. philo, c. 1992. neglected rural geographies: a review. journal of rural studies 8. (2): 193–207. woods, m. 2010. performing rurality and practising rural geography. progress in human geography 34. (6): 835–846. 6_birkas.indd 55birkás, m. el al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 55–64.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.66.1.6 hungarian geographical bulletin 66 2017 (1) 55–64. introduction no critical discussion of the development of soil tillage in hungary has ever been published in english so far, apart from details (birkás, m. et al. 1989, 2004), from which is hardly to draw comprehensive conclusions for the reasons why local tillage practices are lagging behind or how progress has been made. the development of tillage techniques in hungary, respect for tillage in general, its position in the system of cropping, the efforts made at conservation the soil along with the acceptance of new approaches, have always been substantially affected by traditions (szabó, j. 1909; sedlmayr, k. 1954). this influence has – in view of contemporary articles and periodicals in various phases of the soil tillage history – more frequently hindered than encouraged the adoption of new techniques (páter, k. 1953). birkás, m. (2008) gave an overview on the history of soil tillage and pointed the facts that obstructed the progress over centuries, such as the traditions stuck to the multiploughing practice; refused adoption the reversible plough for centuries (however, the first horse-drawn reversible ploughs were introduced in the 1500s); delayed in implementing the improvement of orthodox plough; rejected tillage tools other than the plough without even giving them a try e.g. the hungarian plough planter (pethe, f. 1818), the rotavator (1907), disk tiller for alkaline soils (in the 1920s); aversion to use technique of loosening (from 1860 till the review of soil tillage history and new challenges in hungary márta b i r k ás , igor d e k e m at i , zoltán k e n d e and barnabás p ós a 1 abstract this study provides an overview of the development of soil tillage in hungary. the primary goal is to present factors that have been promoting and hindering progress in tillage from the first authoritative records – from the eleventh century – up to now when soil tillage became a tool in the climate damage mitigation methods. progress was restricted during the first eight hundred years of the history of tillage by lack of expertise and the use of primitive tools. in retrospect, much of the traditions are regarded as obstacles to progress while the adoption of certain foreign trends fostered development in most cases. the history of the development of tillage in hungary is divided into seven eras, with equal positive and negative impacts on the quality of the soils. the quality of soils was threatened before 1900 primarily by the multi-ploughing systems, while reasonable tillage offered a chance for improvement. the geographical location of hungary in europe and the hungarian language entailed a certain degree of isolation as well. it may have been the reason why hungarian reasonable tillage could not become a forerunner of minimum tillage. new soil tillage methods developed abroad had influenced primarily education and experiments carried out in hungary. after the regime change, however, such methods came to be driving progress in practice as well, thanks to a widened horizon. in 1998 soil conservation tillage were used on about 25 per cent of the total sown land, however, a decade and a half later the area cultivated by conservation methods had doubled. a survey conducted five years ago found that significant progress had been made in soil conservation tillage in dry seasons but the achievements are often eroded by return to the conventional modes during wet seasons. keywords: conventional tillage, tillage development, soil conservation, climate focused tillage 1 institute of crop production, szent istván university, h-2100 gödöllő, páter k. u. 1. e-mails: birkas.marta@mkk.szie.hu, dekemati.igor@mkk.szie.hu, kende.zoltan@mkk.szie.hu, posa.barnabas@mkk.szie.hu birkás, m. el al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 55–64.56 1960s) and blaming the weather instead of recognising soil structure defects; insistence on applying the same old routines instead of learning and adopting new techniques; taking a poor view of soil conserving tillage techniques e.g. cultivators or mulch tillage. moreover, birkás, m. (2008b) listed progressive examples too, such as the ‘hungarian reasonable tillage’ strategy, promoted at the end of the 1800s and that was aimed at reducing tillage without increasing the risk of crop production (cserháti, s. 1900, 1902a,b). working the soil to the depths exceeding 20 cm from the year 1860 made a chance to loosen the pans ensued from shallow ploughing (cserháti, s. 1891). the first experiments were carried out with reasonable ploughless tillage and the first results were thus achieved in hungary by baross, l. (1909) and manninger, g.a. (1938). at the beginning of the 1920s gyárfás, j. (1925) gave chance for adoption of the dry farming methods. kemenesy, e. (1924) was the first scientist to draw attention to the possibilities lying in biological tillage, that is, in keeping the soil in a mellowed state. the trend of minimum tillage took off in the 1960s, soil conservation was quite negligible as an objective in comparison to efforts made to reduce tillage interventions and minimise tillage costs. the new concept that is soil conservation tillage (schertz, d.l. 1988) was viewed positively all over the world, including in hungary. mention should also be made of the influence of new foreign tillage tools. before and during the 1800s interest focused primarily on the use of ploughs (e.g. brabant and hohenheim types and later sack) constructed abroad. it was in such circumstances that the kühne factory manufactured of a variety of promising tools, including campbell’s disk and roll. a lot of russian machines were imported to hungary after 1945 but there was an upswing in the domestic manufacture of agricultural machinery as well. farm machinery demonstrations drew attention to high quality products, particularly those that could be reliably operated even under difficult conditions. progress in soil tillage however, was triggered not so much by the availability of up-to-date machines but the growing demand by farmers, concerning soil condition (birkás, m. 2008a). materials and methods lessons drawn from the history of soil tillage this study evokes the most important ideas and conclusions that appeared in articles published earlier on the development of soil tillage and the trends observed in hungary. among the information sources, an agricultural journal – namely “köztelek” – had significant importance considering the well-informative articles, published between 1891 and 1944. “köztelek” was the main bulletin of the national hungarian economic association (omge) and through these publications of the famous classic authors (e. g. bittera, cserháti, gyárfás, hensch, kerpely, sporzon, surányi) had wide professional appreciation. in addition, milhoffer, s. (1897) published useful information – looking back till the conquest – about contemporary soil management practice and the strange climate extremities. a critical review of efforts ranging from the earliest ones up to those aiming at reducing the damage caused by climate change is a key part of this paper, along with the tasks to be tackled in the future. among the cited literature are – in accordance with the objective of this study – dominated the publications by hungarian authors, primarily those that came out before 1960. investigation of the tillage practice monitoring the tillage practice and the soil condition has started in the end of 1970s (it’s going nowadays, too), and covers all soil types located in the different micro regions in hungary. main aspects of soil tillage practice monitoring are as follows: advantages and considerations of the ploughing; depth and 57birkás, m. el al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 55–64. efficiency of the soil loosening; adaptability of the tine tillage by cultivator and considerations of the disk tillage. surveying the tillage practice – that are conventional, conservation and reduced constraints – delighted in higher attention in the years 1998 and 2011. monitoring the soil conditions covers: occurrence of the pan compaction; consequences of the outdated tillage traditions on soils; types and seriousness of the tillage and climate (both drought and rain stress) induced soil defects; results of the different soil remediation. methods of the assessment were presented by bottlik, l. et al. 2014. these data and information are widely discussed in the relevant publications, e. g. birkás, m. et al. 2015a. machinery dealers and sellers have provided also important – but non-published – information. soil and climatic characteristics within hungary the total area of hungary is 9,303,000 ha, of which 5,346,000 ha (57.5%) is agricultural land, and 4,332,000 ha (46.5%) is arable land. according to stefanovits, p. (1981) the topsoil textures of hungarian soils can be characterised as follows: sand 15 per cent, sandy loam 12 per cent, loam 47 per cent, clay and loamy clay 26 per cent. várallyay, gy. (1989) stressed that approximately 34.8 per cent of the soils are sensitive to degradation and compaction (e. g. solonetz, gleysol and vertisol), 13.9 per cent are non-sensitive (e. g. calcisol) 23.0 per cent are slightly sensitive (e. g. arenosol, cambisol, histosol) and 28.3 per cent have moderate sensitivity (e. g. luvisol, chernozem, phaeozem). the climate is continental, although extreme phenomena have occurred more frequently in recent decades. the average annual precipitation decreases from 800 mm in the west to 500 mm in the east. during the past decade one year was average, two years were dry, two years were rainy and five years – due to the alternation of the dry and rainy periods – were extreme. eras of soil tillage development in hungary the history of soil tillage in hungary was rich and full of unexpected challenges in the past. the chronological order of the seven main eras in the development of soil tillage as well as their main characteristics, are summed up in table 1. seven eras and the main features of the eras were recorded first by birkás, m. (1995) and since then only minor changes were table 1. soil tillage development in hungary (by birkás, m. 2008) eras of soil tillage development main characterization of the era* 1. early (–1700) lack of tools and expertise (–) 2. introduction of low intensity farming techniques (1700–1800) challenges in crop production (±) 3. multi-ploughing systems (1750–1900) soil structure deterioration (–) 4. reasonable tillage (1860–1920) adoption to soil state (+) 5. conventional tillage (1900–1988) 5.1. classic, based on draught animal (1900–1960) 5.2. temporary, partially mechanized (1920–1970) 5.3. technology focused, fully mechanized (1960–1980) high dependence on weather conditions (–) adaptability to soil state (+) crop focusing efforts, deterioration in soil quality (–) 6. energy saving and soil conservation tillage (1975–1988 soil quality focusing tillage (+) 7. modern adaptable tillage (1988–) 7.1. declining period (1988–2000) 7.2. period of transition (2000–2015) 7.3. soil and environment conservation period (?2020– deterioration in soil condition (–) climate threats (–); new challenges in soil conservation (+) recognition of sustainability principles, soil quality improvement (+) *+ progressive, – regressive, ± both features. birkás, m. el al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 55–64.58 marked in given table (cf. 2008). in the early era of its development the quality of tillage was determined by the sites gained by clearing forests or grazing lands, by farming that were not suitable for overcoming unfavourable circumstances. in the era of low intensity farming progress was limited by lack of machines and by a shortage of knowledge. the era of multiploughing tillage was ushered in by the introduction of improved ploughs that were suitable for working the soil to greater depths. this practice has become the bounds of the development considering the deterioration of the soil quality. the principles of reasonable tillage were developed by cserháti, s. (1900) to reduce detrimental impacts of ploughing up to 3–4 times a year and of excessive manipulation of the soil. certain new approaches to tillage, which had been devised abroad and which were radically different from the national practices, arose a wide range of interests. a method named after a french farmer called jean, was based on a gradual crumbling of dry soils, using cultivators (gyárfás, j. 1925). the american campbell’s method was discussed – both positively and negatively – in agricultural periodicals at the time. campbell, h.w. offered a solution for the tillage of dry soils, which may have been the reason for the intensive attention paid to the technique in hungary, primarily during the years between 1909 and 1913. nearly a hundred articles published during those years and experiments were set up to test the special new method (fechtig, i. 1909; grabner, e. 1909; káldy szűcs, j. 1909; kerpely, k. 1910a). the results, however, did not bear out the expectations. reading campbell’s book (1907) carefully, one finds that winter wheat was sown after up to 12–14 tillage passes while it took up to 20 passes to work the soil before seeding in the spring. so many tillage passes were bound to lead to soil degradation; posterity refers to the period as the “campbell-boom” (birkás, m. 2003). the anti-plough movement by bippart (1920–1930) did have some favourable impacts and effects to the benefits of applying ploughless tillage from time to time it also draw attention to reasonable tillage (beke, l. 1922; blascsok, f. 1923). the mechwart steam plough (1893–1897) and the power tiller by kőszegi (1907–1913) have really offered a better system to cut time and energy requirements. the era of conventional tillage systems is a step back from reasonable tillage, while multiple tillage passes were still being carried out, i. e. from stubble to sowing. the second world war and the allocation of land to masses of landless people hampered the development of soil tillage for quite some time. in the 1950s farmers had an obligation applying deeper (more than 20 cm) ploughing, which was considered to be the guarantee for higher yields. any effort to reintroduce manninger’s reasonable ploughless tillage system however, was met with severe criticism (páter, k. 1953). besides the difficulties, however, some progressive measures were also taken and landscape research and crop production research institutions were established or reactivated. soil tillage experiments covering shorter or longer periods of time were started by research institutions and universities (győrffy, b. 1964). at that time research and experiments were aimed at increasing yields or consolidating the stability of yields. a number of experiments were aimed at studying the optimum depth of tillage (sipos, s. 1978). experimental studies of the impacts of deep tillage had probably been stimulated by the need and urge in the 1960s to increase low yields on soils that had probably been poorly tilled for quite some years by that time, along with the introduction of tools suitable for deeper tillage in the whole of the central and eastern european region (drezgic, p. and jevtic, s. 1963). at the same time, one could not disregard publications concerning, and results achieved by, the reduction of tillage interventions (e. g. cannell, r.q. 1985; allen, r.r. and fenster, c.r. 1986). a technique referred to as “minimum tillage” including direct drilling, was found to be of interest practically only by scientists; ex59birkás, m. el al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 55–64. periments with this system have been under way since the early 1960s (győrffy, b. 1964; zsembeli, j. et al. 2015). era of the energy saving tillage developed from fully mechanized systems with the aim of preventing additional damage and of enabling reasonable cuts in tillage costs. the steady increase of fuel prices and the advent of a dryer period had also stimulated the spreading of soil preserving techniques. mulch tillage by disk was first adopted for use between the harvest of sunflower and the sowing of wheat, in the early 1980s, and mulch tillage by tine has adopted from the early of the 2000s (birkás, m. 2008a). a decline in the standards of soil tillage caused by the system change lasted over a period of about 10 years. during the period of transition new opportunities for improvements in tillage are offered by encouraging the high quality production, by a new appreciation of expertise and recognition of the need for soil preservation as well as by a great variety of tillage equipment available in the market. the progress in soil tillage picked up again when new tillage systems (direct drilling, mulch-till, ridge-till, strip till, precision farming) were studied in the newly launched tillage experiments (győrffy, b. 2001; birkás, m. et al. 2009, 2015b). conventional versus conservation tillage soil tillage trends throughout the past 18 years in hungary were evaluated with regard to the methods being used, its impact on soil condition, and the desirability for continuing to use the systems for the next two decades (table 2). a close correlation was found between the level of the machinery and knowledge and the tillage impacts on soil condition in both (1998 and 2011–2012) surveys. the tillage practices were grouped into three tendencies, conventional, conservation and those designed to reduce specific constraints. conventional tillage was characterised by tilling the whole surface and using the plough as the primary tool. achieving a soil condition suitable for crop production often requires more time than is reasonable and much higher energy costs. furthermore, conventional tillage often has a negative effect on soil condition and the need for ineffective secondary tillage is typical. conventional-developing systems that consisted of those farms using up-to-date reversible plough combined with surface levelling element, and improving soil conditions by subsoiling periodically. soils managed this way are considered free from degradation processes, disregarding a light degree of dustiness in the upper layer; the conventional-stagnating-declining systems are those where most of tillage tools and applied techniques are out-of-date and ratio of degradation (i.e. compaction and dustiness in the topsoil) reaches 50 per cent of the total area. practices were classified as conservation tillage if the soil was not deteriorated by implements while fulfilling the carbon, water and structure preservation or if it improved the physical and biological state of the soil resource (birkás, m. 2011). economically, the main feature of conservation tillage is that the soil condition for crop production can be achieved on a well-protected soil with less energy input. the soil conservation-fully implemented category includes those tillage systems that are designed to eliminate harmful clodding, dusting, smearing or puddling. soil conservation-partially adopted systems apply reduced or soil conservation tillage practices, but have a medium or high level of machinery. the level of soil conservation is equal to the damage imposed on the soils through the tillage operations. systems classified as “to reduce soil constraints” are those being forced to save energy and to reduce tillage traffic because inadequate capital and appropriate equipment. an even greater problem associated with the latter systems is the imperfect level of knowledge. as a result, soil physical conditions are often deteriorated (e.g. disk-pan compaction and/or topsoil dustiness) and the biological state is typically poor (birkás, m. et al. 2004). birkás, m. el al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 55–64.60 soil conservation tillage increased fairly in the last decade. the main factors that encouraged the adoption of conservation tillage practices – both fully and partially – were the extreme dry seasons and the economic pressures. in 1998, conservation tillage was used on 25 per cent of all tilled area and 14 years later the area cultivated by conservation way had doubled. most of the farms were from mid-sized to large-sized and most of the owners had up-to-date knowledge in soil management. the goals for the next two decades are to substantially decrease the ‘declining’ and ‘stagnating’ pattern associated with the conventional way, and to decrease the ‘reduced tillage of necessity’ from 16 to 7 per cent. this trend may continue for quite a while since there will probably always be new land owners with little knowledge of the ins and outs of farming. however, the soil conservation practices will hopefully increase to approximately 68 per cent of the arable fields (table 2). soil quality improvement and climate threat mitigation the process from the beginning of the history of tillage in hungary to the announcement of tillage aimed at reducing climate change damage was neither short, nor easy. references to extreme climate phenomena appeared in agricultural periodicals right from their earliest editions, back in the late 1800s. weather extremes occurred in hungary even 100–150 years ago (milhoffer, s. 1897). the extent of damage must have been greater than today and it came without mitigation. gyárfás, j. (1925) suggested that appropriate tillage and cropping methods have to be applied to prevent damage by frequent drought. reviewing the articles published by periodical “köztelek” an important fact was concluded, that is tillage problem caused by droughts were more often discussed than damage caused by too much rain. when exploring the causes of low wheat yields a classical author on soil tillage, cserháti, s. (1902) found that low yields were caused by poor tillage because the more defects there were in the soil the more harm was caused by unfavourable weather patterns. he argued that the weather should not be used as an excuse covering up errors made in cropping. the impacts of defective soil conditions resulting in increased damage caused by droughts can be proven today too (birkás, m. et al. 2009), although they are less frequently encountered in arable fields. a number of authors (rázsó, i. 1901; szabó, j. 1909; jattka, f. 1910; küzdényi, sz. 1921; dworák, k. 1923; tokaji, i. 1932) emphasised that damage caused by climate conditions could be diminished, however site adopted solutions are to be applied. cserháti (1900) and kerpely (1910a,b) drew attention to two important requirements, facilitating the soil’s water intake, and impeding evaporation from the soil, by way of tillage techniques. gyárfás, as a follower of cserháti, also worked on promoting reasonable tillage (table 3), which is why there is an understandable similarity between their recommendations. table 2. estimated area cultivated by three types of tillage nationally and the desirable progress* tillage types percent of adoption in desirable adoption trend in the next two decades1998 2011–2012 conventional developing stagnating, declining conservation fully partially to reduce soil constraints 50 10 40 25 5 20 25 33 20 13 51 44 7 16 25 20 5 68 53 15 7 *data from field and soil monitoring and discussed with machinery dealers and sellers. 61birkás, m. el al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 55–64. gyárfás listed the first five items among the fundamental tillage tasks in combating drought impacts. item 6 can be found in his book, without his stressing, while the application of surface cover as a tillage technique was simply out of the question. though the first – accidental – experience of surface cover was observed by káldy szücs (1909), that report failed to attract much attention. it was not until much later that the positive impacts of the crop residue after harvest (a soil and straw mixture as a mulch) came to be proven, by manninger (1957) and kemenesy (1964). data and projections relating to climate change pose new challenges to soil tillage as well. as szalai, s. and lakatos, m. (2013) outlined, four main climate induced risk factors can be formulated from the optimistic and the pessimistic scenarios in the region that are milder winters with more precipitation, warmer and dry summers, extreme fluctuations in the annual distribution of the total precipitation and increased numbers of windy and stormy incidences. soil tillage researchers has frequently stated that the existing land use and soil tillage systems were most often based on the classic – and outdated – beliefs. soils will really be exposed to the climate stresses. vulnerability of soils has already become an acute problem for agricultural and environmental sustainability, and it will be even more complex problem in future decades. birkás, kisic, mesic, jug and kende (2015a) made a detailed proposal concerning the tasks following in the new climate situation. the main proposals are as follows. the predicted milder winters with more precipitation give chance for more water storage if the soil moisture intake capacity is maintained and improved by adaptable tillage. any tillage intervention should be aimed at helping rainwater infiltration and at minimising the loss of water in and out of the growing season. a relatively new challenge is the water loss from soils during colder periods, which call attention to form water preserving surface before soil wintering. considering the possibility of dry and hot summers, the conventional soil preparation requires an evaluation from a new aspect. rationalising soil disturbance and extending the period during which the soil is covered will be indispensable. a water managing tillage is to be combined with the organic matter conservation including om recycling and carbon preserving solutions. when monitoring tillage practices, it was found that dry periods definitely promote the application of soil conservation methods and thus reducing climate risks (table 4). according to birkás (2011) climate risk means the defects in the soil quality condition along with likely consequences of soil disturbance. a regrettable fact, that during wet periods – particularly in the autumn –, landowners tend to return to the conventiontable 3. proposals from the classic authors for soil tillage development criteria of the adaptable soil tillage criteria of the biological soil tillage from kemenesy (1964)from cserháti (1900) from gyárfás (1922) 1. creating crumbly structure. 2. improving level of the nutrients uptake. 3. changing soil layers from time to time. 4. good mixing. 5. inverting (manure, stubble residues). 6. weed and pest control. 7. consolidation of the upper layer after tillage. 8. promoting soil mellowing. 9. forming of the soil surface. 1. stubble soil breaking just after harvest 2. autumnal primary tillage. 3. avoiding the spring ploughing on soils were ploughed in autumn. 4. creating good seedbed. 5. fallowing 6. in dry conditions: – maintaining crumbly structure on the soil surface; – reducing the number of ploughing. 1. creating the conditions that are beneficial for microorganisms by site adopted soil preserving tillage and organic material recycling. 2. promoting and maintaining a mellowed soil state. 3. improving soil water infiltration and storage capacity and reducing water loss (increasing humus and water source). birkás, m. el al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 55–64.62 al tillage methods. accordingly, about 15 per cent of those applying soil conservation tillage methods are facing uncertainties in regard to the methods that are suitable for reducing climate-induced damage. there is difficult task to convince landowners who apply conventional methods that endanger the quality of soils. preserving tillage of wet soils has become an acute issue during the recent decades. dry periods have become increasingly frequent – in connection with climate forecasts – wet periods also occur primarily during the late summer and autumn tillage seasons. in spite the fact that the tillage season has expanded to the first winter month, some 36–42 per cent of the total arable land is tilled before the soil becomes actually suitable for tillage. applying ploughs and conventional disks and causing damage to wet soils lead to increased tillage costs during subsequent seasons. as birkás and dekemati (2015b) noted that there is a demand for the elaboration of methods suitable for conservation tillage of wet soils. a brief summary of such methods is as follows: any damage already done must be remedied, while avoiding any new damage. farmers must check their soils frequently enough to be always aware of their condition. no intervention obstructing the soil’s recovery (disking or ploughing resulting in smearing and kneading the soil) should be carried out. traffic on the soil and the number of tillage interventions must be minimised. any compact layer blocking the water infiltration to the soil must be loosened (this method is not the same as the technique of loosening the soil with effects lasting at least one year). the soil surface must be protected to alleviate the impact of rain stress resulting in silting. organic matter recycling and conservation is required. crop focused tillage versus climate focused tillage classical authors emphasised the importance of creating good seedbed for plants (birkás, m. 2008). in the physical approach tillage was believed to play an important role in controlling soil processes. consequently the period of several centuries dominated by this approach is referred to as the era of crop oriented tillage (birkás, m. et al. 2015b). references to plants’ alleged tillage needs have been found in literature since the 1800s to date. particular emphasis has been and is still often being laid on the need for creating a fine crumbly seedbed. the need for preserving the soil used to be absent from the lists of objectives of tillage in textbooks, but today it has gained primary importance (birkás, m. 2008). the over-estimation of the importance of crop requirements resulted in damaging the soils (e.g. structure pulverisation, siltation, crust formation on the topsoil, etc.), which inevitably led to the recognition, in the mid-1960s, of the need for protecting soils quality hence that was the beginning of the era of soil focused tillage (bartalos, t. et al. 1995). any crop requirements can be met by a soil kept in a good physical and biological condition by soil preserving tillage, with the added benefits of causing less damage and cutting costs. since the first years of the climate change, as the new trends table 4. conservation tillage adoption in hungary (2009–2015)* plant and tillage task area, 1,000 ha conservation tillage, % in dry seasons in wet seasons stubble tillage after summer harvest** primary tillage for oilseed rape primary tillage for winter wheat primary tillage for maize, sunflower primary tillage for sugar beet, soybean ploughing adaptable to wintering total (without stubble tillage) 1,590–1,670 190–250 1,720–1,780 1,620–1,770 40–70 150–180 3,570–3,870 52–56 65–77 52–55 42–49 60–70 32–35 50–57 37–45 52–60 33–40 27–34 49–51 17–24 36–42 *sown area in hungary: 4,332,000 ha (ksh, 2015), data from field and soil monitoring and discussed with machinery dealers and sellers. **pea, rape, barley, oat, wheat, durum, triticale and rye. 63birkás, m. el al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (1) 55–64. have raised concern, tillage must be turned into a climate focused effort with the aim of reducing climate-induced stresses through improving soil quality (birkás, m. 2011). conclusions progress and development in soil tillage has been fraught with contradictions since the beginning of the history of tillage in hungary. conclusions drawn from the overview of the process: – at the beginning progress was hindered by lack of knowledge of soil and plants, inadequate draught power and imperfect farming implements as well as natural disasters. technical advancement could be indicated first in terms of improvements in ploughing tools and the increase in ploughing depths. – the higher yields resulting from deeper loosened layer had associated with inverting the soil. in the absence of knowledge of the soil the damage caused by the increasingly frequent use of the plough could not be recognised. – up to the 20th century the factors identified as threats to soils included – apart from wars – insufficient tillage, excessive tillage, soil depletion and drought. – the tasks of soil protection have become highly complex in the 21st century because, on the one hand, the process of soil degradation that has been going on for centuries needs to be brought to a halt while on the other hand, threats relating to the climate change have to be managed, with the help of adequate knowledge. – the hungarian soil tillage literature has made a significant impact on the progress of tillage since the 1800s, but owing to the language barrier they never came to be tested at an international level. scientists focusing on tillage today can widely distribute their methods developed for use under difficult conditions. acknowledgement: supported by the ministry of human resources of hungary. project no vksz12-1-2013-0034. r e f e r e n c e s allen, r.r. and fenster, c.r. 1986. stubble-mulch equipment for soil and water conservation in the great plains. journal of soil and water conservation 41. 11–16. baross, l. 1909. tárcsásborona és szuperfoszfát (disk harrow and superphosphate). köztelek 19. 2108–2110. bartalos, t., lal, r. and németh, t. 1995. conservation tillage for sustaining soil and water quality. budapest, akaprint. beke, l. 1922. az eke alkonya (dusk of the plough). gazdasági lapok 74. 137–138. birkás, m. 1995. energiatakarékos, talajvédő és kímélő talajművelés (energy saving, soil conservation tillage). university lecture notes. gödöllő, szent istván univesity. birkás, m. 2003. a campbell-láz magyarországon (1908–1914). a magyar gazdák és a dry farming (the 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(2012) used a genetic algorithm (ga) to calculate vegetation coefficients (a and b) at the local scale using an empirical relationship between surface scattering and vegetation/crop biophysical parameters (using envisat asar vv-pol data). since these in-situ datasets are generally collected from specific observation sites, hence it is important to understand the usefulness of these observations in other regions. consequently, in most of the crop models, crop coefficients vary from one location to another. it is important to develop a new approach or use existing approaches for the identification of crop coefficients, which does not require the in-situ observation of the biological and physical parameters of crops. currently, wcm requires v1 and v2 vegetation parameters, which are associated with a, b, c, and d coefficients. therefore, v1 and v2 must be precise, and easily available otherwise spatial variability of a, b, c, and d will be high. in the past, these two (v1 and v2) vegetation parameters were estimated using extensive fieldwork within the study area; therefore, parameterization of wcm was easy at a local scale. rawat, k.s. et al. (2017, 2018) successfully estimated soil moisture using modified wcm (mwcm) by replacing v1 and v2 with ndvi value. the study objective was to parameterize the mwcm using different combinations of vegetation indices. the combinations are categorized into cases (i-iv) of combinations of vegetation indices such as case i (v1-v2 = ndvi-evi), case ii (v1-v2 = ndvi-ndvi), case iii (v1-v2 = evievi) and case iv (v1-v2 = evi-ndvi); where ndvi is normalized vegetation index, and evi is the enhanced vegetation index). materials study area and ground data the bathinda district study located in the state of punjab india and is a region with wheat being the dominant crop (from 30°4’30” n to 30°21’20” n latitude and from 74°47’50” e to 75°10’00” e longitude) with average elevation of 210 m from sea level (figure 1). the district of bathinda lies in the extreme southwestern part of punjab and far away from the shivalik ranges in the north of the state. the normal annual rainfall of this region is about 408 mm, 80 per cent of which is received during the southwestern monsoon season (first week of july to midseptember) and remaining during the winter season. dust storms are a regular feature in summer season when the temperature reaches to 47.0 °c in the peak summer in mayfig. 1. location map of the study area 19rawat, k.s. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 17–26. june, however, in winter during december and january, the minimum temperature at night could reach 0.0 °c. the soil in the area is mostly loamy sand and sandy loam and contained 68–70 per cent sand, 12–15 per cent silt and 18–21 per cent clay. due to light texture, the water holding capacity of soil in the district varies from 25– 30 per cent depends on the clay content and organic matter present in the soil. the arid brown soils are calcareous in nature; these soils are imperfectly to moderately drained and siezoram soils the accumulation of calcium carbonate (cgwb, 2017). yadav, b.k. et al. (2018) determined that the soils were low in available nitrogen (n) low to medium in available phosphorous (p) and medium to high in available potassium (k) content. they also found that there was wide variation in soil fertility status has developed on various landforms in bathinda district, but the soils were low in available n, low to medium in available p and medium to high in available k content. the measurements of soil moisture and vegetation parameters were carried out during the sentinel-1 overpasses (dates are given in table 1). the sentinel-1 mission provides active microwave data of c-band with 10 m resolution and has potential for soil moisture mapping. further, european space agency (esa) constellation of one more identical sentinel-1a satellite on 25 april 2016 named sentinel1b which has two microwave synthetic aperture radar (sar) sensors for improvement in temporal resolution. total of thirty imageries were acquired during the winter wheat crop growing period (details are provided in table 1). during each overpass of the satellite, insitu soil moisture measurements were performed using a time-domain reflectometer instrument (tdr, field scouttm tdr 300, spectrum technologies, aurora, il, united states). from sampling sites, soil moisture was measured using a tdr at a soil depth of 0–5 cm. calibration of the tdr instrument was performed as suggested by rawat, k.s. et al. (2017, 2018). the ancillary data, namely surface roughness, leaf area index (lai), crop height, crop coverage and crop physiological states data were also collected. landsat-8 and sentinel-2 data a total of sixteen sentinel-2 and landsat-8 datasets have been downloaded to estimate vegetation greenness in 2018 (table 1). the spatial resolutions of landsat-8 and sentinel-2 were 30 m and 10 m, respectively. after pre-processing, vegetation greenness was calculated using the normalized difference vegetation index (ndvi) and enhanced vegetation index (evi). since the date of data acquisition difference was very small, hence a limited or no change was observed in ndvi and evi value. therefore, we did not performed any interpolation of ndvi and evi value along with sar images. sentinel-1 data the sentinel-1 operates at 5.4 ghz frequency, and has four imaging modes, namely stripmap model, interferometric wide swath, extra-wide swath, and wave mode. in pretable 1. satellite data with a different date sensor dates in 2018 spatial resolution sentinel-1a/b sentinel-2a/b landsat-8 january (20, 24), february (1, 5, 13, 17, 25), march (1, 9, 13, 21, 25), april (6, 14) january (1, 27), february (1, 6, 12, 18), march (1, 6), april (7, 15) january (8, 17), february (14, 22, 26), march (30) 10 m 10 m 30 m rawat, k.s. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 17–26.20 sent research work, s1 tops-model slc data of an interferometric wide swath mode has been used for soil moisture estimation. the pre-processing (radiometric and orthorectification) was performed according to the sentinel-1 user data handbook. the sentinel-1 data sets were processed in the snap platform (http://step.esa.int/main/toolboxes/ snap). the sentinel-1 imageries were acquired in vv and vh polarization with an incidence angle near to 38°. we processed only vv polarization in our study because past studies (rawat, k.s. et al. 2019a, b) showed that vh polarization does not provide relevant crop/soil information with wcm for our study area. time domain reflectometer (tdr) instrument the instrument tdr with a 7.5 cm probe length was used to collect in-situ soil moisture. tdr has wide spectrum frequency; it also works in c-band frequency as the sentinel-1. tdr is a lightweight, portable instrument, it was used for in-situ observation. besides, tdr may be used to get a large number of measurements over a short period of time (within satellite overpass of the study area) (rawat, k.s. et al. 2017, 2018, 2019a, b). methods the sentinel-1 data sets were processed for only vv polarization and generated backscattering coefficient (σ°) which is known as total σ0 (or σ0total) because two σ 0 contribute in σ0total, backscattering from soil σ0 (σ0soil) and backscattering from vegetation (σ0veg). the σ 0 total of in-situ observation sites were derived using snap software. similarly, ndvi and evi value of each in-situ measurement sites were derived from the sentinel-2 and landsat-8 data. there was no need for re-sampling of landsat-8 into the sentinel-2 or sentinel-2 into landsat-8 because our study area was homogenous and the size of the in-situ measurement plots was of dimensions more than 30 m × 30 m. the mwcm was used to develop a semiempirical model for soil moisture estimation using microwave data. in mwcm, vegetation descriptors (or v1 and v2) were replaced by a couple of vegetation indices as cases (i-iv) (as v1-v2 = ndvi-evi, v1-v2 = ndvi-ndvi, v1-v2 = evi-evi; v1-v2 = evi-ndvi; where ndvi = normalized vegetation index [bala, a. et al. 2015; rawat, k.s. et al. 2017, 2019a, b] and evi = enhances vegetation index). modified water cloud model (mwcm) the wcm has a great possibility to diminish the effect of vegetation by computing the σ0veg. it can be expressed by the following equation (1): σ0 total (db) = σ 0 veg + σ 0 veg+soil + τ 2 σ0 soil , for a given radar signal, σ0 from the bare soil has a linear function of the soil moisture with depth (0.0–7.5 cm) (attema, e. and ulaby, f.t. 1978) and σ0veg+soil ≈ 0; therefore, eq. 1 can be modified as: σ0 total (db) = σ 0 veg + τ 2 σ0 soil , where: σ0 veg (db) = av1 cos(1 τ 2), τ2 = exp(2bv2 / cosθ), σ0 soil (db) = c + d . sm, where, θ is incident angle; a and b are vegetation coefficients that depend on the type of canopy, while coefficients c and d are soil dependent, sm is soil moisture. v1 and v2 are canopy parameters and wcm was modified by changing these parameters (v1 and v2) by ndvi or evi. magagi, r. and kerr, y. (1997) investigated that due to change in vegetation states, canopy properties (bio and physical) change temporally. therefore, a vegetation index is capable of explaining vegetation growth states. model parametrization based on magagi, r. and kerr, y. (1997), we have replaced v1 and v2 by a pair of vegetation eq. 1 eq. 2 eq. 3 eq. 4 eq. 5 21rawat, k.s. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 17–26. indices (by applying in eq. 3 and 4), namely ndvi and evi, since no previous work was found on replacing particular vegetation parameter (e.g. v1 or v2) by specific vegetation index (e.g. ndvi or evi) to obtain optimal value of mwcm coefficients. however, ndvi and evi can describe the winter wheat crop canopy as canopy descriptors. we tested different possible pairs of ndvi and evi for the parametrization of the mwcm. we assumed that different possible combinations of ndvi and evi would be better to incorporate the spatial water content/status, its spatial distribution within a confined volume, and would stand out an accurate simulation of total σ0. the inverse distance method was applied for interpolation to generate the spatial maps of soil moisture (mishra, a. et al. 2009). vegetation index (ndvi/evi) crop mapping and environmental research commonly use ndvi (garroutte, e. et al. 2016). huete, a.r. (1988) investigated that ndvi responses were high for canopy background variations and showed saturated signals for high biomass conditions. evi, suggested by qi, j. et al. (1994), improves sensitivity over dense vegetation conditions without the effect of the canopy background by minimizing canopy-soil variations (huete, a.r. et al. 2002). we had selected two vegetation indices, and these vegetation indices were developed using equations (eq. 6, 7, 8 and 9). the particular band (blue, red, and near-infrared bands of landsat-8 and sentinel-2a/b) after atmospheric correction and conversion of digital number into reflectance of particular bands. ndvi and evi were used for the parametrization of vegetation and soil coefficients of mwcm (eq. 6 and eq. 7 for landsat 8; eq. 8 and eq. 9 for sentinel-2): ndvi = (band5 – band4) (band5 + band4) where, the value of 2.5 in eq. 6 and 9 is a gain factor while 7.5 and 2.4 in eq. 6 and 9 (https://webapps.itc.utwente.nl/librarywww/ papers_2017/msc/nrm/adan.pdf ) are coefficients, used to reduce aerosol effects and value 1 is the soil adjustment factor. model coefficients (a, b, c, and d) estimation images of the study period were downloaded of 20/01/2018 to14/04/2018. this study assumed that the roughness over the crop was constant during the study period because of the single wheat crop, a slight change in roughness. hence the number of unknown variables reduces into four for mwcm: coefficients of a, b, c, and d estimation errors (for coefficients) due to different factors (e.g. sar sensor measurement error, optical sensor measurement error and ndvi estimation error) were also reduced. this process diminishes the effects over coefficients. the following two steps were used to prepare data for the optimal value of coefficients: – measured σ0 at soil moisture sampling (using tdr) point from each corresponding to the sentinel-1 data. – the ndvi was calculated at each sampling point in the series of data. the iterative optimization method was applied in sigmaplot-12.0 to estimate the model coefficients (a, b, c and d). these model coefficients are important in predicting in σ0 using the mwcm. evaluation of observed and estimated σ0 in this study, the estimated vv polarized σ0 with the help of possible combinations of ndvi and evi as canopy descriptor and generated mwcm coefficients were tested with observed vvσ0 of sentinel-1 using statistical evi = 2.5 . (band5 – band4) (band5 + 6 . band4 – 7.5 . band2 + 1) eq. 6 eq. 7 ndvi = (band8 – band4) (band8 + band4) eq. 8 evi = 2.5 . (band8 – band4) (band8 + 2.4 . band4 +1) eq. 9 rawat, k.s. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 17–26.22 tests and method as explained in rawat, k.s. et al. (2017, 2018). statistical tests are the way to evaluate the accuracy of predicted data compared to observed data. however, there must be a sufficient number of datasets to draw a conclusion using statistical tests. results and discussion for the simulation of vv σ0, the vegetation and soil coefficients were estimated for four combinations of ndvi and evi for v1 and v2 (table 2). the c and d soil coefficients have almost fixed values for each of the four combinations of vegetation indices (vis) for vvσ0; therefore, c and d are free from canopy properties in the mwcm. also, this type of interpretation can only be driven when v1 and v2 replaced by different vegetation indices combinations. if v1 and v2 are replaced by same vi (may be ndvi or evi) then it cannot be concluded that c and d are independent of canopy because same ndvi (v1)-ndvi (v2) or evi (v1)-evi (v2) combinations of vi gives us only one value of c and d. the value of a and b are different from different possible combinations of vis (see table 2). the values of a and b are completely governed by canopy properties (an orientation of leaf, the water content in leaf, and chlorophyll). it is further clarification of why more than one vi should be used for parameterization of mwcm. table 2, non-zero values of a and b indicate that we cannot ignore the contribution of a canopy in microwave analysis. mwcm parameterization using vis was conducted by minimizing the rmse with the best r2 value between observed and predicted vv σ0 to optimize the effective unknown coefficients (a, b, c, and d). the comparative results of rmse and r2 between observed and predicted vv σ0 from different vegetation parameters in combination are presented in table 2 and shown in figure 2. mwcm parameterization i: estimation of a, b, and c, d coefficients using ndvi (v1)-ndvi (v2) ndvi is a commonly used index to monitor crop canopy, health and spatial distribution of vegetation during the growing season in agriculture. therefore, ndvi-ndvi combination (case i) was used instead of v1-v2 vegetation parameters in mwcm. the graphical simulation of generated vv σ0 to vv σ0 from microwave data over the wheat crop (figure 2, a). a total of 82 and observed data (ndvi and soil moisture) points (as input for σ0 simulation) were used for ndvi-ndvi performance for predicting vv σ0 from mwcm. the model simulated vv σ0 with a good r2 value of 0.61, while the rmse was highest in this combination (see table 2). the ndvi represents the crop canopy solely in terms of its biophysical properties, and canopy background incorporates the dielectric properties. mwcm parameterization ii: estimation of a, b, and c, d coefficients using ndvi (v1)-evi (v2) ndvi and evi combination (case ii) was used as the canopy descriptors in mwcm. the r2 table 2. vegetation and soil coefficients with different possible combinations of vegetation parameters canopy parameters of mwcm mwcm coefficients rmse r2canopy coefficients soil coefficients v1 v2 a b c d ndvi ndvi evi evi ndvi evi ndvi evi 3.99 -2.89 -1.25 -5.65 8.38 0.418 0.018 0.171 11.33 11.21 11.32 11.30 0.03 0.02 0.02 0.15 0.89 0.73 0.87 0.79 0.61 0.68 0.59 0.63 23rawat, k.s. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 17–26. and rmse (0.68 and 0.73, respectively, see table 2) show good correlation (figure 2, b). the mwcm retrieved vv σ0 with a good accuracy based on statistical tests. it may be due to both conditions of crop/vegetation canopy information with a background (ndvi) and canopy information without the background (evi). this possible combination also indicates that v1 slightly dependent on canopy background while v2 is independent of canopy background information (because evi is free from canopy background information (qi, j. et al. 1994; huete, a.r. et al. 2002). therefore, both vis combinations make a good prediction of vv σ0 from mwcm and moderately improves the performance. mwcm parameterization iii: estimation of a, b, and c, d coefficients using evi (v1)-ndvi (v2) the case iii of vis was evi (v1)-ndvi (v2). a significant decrement was witnessed when the combination of evi and ndvi was observed. the mwcm shows below the average r2 (0.62) value in four possible combinations of two vis (see table 2). based on statistical tests, mwcm works with low efficiency because this combination has a low r2 value of 0.59 (see table 2; figure 2, c). the third combination of vis was just opposite of case ii, and from this condition, we have also concluded that v1 slightly supports the canopy background in mwcm. fig. 2. observed v/s simulated vv backscatter from the case i-iv. mwcm parameterization i-iv: estimation of a, b, and c, d coefficients using a = ndvi (v1)-ndvi (v2); b = ndvi (v1)-evi (v2); c = evi (v1)-ndvi (v2); d = evi (v1)-evi (v2). rawat, k.s. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 17–26.24 mwcm parameterization iv: estimation of a, b, and c, d coefficients using evi (v1)-evi (v2) the case iv was evi (v1)-evi (v2). this combination gives a marginal improvement in the performance of mcm with the r2 of 0.63 for vv σ0 (see table 2). there was a second highest preferable value of rmse and r2 for vv σ0 in comparison to mwcm with different combinations of vis (figure 2, d). therefore, we can infer that evi depicts the wheat crop canopy in a better way for the v2 parameter in the mwcm. evaluation of observed and estimated σ0 in this study, statistical tests showed that ndvi-evi combination had the potential to provide good results with the agreement of nine statistical tests. the combination of ndvi-evi as a combination of vegetation parameters or canopy descriptor (v1-v2) showed the least rmse of 0.81 db between observed and predicted vv σ0 while highest r2 value of 0.98 among other vis combination for observed and predicted vv σ0 (table 3). the accuracy of retrieval of vvσ0 could be different when different combinations of vis were chosen. wang, l. et al. (2019) also found the accuracy of retrieval depends on the selection of vis. the accuracy of retrieval of vvσ0 was high when the v1 replaced by ndvi and v2 by evi (see table 3). also, when the v1 replaced by evi and the v2 by ndvi, retrieval accuracy decreases, which means that canopy background influences the v1 parameter in mwcm while v2 may be canopy background free. because evi is canopy background free while ndvi showed canopy as well as litter bit canopy background (soil) information, this analysis also revealed that any combination of vis does not have much effect on soil coefficients c and d, because c and d depend entirely on soil properties (e.g., bulk density, soil texture, etc.) rather than vegetation properties. the c and d parameters were fixed by using linear equation eq. 5. therefore, for any combination of vis, the value of c and d does not change much. it was found that the errors in vegetation or canopy descriptors were sensitive to errors in the retrieval of vv σ0 (liu, c. and shi, j. 2016). conclusion in this study, wcm was modified using vegetation/canopy descriptor to simulate vvσ0. the current research focused on the parameterization of mwcm. in the current research work, a combination of vegetation indices and backscattering (vv) simulated table 3. statistical evaluation of estimated with respect observed vv backscatter (σ0), based on ndvi as crop canopy descriptor and on investigated coefficients observed endvi-ndvi endvi-evi eevi-ndvi eevi-evi -27.24 -29.28 -26.86 -28.28 -25.28 -31.39 -29.93 -30.95 -30.93 -25.99 -25.24 -24.11 -25.21 -25.11 -24.70 -29.59 -27.49 -29.2 -28.49 -27.96 -31.88 -35.16 -31.91 -34.73 -33.66 -30.98 -33.98 -31.03 -32.98 -31.09 -36.88 -39.45 -38.89 -37.45 -36.22 statistical performance measures ndvi-ndvi ndvi-evi evi-ndvi evi-evi r2 rmse r-rmse mae nrmse mae see rmse, % ir 0.83 2.34 0.08 0.89 -0.08 0.89 2.53 -1.10 1.03 0.98 0.81 0.02 0.12 -0.03 0.12 0.87 -0.38 1.00 0.90 1.46 0.05 0.68 -0.05 0.68 1.58 -0.69 1.02 0.75 2.38 0.08 1.19 -0.08 -1.19 2.57 -1.12 0.96 25rawat, k.s. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 17–26. from sentinel-1 was studied. the assumed hypothesis was that surface roughness during wheat crop period was constant. a total of four combinations were tested for the comparison of vvσ0 to the observed vvσ0. our results revealed that mwcm could be parameterized with ndvi and evi as canopy descriptors. the basis of optimization of a, b, c and d by reducing rmse between mwcm predicted and sentinel-1 observed vvσ0. the retrieval of vvσ0 converges to the correct (with good accuracy or free from errors) values of the vegetation or canopy descriptors. acknowledgement: authors ksr and sks express thanks to ministry of earth sciences (moes), government of india, india for providing the financial support (moes/16/13/2016-rdeas) to carry out this research work. the author ss was supported by the higher education institutional excellence programme (nkfih-1150-6/2019) of the ministry of innovation and technology in hungary, within the framework of the 4th thematic programme of the university of debrecen. r e f e r e n c e s attema, e. and ulaby, f.t. 1978. vegetation modelled as a water cloud. radio science 13. 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(1): 8–18. the role of slow design elements in managing tourist flow on the example of bruges, belgium 143pécsek, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 143–154. the role of slow design elements in managing tourist fl ow on the example of bruges, belgium brigitta pécsek1 abstract this paper att empts to rethink the tourist fl ow from the perspective of urban planning solutions, which have potentials of slowing down tourists and dispersing them more evenly in urban areas. it starts with an overview on current urban tourism trends and challenges and with a cross-disciplinary approach the wider contemporary literature is introduced including citt a slow and slow design. the focal point of the analytical part of the paper is the historic city of bruges and the analysis of its green spaces, land and water related structures that infl uence tourist mobility. the paper argues that heritage towns like bruges are not without tools to cope with the tourist ‘overfl ow’ and more awareness of tourists’ space usage coupled with sound planning might even boost their effi ciency to do so. the study also aims to enrich the intellectual debate on slow perspectives and practices in order to help urban destinations manage successfully spatial-temporal crowd movement. keywords: urban tourism, urban design, slow design, citt a slow, bruges introduction the main aim of this paper is to present the role of urban design, specifi cally green spaces, land and water related structures in the management of the tourist fl ow. there is a growing body of literature focusing on urban tourism (biczó, g. 2011; jensen, o.b. 2009; michalkó, g. and rátz, t. 2006; puczkó, l. and rátz, t. 2003; senneth, r. 1994; szij ártó, zs. 2011), where both the supply and the demand sides of urban tourism are intensely discussed. there has also been a proliferation of research regarding crowd management in urban settings (bryon, j. 2005; bryon, j. and neuts, b. 2008; popp, m. 2011; selby, m. 2004). however, the relationship between cities’ layout and tourist interactions within the context of tourists’ mobility has been widely neglected. since each destination has its own spatial and temporal patt ern infl uenced by landscape and architecture, directly impacting tourist circulation, this theoretical hiatus should be fi lled. 1 enyedi györgy doctoral school of regional sciences, szent istván university, h-2100 gödöllő, páter károly u. 1. e-mail: brigitt a.pecsek@gmail.com cities, the clearest manifestations of turbo capitalism, serve as residential, industrial and commercial areas for locals, while being the epicentre of global urban tourism. consequently, they have always been a batt le-ground where locals and tourists stake their claims. pausianus (160 b.c.), a seasoned traveller of his time penned the fi rst ever baedeker, in which he designed a 2–5 year long “ancient” grand tour, including rome, greece, turkey and egypt in the itinerary (oldfield, p. 2013). later in the 17th century the classical grand tour meant something very similar, a traditional trip of europe undertaken by wealthy upper-class young european men. today, cities are easily accessed by both low-cost airlines and superfast trains, therefore, they have become a paradise for weekend travellers. in cities local residents and visitors are intimately linked by motion and have to negotiate their relationship on a daily basis (jensen, o.b. 2009). what is more intriguing that tourists themselves fi ght for the same congested space. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.64.2.5 hungarian geographical bulletin 64 2015 (2) 143–154. pécsek, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 143–154.144 this paper starts with an overview of contemporary literature on urban tourism, followed by the discussion of the citt a slow initiative drawing upon works of renown international experts (honoré, c. 2005; dickinson, j.e. et al. 2010; knox, p. 2005; lumsdon, l. and mcgrath, p. 2010), moving onto the description of the slow design concept put forward by strauss, c. and fuad-luke, a. (2008). the theoretical part is followed by a casestudy on bruges which illustrates how urban design can rearrange the tourist fl ow in terms of space and time. the paper argues that heritage towns like bruges are not without tools to cope with the tourist ‘overfl ow’ and more awareness and careful planning might even boost their effi ciency to do so. the town boasts landscape solutions, water related structures including canals, bridges and quays rebuilt for pedestrian traffi c as well as built structures such as passages and towers, which all might infl uence space consumption patt ern. these design solutions slow down movements, break the rhythm, and initiate pause, refl ection and engagement that contribute to slower tempo and more rewarding participatory experiences. the ultimate goal of the study is to draw att ention to existing urban design solutions that impact urban tourist fl ows and to generate an intellectual brainstorming among urban geographers, social scientists and tourism planners. urban tourism the world tourism organization (unwto) refers to urban tourism as trips taken by travellers to cities or places of high population density. the duration of these trips is usually short (1–3 days), therefore, it can be said that urban tourism is closely linked to the short-breaks market (tourism 2020 vision, unwto 2002). urban tourism is booming all over the world. the euromonitor survey indicates that out of the 20 most visited cities in the world, only two (antalya and shanghai) suff ered a slight loss of arrivals from 2011 to 2012 (table 1). the former is the capital of the mediterranean coast in turkey, and unlike the cosmopolitan istanbul, it is a transportation hub for international package tourists heading to mediterranean resorts. shanghai, the great regional business centre also lost 2 percent of its visitors, however, other chinese cities such as shenzhen and guangzhou compensated for the loss with a growth of 9.6 percent and 1.2 percent respectively. the top 20 list contained 12 asian and 4 european cities, plus the eurasian istanbul, new york as the only american representative, and dubai with mecca, both located on the arabian peninsula. no african, south american and australian cities appeared on the list in 2012. the survey clearly shows a defi nite shift from europe-centred tourism towards a more asia-centred one. the fi rst fi ve positions were exclusively occupied by asian cities except for london. the most substantial growth was realised in taipei, istanbul, bangkok and rome, each enjoyed over a 10 percent increase in one year. apart from china, turkey and thailand also had multiple participants: istanbul and antalya, bangkok and patt aya respectively. in both cases the second city is a hub for sss (sea, sun, sand) tourists. only mecca, the islamic holy city is a religious centre. prague was the only representative of central and eastern europe on the list. overall, it might be concluded that cities enjoyed a robust growth in the examined period, however, southeast asia and western europe had by far the highest concentration of tourists. urban tourism became subject of academic interest during the 1980s. the recent emergence of low cost airlines contributed to a robust growth in the fi eld and increased the interest of researchers even further. puczkó, l. and rátz, t. (2003) argued that the att raction of cities is due to the fact that as complex, sophisticated tourism products they appeal to a broader market. metropolitan areas possess a high concentration of sights, therefore, they represent an unmatchable good value in contemporary mass tourism. this density of att ractions produces a great synergy eff ect and makes urban destinations less prone to 145pécsek, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 143–154. seasonality. the phenomenon is also reinforced by the birth and spread of the experience economy theorized by (pine, p.j. and gilmore, j.h. 1999), which has been gradually replacing the traditional service economy. michalkó, g. and rátz, t. (2006) pointed out that simultaneously with the urban tourism boom, a falling demand in seaside holidays might also be noticeable, since an sss holiday with a narrower range of off erings cannot compete with historic cities, which are considered by many as the genuine temporal manifestations of the days gone by. as the source of holiday satisfaction is coming more oft en than not from the tourists’ narrative constructed through the interpretation of experiences instead of the physical resources, cities with vibrant cultures will always have comparative advantages. biczó, g. (2011) picks upon the aspects of familiarity, saying that urban tourism provides less challenge to visitors who are mostly city dwellers themselves, even though leaving their residence behind always represents some risks. so, the primary motive of urban tourists is not necessarily to yearn for the unknown and exotic but to fi nd an exit from daily drag and schedule. according to szij ártó, zs. (2011) gett ing off the treadmill and the relaxation of the brain are the main points of tourism. aft er gett ing into the holiday spirit, the hustle and bustle of the destination is no cause for concern anymore. on the contrary, for happy nonparticipants witnessing locals succumbing to hurry might even be a joyful experience. niedermüller, p. (2000) also supports the point by saying that urban tourism for city dwellers is a mish-mash of the well-known and the unknown, since each city has familiar non-places such as movies or bankomats, the everyday and the profane, where tourists feel at home and ease. he joins biczó and szij ártó arguing that urban tourism does not display exoticism, even though each city is a representation of the national culture and always will be distinguishable. due to the popularity of city breaks, local governments, urban planners and designers face an unprecedented challenge. according table 1. euromonitor international’s top city destinations ranking in 2012 rankings city country arrivals in 2012 1,000 persons growth from 2011 to 2012 in % 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. hong kong singapore bangkok london macau kuala lumpur shenzhen new york city antalya paris istanbul rome dubai guangzhou phuket mecca patt aya taipei prague shanghai china singapore thailand uk china malaysia china usa turkey france turkey italy uae china thailand saudi arabia thailand taiwan czech republic china 23,770.2 21,345.7 15,822.6 15,461.0 13,360.8 13,339.5 12,100.4 11,618.0 10,296.6 9,780.8 8,820.1 8,670.7 8,023.0 7,879.6 7,217.0 6,852.9 6,564.3 6,561.2 6,547.7 6,539.7 6.5 7.7 14.6 2.3 3.4 6.7 9.6 8.9 -1.6 3.3 16.5 13.9 0.5 1.2 14.7 6.9 8.4 24.8 5.1 -2.2 source: euromonitor, 2013. pécsek, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 143–154.146 to the world health organization (who) 50 percent of the world population (3.5 billion) lived in cities in 2010. the global report of city tourism (2012) estimates that the urban population continues to grow and will reach 61 percent worldwide in 2030, so close to fi ve billion people will live in urban areas. the growth of cities will take place alongside with the further expansion of urban tourism. the report identifi es the following set of issues in relation to urban tourism: how to manage the increasing number of tourists arriving to cities in a responsible and sustainable way? how to use urban tourism to improve the quality of life of the local population? how can we make sure that tourism action plans and the city development are part of the decision making process? how can we incorporate available information and communication technologies to develop smart cities that are more competitive, sustainable, accessible and human? how to measure the economic impact of tourism for the cities? how can cities take practical steps to reduce impact on the environment and promote the benefi ts of greener tourism? slow cities the fi rst grassroots initiative, the slow food was launched by the italian carlo petrini in pollenzo in 1984 to protest against the opening of a mcdonald’s restaurant in rome. nowadays, it has followers in 150 countries where locals and visitors enjoy the pleasure of food in a sustainable and responsible way. slow food dreams of a world, in which all people can access and enjoy healthy food, which is also good for those who grow it and for the planet as well. they fi ght against the standardisation of taste and culture, and the omnipotent power of food industry multinationals and industrial agriculture. their approach is based on three main principles: good, clean and fair food (www.slowfood.com). – – – – – – the citta slow (“slow city”) movement (1999) is built upon the slow food ideology and principles to counteract the superfast pace of megacities. senneth, r. (1994) argues that fast mobility in cities destroys the sense of place and the function of urban space degenerates into nothing else than providing smooth traffi c fl ow. the citt a slow movement born at the advent of the millennium aims to give a viable alternative for those who enjoy the perks of the cities (heritage and culture) without the fast space and pollution. it results in the improvement of the quality of life and well-being for locals. those urban areas create ideal conditions for slow tourism, because a growing number of travellers fi nd the promise of the slower pace att ractive. a lot of towns worldwide have embraced careful urban planning in order to make the place equally enjoyable for locals and visitors alike. however, the movement is only open to towns with a population of less than 50,000. larger cities need to rethink their spatial and temporal framework by breaking up urban areas into smaller fragments. michalkó, g. (2012) defi nes them as distinct neighbourhoods milieus, while szij ártó, zs. (2004) calls them coulisses. these fragmented metropolises then allow visitors to interact with locals, consume local products, enjoy local culture just as much as close-knit country communities do. the goals of the movement include improving the quality of life in towns by slowing down its overall tempo. there are three categories of membership: citt a slow town (population less than 50,000); citt a slow supporter (population over 50,000); and citt a slow friend (individual or family). in 2014 28 countries had 176 slow cities situated mainly in europe, however, some of them are located in canada or new zealand. larger cities can become either a supporting member or can transform a certain district of the metropolitan area into a slow city (e.g. jeonju hanok district in jeonju). to become eligible for full membership, a town must score at least 50 percent in a self-assessment test against the set of 55 citt a slow criteria centred on the following 6 issues: 147pécsek, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 143–154. 1. making life bett er for everyone living in an urban environment, 2. improving the quality of life in the cities, 3. resisting the homogenisation and globalisation of towns around the globe, 4. protecting the environment, 5. promoting cultural diversity and uniqueness of individual cities, 6. providing inspiration for a healthier lifestyle (www.citt aslow.com). an ever-growing number of destinations implement a variety of citt a slow principles in order to enhance the quality of everyday life and to manage the circulation of both locals and tourists more eff ectively. the following sections present the case of bruges taking a so far neglected angle, the relationship between urban design and the tourist fl ow. tourism in bruges flemish art cities are considered to be the most att ractive tourism products in belgium and enjoy a dynamic growth in tourism. data show the latest statistics on urban tourism in the region’s six main urban destinations (table 2). capital cities are the crown jewels of citybreaks. so, not surprisingly, brussels was by far the most popular destination in 2012, concentrating fi ve million overnight stays in 2008, which went up gradually to over 5.6 million nights. the capital realised the second smallest annual average growth (3.3%) among the cities examined. as for the other fi ve destinations, the compact size of the region is both a blessing and a curse. the closeness of brussels might generate extra visitor numbers in nearby cities including bruges. however, it might also discourage overnight stays. the capital was followed by antwerp, one of the largest port cities in europe with 1.5 million nights in 2008, which grew to 1.8 million nights by 2012. the number of nights increased only moderately during the investigated period; in fact this city had by far the slightest increase in the number of nights, only 2.1 percent annual average growth was registered. bruges came a close third realising 1.6 million nights in 2012 and the city enjoyed a dynamic expansion. the other three cities lagged far behind over the whole period, although the number of nights spent in leuven and mechelen rose annually by 6.7 and 6.0 percent respectively. all in all, the conclusion might be drawn that city tourism in flanders has had great potentials and the trends suggest a further expansion in the future. the lure of bruges rests on three main factors: its heritage, cultural off erings and easy accessibility (figure 1). nemes nagy, j. (2009) defi nes accessibility by the distance from the capital, from the closest regional centre, from the closest local centre, from the closest border checkpoint and from the closest highway. the canal-based city has a population of 120,000 and around 45,000 live in the medieval centre. it lies less than a hundred kilometres from brussels and antwerp and 40 km from ghent. bruges is connected by highways to all important sett lements. border checkpoints (15 km) do not have relevance within the european union context; a mental border might exist for overseas tourists, though. the whole historic centre of bruges has been a unesco world heritage site since 2000 and it was also the “european capital of culture” in 2002. the development of quality tourism dates back to a conference held in 2002 (sulyok, j. 2002), when the four principles of sustainability were defi ned: protecting cultural heritage, improving water quality, consensual city planning and effi cient management of the table 2. tourism in flemish cities in 2012 cities overnight stays, million guest nights distribution of overnight stays, % brussels antwerp bruges ghent leuven mechelen 6.0 1.8 1.6 0.9 0.4 0.2 55 16 16 8 3 2 source: toerismevlaanderen 2013. pécsek, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 143–154.148 fig 1. main tourist att ractions in the centre of bruges. source: htt p://www.planetware.com/ 149pécsek, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 143–154. local community. furthermore, recognising the need of mutual understanding between residents and visitors, the local government intended to improve both quality tourism and central areas heavily exposed to tourism concurrently. it also aimed to involve all stakeholders: service providers, tourists, tourism organisations, local residents and local government in order to fi nd a consensual development path. table 3 shows the main tourism data in bruges between 2008 and 2012. the number of arrivals increased dynamically by 6 percent on average annually. more than 866,000 tourists stayed in hotels in the year of 2012. in terms of overnight stays in hotels, the city realized an annual average growth of 4.8 percent during the examined period, however, foreign visitors contributed more than domestic guests. in 2012 the total number of nights spent in hotels reached over 1.5 million looking at the average length of stay the picture is less promising. the growing number of tourists and overnight stays did not translate into longer stay per capita. although there was a slight rebound from 2011 to 2012, the average annual fall in the average length of stay was more than 1 percent in case of both domestic and foreign hotel guests. slow design elements in bruges “slow design is a unique and vital form of creative activism that is delivering new values for design and contributing to the shift toward sustainability” – defi ned by strauss, c. and fuad-luke, a. (2008). the authors belong to the group of slowlab, which is an organisation established to promote slow design. this initiative was inspired by the global slow movement and set similar aims: they would like to provide alternatives to our fast-paced postmodern society in the fi eld of design (www.slowlab.net). besides the defi nition, authors also identifi ed six main features that slow design has to possess. they are as follows: reveal: it reveals experiences in everyday life that are oft en missed or forgott en, including the materials and processes that can be easily overlooked in an artefact’s existence or creation. expand: it considers the real and potential “expressions” of artefacts and environments beyond their perceived functionalities, physical att ributes and lifespans. refl ect: it induces refl ective consumption. engage: it relies on sharing, co-operation and transparency of information so that designs may continue to evolve into the future. table 3. tourism in the hotels of bruges, 2008–2012 indicators years 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 changes in % from 2011 to 2012 from 2008 to 2012 guests number of arrivals in 1,000 persons from abroad overall total 568.8 691.4 547.9 675.0 595.5 753.8 684.8 859.7 679.9 866.7 -0.71 0.82 4.82 6.04 guests’ nights number of overnight stays in 1,000 guest nights from abroad overall total 1,086.5 1,276.9 1,024.9 1,224.9 1,096.4 1,347.1 1,241.1 1,512.4 1,245.1 1,529.2 0.33 1.10 3.71 4.80 average guests’ days average length of stay in days from abroad overall total 1.91 1.85 1.87 1.82 1.84 1.79 1.81 1.76 1.83 1.77 1.05 0.29 -1.04 -1.13 source: toerismevlaanderen 2013 pécsek, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 143–154.150 participate: it encourages users to become active participants in the design process, embracing ideas of conviviality and exchange to foster social accountability and enhance communities. evolve: it recognises that richer experiences can emerge from the dynamic maturation of artefacts, environments and systems over time. looking beyond the needs and circumstances of the present day, slow designs are (behavioural) change agents (strauss, c. and fuad-luke, a. 2008). the slow design concept elaborated by the authors includes elements that have been expected from good, user-friendly architecture and urban design; therefore, several old landscape solutions and structures in bruges can be easily qualifi ed as slow design. below is a table featuring various design elements facilitating slowness in bruges (table 4). sometimes slow design elements are the main att raction (lake), in other cases they are ancillaries (benches) enabling the full enjoyment of the place. time and space frame each tourist experience. even though tourists can leave their clock-time regime behind (dickinson, j.e. et al. 2013), they oft en need encouragement to change and revise their spatial-temporal plans and fi nd their tempo giusto (petrini, c. 2007). urban design can defi nitely help with their readjustments. next i go through all the slow design elements identifi ed and included in table 4, and analyse them using the 6 main features listed by slowlab. for visitors in bruges the railway station functions as the main gate of the city: close enough to walk to the centre but far enough to interfere with the rhythm patt ern of the city. between the centre and the station minnewater park serves as the natural, sound-proof buffer zone that enables visitors to slip into timeout mood and become more in synch with the environment. according to fórián, s. and hagymássy, z. (2009) green spaces in urban sett ing have primarily an air cleaning role, however, in tourism context their role expands way beyond that, including a recreational and an aesthetic role that is experienced through seeing, hearing and smelling. the interpretation of this sensory overload needs active participation from tourists. as they proceed and get deeper into the park, reengagement with nature and the outdoors occurs. gradually, nature takes over, and reveals itself through the diff erent sizes, shapes, smells and surfaces of plants. their greenness exudes peace and quiet and oozes freshness. the sounds of nature: the whispering woods, the still water and the chatt ering birds provide visitors an acute sense of belonging and selfawareness, and the artifi cial effi ciency of the railway station and the clock-time schedule become a fading memory. the great asset of parks is their constant evolution even without any human intervention. the authors argue that green spaces represent a touristic value themselves and play a positive role in urban environment. in bruges the minnewater park is also home to the scenic lake of love and the begina cloister. the pairing of the natural feature with spirituality reinforces a kind of zen-like feeling and encourages refl ective thinking. most tourists use the same path to leave the city, so the park frames the visitation and ensures the smooth transition from passengers into visitors and vice versa. as for its crowd management role, it forces people table 4. main touristic places in bruges with their natural and architectural slow design elements places att ractions slow design elements minnewater park canals quays squares begina cloister, lake waterfront, canal cruise, guide’s narrative waterfront, canal, water monuments green spaces, lake, bridges, fl ora and fauna waterfront, bridges waterfront, bridges, benches passages, tower source: author’s compilation, 2014. 151pécsek, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 143–154. to change space and rhythm. as each person adjusts to a diff erent extent, the park can easily absorb a full train of passengers who as a result reach the centre at diff erent times. canals are defi ned by fallon, j. (2012, p. 143) as “historical linear parks, serving as leisure space for boating and walking.” in terms of the tourist gaze, canals and quays are in parallel relationship, therefore, off er similar possibilities. the key diff erence lies in the perspective and angle. they both have a compelling pull factor and take visitors away from the confi ned central area. in the past the role of waterways was mainly to speed up traffi c, while in modern urban tourism waterways are usually slowing features. in bruges canals are not served as public transportation anymore, so they are entirely for the consumption of visitors (photo 1). although the canal trip is a compulsory tourist trap, it provides a more intimate, insider perspective and reveals angles that otherwise might have been hidden from the tourist gaze. unpowered water transports like boat trips always mean slower pace and without the need of navigation and orientation, tourists have time to refl ect and contemplate. according to fallon, j. (2012) slowness is synonymous with canals and in many countries there is a speed limit of four miles per hour as not to make waves. in bruges only a single type of trip is available and departure is possible from 5 points and the boat returns to the same point without a halt. due to the well-regulated supply – in terms of the number of boats and frequency – the tourist fl ow is more predictable and evenly distributed. the uniformity of boats and umbrellas (provided in case of rain) ensure a harmoniously blended environment, thus, enhances aesthetic pleasure. the sailors/guides’ narration expands knowledge and invites engagement and participation in the common narrative creation. waterfronts with bridges and benches form an ideal slow design mix and contribute to slowing down and breaking the rhythm of walking. the waterfront along the photo 1. tourists enjoying canal trips in the heart of bruges pécsek, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 143–154.152 fi ve-km long quay is the key feature in the hansa town, home to the most sought-aft er real estates and landmarks. therefore, waterfronts with their distinctive atmosphere are always a drawcard for both locals and tourists. during the stroll, buildings reveal their intricate details and ornamentations, by sneaking into courtyards walkers enjoy a more intimate and personal sense of the place. reading the plaques on the facades promotes a joy of learning and engages visitors to recall and expand their school knowledge. blending the old and new knowledge together, a deeply personal narrative evolves. as opposed to the canal trip, strollers are free to choose their own walking speed and can take advantage of the benches placed at regular intervals for their convenience. bridges and benches both invite visitors to pose and refl ect. watching the water full of uniform boats with the hansa architecture at the backdrop provides a refl ective and sharing mood. bridges expand way beyond their functionality by revealing new angles and perspectives, if strollers stand in the middle. they off er a wider horizon, and inspire people to come up with their own zoom-ins and individual interpretations of the scenery. in the city centre diff erent solutions are necessary to manage the tourist fl ow. the two primary squares of the centre are the markt and the burg; both are accessed via steenstraat, the main street of the city. it is a relatively narrow street with plenty of passages giving visitors the chance of leaving the crowd behind and revealing hidden corners. these in-between places coupled with the commercial facilities available allow tourists the dichotomy of mobility/immobility (deleuze, g. and guattari, f. 2003), while they engage and participate in window shopping and/or retail activity. thanks to these detours and diversions tourists might take a day to fi nally reach the main square, which is home to a collection of historic buildings, representing almost every era in the history of the city: the gothic town hall, the renaissance holy blood basilica, the old civil majesty and the bishop’s palace. further, the market square features two other landmarks: the belfry tower and the provincial court. these fl agship monuments off er some interesting historical and cultural insights to expand knowledge and refl ect upon. horizontal scatt ering of tourists on main squares jam-packed with sights is bordering on the mission impossible. in these cases vertical structures such as church towers off er the chance of slowing down pace. the belfry tower in bruges has 366 stairs and enjoying the view at the top is the highlight of each city break. towers are classical slow structures and their biggest advantage lies in the unavoidable and arduous climbing that is necessary to access the panoramic view at the top. so, towers are the most engaging and participatory of all urban att ractions, and most visitors take up the challenge. what is so alluring, then? the combination of the climb, the anticipation and fi nally the view together create such memorable experiences that are worth remembering. the city reveals a kind of postcard image unatt ainable elsewhere and expands visitors’ horizons in every sense of the word. the sky-perspective gives the sum total of all the mosaic experiences gained on the ground. the view evolves not only as a result of the changes in the urban architectural patt ern but the city also off ers new visual possibilities at diff erent times of the day, season, and year, which encourages repeat viewing. the above discussed natural and manmade structures provide ideal conditions for slow tourism in urban sett ing not only because they slow down pace but the experience gained is characterised by less travel, lower carbon consumption and exploration of local culture and patrimony, all included in the slow tourism concept identifi ed by dickinson, j.e. et al. (2010). conclusion in this paper we examined the link between the tourist fl ow and urban planning solutions as well as the way the latt er might contribute 153pécsek, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 143–154. to slowing down city tourists and dispersing them more evenly in urban areas. the natural and man-made design elements were explained by using the six main features of slow design defi ned by strauss, c. and fuad-luke, g. (2008). then, the question was explored how the various urban solutions including green spaces, land and water related structures infl uence the tourist fl ow by slowing down pace and enforcing rhythm change. we argue that even historic cities as bruges with a large number of visitors have design tools in order to redistribute tourists. as a result, visitors leave with more memorable experiences while locals get on with their life with less interference by tourists. the study ultimately aimed to bring together all stakeholders and open an intellectual dialogue on potential design tools to help urban destinations cope successfully with spatial and temporal management of the tourist fl ow. further studies should aim to explore the demand side of slow urban tourism, which would give a clearer idea in terms of development and fi ne-tuning of slow design elements in popular urban destinations. references biczó, g. 2011. a hely és a reprezentáció (the place and the representation). in színre vitt helyek. ed.: fejős, z. budapest, néprajzi múzeum, 7–17. bryon, j. 2005. de dialectische relatie tussen stadbewoners en de toeristischstedelij ke ruimte. case study: bruges. unplublished ph.d thesis. leuven, katholieke universitet leuven. bryon, j. and neuts, b. 2008. crowding and the tourist experience in an urban environment: a structural equation modelling approach. htt p://www.steunpunttoerisme.be/main/fi les/nieuwsbrief/oktober_2008/papernvvs_bart_neuts.pdf 1–14. 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice 311farkas, r. and klobučník, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 311–323.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.70.4.2 hungarian geographical bulletin 70 2021 (4) 311–323. introduction the following paper is a case study of municipalities in the austrian border area from the aspect of the process of residential suburbanisation in the hinterland of bratislava. during the 1980s and 1990s, when the process of residential suburbanisation in the hinterland of vienna had already reached its peak, socialist urbanisation was gradually subsiding in bratislava (matznetter, w. 2004). the fall of socialism in slovakia in 1989, including the subsequent transformation of society and the economy related to this also resulted in a change in the predominant urbanisation processes of the state. in the newly founded slovak republic, conditions for the wider development of suburbanisation had not yet been created (šveda, m. 2011a; šveda, m. and križan, f. 2011). the construction industry had fallen into a deep recession; financial support mechanisms from both the state and the banking sector (e.g. mortgages) for the development of housing construction were lacking. however, after the resolution of this shortcoming, residential suburbanisation gradually began to develop in our country, which had only begun to show its first signs in the 1990s. and so, residential suburbanisation in the hinterland of bratislava took on an imaginative dimension after the turn of the new millennium, which had been characterised by the construction of new houses and residential sites on so-called “green-fields”, as well as the transfer of the urban population and 1 department of economic and social geography, demography and territorial development, faculty of natural sciences, comenius university, ilkovičova 6, 842 15, bratislava 4. slovakia. e-mails: renata.farkas@uniba.sk, michal.klobucnik@uniba.sk residential suburbanisation in the hinterland of bratislava – a case study of municipalities in the austrian border area renáta fa r k a s 1 and michal k l o b u čn ík 1 abstract this paper provides an overview of the process of residential suburbanisation in the hinterland of bratislava. the study focuses on the municipalities around the austrian border area. the main aim of the paper is to investigate the characteristics of cross-border suburbanisation, which is a significant spatial phenomenon in the municipalities of northern burgenland and the south-eastern part of lower austria. the analysis has a spatio-temporal dimension, as it depicts the time-space characteristics of the phenomenon – both for a single time point, as well as for a time series from the approximate beginning of the onset of suburbanisation up to the present. while monitoring the growth of the number of slovaks in the study area, we observed a gradual increase in all the selected municipalities of the austrian border area, with the distance from bratislava being a significant factor here. the analysis of migration in the surveyed municipalities showed predominantly positive migration efficiency – immigration was negated by emigration only to a small extent (compared to suburbanisation in the slovak hinterland of bratislava, which is, however, relatively high). the structural characteristics of slovak immigrants, where the younger age group of 30 to 44 years followed by a child component up to 14 years predominated, attest to the ongoing process of suburbanisation. the research confirmed the advancing residential suburbanisation and expansion of the cross-border suburban hinterland of bratislava. keywords: residential suburbanisation, cross-border mobility, migration, bratislava, austrian border area, slovaks in the austrian border area received august 2021, accepted october 2021 farkas, r. and klobučník, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 311–323.312 its activities to the surrounding municipalities of the bratislava hinterland (šveda, m. 2011a). however, cross-border suburbanisation is a specific and more complicated form of residential suburbanisation. its origin and development require that more conditions be fulfilled since it goes beyond state, cultural, and linguistic borders. for this reason, it is understandable that suburbanisation only began to develop in slovakia after a delay of several years when compared to “common” residential suburbanisation. in the case of bratislava, slovakia’s accession to the european union in 2004 and the schengen area in 2007 were widely accepted as the starting mechanisms of this process (ira, v. et al. 2011; balizs, d. and bajmóczy, p. 2018, 2019). the reason was that the two events led to the formation of an integrated border between the slovak republic and the republic of austria. the unrestricted movement of people, goods, and capital across the national border was thus ensured. this paper provides an in-depth analysis of austrian border area municipalities, which fall into the suburban hinterland of bratislava within three austrian districts – gänserndorf, bruck an der leitha, neusiedl am see – all of which directly border bratislava itself. the ongoing cross-border suburbanisation in this area has a significant time-space dimension. we assume that the intensity of the process has changed markedly over time, with slovaks contributing to a large extent in this process. we also believe that the distance of suburban austrian municipalities from bratislava plays a significant role as well. migration flows of slovak citizens to suburban municipalities as well as their age structure are further aspects that complete the picture of the ongoing process of crossborder suburbanisation. theoretical background there is no uniformly recognised and defined time for the onset of decentralisation tendencies of population distribution in the usa and western europe. some authors tend to date the beginning of modern suburbanisation from either 1815 (jackson, k.t. 1987) or 1920 (ptáček, p. 2002). in the case of austria, suburbanisation reached its highest intensity in the 20th century (matznetter, w. 2004). however, the development of cross-border settlement of the countries of post-communist central and eastern europe has been different, since the suburbanisation processes only began after the fall of the communist regime and were accompanied by a considerable delay (stanilov, k. and sýkora, l. 2014). residential suburbanisation is a process that has significantly transformed the social and physical environment of the bratislava hinterland from rural to suburban in the last two decades. it has affected the spatial structure of settlements (šveda, m. 2011a; šveda, m. and pazúr, r. 2018) and the social and demographic structure of the population (šveda, m. and šuška, p. 2014). further, it has caused significant changes in land use (šveda, m. and vigašová, d. 2010; šveda, m. 2011b). the term ‘residential suburbanisation’ is most often understood as the shift of residents, households, and their activities outside the territory of urban centres, usually to their hinterland with a low population density (ptáček, p. 2002). this is expressed most notably by the construction of new family houses on agricultural land. in addition, residential suburbanisation in these geographical conditions is characterised by increasing residential densities or renovation of the original housing stock (šveda, m. 2011a). the spatial extent of suburbanisation mostly depends on the population size of the city (kubeš, j. and nováček, a. 2019). as an analogy, it can be said that cross-border residential suburbanisation is a process in which the migration of the urban population and their activities to the adjacent rural area on the opposite side of the border is monitored. since suburbanisation can be divided into both residential and commercial categories (or in some cases seasonal), it is necessary to state that in this article the term ‘cross-border suburbanisation’ shall be understood exclusively in its residential form. 313farkas, r. and klobučník, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 311–323. the phenomenon of cross-border suburbanisation has been observed in several places in the geographical area of europe. examples are known from the german-netherlands (strüver, a. 2005), italian-slovenian (jagodic, d. 2011) and german-polish borders (barthel, m. and barthel, e. 2018). cross-border suburbanisation in the hinterland of bratislava represents a rare type of suburbanisation due to the human geographic location of the capital situated on the border of three states. initially, its development was captured by a few authors who defined the first suburbanised municipalities beyond the slovak borders (dillinger, t. 2004; slavík, v. et al. 2011; šveda, m. 2011a). on the austrian side of the border, they labelled three municipalities (kittsee, berg, wolfsthal) as cross-border-suburban. several years later, these austrian border municipalities in the suburban hinterland of bratislava were described by huemer, j. (2018) as the most dynamically growing villages in austria. it can generally be stated that the development of cross-border suburbanisation in the hinterland of bratislava is not only the result of the classical development of suburbanisation, which progressed in conformity with the evolutionary development of the urban organism or the urban region, but is also a specific result, since its realisation required the interplay of several positive circumstances. as previously mentioned, the first catalyst for the development of cross-border suburbanisation occurred with the slovak republic’s accession to the european union in 2004, and the second with its inclusion in the schengen area in 2007. both events significantly contributed to the increased mobility of people in cross-border areas and opened the door to new opportunities, including suburbanisation. according to decoville, a. and durand, f. (2018), cross-border population flows are driven by differences between the two sides of the state border, whether in commodity prices, wages, unemployment rates, or real estate prices. in the case of the cross-border suburbanisation studied in this paper, the significant “pull” effects of decentralisation of the population included better transport accessibility and lower real estate prices (hardi, t. et al. 2010; slavík, v. et al. 2011; šveda, m. 2011a; huemer, j. 2018). nowadays, however, due to the cross-border mobility and migration of the population, the agglomeration of the city of bratislava extends over the state borders of austria and hungary (hardi, t. 2016). overall, this is an area which, according to hardi, t. (2016), is inhabited by a specific group of transnational borderlanders, whose cross-border way of life is not motivated by ethnic or linguistic reasons, but rather by the practicality of everyday life. according to martinez, o.j. (1994), transnational borderlanders are people who maintain significant ties with a neighbouring nation. they are individuals whose lifestyle strongly reflects foreign influences. methodology we obtained the data for the research from the sources of the austrian statistical office (statistik austria) from the statcube database – statistical database. the analytical part was commenced by applying an indicator concerning the share of slovaks to a wider range of municipalities in the three border districts of gänserndorf, bruck an der leitha, and neusiedl am see – with a total of 104 municipalities (figure 1). then, based on an analysis of the number of slovaks in the border area, we narrowed down the number of municipalities which can be considered subject to cross-border suburbanisation (figure 2). in the investigated areas, we identified 17 municipalities where the relative share of slovaks exceeded 5 percent of the municipal population, and it was these municipalities that formed the narrower selection of municipalities as subject of more detailed research. the reason for choosing the above indicator for creating a smaller coverage of municipalities was our fundamental premise that it is not possible to label those austrian municipalities in the hinterland of bratislava as suburban that do not have a slovak popufarkas, r. and klobučník, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 311–323.314 fig. 1. relative representation of slovaks in the municipalities of the districts of gänserndorf, bruck an der leitha, and neusiedl am see (2020). source: statcube – statistical database (https://www.statistik.at). processed by the authors. 315farkas, r. and klobučník, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 311–323. lation. we also had to consider the fact that these three austrian districts have the phenomenon of double suburbanisation (i.e. from bratislava and vienna) (meyfroidt, a. 2017), and the relative share of slovaks represented an indicator by which we could define the suburbanising influence of bratislava. the migration of the urban population to suburban localities is a crucial aspect of suburbanisation (šprocha, b. et al. 2017). in the scope of the research, we also analysed the migration of residents of the affected municipalities, and in order to do so, we focused on migration efficiency (migration efficiency ratio – mer). this relationship applies (stillwell, j. et al. 2000): meri = di–oi * 100, di+oi where meri = migration efficiency ratio of the municipality i, di = the sum of immigrants (inflows) to the municipality i from other municipalities, oi = the sum of emigrants (outflows) from the municipality i to other municipalities. the values range from -100 to +100. with a value of 0, the migration efficiency is zero, which means that there has been no change in population, although both immigration and emigration have taken place. the closer the value of migration efficiency is to the value of +100, the greater the positive migration efficiency (immigration is not “negated” by emigration, or only minimally). in contrast, in the case of values approaching the value of -100, those emigrating are not replaced by those immigrating, or only to a very low extent. migration efficiency basically measures the fig. 2. relative representation of slovaks (in %) in selected municipalities of the austrian border area in the hinterland of bratislava (2005, 2010, 2015 and 2020). source: statcube – statistical database (https://www. statistik.at). processed by the authors. farkas, r. and klobučník, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 311–323.316 degree of imbalance or asymmetry between a pair of migration flows. if flows are symmetrical, they suggest that migration functions as a process that keeps the settlement system in dynamic balance (rowland, d.t. 1978). results the development of the number of slovaks in our case represents the significant determinant of the research, which is considered to be an essential prerequisite for demonstrating the cross-border suburbanisation of the bratislava hinterland. the representation of slovaks in the population structure of the municipalities of the austrian border area is a valuable indicator of residential suburbanisation showing the degree of decentralisation processes from bratislava to its cross-border suburban hinterland. with that said, it is no different in the case of the hungarian hinterland of bratislava, where the authors balizs, d. and bajmóczy, p. (2019) indicated an increase in the number of slovaks in the villages of rajka, bezenye, and dunakiliti, as well as others. according to šveda, m. et al. (2020a), bratislava, as the dominant residential centre, creates a network of various connections, where the intensity decreases with increasing distance from its core. figure 1 depicts the relative share of slovaks in the total population of the municipalities of the three austrian districts that neighbour bratislava. as we can see, the largest share of the slovak population is in the municipalities closest to bratislava. we can also observe a gradual decline in the relative number of slovaks with increasing distance from the slovak capital, as well as the relatively compact nature of the cross-border region with the representation of the slovak minority. however, as far as this region is concerned, it is interesting to note that the relative share of slovaks is higher in its southern part than in the northern part. outside the mentioned region of the 17 selected municipalities, the share of slovaks in the districts of neusiedl am see, bruck an der leitha, and gänserndorf is marginal. we consider the rising number of slovaks and their increasing share in the population of austrian municipalities as the essential characteristic of residential suburbanisation. it distinguishes the suburbanisation of bratislava from the suburbanisation of vienna. therefore, we exclude from our research municipalities that have a very low share of slovaks in the total population of the municipality. for this distinction, we set the lower limit at a level of 5 percent slovak population in the total population in the given year 2020. in the set of graphs provided (see figure 2), we can see the development of growth in the number of slovaks in the selected municipalities of the austrian border area in 5-year intervals. in summary, it is evident that for the monitored 15 years, significant changes occurred in the relative representation of slovaks in the total population of the selected municipalities, with the largest growth occurring in 2015 and 2020. while in 2005 no selected municipality had a share of slovaks over 5 percent, in 2010, wolfsthal, kittsee, berg, and hainburg an der donau significantly dominated. the significant rise in the number of slovaks in the total population of these municipalities is the result of their initial suburbanisation in the hinterland of bratislava after the slovak republic’s accession to the european union and the schengen area (ira, v. et al. 2011; balizs, d. and bajmóczy, p. 2018, 2019). furthermore, the excellent transport accessibility to the centre of bratislava combined with favourable property prices was a crucial criterion for their specific choice (hardi, t. et al. 2010; slavík, v. et al. 2011; šveda, m. 2011a; huemer, j. 2018). in 2015, 12 municipalities had already reached more than a 5 percent share of slovak residents. for example, in kittsee, the relative share of slovaks soared from 11.3 percent (2010) to a record 49.8 percent (2015). from a spatial point of view, in 2015, the number of municipalities directly neighbouring bratislava was still growing, (e.g. pama or deutsch jahrndorf). however, in this period, the slovak population began to move more notably to municipalities that were not 317farkas, r. and klobučník, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 311–323. immediately adjacent to bratislava (edelstal, nickelsdorf, gattendorf, potzneusiedl, and prellenkirchen). we consider the year 2020 to be evidence of the continuing suburbanisation of the hinterland of bratislava, when the share of slovaks in the above-mentioned municipalities continued to grow; while in four other municipalities the relative representation of slovaks rose above the 5 percent threshold (marchegg, petronell-carnuntum, hundsheim, engelharstetten). in kittsee, the share slightly decreased compared to 2015, and according to the relative representation of slovaks, the village of wolfsthal came significantly closer to it. figure 3 shows the dynamics of the development of growth/decline of the population of the affected municipalities. when looking at the three consecutive periods, the number of inhabitants in the given municipalities developed differently. the majority of the analysed municipalities maintained the trend of population growth in all periods. of all the municipalities, the most extreme population growth was seen in the municipality directly neighbouring bratislava, namely kittsee, which increased by 75.5 percent from the start of the analysed period (2006–2020). according to šveda, m. et al. (2020b), since 2005, the number of inhabitants has increased tenfold in the municipality by migration each year; in the last decade alone, migration reached 150 inhabitants per year. more than 70 percent of this increase was accounted for by cross-border migration. as part of our research, we found that the most dynamic period can be considered the years 2011–2015 when the municipality increased its population by almost 40 percent. we also recorded high growth in population during the three periods in another border municipality: wolfsthal (from the beginning of the analysed period, the village grew by 55.9%); in berg, the number of inhabitants increased by 32.5 percent over 15 years, and in edelstal by 29.6 percent. constant modest growth of inhabitants during the three periods occurred, for example, in the town of hainburg an der donau or in neighbouring bad deutsch-altenburg. fig. 3. growth/decline of inhabitants (in %) of selected municipalities of the austrian border in the hinterland of bratislava (2006–2010, 2011–2015, 2016–2020). source: statcube – statistical database (https://www.statistik. at). processed by the authors. farkas, r. and klobučník, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 311–323.318 migration, which is defined as a dynamic and constantly modifying process that causes changes in the socio-geographical, economic, social, and demographic structures of areas, represents a natural component of people’s lives (káčerová, m. and horváthová, r. 2014). citizens of the slovak republic, in accordance with european union legislation on the free movement of eu citizens, have the right to stay in austria for more than three months. afterwards, if they come to austria with the intention of permanent or temporary settlement, they are obligated to register with the competent public authority within four months from the date of arrival, where they will obtain an “aufenthaltskarte” residence permit upon request. after five years of legal and continuous residency in austria, they acquire the right to obtain permanent residence. upon request, they are issued a certificate of permanent residence, the so-called “bescheinigung des daueraufenthalts” (“certificate of permanent residence”) (www.oesterreich.gv.at). the migration efficiency of slovaks (figure 4) showed positive values in all the analysed municipalities of the austrian border area; this means that in the examined 5-year periods, immigration (immigrants) exceeded emigration (emigrants). it is clear, however, that in some municipalities, migration efficiency has slightly weakened over the periods (e.g. gattendorf, nickelsdorf, pama, wolfsthal or zurndorf), while in others, it has slightly strengthened (e.g. bad deutschaltenburg, engelhartstetten) or remained at about the same level (hainburg an der donau, marchegg). since 2008, we have witnessed a relatively sudden upswing in the number of immigrating slovaks. the increase can be explained by the entry of slovakia into the schengen area, which removed the barrier to free movement of slovak citizens entering austria. the rapid rise of slovak immigrants in the surveyed municipalities of the austrian border area peaked for the first time in 2012 when their number reached 670. since that year, the number of immigrants has ranged from 600 to 700 people per year. we recorded the highest number of immigrants in 2016 – a total of 676 persons. from the viewpoint of the emigration of slovaks, we perceive a gradual increase in their number since 2010 with a maximum value in 2019, when 284 slovaks left selected municipalities in the austrian border area (https://www.statistik.at). we can also fig. 4. migration efficiency in selected municipalities of the austrian border area in the hinterland of bratislava (2006–2010, 2011–2015, 2016–2020). source: statcube – statistical database (https://www.statistik.at). processed by the authors. 319farkas, r. and klobučník, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 311–323. perceive the issue of residential stability as a certain compacted result of the evaluation of the ideas and expectations of the population concerning the new environment and its social and material characteristics. the desire to stay in the locality for a longer period can be an important signal, which not only testifies to satisfaction with the quality of housing but can also be an indicator of the integration of new residents into local social structures. on the contrary, the desire to make a change of residence may be a reflection of the nonfulfilment of the original expectations about better housing (šveda, m. 2016). within each of the analysed 5-year periods, the town of hainburg an der donau and the municipalities of kittsee and wolfsthal showed the largest migration turnover (immigrants + emigrants). wolfsthal and hainburg an der donau have experienced a relatively high level of irregular migration efficiency over 15 years, falling slightly since its peak in 2008 (even with some fluctuations). we observed a similar trend in the municipality of kittsee as well, which reached its maximum migration efficiency in 2011 (figure 5). in terms of the available structural characteristics of migrants, we charted the representation of individual age groups in the total number of immigrants (figure 6), since migration has a significant effect on changes in the population structure and reproductive behaviour of the population (podolák, p. and šveda, m. 2019). as we can observe, the 30 to 44 years old group significantly predominates among immigrants, followed by the children’s component up to 14 years old. seniors and people over the age of 60 are relatively absent in the population of slovak immigrants in selected austrian municipalities. the presented findings correlate with the general starting points of suburbanisation, which emphasise the significant representation of young couples and families with small children in suburbanisation (ouředníček, m. 2002), as well as with specific migration characteristics of the slovak hinterland of bratislava (podolák, p. and šveda, m. 2019). fig. 5. migration efficiency in selected municipalities of the austrian border area in the hinterland of bratislava (hainburg an der donau, kittsee and wolfsthal) in the years 2006–2020. source: statcube – statistical database (https://www.statistik.at). processed by the authors. farkas, r. and klobučník, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 311–323.320 conclusions bratislava, together with its hinterland, represents an urban region with exceptionally large potential for further development. in 1993, it became the capital of the newly formed slovak republic, and its importance was further enhanced by slovakia’s entry into the european union (2004) and the schengen area (2007). important aspects of bratislava’s macro-location that have influenced the city’s formation, historical development, and current development include a strategic location at the point of contact of two great cultures, a location between the cities of vienna and budapest, a gateway between the former western (capitalist) and the eastern (communist) world, as well as an important location in respect of other areas of slovakia (korec, p. 2013). the presence of the state border with austria and hungary should be considered the most important aspect when assessing the microlocation (korec, p. et al. 2020). at the origin and development of the process of cross-border suburbanisation, the specific political and geographical location of the city concerning the state borders of neighbouring countries is important (free movement of population and capital across state borders must be observed). the position of bratislava as a dynamic economic, administrative, political, and cultural centre was also connected with the gradual revival of (not only residential) construction. for this reason, there has been a significant increase in real estate and land prices in the city and its slovak hinterland, as well as a significant increase in the possibilities for further development. therefore, the austrian border, with its several accessible municipalities in this area represents an attractive alternative for bratislava residents considering suburban housing (ira, v. et al. 2011). when monitoring the development of the number of slovaks, a gradually increasing number in all the selected municipalities of the austrian border area was observed. in 2020, the municipalities of kittsee, wolfsthal, and berg had the highest percentage of slovak inhabitants, while in absolute terms, the most slovaks lived in the town of hainburg an der donau. therefore, we consider kittsee, wolfsthal, berg, and edelstal to be the most dynamically growing municipalities. within the surveyed municipalities in the hinterland of bratislava, positive migration efficiency was manifested throughout the 2006–2020 period, that is, the number of arriving slovaks (immigrants) showed higher values than departing slovaks (emigrants). immigrants heading to the austrian hinterland of bratislava are characterised by a greater emphasis on the quality of housing (for example, migrants heading to rajka in hungary, who are seeking more affordable housing). this quality is represented not only by the aesthetic environment of the “clean and tidy” municipalities of austria, but also by the provision of services (for example, the availability of school facilities) (šveda, m. et al. 2020b). however, life in austria is often associated with other additional benefits that may persuade people to move there. in addition to a more favourable traffic situation, more advantageous mortgages or state housing allowances are offered. often emphasised non-economic factors include higher environmental awareness, better services, and a higher level of office work, community spirit, and other positively perfig. 6. age structure of immigrating slovaks to selected municipalities of the austrian border area in the hinterland of bratislava (2006–2020). source: statcube – statistical database (https://www.statistik.at). processed by the authors. 321farkas, r. and klobučník, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 311–323. ceived characteristics of social and cultural life (ira, v. et al. 2011). developers specialise in the new local market and build specifically for slovak clients (meyfroidt, a. 2016). migration in the functional metropolitan region of bratislava is quite heterogeneous internally, thus migration trends are different between various categories of migrants that are separated by age and education. the bratislava region attracts the youngest educated migrants (novotný, l. and pregi, l. 2019). the continuing process of suburbanisation, however, was also evidenced by structural characteristics, namely the age composition of slovak immigrants, which was dominated by the age group of 30 to 44 years old, followed by a child component up to 14 years old. one important topic that enters this issue is the coexistence of austrians and slovaks on the border. the results of research on the image of slovakia and austria pointed to clear differences in the perception of each neighbour and suggested that the many years of historical, geographical, and cultural affinity of the austrian and slovak populations may not yet mean mutual acceptance and cooperation (kollár, d. 2001). based on the study of decoville, a. and durand, f. (2018), the reason may be that the memory of the iron curtain will remains in the minds of people living on both sides of the state border for a long time. the processes of urban expansion originating from the capital bratislava will probably continue toward the interior of northern burgenland (or lower austria). it can be assumed that interest in life in these regions will continue to grow. it is therefore necessary to find a way to reconcile the economic development of industrial sites and shopping centres with the residential construction of traditional structures which create an identity in the rural areas of the regions. the question is whether the existing tools (spatial planning, development plans, urban renewal) are sufficiently effective, and whether control measures or activities can continue to support the structural, economic, social, and cultural identity of peripheral zones (kapeller, v. 2015). residential suburbanisation and the expansion of the cross-border suburban hinterland of bratislava can be scientifically examined in the future through other indicators that are closely related to the suburbanisation process itself, such as research on housing construction in municipalities, analysis of transport accessibility, real estate prices, community behaviour and so on. acknowledgement: this contribution was undertaken as a part of the research project vega project no. 1/0278/20 relationship of legitimacy, governance and public finances at the local level in the geographical perspective of slovakia. this paper has undergone a professional linguistic correction by a lecturer michael jerry sabo. r e f e r e n c e s balizs, d. and bajmóczy, p. 2018. rajka: the “hungarian suburb” of bratislava. space and society 32. 54–75. balizs, d. and bajmóczy, p. 2019. cross-border suburbanisation around bratislava: changing social, ethnic and architectural character of the “hungarian suburb” of the slovak capital. geografický časopis 71. 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(4): 413–439. šveda, m., sládeková madajová, m., barlík, p. and bago, m. 2020a. kam siaha bratislava? metropolitný región bratislavy z pohľadu lokalizačných údajov mobilnej siete (where does bratislava reach? the metropolitan region of bratislava from the point of view of mobile network location data). in suburbanizácia. ako sa mení zázemie bratislavy? eds.: šveda, m. and šuška, p., bratislava, geografický ústav sav, 51–82. šveda, m., štefkovičová, p. and tolmáči, l. 2020b. do rajky alebo do kittsee? rozdielne prostredie cezhraničnej suburbanizácie (to rajka or to kittsee? different environments of cross-border suburbanisation). in suburbanizácia. ako sa mení zázemie bratislavy? eds.: šveda, m. and šuška, p., bratislava, geografický ústav sav, 221–240. farkas, r. and klobučník, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 311–323.324 landscape metrics applied in geomorphology: hierarchy and morphometric classes of sand dunes in inner somogy, hungary 271györgyövics, k. and kiss, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 271–282.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.65.3.5 hungarian geographical bulletin 65 2016 (3) 271–282. introduction landscape metric is one of the most popular methods for quantitative research of landscape patches. spatial indices describe the shape and spatial distribution of landscape features, or the connection of patches, therefore landscape dynamics can be analysed (uuemaa, e. et al. 2013). the method is based on the theory of island biogeography by mcarthur, r.h. and wilson, e.o. (1967), however, as computers and remote sensing data became easily available, it was used in increasing number of studies (turner, m.g. et al. 2001). easily calculated indices both in vector-based (vlate in lang, s. and tiede, d. 2003; patch analyst in rempel, r.s. et al. 2012) and raster (fragstat in mcgarigal, k. and marks, b. 1995) data enhanced widespread use of the method. mostly landscape pattern and land use changes are evaluated (szabó, sz. et al. 2008; túri, z. 2011; malavasi, m. et al. 2013, ye, y. et al. 2015), but landscape metrics were applied in studies of landscape aesthetic (frank, s. et al. 2013), urban fragmentation (hai, p.m. and yamaguchi, y. 2007; fan, c. and myint, s. 2014), landscape planning (csorba, p. 2008; szabó, sz. et al. 2012; turetta, a.p.d. et al. 2013) and biodiversity change (navarrocerrillo, r.m. et al. 2013; schindler, s. et al. 2015). for example, this method was used to determine that landscape patt ern infl uences sediment dynamics and water quality (szilassi, p. et al. 2010; su, z.h. et al. 2015), and to study the possibilities of landscape boundaries determination (mezősi, g. and bata, t. 2011). zboray, z. and kevei-bárány, i. (2005) and telbisz, t. (2011) analysed morphometric landscape metrics applied in geomorphology: hierarchy and morphometric classes of sand dunes in inner somogy, hungary katalin györgyövics and tímea kiss1 abstract landscape metric is mostly used to quantify landscape patches. however, these patches could also be geomorphological forms, thus using traditional landscape metrics their shape and spatial distribution, or their dynamics could be analysed. the aim of the paper is to study the geomorphological applicability of diff erent indices studying the aeolian forms of inner somogy (sw hungary). in the present research 15 landscape metric indices were calculated with patch analyst 5.1 and vlate 2.0. the negative aeolian forms (blowout depressions and holes) have high number but small size, whilst the positive forms (parabolic dunes and hummocks) have large number and complex spatial structure, thus the negative and positive forms can not be directly connected. the spatial distribution revealed by the applied indices refers to diff erences in moisture content, abundance of sand supply and relief on a regional scale. the negative forms appear in a considerable distance from each other, while the positive forms tend to cluster. based on the spatial distribution of the forms the matrix could be described as an erosion-transportation zone, and in three accumulation zones the dune size and superimposition increases downwind. keywords: landscape metrics, aeolian sand, sand dune morphometry, dune hierarchy, inner somogy 1 department of physical geography and geoinformatics, university of szeged, h-6722 szeged, egyetem u. 2–6. e-mails: katalingy87@gmail.com, kisstimi@gmail.com györgyövics, k. and kiss, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 271–282.272 parameters of karst forms using dem. scale and resolution dependency and effi ciency of the indices was tested (ricotta, c. et al. 2003; buyantuyev, a. et al. 2010; morelli, f.f. et al. 2013), crushman, s.a. et al. (2008) examined the individual applicability of the indices, while szabó, sz. (2009, 2011) compared the contagion type indices. geomorphological forms could be considered as (ir)regular shaped patches too, thus using traditional landscape metrics their shape and spatial distribution, as well as their dynamics could be analysed. the aim of the present paper is to study the geomorphological applicability of diff erent indices studying the aeolian forms of inner somogy (sw hungary). our previous studies (kiss, t. et al. 2012, györgyövics, k. and kiss, t. 2013) proved that the positive and negative aeolian forms of east inner somogy show well-defi ned spatial confi guration and their development is interdependent, so their spatial distribution could be described by applying particular landscape indices. therefore the aim of the present study is to quantitatively analyse the spatial distribution of aeolian landforms, determine the differences between the features and examine their spatial characteristics, thus to test the applicability of landscape metric indices in geomorphology. in the present study features or forms are mentioned instead of patches to emphasise the geomorphologic aspect of the research. study area inner somogy is located in the carpathian basin (hungary), in transdanubia, southwest of lake balaton. two joint sand regions are partly divided by a wedge-shaped loess ridge. detailed research was carried out in east inner somogy (its area is 1,610 km2) (figure 1). faulted and vertically shift ed variscan blocks built up the substrate of the area (marosi, s. 1970) which are covered by pannonian sea and lake sediments in various thickness (sümeghy, j. 1953). the danube and its tributaries built an alluvial fan and fi lled up the territory during the pliocene or early pleistocene (ádám, fig. 1. location of the study area 273györgyövics, k. and kiss, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 271–282. l. et al. 1981). aft er the danube abandoned the region, smaller brooks kept north–south flow direction. aeolian processes became dominant in the würm (weichselian glaciation) (marosi, s. 1970). prevailing northerly winds reworked and sorted the fl uvial sediments, thus the transported blown sand became fi ner southward (lóki, j. 1981). during the holocene gullies and erosional valleys formed (marosi, s. 1970). sebe, k. et al. (2011) emphasized the role of wind and described the region as a yardang-system. a central defl ation hollow and an entangled accumulation area in south inner somogy was described by cholnoky, j. (n.d.) in the early 20th century. marosi, s. (1967, 1970) identifi ed the blowout – residual ridge – hummock system and recognised dune generations, which indicated long-lasting aeolian development. lóki, j. (1981) revealed a complex system of dunes and ridges, and identifi ed blowout holes, asymmetric parabolic dunes, oval-shaped and elongated hummocks. based on optically stimulated luminescence dating aeolian activity took place in the late glacial, in the boreal phase and in historical times (kiss, t. et al. 2012). before we started the landscape metric study, we identifi ed and classifi ed the aeolian forms of east inner somogy based on their hierarchy and morphometric parameters. five superimposed hierarchy levels were identifi ed within the positive forms. simple dunes are positive forms which stand by themselves and lack superimposition. superimposed dunes appear in four hierarchy levels (level 1–4), where dunes in hierarchy level 1 create the base being the largest; whilst hierarchy level 4 dunes are located in the highest regions. positive and negative aeolian forms were also classifi ed according to their morphometric parameters (kiss, t. et al. 2012; györgyövics, k. and kiss, t. 2013). methods in earlier studies (kiss, t. et al. 2012, györgyövics, k. and kiss, t. 2013) the hierarchical and morphometric classes of positive and negative aeolian forms were described, and these forms were used as the basic database of the landscape metric research. metric indices were computed in arcgis 10 with patch analyst 5.1 (rempel, r.s. et al. 2012) and vlate 2.0 (lang, s. and tiede, d. 2003) extensions and certain parameters were calculated in ms excel. the form-free area was considered as matrix, but it was not analysed in detail due to the geomorphological aspect of this research. aeolian forms stretching behind the regional boundary were involved in the analysis with their full extent. table 1 contains all used indices and their defi nitions. the boundary of the study area was defi ned based on the conventionally accepted regions of hungary (góczán, l. 1961; pécsi, m. and somogyi, s. 1967). within the study area the (morphological) zones were defi ned based on the dominance of the forms: superimposed positive forms dominate in the accumulation zones, while in the erosiontransportation zone (= matrix) lonely aeolian forms developed. to analyse the distribution of the forms the study area was dissected into 1.0 km2-size hexagonal units. the landforms were converted into points, which were always located within the original form, usually close to the summit of the dune-head or in the deepest part of a negative form. therefore, the hexagonal units did not cut through the forms, so all of them were examined just once. the hexagonal units were grouped for analysis using the natural breaks method, which creates groups by defi ning the breakpoint of the distribution curve. results and discussion general characteristics positive forms cover 20.7 percent of the region, while negative features only 3.3 percent (table 2). however, the number of negative forms is lower, as 4,404 positive and 2,911 negative features were identifi ed. therefore, the form density of positive forms is 2.74 györgyövics, k. and kiss, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 271–282.274 table 1. defi nition of landscape indices used in this study landscape index defi nition total area (ta), km2 the area of the region or zone studied containing all studied forms and the areas without forms. total form area (tfa), km2 sum of the territory of all studied forms. coverage, % sum of form areas compared to the area of the studied region/zone, tfa/ta x 100. number of patches (np) total number of studied forms. form density, form/km2 average number of forms on 1 km2 of the total area, np/ta. specifi c form number, form/km2 average number of forms on 1 km2 of the total form area, np/tfa. total edge (te), km sum of the perimeters of all studied forms. edge density, km/km2 average perimeter on 1 km2 of the total area, te/ta. shape index the perimeter of a form divided by the perimeter of the circle with the same area as the form. perimeter-area ratio perimeter/area ratio of a form. total volume, km3 volume of the solid fi gure close to the 3d shape of the form, calculated as the third of the area multiplied by height/depth, v = (t x m)/3. shannon’s diversity index index of form variety. the value is 0.0 if only one form is located in the study site, and it increases as classes and form distribution between classes increases. shannon’s evennes index it shows the distribution of forms between form classes. the value is 0.0 when all forms belong to one class, and it approaches 1.0 when the distribution is more even. dominance it shows the dominance rate of the prevalent form-class based on area coverage. nearest neighbour distance, m distance of the nearest neighbour of a form is the length of the shortest straight line (euclidian distance) from the boundary of the form to the closest boundary of the neighbouring form. table 2. comparison of the indices of positive and negative forms landscape index positive forms negative forms total area, km2 1,610.14 total form area, km2 coverage, % number of patches form density, form/km2 specifi c form number, form/km2 mean form area, km2 form area standard deviation, km2 total edge km mean form edge, km shape index perimeter-area ratio total volume, km3 333.93 20.74 4,404 2.74 13.19 0.08 0.27 6,330.30 1.44 1.67 0.03 0.85 53.14 3.30 2,911 1.81 54.78 0.02 0.03 1,548.66 0.53 1.26 0.05 0.02 morphological class hierarchy level morphological class shannon’s diversity index shannon’s evenness index dominance 1.71 0.88 0.24 0.97 0.60 0.64 1.20 0.87 0.18 nearest neighbour distance, m 44 170 nearest neighbour distance for classes, m 323 119 376 275györgyövics, k. and kiss, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 271–282. form/km2 and of the negative ones is only 1.81 form/km2. to calculate specifi c form number the number of patches was divided by the total form area. this index is considerably higher for negative forms, than for positive ones, referring to many small negative features and larger and complex positive dunes. this diff erence in size is also expressed by the average form area, which indicates that material defl ated from several smaller blowouts was deposited in one larger dune. the standard deviation of form area is an order of magnitude higher in case of positive forms than in negative ones, which suggests that the sand eroded from small blowouts did not always built up large dunes, but in some cases it was stabilized in small forms. the total edge of positive forms is multiple of the value of negative forms due to the more complex and dissected dune shape. mean perimeter/area ratio refers to more irregular shaped negative forms than positive ones which is a result of more elongated shape of blowouts compared to the compact-shaped dunes. however, the mean shape index, which indicates roundness, is higher for positive forms referring to more complex dune base lines than for the rounded blowout holes. total volume describes 3d-shape of the aeolian landforms. for the positive forms it is ca. 50-times higher than total negative form volume. the considerable diff erence is partly the result of the volume calculation method and partly of the development history of the forms. errors in the volume calculation originates from (1) the error of the topographic map which is 2–3 m (divényi, p. 2001); (2) using cones to approach the 3d forms by considering their area and highest/deepest point; (3) automatic determination of negative forms which only includes endorheic features, however blowouts can be much larger and nonendorheic erosion areas could also develop (lóki, j. 1981). moreover, the geographical reason for the large difference in volume might be (1) the erosion of inter-dune areas besides defl ation from blowouts (marosi, s. 1970); (2) sand could had been transported from outside the region (marosi, s. 1970); and (3) negative forms might be partially or totally fi lled by younger sand movements, gelisolifl uction or slope wash (lóki, j. 1981). in our previous research positive forms were grouped to fi ve hierarchy levels based on their superimposition and seven morphometric classes according to their shape (györgyövics, k. and kiss, t. 2013), while negative forms were divided to four morphometric classes. thus, diversity indices for positive landforms were calculated and analysed for both classifi cations. the shannon’s diversity index is the highest for the morphometric classes of positive forms, due to the highest number and even spatial distribution of classes. however, the negative forms has lower number of morphometric classes and the form distribution between classes is more even, therefore the diversity index is lower, though still higher than of the hierarchy levels of positive forms. shannon’s evenness index is the lowest for hierarchy levels, as simple dunes occur more oft en (almost 60%) than complex dunes. the morphometric classes of negative and positive forms have similar values indicating even distribution between the classes, while considering class areas prominent dominance is not characteristic. dominance values support these results. negative form morphometric classes have the lowest dominance value referring to the most even spatial distribution, however positive morphometric class values are only slightly higher. but hierarchy levels of positive forms show strong dominance, simple dunes are more abundant. nearest neighbour distance describes the isolation of a form. the average value for negative forms is almost four times higher than for positives, indicating that blowouts are scatt ered throughout the region, they are situated far from each other and stand alone. in contrast, positive forms tend to cluster: they are close to each other, oft en connected or superimposed on each other. values for hierarchy levels is slightly higher than the average as complex dunes are concentrated in the accumulation zones, therefore the nearest neighbour of the same hierarchy level might györgyövics, k. and kiss, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 271–282.276 be located in another group or in another accumulation zone. however, due to the dominance of simple dunes, hierarchy levels has lower nearest neighbour distances than of morphological classes, as simple dunes appear close to each other in rows. no morphometric class is dominant for neither positive nor negative forms, therefore members are located in larger distance, but evenly distributed throughout the region. comparison of positive and negative landforms based on the distribution of hierarchy levels, three accumulation zones could be identifi ed where all superimposed hierarchy levels (level 1–4) appear (györgyövics, k. and kiss, t. 2013). thus northern, central and southern accumulation zones were identifi ed, while the rest of the region is considered as an erosion-transportítion zone (also mentioned as matrix). the matrix encloses the three accumulation zones and only hierarchy level 1–3 dunes appear in it. accumulation zones are in elevated position, and 54–67 percent of their area is covered by dunes, while this is only 16 percent for the erosion-transportation zone. characteristic of the erosion-transportation zone (matrix) the area of the erosion-transport zone is nine times larger than the area of the accumulation zones, and the area of dunes located here is more than two times greater. this indicates numerous, but small size forms were built of the defl ated sand (table 3). form density is considerably lower in the matrix than in the accumulation zones, referring to the erosion aspect of the erosion-transport zone. the coverage of positive forms is low (16%), while 83 percent of negative forms are situated here (with form density of 1.7 form/km2). the reason for higher specifi c form number in the matrix, than in the accumulation zones, is the abundance of small dunes which were quickly stabilised and became detached from large migrating forms. the mean form area is also the lowest in the erosion-transport zone (0.07 km2), however, it is only slightly higher in the accumulation zones (0.08–0.15 km2). the standard deviation of form area is very high (0.09 km2) considering the mean form area, but it is still low compared to 0.31–0.65 km2 in the accumulation zones. this shows that small dunes are characteristic in the erosion-transportation zone, however, these forms are dissected and unfi lled as their mean form edge is high (1.43 km). the shape index describes clearly the diff erence of zone characteristics, which is higher in the erosion-transportation zone, than in the accumulation zones. only half of the transported material was deposited in the erosion-transportation zone which covers 90 percent of the region, so scatt ered forms stabilised during transport dominate the area creating a less vivid landscape. the erosion-transportation zone contains only 4 dune hierarchy levels, as the most elevated hierarchy level 4 does not appear. this is presumably the result of less entangled dunes and lower degree of superimposition. sand was transported further south, thus conditions for development of elevated hierarchy levels were not favourable. due to the lower number of hierarchy levels diversity indices are the lowest in the erosion-transport zone. here the low shannon’s evenness index for hierarchy levels along with the high dominance point to the prevalence of simple dunes. lower ratio of entangled dunes also indicates the importance of transport processes in the matrix. morphometric classes have higher diversity indices in all zones than hierarchy levels due to the greater number of forms. dominance is less characteristic between morphometric classes: however widespread abundance of wing fragments and medium-size parabolic dunes also confi rms intense erosion and transportation processes in the matrix. positive forms are scatt ered in the erosion-transportation zone, as their average nearest neighbour distance is 52 m. 277györgyövics, k. and kiss, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 271–282. comparison of the accumulation zones accumulation zones cover only 10 percent of the region, however, they contain almost half (48%) of the transported material. among the three accumulation zones, the central zone is the smallest, therefore it has the lowest number of forms, yet coverage and form density values are relatively high. the southern accumulation zone is the largest, yet the northern zone contains the most forms, therefore, coverage and form density are the highest here. mean form area increases downwind (from north to south), which means that sand deposited in larger dunes in the south. but as standard deviation of form area is also the highest here, forms with diff erent sizes appear indicating that the most entangled dunes developed in this zone, so southward migration terminated – presumably due to the nearby drava river – and forms were stabilised. however, due to the larger number of forms, the total form edge is higher in the southern, than in the northern accumulation zones. mean form edge increases windward (figure 2, a) indicating the formation of increasingly complex dunes during migration and as a result of several sand movement phases (kiss, t. et al. 2012). edge density decreases downwind (figure 2, b) referring to increased infi lling of the dunes southward. the mean perimeter/area ratio shows similar trend (figure 2, d), however, diff erences are not prominent. despite the lower number of forms, total volume is the highest in the southern accumulation zone (figure 2, c) which confi rms that most of the sediment was deposited here. in the central accumulation zone, hierarchy level 4 dunes do not appear. this is probably the result of the small area of the zone and the location of surrounding brooks (szabási rinya and lábodi rinya) which limited the table 3. landscape indices for the accumulation zones and the matrix landscape index accumulation zone matrix northern central southern total zone area, km2 total form area, km2 coverage, % number of patches specifi c form number, form/km2 form density, form/km2 mean form area, km2 form area standard deviation, km2 total edge, km mean form edge, km edge density, km/km2 shape index perimeter/area ratio total volume, km3 48.72 32.81 67.33 386 11.77 7.92 0.08 0.54 458.96 1.19 9.42 1.62 0.05 0.18 11.88 6.57 55.31 64 9.74 5.39 0.10 0.31 92.32 1.44 7.77 1.58 0.03 0.014 103.48 56.65 54.74 378 6.67 3.65 0.15 0.65 664.67 1.76 6.42 1.62 0.03 0.22 1,446.05 237.90 16.45 3,576 15.03 2.47 0.07 0.09 5,114.35 1.43 3.54 1.68 0.03 0.44 morph. class hier. level morph. class hier. level morph. class hier. level morph. class hier. level number of classes and levels 7 5 7 4 7 5 7 4 shannon’s diversity index 1.41 0.97 1.60 0.87 1.34 1.05 1.65 0.64 shannon’s evenness index 0.73 0.60 0.82 0.62 0.69 0.65 0.85 0.46 dominance 0.53 0.64 0.35 0.52 0.61 0.56 0.29 0.75 nearest neighbour distance, m 7.6 16.1 15.7 52.1 class nearest neighbour distance, m 194 61 300 136 327 135 355 117 györgyövics, k. and kiss, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 271–282.278 area of the zone. besides, this part of the region is situated higher above sea level, therefore stronger winds are characteristic which restricted the formation of high dunes. in agreement with the lower number of hierarchy levels, diversity indices are the lowest in the central accumulation zone. considering the morphometric classes, the shannon’s diversity index is the highest in the central accumulation zone as here due to the lower number of forms form distribution is more even, while lowest diversity index in the southern accumulation zone refers to less even form distribution between classes. the reason of this is that the medium-size fi lled and partially fi lled parabolic dunes and wing fragments are abundant here, indicating that dune migration was an important process here. however, similarly high abundance of large parabolic dunes proves that signifi cant amount of sand is stabilised in the southern accumulation zone. shannon’s evenness index and dominance also confi rms these fi ndings. considering hierarchy levels, the shannon’s diversity index is the highest, while evenness index and dominance are the lowest in the southern accumulation zone, because here all hierarchy levels appear with numerous members in all levels. the northern accumulation zone has a lower value, as hierarchy level 4 dune-class contains only one single dune and hierarchy level 3 class has only a couple of forms, while in the central accumulation zone the most elevated level (4) did not evolve at all. nearest neighbour distance is considerably lower in the accumulation zones than in the erosion-transport zone, as forms are entangled here and superimposed on each other resulting in the development of hierarchy levels. according to nearest neighbour distances calculated for all forms and for members of morphometric classes, dunes in the northern zone tend to cluster the most, while fig. 2. landscape indices of positive forms shows increase in the infi lling (sand supply) of dunes and decrease in the complexity of their base line downwind 279györgyövics, k. and kiss, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 271–282. forms in the central and southern zones were stabilised in a more scatt ered distribution. so in the windward part of the region many forms developed close to each other, while downwind entanglement decreases, during migration forms moved apart and stabilised in a scatt ered locations. spatial distribution of landforms within the region the distribution map of the volume of positive and negative landforms reveals the locations of defl ation and deposition. when hexagonal units of positive forms have low values (figure 3, a), it indicates dunes stabilised during transportation. entanglement is characteristic only in the accumulation zones, where sand is concentred in the central part. high volume occurs at the head of the northern and central accumulation zones. in the southern accumulation zone two deposition centres developed, on the eastern and on the western side of the head, while the centre is lower. this distribution corresponds (1) to the dune morphology described by lemman, d.s. et al. (1998) where an axial low separates two summit points; and (2) and, two neighbouring large parabolic dunes could join during migration, forming a huge accumulation area, but their original morphology including the two heads are still recognisable. volume of the negative forms is less concentrated (figure 3, b), so as described earlier, apart from the middle areas, sand was fig. 3. volume of the material deposited in positive forms (a), and volume of sand blown away from negative forms (b). györgyövics, k. and kiss, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 271–282.280 blown out from small patches all across the region. the northernmost part has more consolidated sand, thus defl ation create many small depressions, but altogether the volume of transported sand was low, and only slowly increased southward. the number of negative forms is low in the centres of the accumulation zones; however, during the formation of the hierarchy levels many blowouts developed in the depositional areas thus a considerable volume of sand was defl ated. yet, the major part of the sand transported from blowouts was defl ated from the erosion-transportation zone, where belts with varied amount of defl ation are defi ned (defl ation centres). conclusions the research has proved, that the distribution of aeolian landforms could be described applying landscape metrics, and landscape metric indices are useful to outline the accumulation or erosion zones precisely. thus, this method could be generally used in evaluating geomorphological features, however some modifi cations and diff erent interpretations had to be concerned. some conventional landscape metric indices could not be applied. for example dunes are rarely and negative forms are never connected, therefore contagion and joint boundary type indices could not be applied in this study. instead, nearest neighbour distance was calculated to describe the entanglement or scatt ering of the forms, which turned out to be a very useful parameter. based on the applied indices it seems, that in inner somogy the sand eroded from many small blowouts built up one larger dune. however, the standard deviation of form area indicates that the blown material stabilised in small positive forms at regions of higher moisture content and during low intensity sand movement periods. the shape index shows that rounded negative features are more frequent, while positive forms have more complex shape. the nearest neighbour distance index resulted in a new insight into the development history of the area, as it indicates, that blowouts evolved in a certain distance from each other, therefore they stand alone, while entanglement is very common among positive forms which are oft en linked or superimposed. to calculate diversity indices, hierarchy levels and morphometric classes were considered as ecological classes. this way it was determined that simple dunes dominate the hierarchy levels, while both positive and negative forms are more evenly distributed between morphometric classes. the coverage of positive forms is 20.7% in inner somogy, while this value is 24.4 percent in the southern nyírség (kiss, t. 2000). this is probably because inner somogy received more annual precipitation, thus high moisture content of the sand limited dune formation. in the unconsolidated sand of the dry deserts coverage values are even higher, 27–90 percent (lancaster, n. 1995). in the contrary, positive form density is higher in inner somogy (2.74 form/km2), than in nyírség (2.4 form/km2 – kiss, t. 2000). this refers to smaller forms, which presumably also developed due to more consolidated sand, as higher moisture content enabled the quick stabilisation of dunes, thus wing fragments became isolated during migration. acknowledgements: this research was realized by the huro/1101/126/2.2.1 enviarch project and the otka 83561. references ádám ,l., marosi, s. and szilárd, j. 1981. dunántúlidombság: dél-dunántúl (transdanubian hills: south transdanubia), budapest, akadémiai kiadó. buyantuyev, a., wu, j. and gries, c. 2010. multiscale analysis of urbanization patt ern of the phoenix metropolitan landscape of usa: time, space and thematic resolution. landscape and urban planning 94. 206–217. cholnoky, j. 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice johnson, c., toly, n. and schroeder, h. (eds.): the urban climate challenge: rethinking the role of cities in 200 johnson, c., toly, n. and schroeder, h. (eds.): the urban climate challenge: rethinking the role of cities in the global climate regime (cities and global governance). london–new york, routledge, 2015. 258 p. urbanisation is a hot topic: the urban population has already exceeded the world’s rural population for the fi rst time in our history, and the number and ratio of people living in cities are projected to increase further. this growth is mostly expected to occur in the developing world. the increase of urban population is accompanied with the increasing demand for clean air, water, land, and other essential services. as cities are major emitt ers of greenhouse gases (ghgs), mitigation, adaptation, and sustainability of cities have also become pressing global priorities. the volume is built up from fi ve parts and includes 12 chapters in total, bringing together articles writt en by researchers working on climate change, sustainability, global governance, and political science. the case studies were carried out with the contribution of acknowledged local experts from north america, latin america and india. chapter 9 and 11 are freely available as open access pdf from the publisher. the book is part of the current routledge series ‘cities and global governance’, launched in 2014, which makes an att empt to describe the role and infl uence of the city in global governance. the book focuses on the following questions from theoretical, geographical, and political perspectives: how are cities incorporating climate change into urban planning and policy? what is the impact of international climate change norms on urban and national climate policies? how cities and urban networks are positioned in global climate governance politics? what are the implications for the study of international relations and global climate governance? part 1 explores the theoretical dimensions of urban and global climate governance chapter 1 serves as an introduction to the book, writt en by the editors. they formulate the importance of the urban climate challenge, review recent state of the role of cities in climate governance, then guide the reader through the content of the book. saskia sassen argues in chapter 2 for bringing cities into the global climate network. even though global governance regimes as kyoto protocol or the united nations framework convention on climate change do not include cities, they are on the stage – as goals on this scale are more easily achievable than on the global scale. cities are part of the problem, but can be part of the solution, too, as they can set more ambitious goals than national governments due to their practical engagement. the author sketches the strategy to maximise urban capacities, use science and technology to transform negative links into positive ones between cities and biosphere, and implement environmental measures that engage the legal system and profi t logics to achieve advances towards environmental sustainability. chapter 3 focuses on cities as systems, and articulates why it can be misleading to build cities from scratch instead of re-thinking our existing systems. in her opinion, a paradigm shift is needed, a transition from ‘open’ to ‘closed’ resource fl ows, together with an other from ‘closed’ to ‘open’ urban space governance. the chapter introduces interactions in cities as complex adaptive systems, and discusses what happens if the equilibrium between production and consumption is disturbed. aft er presenting the complexity of the city, two structures of sets, the ‘tree’ and the ‘semi-latt ice’ are shown, and the disadvantages of tree-like structures in urban systems are discussed. the diff erence between the two is in the number and position of connections. in the tree structure no overlap occurs, while the semi-latt ice represents a more complex, ambiguous doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.65.2.11 hungarian geographical bulletin 65 2016 (2) 201book review – book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (2) 200–202.hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (2) 200–202. structure, which is more natural, and thought to be more resistant for harmful events. therefore, in semilatt ice structures there are much more connections between people, and between diff erent parts of the city as well. consequently, the amount and size of isolated neighbourhoods, which exist independently from their surroundings and where people live, work and shop in a somewhat artifi cial and closed circle, is much smaller. it is a well-explained and interesting chapter even for the layperson, and makes the reader think about sustainability of cities and relevance of the ready-made eco-city gigaprojects. part 2 looks at cities as parts of international networks. chapter 4 describes the history and improvement in city-climate governance since the early 1990s, the fi rst and second wave of transnational city networks, like iclei (international council for local environmental initiatives) and c40 cities climate leadership group. the latt er is the main focus of the chapter. these networks put climate change on the local agenda, try to engage the municipalities with the issue of sustainability, and held regular summits to exchange experience. the authors explain the discursive, tactical, and organizational strategies of legitimation at the cities’ disposal. chapter 5 considers the interactions between cities and multinational companies (mncs) from the climate governance perspective. as cities are competing to become the most eco-friendly, sustainable, climate proof etc., but sometimes lack knowledge how to achieve that, mncs happen to advise or assess climate policies (e.g. from creating solutions in transport to reduce carbon footprint). but they do so on a purely market-based approach. the chapter therefore critically examines the link between the two parties, and ask the question, if ‘techno-fi xes’ will make cities more sustainable. the answer is probably no, as without questioning the way of living it just exports the pollution and emission elsewhere, since it treats the symptoms, not the causes. on the other hand, these actions can help in raising awareness, or increase effi ciency, but one has to be careful to set up long term, city-wide, or even global goals to achieve a climate friendly city and sustainable lifestyle for its citizens. part 3 turns to the national level, comparing the ways in which interactions with national policy institutions have infl uenced governance processes and outcomes in diff erent urban policy sett ings in brazil, canada, india and the usa. chapter 6 provides the example of são paulo’s efforts to reduce ghg emissions, adapt and mitigate climate change since 2005. transnational activity was key to introduce the issue of climate change at the local level (which made são paulo one of the fi rst cities in the world to address climate change), but lost its importance at the implementation stage of the climate change policy due to the discrepancy between local and national level policies and interests. chapter 7 shows a case study for four cities in british columbia, canada. in the chapter the authors state that the diff erence between adaptation and mitigation is over-emphasised, as integrating them into a broader sustainability framework could have been the way to ‘change our lens’. instead of considering responding to climate change a stressor only, we could start to look at it as an opportunity to improve our environment. the four selected cities represent a diverse sample on the spectrum of responses and levels of integration in community climate change planning. the work reveals that an integrated sustainability approach is prevalent amongst ‘leading’ communities, which can help optimising eff orts to reach both climate targets and local political priorities. chapter 8 is about adaptation in mumbai, india, to the reoccurring fl ood events. it can be clearly seen that climate change governance is still an issue for the national elite, where the challenges of adaptation are exacerbated by the viewpoint on historical responsibility, by inequality, lack of resources, and of administrative origin (i.e. infrastructural defi ciencies, waste management problems). further analysis is needed therefore to foster adaptation, and help the municipality and the government to fi nd access to international ‘adaptation funds’. chapter 9 describes the case study of portland, oregon, thus, how a logging town has transformed into a successful leader in urban responses to climate change since the early 1990s. aylett ’s analysis shows that signifi cant systemic transformations (e.g. changing the focus from technocratic to holistic, replacing isolated agencies by collaborative ones, capitalising on the synergies between diff erent groups of actors or subject areas, like emission reduction and health) in the municipal structures could make this happen, and that building internal networks within departments is an eff ective strategy in governance. part 4 off ers a regional and comparative perspective on the politics of urban climate governance (p. 17.). it looks at urban responses in latin america and east africa. chapter 10 and 11 show the diff erences and similarities between cities of the ‘global south’. some problems they face are the fragmented institutional structures, the lack of power, budget, and human resources in defi ning climate issues and response strategies, and the fact that scientifi c information is sometimes disconnected from needs, therefore, it has litt le contribution to policy-making. when urban population growth and economic growth are disconnected, it creates another source of tension. however, there are some success stories as well, as some of these cities are acting and has a willingness to act to respond climate change. the fi nal section concludes with a chapter from the editors to highlight the central topics of the book and identifi es the direction for future research. at the end of the book one can fi nd the biography of 202 book review – book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (2) 200–202.hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (2) 200–202. its authors, and an index which makes it easier to look for defi nitions or concepts covered inside. the importance of the book is emphasised by the fact that although it was released only a bit more than a year ago, it is already cited in the literature. the chain of chapters appearing in the volume gives the reader a wide spectrum of climate governance issues. some main ideas are repeated in the introductory part of diff erent chapters, with diff erent focal points and slightly diff erent opinions, however, as they could stand as independent papers, it is not distracting at this level. aft er an overall assessment the book discusses the current state of climate policy around the world, which helps the readers put into context their own experiences, and helps to avoid administrative and political mistakes or failures (including never-realised plans and disintegrated institutional systems) already explained in the literature. the diversity of the displayed cities helps to understand both the diff erent and common challenges they are facing with. this makes it a useful reading for scholars from central and eastern europe despite the fact that no european example is discussed in the volume. the book will be of interest to scholars and practitioners of urban climate policy, global environmental governance and climate change. adaptation, mitigation and sustainability issues are present in the urban climate change literature. this volume puts them in a diff erent context and shows these topics from a political and social science perspective, in the practical chapters using mostly the interview method. i found it interesting to see, how the results of science can, or in some cases cannot, get incorporated into the decision-making processes. the book is writt en in meticulous scientifi c language. at the end of each chapter one can fi nd the notes and bibliography, which helps the reader to navigate through the related literature. it is accessible for a broad public, as not only the hardcover, but an electronic version is available for a moderate price. ildikó pieczka1 1 eötvös loránd university, budapest. e-mail: pieczka@nimbus.elte.hu 83winter j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 83–97.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.69.2.1 hungarian geographical bulletin 69 2020 (2) 83–97. introduction: the second wave of digitalization when it comes to the second wave of digitalization, mobile connected devices such as smartphones are a vital part. but first: why do we call it the second wave, what makes the difference between the wave of digitalization today and digitalization in the early years of this millennium when the dot.com-bubble burst? the ideas and concepts that are depicted here aren’t that new, especially the concept of “everything as a service” and the even greater personalization of services and products. one aspect of this servitization and personalization is the idea that instead of buying off-the-shelf products and services we use weband cloud-based services and we go online to buy bundles of products and services – and these bundles are individually tailored to the needs and preferences of their users. these are so-called smart services. one example of how these ideas are implemented today is “mobility as a service”: in order to get from a to b, people may use an app on the smartphone combining different means of transport, like car-sharing or public transportation or they choose if they would like to take the quickest or the cheapest connection. so, what is different today? in short: the technologies that are needed to implement the ideas like “everything as a service” can now be deployed on a large scale at very low costs (daugherty, p. and wilson, h.j. 1 national academy of science and engineering (acatech), karolinenplatz 4, 80333 munich, germany. e-mail: winter@acatech.de the evolutionary and disruptive potential of industrie 4.0 johannes w i n t e r 1 abstract despite all the hype, digitalization is not a new trend. the third industrial revolution started as early as the beginning of the 1970s and has continued to this day. it is shaped using electronics and information technologies (it) in the economy and progressive standardization and automation of business processes. while exponential growth is typical for the it sector, this is rarely the case for the classic industries. for a long time, the change was barely perceivable, which led many players to denounce these developments as uninteresting, losing interest at an early stage. but then, as the process picks up breakneck speeds, it often becomes impossible to jump on board or keep up. when automation driven by electronics and it established itself in production, it led to dramatic changes in value chains and employment structures. through standardization and automation, business processes became more efficient, quicker, and transparent. when the dot-com speculative bubble burst in 2000, vending machines that ordered supplies independently were already in operation. in the search for the business model of the information age, electronic marketplaces became popular pioneers for dynamic business networks and real-time business. many of today’s well-known technology firms – such as google, netflix, or the predecessors of facebook – were already active on the market in a similar form. in recent years a second wave of digital transformation is experienced and with it, a fourth industrial revolution. the necessary information and communication technologies have now become so cost-effective that they can be used in widespread areas. as a result, many of the dot-com promises have been realized today. the aim of this paper is to intensify the industrie 4.0 debate in economic geography by showing the evolutionary and disruptive potential of industrie 4.0. keywords: industrie 4.0, fourth industrial revolution, digitalization, internet of things, economic geography, europe. received december 2019, accepted april 2020. winter j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 83–97.84 2018). nearly all objects, like cars and trains, machines on a factory shopfloor or household appliances can be connected to the internet and can be equipped with sensors in order to generate, collect and exchange data. their sensors provide us with a huge amount of real-world data at nearly no costs. this data in turn can be used to gain valuable information using data analytics and machine learning. and it can be used to develop and train autonomous systems – which will become more and more common in the course of next years. the term “autonomous systems” can be applied not only to robots in the conventional sense but also to manufacturing systems, vehicles, buildings and software systems: for example, a system for the energy management in the smart home that adapts to the user’s individual patterns of energy consumption. a system can be described as autonomous if it is capable of independently achieving a predefined goal in accordance with the demands of the current situation without recourse either to human control or detailed programming. of course, artificial intelligence (ai) and machine learning (ml) play a great role in developing such systems (acatech, 2017). this second wave of digitalization has far-reaching consequences for the economy and established business models. so far, there has been little existing systematic research in economic geography on the topic of industrie 4.0, which is surprising, since it can be assumed that the digital transformation of the economy could also have a regional impact. current industrie 4.0 research in economic geography refers to regional disparities and transformative industrial policy (bailey, d. and de propris, l. 2019), national and regional comparative advantages in key enabling technologies (ciffolilli, a. and muscio, a. 2018), the impact on existing clusters (götz, m. and jankowska, b. 2017), industry 4.0 in factory economies (szalavetz, a. 2017), socio-economic effects of smart manufacturing (fuchs, m. 2020), and location decision and upgrading in automotive industry (haider, m. 2020; molnár, e. et al. 2020) as well as the potential of eu regions to contribute to industry 4.0 (balland, p.a. et al. 2019). so far, there is a lack of a common and uniform understanding in economic geography of what industrie 4.0 is and what spatial impact the fourth industrial revolution can have. the main purpose of this paper is to develop a common understanding of the importance and impact of industrie 4.0 at different geographical levels, based on the conceptual and empirical considerations of the national academy of science and engineering (acatech, 2013), which introduced the term industry 4.0 in 2013. this contribution is empirically based, relying on primary data collected through 160 qualitative guided interviews with executives and experts from china, germany, japan, korea, united kingdom and the us conducted between september 2015 and december 2018. the in-depth interviews were transcribed and analysed using ‘qualitative content analysis’ (glaeser, e. and laudel, g. 2004). (the study forms part of a research project carried out at “acatech” funded by the german ministry of economic affairs and energy.) the study consists of six major parts. the second part demonstrates the evolutionary path of the fourth industrial revolution. the third part tries to reply to what europe has to do in order to join to the fourth industrial revolution, while the fourth part describes the major features of a data driven economy. in the future the research fields of economic geography research will also transform, and this is introduced in the fifth part. finally, some conclusions and outlook follow. the fourth industrial revolution – an evolutionary path like in many other regions of europe, in western europe industrialization began with the introduction of mechanical manufacturing in the early 19th century, when machines such as the mechanical loom revolutionized the way goods were made. the first industrial revolution was followed by a second one at the turn of the 20th century, which involved electrically-powered mass production of goods, labour division and the rise of multinational enter85winter j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 83–97. prises. this was in turn superseded by the third industrial revolution during the 1970s, which employed electronics and information technology to achieve increased automation of manufacturing processes. machines took over not only a substantial proportion of manual labour but also some parts of non-manuals’ work (kagermann, h. et al. 2010) (figure 1). based on the findings of an empirical survey in six industrialized countries, the study analyses both the opportunities and challenges of industrie 4.0 for the economy. first, the question arises as to what is new about the concept of industrie 4.0? the introduction of the internet of things and services (iot) into the manufacturing world, which is referred to as industrie 4.0, is about to introduce a completely new approach to production. embedded manufacturing systems within factories are vertically networked with business processes and horizontally connected to value networks that can be managed in real time: from the moment of a customer’s order right through to outbound logistics. together with industrial partners, researchers mainly from the economic sciences and engineering sciences are developing prototypes of such future smart factories (schuh, g. et al. 2017; tolio, t. et al. 2019). smart factories allow individual customer requirements to be met and mean that even individual items can be manufactured profitably. dynamic business and engineering processes enable last-minute changes to production and deliver the ability to respond flexible to disruptions and failures on behalf of suppliers. transparency is provided over the manufacturing process, facilitating optimized decision-making. industrie 4.0 – what are their achievements to this day? the first three industrial revolutions came about as a result of mechanization, electricity and it. now, the introduction of the combination of the internet and services in the manufig. 1. industrial revolutions during the history. source: forschungsunion and acatech, 2013. winter j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 83–97.86 facturing environment is ushering in a fourth industrial revolution. in the future, businesses will establish global networks that incorporate their machinery, warehousing systems and production facilities in the shape of cyber-physical systems (cps). europe with its strong industrial core is thus uniquely positioned to tap into the potential of a new type of industrialization: industrie 4.0. a revolution always battles with the “old” world (winter, j. 2010). industrie 4.0 is extending the analogue and physical world to a digital environment. in this context, revolution means that system boundaries are expanded – not only physically but also virtually. from now on smart factories are built and connected to the smart supply chain. with the help of digital twins – e.g. of the product or even the production systems – the system can be mapped in a virtual world. these changes offer new opportunities to increase the productivity and emerge new business models (schuh, g. et al. 2017). that implies organizational and individual competences required by a digitized world being expanded. this is the reason why agile working methods should be adopted (cooper, r.g. and friis sommer, a. 2020). industrie 4.0 – what does it take to go a step forward? professionals from science and industry become more and more familiar with the concept of industrie 4.0. since 2015, the german initiative ‘plattform industrie 4.0’ brings together companies, trade unions, associations, science and politics to join forces. we see more and more industrie 4.0 use cases, projects, demonstration centres and competence centres emerging all-around in europe. but many people still underestimate just how radically and how rapidly we will need to change. recent studies suggest that industrie 4.0 may have the same dramatic effects on the geography of knowledge and innovation in europe as the previous three industrial revolutions (kagermann, h. and winter., j. 2018; balland, p.a. et al. 2019), especially when developing new data-driven business models and disruptive innovation. when it comes to the broader public, more and more people are probably at least aware of the buzzword industrie 4.0. the topic has finally made it to mainstream media. but still, most people will start to understand and to enjoy industrie 4.0 not until they really experience its benefits first hand – for example, in terms of better / cheaper / more customized products and services. or as workers in a smart factory: machines will take over more and more physically wearing and monotonous tasks; workers will be able to work more flexibly and with more individual choice and responsibility. intelligent assistance systems will help employees to perform their tasks and support lifelong learning. the smart factory the ideal smart factory employs a completely new approach to production: machines and products, production equipment and employees are digitally connected with each other. the production system is highly digitized and makes it possible to track its status and productivity. smart products are uniquely identifiable, may always be located and know their own history, current status and alternative routes to achieving their target state. the embedded manufacturing systems are vertically networked with business processes within factories and enterprises and horizontally connected to dispersed value networks that can be managed in real time – from the moment an order is placed right through to outbound logistics (xu, l.d. and duan, l. 2019). in the manufacturing environment, so called cyber-physical systems comprise smart machines, storage systems and production facilities capable of autonomously exchanging information, triggering actions and controlling each other independently. this facilitates fundamental improvements to the industrial processes involved in manufacturing, engineering, material usage and supply chain and life cycle management (figure 2). 87winter j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 83–97. the digital twin of the factory according to recent studies (park, k.t. et al. 2020), in future roughly every object will have a digital twin with which enterprises can do many things in virtual space. by means of cyber-physical systems, the real and virtual world is further merging. for instance, much better simulations of products and production processes will be possible, meaning that less energy and resources must be expended in trial runs. the results of this study suggest that there is also an increasing connectedness within manufacturing and along value chains. this leads to a higher degree of automation, improved manufacturing quality, faster innovation cycles, and lower consumption of resources (kagermann, h. and winter, j. 2017). since all physical objects can be interconnected via the internet, we can, for example, make just-in-time logistics even better and prevent machine failures through predictive maintenance. both prevent idle periods in production, thus saving resources. following the logic of the internet of things (iot), assets, machines and components can exchange information continuously. therefore, productionand logistic processes become integrated and, therefore, can be controlled and coordinated in real time and from spatial distance (muscio, a. and ciffolilli, a. (2020). a necessary precondition is the standardization and modularization of several single process steps and the programming of virtually adaptable models of such modules. therefore, operating processes can be planned, coordinated and controlled. moreover, the interconnection enables the continuous exchange of data that are necessary to adjust processes automatically and according to a specific situation. here, the application of cps allows a decentralization of the process control. it can be transferred to components that process ambient data by using embedded systems. in the next step, precise control commands can be derived. this increases the flexibility in production. industrie 4.0 and the future of work the digital transformation will enable companies to react faster and more precisely to changing customer needs and new market conditions. it is already well understood that a fast implementation of data-based business models and a high level of flexibility, adaptability, and willingness to change among organizations and its employees are crucial for success in the face of global competition. as boschma, r. (2017) showed, a region has a higher probability to develop innovative goods when these are related to existing goods and value chains in a region. this means that there is a risk that regional disparities will be exacerbated by technological change – with effects on the regional labour market. this is the reason why key factors in the successful introduction of innovative processes and products include the acceptance of new technologies by employees and the design of attractive forms of work. at the same time, the higher degree of flexibility, in turn, opens the opportunity for workers to also achieve a higher level of work-life-balance and to safeguard their long-term employability by personalized re and up-skilling measures. in this context, the ability of workers to learn (and retrain) fig. 2. smart factories as part of the internet of things and services. source: acatech, 2013. winter j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 83–97.88 throughout the span of their careers is key to ensuring their future employability (lifelong learning) (mcafee, a. and brynjolfsson, e. 2017). companies share the responsibility by providing the corresponding education and training, and their employees obviously benefit from these measures. some company leaders are already dreaming of relocating value that was lost in the past two decades to east european and asian countries (fuchs, m. and winter, j. 2008; winter, j. 2008), where labour costs were significantly lower than back home. in the world of smart production however, a countries’ competitive advantage is rather determined of sophisticated country infrastructures, innovation and know-how than from cost benefits of mass production. however, industrie 4.0 may have the same dramatic effects on the geography of knowledge and innovation in europe as the previous industrial revolutions (balland, p.a. et al. 2019). contrary to some fears about automated factories being orphan places (frey, c. and osborne, m. 2013), the fourth industrial revolution will provide new and often better job opportunities for skilled human workers. in this perspective, a skilled labour force is crucial in order to introduce the entirely new production approach. the european and national ability to manage complex industrial processes in multi-stakeholder networks becomes a key factor for success. another asset is the country’s specialization in research, development and production of innovative manufacturing technologies. universities, research institutes and companies are constantly developing innovative solutions for enhanced manufacturing. that is why stem (science, technology, engineering and math) education becomes still more important. hybrid skills become more and more important: future engineers need additional mechatronics and software skills. managers need business skills as well as technical skills (e.g. data science). and: soft skills also play an important role in a connected economy/society (e.g., collaboration, conflict management, foreign language skills). as mentioned earlier, cyber physical systems consist of networks of small computers, equipped with sensors and actuators. such embedded systems are integrated in materials, products, devices and machine parts and connected via the internet. this constitutes the so-called internet of things (iot), where the boundaries between the physical and digital world become more and more blurred. moreover, there are tighter interactions between human users and their connected personal devices that lead to an internet where human users become more central than ever. this means people are not seen only as end users of services and applications but become active elements of the so-called internet of people (iop). what europe can do to join the fourth industrial revolution there is still disagreement in the literature about the extent to which industry 4.0 can reduce regional disparities or, in certain circumstances, increase them. according to muro, m. et al. (2019), there are differences across metropolitan regions in the us regarding their exposure to automation-driven task replacement. on the other hand, barzotto, m. and de propris, l. (2019) argue that regions that have been left behind will find their way back if they specialize in smart processes, products and services that they can market globally. muscio, a. and ciffolilli, a. (2020) show that eu researches and sme funding play an important role in technology integration and increased competitiveness. for most of the experts we surveyed, industrie 4.0 offers great potential for european regions. this is because the deployment of industrie 4.0 solutions is seen as one means of promoting the reshoring of manufacturing capacity mainly from east asia. according to our empirical findings, a higher degree of digitization and automation and the resulting productivity gains are keys to the regional competitiveness of industry in europe. germany, for example, developed in 2013 a ‘digital journey’ and strategy to lead companies of each size to a high degree of dig89winter j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 83–97. itization and to save their competitiveness. networking platforms are founded to guarantee the exchange of the knowledge between companies, science, policymakers and trade unions. enterprises share their best practices of industrie 4.0 and help other companies on their evolutional way to the fourth industrial revolution. politics support their development with public funding and focused research projects. moreover, companies are offered different programs to gain knowledge regarding industrie 4.0 and its implementation funded by the government, unions and trade associations. thus, industrie 4.0 is all about networking and exchanging knowledge and experiences with all parts of the economy. moreover, especially for european countries, it is important that digital technologies are adopted by businesses in order to grow labour productivity and to benefit from the potentials of online commerce. europe would benefit from an industry 4.0 scheme to develop specific digitization plans for the industry. it is important to think about investment in developing a strong europe-wide ecosystem of digital innovation hubs. in several regions digital manufacturing platforms have already been developed to help digitize the manufacturing process. europe could also benefit from creating the right conditions for private investments to improve the digital infrastructure. however, europe must overcome shortages in it-skills of the citizens. according to the digital economy and society index (desi), about 20 per cent of the european population has never used internet. that also limits the possibilities offered by the digital economy and society. as our expert survey shows, data become more and more important and independent economic goods, have a value and are base of innovative and profitable business models. once they have left factory, smart products are still connected via the internet and exchange massive volumes of data during their use. these big data are refined into smart data, which can then be used to control, maintain or enhance and improve smart products and services. they generate the knowledge that forms the basis of new business models. the consolidation and refinement via real-time analytics and artificial intelligence is usually done in data-rich digital platforms, which will soon be the predominant marketplace. quite a few companies have already connected smart products to the internet and have started collecting and evaluating data. ideally those platforms should combine device management with easy connectivity, data storage systems and an app store open for customized data-driven services provided by an open digital ecosystem. the quality of the digital innovation ecosystem and how fast it can be established will be crucial for a successful implementation of new datadriven business models. in addition, several challenges must be answered regarding financing, reliability, data security, intellectual property rights (ipr)-protection, and finally standardization (figure 3). when it comes to the concept of industrie 4.0, there is an area of tension between the ubiquitous access to production and personal data in order to create value on the one side and the protection of privacy on the other side. wherever companies or organizations running industrie 4.0 applications use data that is directly or indirectly tied to a specific person, they will be subject to the general data protection regulation (gdpr). the gdpr aims at harmonizing the regulatory framefig. 3. dimensions of industrie 4.0. source: schuh, g. et al. 2017. winter j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 83–97.90 work regarding the usage of personal data in the european member states. the gdpr does not only affect european companies or organizations. it affects every business that handles or processes personal data of european citizens. according the gdpr, personal data must be processed in a lawful and transparent manner. this refers to specific purposes for collecting, storing and processing the data. organizations must ensure that personal data is stored for no longer than necessary for the purposes for which it was collected. in addition, they are obliged to install appropriate technical and organizational safeguards that ensure the security of the personal data. towards a data driven economy in the opinion of most of the experts we interviewed, we see a shift from productdriven to data-driven business models in all european core industries. today, around 30 billion products around the world are connected to the internet. once they have left the factory, products are connected via the internet. these products are data-driven, and they will be refined with digital services, so called smart services. how are smart services created? smart services need data about the products, their use and consumers, and from other sources like traffic data or weather. these product-service-bundles must be able to extract valuable information from it via data analytics or machine learning. this is shown by the example of ‘mobility as a service’. in order to implement this data-driven business model, a wide range of data is required: data of the locations of the users, cars or means of public transportation, movement data, weather data, information about restaurants at the destination etc. are required. and of course, mobile devices play a central role in gathering this information and data about how a certain service is used. in other words: it can be assumed that there is a shift towards data-driven innovations. smart services are created in dynamic digital ecosystems that evolve around digital platforms without geographical limitations. why is that? according to our empirical findings, trustworthy partners are necessary to build up networks and to create innovative smart services. these partners often come from geographical proximity or at least existing business networks. proximity is therefore a factor that should not be underestimated – especially in the digital age, which seems to be borderless. it should be added that many companies don’t have all the know-how to implement such data-driven smart services on their own. for example, companies need help from a start-up that is cutting edge in data analytics in order to get the information you require out of the vast amount of data. so, there must be a kind of digital business or innovation ecosystem. in my view, four different groups of the actors involved in the digital ecosystem can be distinguished (table 1). in the case of a smartphone, a tech giant such as google or samsung is the platform sponsor (design of the android operating system) and acts as a platform provider (operation of the android operating system and the app store). application developers are those who make their apps available in the app store, the end users are the smartphone customers. platform sponsor and platform operator can be the same company, but don’t have to be. digital platforms consist of two parts: – first: a “core” that is stable and changes only slowly – in our example the app store itself. this core defines technical and economic “rules of the game” such as interfaces and processes. – second: a “periphery” with a high development speed and heterogeneity. these are the app developers. they do not necessarily enter business relationships with each other but are often independent participants of the same platform. due to virtual collaboration, spatial proximity 91winter j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 83–97. hardly plays a role in digital platform relationships (moore, j.f. 1993; kagermann, h. and winter, j. 2017). in platform logic, the consumer interacts with both the platform operator and the providers in the platform’s periphery, the app developers. in order to be able to use the offers on a platform, the consumer enters a relationship with the platform. he logs in and user-related data is collected. on the platform, the consumer meets the providers: he buys, consumes and uses the offers on the platform. over time, profile information is supplemented by information that arises from using the applications on the platform (silvestri, s. and gulati, r. 2015; cusumano, m. et al. 2019) (figure 4). digital platforms as a future field of economic geography research what are the special characteristics of platforms when it comes to competition in the digital era of manufacturing at a global and regional level? the empirically derived answer is that service platforms create new virtual control points instead of geographical or physical control mechanisms. not only do they provide the rules, standards and processes according to which the different players in the digital ecosystems get connected and do business. they also serve as a central interface to the customers at a global level. digital platforms are discussed in the economics literature under the concept of multi-sided markets (evans, p. and gawer, a. 2016). case studies of geographical marketplaces are abundant in economic geography literature (nocke, v. et al. 2007). the concept of virtual marketplaces and multi-sided platforms are not yet widely used in the economic geography research and should be taken more into account when assessing a globalized industry that is increasingly networked via software platforms. multi-sided markets have special characteristics and can unfold certain dynamics that may in certain cases call for action from the regulatory authorities. all involved actors in the multisided market depend on each other and on the platform: creating apps for the app store table 1. the structure of a digital innovation ecosystem* group role 01 end users the end users are the actual customers of the platform and use it for their own purposes – be it the smart phone user or an industrial company that runs its business with the help of such a platform. 02 application developers the application developers create programs and services based on the tech-nological platform. 03 platform providers the platform providers deliver the technical infrastructure of the platform. in the it sector, this is a package of hardware and operating system based on which programs and services can be developed. 04 platform sponsors the platform sponsors are the actual “leaders” of the platform as such, as they determine the design of the platform and own the intellectual property of the platform. *edited by the author. fig. 4. from one-sided to multi-sided markets. source: tiwana, a. 2013, winter, j. 2018. winter j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 83–97.92 wouldn’t be attractive if no one was using android as an operating system. that’s why network effects emerge: the benefits of one side depend on the participation and desired transactions of the other side and vice versa. due to the network effects and economies of scale, competitors may face significant market entry barriers (rysman, m. 2009). and since many digital platforms in the b2csector initially focus on the fast growth of their user base rather than sales growth, the growth of the platform into a very powerful position in the market or a quasi-monopoly may take place without major takeovers. that’s why regulatory instruments that rely on turnover thresholds may be too slow in these cases. so, what are the benefits and risks for customers and consumers in digital platforms, and are there spatial effects? risk of data monopolies if a digital platform takes on the role of a quasi-monopoly the opportunities for consumers as well as for other actors in the ecosystem to find substitutes for the dominant platform such as virtual or geographical marketplaces are often limited. this leads to so called lockin effects. here, interoperability and portability obligations may be a means of restoring competition between different platforms and avoiding lock-in effects. however, such obligations, especially in early market phases, can make differentiation and competition between the platforms more difficult. in the general data protection regulation, the european union (european union, 2019) established a right to data portability. its aim is to strengthen data protection, consumer protection and the competition for privacyfriendly technologies. ultimately, it is intended to strengthen the control over the personal data. the eu had in mind cases in which, for example, a user of a social network, a music portal or certain mobile apps wants to change the provider. if the legal requirements are fulfilled, the persons concerned have the right to receive their personal data in a suitable format (e.g., via a usb stick, a cd, the private cloud or a barcode), to transmit their personal data to another provider. but it is not yet sufficiently clarified what is meant by personal data “provided” by the data subject. it includes personal data that relate to activity of the consumer or result from the observation of an individual’s behaviour. but there is also data resulting from subsequent analysis of that behaviour: data that has been created as part of the data processing, e.g., by a personalization of certain services, for example personalization of recommendation systems. according to the article 29 working group, which serves as an advisory body on the gdpr, these kinds processed data are not covered by the right to data portability. lock-in effects vs. increased number of options and comparability platforms can reduce information asymmetries – for example when consumers exchange ratings and assessments of services and products. consumers can easily obtain information about services and products. the offers and products of a platform can also change and adapt over time. thus, auction platforms become professional marketplaces at the expense of stationary retailers and regional shops. once the users have agreed to the terms of the virtual platform, they are practically committed to it and must live with the changing conditions – for better or for worse. in individual cases it may be the case that the provider of the platform also appears as an application provider (tiwana, a. 2013). examples of this are amazon when it competes with its own listings with its sellers, and google when its own listings are preferred in the search results. from the consumer’s point of view, caution is called for here. if platforms compete with their suppliers on the geographical periphery, then they could possibly present their own products more prominently. consumers may be restricted in their choice. in addition, platform providers have more than suppliers the chance to take 93winter j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 83–97. over markets and to displace virtual as well as stationary competitors – regarding certain applications (feldman, m.p. et al. 2019). they thus also strengthen their own competitive position in relation to other platforms. this has a lasting effect on the consumer, as its influence on the market is limited. what we also know from the interviews: from a geographical point of view, moreover, stationary suppliers are much more limited in their market opportunities than monopoly-like platform companies. ‘privacy bargain’ vs. data sovereign many platforms are kind of “steering” their users through optical presentations and presettings. this has implications for consumer protection and it also has effects on relations with geographically located as well as platform-based competitors of the platform. consumers may be restricted in their choice. in addition, under the keyword ‘privacy bargain’ it says that if the user does not pay for the use, he can assume that he is the product himself. the operators of the platform are accused of always leaving the users in the dark about the value of the data that the users bring in. the use of data for advertising purposes suffers from an information and transparency gap between provider and user. the user who consents to the use of data for these purposes is blind because he does not know the true value of his data. in return, however, experiments show that users are all too willing to contribute their data in order not to have to make the slightest financial contribution to a service (privacy paradox) (barth, s. and de jong, m.d.t. 2017). when it comes to privacy, there is also a need for supporting and to give incentives for technical solutions. the principles ‘privacy by design’ and ‘privacy by default’ are also part of the gdpr (european union, 2019). already in the development stage of a system, data protection is to be technically integrated (privacy by design). in addition, the factory settings should be designed to be data protection friendly (privacy by default). users who are not that into technology and therefore not able to adapt data protection settings are protected by this principle. data-mining algorithms could take privacy and data sovereignty into account as an intrinsic property (privacy-preserving data analytics). this is also in the interest of regional market players who could be subject to discrimination due to the market power of the platform monopolists. however, there is a lack of relevant economic geography research. dynamic and individual pricing vs. transparency of algorithm-based decision processes regarding consumer and stationary seller protection, algorithm-based decision processes are a topic that is widely discussed (metawa, n. et al. 2017). one field of application of algorithm-based decision processes is pricing. today, repricing algorithms are among the most important success factors in international e-commerce. in repricing, an algorithm uses publicly available data sources (including price search engines) in order to enable retailers to quickly adjust their own prices to the current competitive and demand situation at any time. unlike repricing, individual pricing focuses on the consumer. individual pricing is particularly common in the us. for example, some us companies made pricing dependent on the device used. the reasoning behind this refers to the higher prices of apple devices, for example. it is assumed that apple users have a higher budget than the average consumer and would therefore accept higher prices. with individual pricing, however, prices can also be set into marital status, age and gender, time, place of residence and numerous other variables. from a consumer protection point of view, this form of pricing raises questions. it already finds its limits in germany through data protection. regarding algorithm-based decision process, there’s a discussion about establishing transparency and accountability. winter j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 83–97.94 new industrial opportunities with artificial intelligence what was repeatedly heard in the expert interviews is that data is becoming an economic good, which is what inspires some to speak of the data economy or data capitalism (brynjolfsson, e. and kahin, b. 2002). the required data are merged, analysed, and interpreted on digital, usually cloud-based technology platforms, with the help of artificial intelligence and machine-learning methods and tools. autonomous software systems such as self-learning robot advisers or assistance systems contribute to a personalized and convenient user experience (acatech, 2017). reconfiguration is no longer a manual process but autonomous and dynamic. this provides us with highly adaptable processes on all organizational levels for the first time: from the factory floor to the business level, which is often referred to as a new wave of business process reengineering. as a result, the collection and use of data will become omnipresent. self-learning and autonomous systems driven by artificial intelligence use that to make independent decisions, also building on their own learning processes. these developments represent a challenge, but above all an opportunity for europe. the guiding principle of action here should be that digitalization is primarily shaped by people for people. current research and progress in the field of artificial intelligence are mainly based on advances in machine learning, which in turn are made possible by the development of powerful algorithms, more powerful hardware, increasing computing power and the cost-effective availability of mass data (wahlster, w. 2014). learning ability was already defined at the beginning of artificial intelligence (ai) research as the basic cognitive ability of “intelligent” technical systems. machine learning aims to ensure that machines automatically deliver meaningful results without explicit programming of a specific solution path. special algorithms learn models from the existing example data, which can then also be applied to new, previously unseen data. three learning styles are distinguished: monitored learning, unsupervised learning and intensified learning. machine learning with large neural networks is called deep learning. machine learning methods are used for data mining, generating smart data and in practically all modern ai systems. all these new technologies and analytical methods can provide new opportunities for the whole economy, particularly for manufacturing industry, and this also means a new challenge for economic geographical research. conclusions and outlook as stated before, the concept of industrie 4.0 is – with few exceptions – underrepresented in economic geography research. consequently, it was the purpose of this paper to intensify the industrie 4.0 debate in economic geography by showing the evolutionary and disruptive potential of industrie 4.0 on europe’s industrial landscape. as the empirical results of the qualitative study show, europe’s small and mediumsized enterprises play a crucial role in the innovation process of the manufacturing industry. these often family owned companies distinguish themselves from other companies through an extraordinary level of specialization, know-how and innovative capacities. often, they are world leaders in their niche markets – and literally hiding in many of the small towns and villages throughout europe. although mainly unknown in public, besides multinational corporations and state-owned companies, small and mediumsized enterprises form an essential backbone of the european economy and are actively contributing to the industrial transformation process. europe’s strong automotive, machinery and plant manufacturing companies and their know-how in embedded systems as well as automation engineering are reasons for the continent’s pole position in the international race towards the fourth industrial revolution. these so-called hidden 95winter j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 83–97. champions have also been successfully introducing information and communication technologies for several decades. the trend towards industrie 4.0 is inspiring enterprises to set up their core processes more efficiently and develop products and services digitally. this transformation will take a rather evolutionary path. at the same time, digital business models, two-sided platform markets, and data-driven innovation ecosystems have a disruptive potential. that is because contemporary business models can be cannibalized by new market participants and well-funded start-ups in a short time. in addition, disruptive innovations can hurt successful, well-managed companies as well as previously competitive regions. the boundaries between manufacturing industries, service enterprises, it-providers and tech giants are becoming blurred. corporates as well as small and medium-sized enterprises need additional competencies and skills, for example in the areas of data science, data analytics, machine learning and agile working methods. however, intense software know-how and the awareness of new data-driven business models might still prove to become the achilles’ heel of many of the countries’ hidden champions. uncertain about how industrie 4.0 will change (evolutionary, but radical) their current business models, mechanical firms keep a careful watch over the silicon valley, where venture capital driven high-tech-start-ups are currently also discovering the lucrative new markets that are about to come into being. another crucial aspect is the development of international standards and norms. without compatible standards, a comprehensive integration of machines, products and services will be difficult to achieve as the study results show. even though european companies build open digital platforms and develop datadriven business models, the implementation remains a major challenge for many countries and regions in a heterogeneous european industrial landscape. nevertheless, nothing is lost yet. the global race in the industrial sector is still open as to which communication and cloud infrastructures will set the standards, what the dominant business-tobusiness platforms will be in the future and which companies will be most successful in turning data into concrete added value. it is therefore the right moment to take a step forward and shape the digital transformation of the industry to our common benefit. the goal of the european union to create a single digital market to allow digital opportunities for people and businesses and enhance europe’s position as an industrial world leader is honourable. the final implementation of the single digital market is still pending. however, this implementation is the next step in achieving the competition-relevant economies of scale and making europe’s regions fit for the global industrie 4.0 race. r e f e r e n c e s acatech – national academy of science and engineering 2013. recommendations for implementing the strategic initiative industrie 4.0. securing the future of german manufacturing industry. final report of the industrie 4.0 working group. available at https://www.acatech.de/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/ industrie_4_0_umsetzungsempfehlungen.pdf acatech – national academy of science and engineering / fachforum autonome systeme 2017. autonomous systems – opportunities and risks for business, science and society. high-tech-forum of the german government. munich, gotteswinter & aumaier, 26–44. bailey, d. and de propris, l. 2019. industry 4.0 – regional disparities and transformative industrial policy. regional studies policy impact books 1. (2): 67–78. balland, p.a., boschma, r., crespo, j. and rigby, d.l. 2019. smart specialization policy in the european union: relatedness, knowledge complexity and regional diversification. regional studies 53. (9): 1252–1268. barth, s. and de jong, m.d.t. 2017. the privacy paradox – investigating discrepancies between expressed privacy concerns and actual online behaviour – a systematic literature review. telematics and informatics 34. (7): 1038–1058. barzotto, m. and de propris, l. 2019. skill up: smart work, occupational mix and regional productivity. journal of economic geography 19. (5): 1049–1075. boschma, r. 2017. relatedness as driver behind regional diversification: a research agenda. regional studies 51. 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(1): 29–38. cusumano, m., gawer, a. and yoffie, d.b. 2019. the business of platforms: strategy in the age of digital competition, innovation, and power. new york city, harper collins. daugherty, p. and wilson, h.j. 2018. human + machine. reimagining work in the age of ai. cambridge, ingram publisher services. european union 2019. general data protection regulation (eu) 2016/679 (gdpr). available at https://ec.europa.eu/info/law/law-topic/dataprotection_en (accessed 12.03.2020) evans, p. and gawer, a. 2016. the rise of the platform enterprise. new york, the center for global enterprise. feldman, m.p., guy, f. and iammarino, s. 2019. regional income disparities, monopoly & finance. chapel hill, nc, kenan institute of private enterprise research, paper no. 19–32. forschungsunion and acatech 2013. recommendations for implementing the strategic initiative industrie 4.0. securing the future of german manufacturing industry. final report of the industrie 4.0 working group. frankfurt, germany, forschungunion. frey, c. and osborne, m. 2013. the future of employment. how susceptible are jobs to computerisation? oxford, oxford university press. fuchs, m. and winter, j. 2008. competencies in subsidiaries of multinational companies. the case of the automotive supply industry in poland. the german journal of economic geography 52. (1): 209–220. fuchs, m. 2020. does the digitalization of manufacturing boost a ‘smart’ era of capital accumulation? the german journal of economic geography 64. (3): 1–11. glaeser, j. and laudel, g. 2004. experteninterviews und qualitative inhaltsanalyse. wiesbaden, vs publishers. götz, m. and jankowska, b. 2017. clusters and industry 4.0 – do they fit together? european planning studies 25. (9): 1633–1653. haider, m. 2020. electrifying times: restructuring and decision-making in an automobile concern in the 21st century – the case of bmw group. hungarian geographical bulletin 69. (2): 119–135. kagermann, h., österle, h. and jordan, j. 2010. it-driven business models. new jersey, hoboken. kagermann, h. and winter, j. 2017. industrie 4.0 und plattformbasierte geschäftsmodellinnovationen (industrie 4.0 and platform-based business model innovation). in praxishandbuch industrie 4.0. ed.: lucks, k., stuttgart, schaeffer poeschel, 21–32. kagermann, h. and winter, j. 2018. the second wave of digitalization. in germany and the world 2030: what will change. how we must act. eds.: mayr, s., messner, d. and meyer, l., berlin, econ, 216–227. mcafee, a. and brynjolfsson, e. 2017. machine, platform, crowd. new york, norton & company. metawa, n., kabir hassan, m. and elhoseny, m. 2017. genetic algorithm-based-model for optimizing bank lending decisions. expert systems with applications 80. 75–82. molnár, e., kozma, g., mészáros, m. and kiss, é. 2020. upgrading and the geography of the hungarian automotive industry in the context of the fourth industrial revolution. hungarian geographical bulletin 69. (2): 137–155. moore, j.f.1993. predators and prey: a new ecology of competition. harvard business review 71. (3): 75–86. muro, m., maxim, r. and whiton, j. 2019. automation and artificial intelligence: how machines are affecting people and places. available at https://www.brookings.edu/research/automation-and-artificial-intelligence-how-machines-affect-people-and-places/ (accessed 12.03.2020) muscio, a. and ciffolilli, a. 2020. what drives the capacity to integrate industry 4.0 technologies? evidence from european r&d projects. economics of innovation and new technology 29. (2): 169–183. nocke, v., peitz, m. and stahl, k. 2007. platform ownership. journal of the european economic association 5. (6): 1130–1160. park, k.t., lee, j. and kim, h. 2020. digital twinbased cyber physical production system architectural framework for personalized production. international journal of advanced manufacturing technology 106. 1787–1810. rysman, m. 2009. the economics of two-sided markets. journal of economic perspectives 23. (3): 125–143. schuh, g., anderl, r., gausemeier, j., ten hompel, m. and wahlster, w. (eds.) 2017. industrie 4.0 maturity index. managing the digital transformation of companies. acatech study. munich, utz publishers. silvestri, l. and gulati, r. 2015. from periphery to core: a process model for embracing sustainability. in leading sustainable change: an organizational perspective. eds.: henderson, r., galati, r. and tushman, m., oxford, oxford university press, 81–111. szalavetz, a. 2017. industry 4.0 in factory economies. in condemned to be left behind? can central and eastern europe emerge from its low-wage model? eds.: galgóczi, b. and drahokoupil, j., brussels, european trade union institute (etui), 133–152. tiwana, a. 2013. platform ecosystems: aligning architecture, governance, and strategy. waltham/massachusetts, morgan kaufmann. 97winter j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 83–97. tolio, t., copani, g. and terkaj, w. 2019. factories of the future. the italian flagship initiative. heidelberg, springer. wahlster, w. 2014. semantic technologies for mass customization. in towards the internet of services. eds.: wahlster, w., grallert, h.-j., wess, s., friedrich, h. and widenka, th., heidelberg, springer, 3–14. winter, j. 2008. spatial division of competencies and local upgrading in the automotive industry: conceptual considerations and empirical findings from poland. in globalising worlds and new economic configurations. eds.: taylor, m. and tamasy, c., aldershot, u.k., ashgate, 113–124. winter, j. 2010. upgrading of tnc subsidiaries: the case of the polish automotive industry. international journal of automotive technology 10. (2–3): 145–160. winter, j. 2018. europe and the platform economy / europa und die plattformoekonomie. in service business 4.0 / dienstleistungen 4.0. eds.: bruhn, m. and hadwich, k., wiesbaden, germany, springer gabler, 71–88. xu, l.d. and duan, l. 2019. big data for cyber physical systems in industry 4.0: a survey. enterprise information systems 13. (2): 148–169. winter j. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 83–97.98 6_book reviews.indd 195book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 189–197.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.67.2.8 hungarian geographical bulletin 67 2018 (2) hadjimichalis, c.: crisis spaces: structures, struggles and solidarity in southern europe. london–new york, routledge, 2018. 217 p. although almost ten years have passed since the financial breakdown that launched the latest structural and financial crisis of capitalism, its socio-spatial consequences are still with us and subjects to public and academic debates. while the former are revolving around sluggish economic recovery, geopolitical shifts, migration and rising political extremes, academics grew concerned also with the complexity and multiplicity of crisis mechanisms spreading at all spatial scales. these mechanisms are limiting national sovereignty, destroying local communities, subjecting households to the turmoil of financial markets, and polarising societies by class, gender, ethnicity, family, and place of living (christophers, b. 2015; pike, a. et al. 2017). critical scholars interpreted the crisis as a driver of re-distributing wealth under capitalism, taking the post-2008 downturn particularly devastating and widespread – as it unfolded in the context of the polarising mechanisms of neoliberal capitalism such as the privatisation of public goods, shrinking systems of collective consumption, and the financialisation of state affairs and the processes of social reproduction (e.g. through rising public and private debts) (harvey, d. 2006; aalbers, m.d. 2009; hadjimichalis, c. 2011). researching the structures, practices, and discourses reproducing unevenness and subsequent crises has led scholars to re-thinking key concepts explaining socio-spatial inequalities, such as uneven development, the central idea of the book “crisis spaces”. the concept traditionally has a strong macro-focus, considering unevenness (social and spatial) as well as the propensity to crisis inherent to capitalism. yet, political economists and economic geographers grew increasingly sensitive to socio-cultural diversity of institutions and social practices, and the entanglement of macro-structural changes and local/institutional contexts that produced new polarities and marginalities in the last two decades. this re-focusing rested on a growing body of research on the complexity of economic links and power relations, new forms of exploitation and the effects of financialisation facilitated by new technologies and changing state policies (hudson, r. 2016; peck, j. 2016). consequently, in current debates on uneven development, there has been a shift to looking at macro and local processes relationally. as jamie peck puts it, it’s time to “displace centric, prototypical theorizing with alternatives that are not just polycentric in an unprincipled way, but which carry the responsibility of actively confronting situation, position, location and relational context” (peck, j. 2016, 14). such ideas are resonating with the rising critiques of european development policies and the theoretical grounds they rest on as they failed to address socio-spatial polarisation (pike, a. et al. 2017) and with arguments for re-politicising development policies articulated by critical scholars (e.g. by massey, d. 2005; hadjimichalis, c. and hudson, r. 2014). costis hadjimichalis’ book is embedded in, and it puts forward, such debates in various ways. his systematic analysis of the causal mechanisms of the recent crisis highlights the major structural processes that reproduced the vulnerable position of south european (se) economies within the eu (politically and economically) and the entanglement of such processes with the financialisation that made se states, firms and households dependent on global financial markets. although the argumentation is grounded in critical political economy, the author goes beyond the macro-focus. by adopting a consequent crossscalar approach, he discusses recent se processes of dispossession, socio-spatial polarisation and marginalisation relationally in the context of global finance, 196 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 189–197. european division of labour and power relations, national institutional practices, regional economic restructuring and households’ changing position. moreover, the book enriches the uneven development debates by analysing the construction of the ‘south question’ in european public discourses from a critical-and-south-european perspective. it highlights the ways the spatial narratives of the crisis were (and still are being) created, embedded in ahistorical and partial explanations of the meltdown, and employed to justify the highly unequal spread of the consequences of the crisis. the author links such discourses to macro processes fuelled by institutional restructuring and practices in the post-maastricht era gearing the governance and development policies toward neo-liberalisation in the eu, along with the de-politicisation of the interventions and their outcomes (i.e. the reproduction of inequalities). finally, discussing multiple spatial processes (re)producing inequalities from this very (se) position, the author is also searching for a way out for the weak and marginalised through institutional change and emerging new political subjectivities. the argumentation follows a clear logic, from the analysis of the changes in the spatial division of labour and the uneven emergence of the european common market processes (chapters 2 and 3), through discussing how uneven development was depoliticised discursively and through institutional practices (chapters 4 and 5) to finding alternatives and arguing for more democratic and just european and national policies (chapters 6 and 7). the analysis is richly illustrated by figures, and supplementary information (brief overviews of key documents, events and case studies) inserted in boxes helps the reader get a comprehensive view of the processes without losing the track of argumentation. yet, this brief overview would be superficial without discussing the author’s positionality. he is a critical scholar and a south european confronting the everyday reality of crisis and marginality as well as the ‘south question’ in various discursive contexts. a major question is how this position raised new ideas and lessons to the academic community and policymakers, and to central and eastern europeans (likely, the majority of readers of hungarian geographical bulletin) in particular. a key argument of the book is to understand uneven development as an outcome of interrelated external and endogenous processes and factors operating at various scales. scalar approach is employed in the book as an analytical tool for revealing power relations that are shaping socio-spatial processes. one key point discussed is the ways the ambiguously and onesidedly emerged european institutional frameworks were employed to push forward neo-liberalisation homogenising institutional practices (privatisation, export orientation along with deflatory regimes and fiscal discipline), to exploit internal differences within the common market along national and private elite (capitalist) groups’ interests. thus, the author argues for understanding apparent and less visible mechanisms and agencies behind economic, and the related political, dominance that operates across scales, from unequal state relations manifesting in supranational institutional practices (e.g. imposing the principles of german ‘ordoliberalism’ on the euro zone), to the manoeuvring of the capitalist elite groups in a multiscalar space to get a tighter control over labour and resources across europe. this approach is employed also to highlight how such interests and institutional practices produced inequalities at various scales and deepened national, regional and local dependencies across south europe. everyday life and social reproduction as a scene to crisis and a source of resistance as well are also central issues in the book that links the argumentation to recent debates on uneven development. the author discusses the organisational structure of se economies and its specifies (i.e. informality, flexible employment forms, and entanglement of small family businesses and households as scenes to social reproduction) in a historical perspective. he highlights the destructive nature of homogenising neoliberal regulations that neglect such socio-cultural peculiarities and undermine the pillars of local and regional economies as the frameworks of everyday life – from local smes to community and family ties. such processes, along with financialisation (emerging property market bubbles and growing debt), made se economies highly vulnerable and the 2008 crisis devastating to businesses as well as to households, endangering the daily survival of many. this is a heavy argument against “centric, prototypical theorizing” of spatial processes (see peck, j. 2016, 14) and policy making focused on growth and based on model regions (best practices) that failed to manage socio-spatial polarisation in europe during the crisis and thereafter. nevertheless, as a critical scholar, the author considers everyday life also as a source for new political activism. se social movements addressed the consequences of the crisis and related austerity schemes that destroyed the existing frameworks of social reproduction (through housing crisis, growing poverty and need for food, and a rising number of citizens marginalised within the shrinking system of public health care). although various forms of political activism are highly diverse by aims, social basis and organisation, they manifested a new political subjectivity against the corrupt (and failing) state and the global capitalist elite, representing alternatives in political life. going further, the author considers social movements as potential sources of political change in times of crisis and post-crisis, for several reasons. they are being grounded in everyday life, they ex197book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 189–197. hibit and address fundamental problems of social reproduction and the diverse aspects of inequalities (class, gender, ethnicity, race, religion, age, etc.), and they raised international recognition and solidarity). thus, they might support the renewal of leftist politics through re-thinking key issues such as sovereignty, citizenship, state roles and socio-spatial justice across europe. still, the central ideas here are the related processes of spatialisation of politics (linking abstract mechanisms and policies to everyday life) and of the emergence of new political subjectivities (involving people in the former process) that might produce an alternative to the recent political regime. this argumentation raises fundamental questions on the diverse trajectories of european (semi) peripheries and, thus, on uneven development – i.e. the structural contexts of the scarcity and weakness of such movements in the east. these questions include the lack of leftist political forces (and, generally, of organised political articulation of interests of powerless and vulnerable social groups), the colonisation of civil grassroots initiatives by party politics and/or the state, and the dominance of state-capital alliance over alternative organisations in the economy (e.g. linking consumers and producers to favour domestic capital against major transnational retail corporations). getting further, it is a matter of debate whether a better, just europe could be forged in the se ‘laboratory’ of emerging grassroots/spatialised politics, if the rest of the (semi)periphery of the eu is divided and faces emerging oppression. the position of the author (a south european/greek critical scholar), from which he discusses crisis mechanisms and its consequences, opened up the argumentation anchored in critical political economy to discursive aspects of unevenness, to everyday life, to socio-cultural diversity and its historical roots. this position was a source of knowledge about the everyday reality of the crisis, social relations and practices in the european (semi)periphery, and also a source for inspiration to get engaged in social movements. it was constantly challenged, however, through confrontations in public and academic discourses. this position also has made the author bring his theoretical argumentation to the ground, place it in a noncore context and translate his findings into political alternatives. by doing so, the author is challenging core-biased theories and concepts in knowledge production as well as the neoliberal hegemony in political discourses. i think a powerful lesson of the book for cee scholars is the need to place ourselves and our academic work in a wider non-academic context to do meaningful work, in order to reveal and address apparent and also hidden social problems and needs. it is also indispensable to learn more about socio-spatial processes in the (semi)peripheries beyond cee and europe as a whole, and reconsider the relevance of concepts and theories coming from the global centres of knowledge production, driving our research practices, institutions and everyday lives. r e f e r e n c e s aalbers, m.d. 2009. geographies of the financial crisis. area 41. (1): 34–42. christophers, b. 2015. geographies of finance ii: crisis, space and political-economic transformation. progress in human geography 39. (2): 205–213. hadjimichalis, c. 2011. uneven geographical development and socio-spatial justice and solidarity: european regions after the 2009 crisis. european urban and regional studies 18. (3): 254–274. hadjimichalis, c. and hudson, r. 2014. contemporary crisis across europe and the crisis of regional development theories. regional studies 48. (1): 208–218. harvey, d. 2006. neo-liberalism as creative destruction. geografiska annaler b 88. (2): 145–158. hudson, r. 2016. rising powers and the drivers of uneven global development. area development and policy 1. (3): 279–294. massey, d. 2005. for space. london, sage. peck, j. 2016. macroeconomic geographies. area development and policy 1. (3): 305–322. pike, a., rodríguez-pose, a. and tomaney, j. 2017. shifting horizons in local and regional development. regional studies 51. (1): 46–57. erika nagy1 1 great plain research department, institute for regional studies, hungarian academy of sciences (cers-has), békéscsaba. hungary. e-mail: nagye@rkk.hu. the research has been supported by the national research, development and innovation office– nkfih, contract number k 109296. report on the 2014 annual international conference of the royal geographical society (with the institute of british geographers), london, august 27–29, 2014 465 c h r o n i c l e hungarian geographical bulletin 63 (4) (2014) pp. 465–471. report on the 2014 annual international conference of the royal geographical society (with the institute of british geographers) london, august 27–29, 2014 the annual international conference of the royal geographical society (rgs) was held at the london headquarters of the rgs and the nearby imperial college in kensington this year. the conference theme was ‘geographies of co-production’. the title refers to the challenges that emerged in research and teaching activities as a result of a range of new encounters, such as commercialisation, engaged arts, open innovation, participatory social science and public engagement. the conference provided opportunities to analyse the challenges of multi-disciplinarity and the opportunities of creating new understandings by using diff erent perspectives. interior from the london headquarters of the royal geographical society 466 the main panel session brought together leading scholars, among others katherine gibson, uma kothari, patricia noxolo, nik theodore, wendy larner, keri facer and jane wills to discuss what co-operation means for universities, academics and knowledge itself. the covered topics included the political economy of co-production; co-production and the politics of post-colonialism, feminism and anti-racism; issues of success, quality and legacy. the chair’s plenary lecture was given by vinay gidwani (one of the most prominent marxist geographers working on issues like work, poverty, agrarian change in india) on the topic of ‘value struggles: ethno-geographic notes on waste work in urban india’. he analysed the importance of emerging informal need economies to urban livelihoods and urban living and he examined the poverty, injustice and struggle in neoliberal urban india. these were only a selection of highlights this year almost 1,800 participants contributed to over 380 panels and sessions. several topics were discussed in these sessions, among others, issues of international development, climate change, transnational education, urban political ecology, the diff erent perspectives of (urban) sustainability, geopolitics, social and environmental justice and many more. one of the most inspiring presentations at the conference was given by uma kothari who analysed the new actors in the changing environment of international development. these included celebrities, armed forces, philanthropists and international volunteers. her research especially focused on how these volunteer actors form and forge new global connections and alliances. many of the sessions refl ected the issues related to the current economic crisis, such as the session called ‘geographies of forced eviction’. the session raised the att ention to a ‘crisis’ urbanism in the global north characterized by new forms of social inequality, increased housing insecurity and violent displacement. it also aimed at considering what geographers can off er to inform understanding of, and action against this foremost human-rights violation. the rgs publishes its own book series and organizes ‘author meets interlocutors’ sessions at the conference. this year one of the most interesting books was marisa wilson’s ‘everyday moral economies: food, politics and scale in cuba’. the panel session was held by the author and the reviewers of the book (with human geography and latin american studies backgrounds). ‘everyday moral economies’ is a fascinating combination of human geography and anthropology. using a geographical understanding of politics of scale with anthropological sensitivity of daily life, marisa wilson reveals in her study how contradictions between food-as-commodity (within the globalized neoliberal markets) and food-asentitlement (within a planned economy) are resolved in everyday social practice. prior to the fi rst day of the conference, a conference training symposium had been hosted by the rgs postgraduate forum and it provided training and networking opportunities for postgraduate students att ending the conference. the workshop also helped postgraduates to meet other delegates and get to know the venue before the start of the conference. the fi rst part of the workshop was led by nicola thomas and it focused on the ways in which postgraduates can develop strategies, ideas and actions for making the most out of the conference in terms of professional career development (e.g. networking strategies). the second part of the symposium focused on strategies for engaging with critical reading, writing and self-editing processes. the workshop was organised and led by gavin bridge. every year more and more hungarian delegates att end the rgs annual international conference but this year there were only two participants from hungary. márton lendvay, who obtained his master’s degree in geography at eötvös loránd university, currently a phd student at aberystwyth university (wales) analysed how a resilient economy is created 467 in a hungarian agricultural community. using empirical research, he argued that small farming community members are moving away from the institutions and services provided by the state and seek alternative and local solutions of adaptations instead. the other hungarian presenter was noémi gonda who is pursuing her phd degree in environmental science and policy at the central european university. using a feminist political ecology framework, she examined farmers’ gendered experiences of climate change in two rural communities in nicaragua. she argued that gender roles and relations are not static and they are signifi cantly changing under the eff ects of climate change in nicaragua. these changes are linked to climate-related migrations, modifi cations in the production systems and development interventions. to conclude, the conference provided an intellectually very stimulating environment for geographers and other social scientists as well, thanks to the many thought-provoking panel and paper sessions and the interdisciplinary and international character of the conference. the next annual international conference of the rgs will be held at the university of exeter from 2 to 4 september 2015, where hopefully several hungarian delegates will take part as presenters, chairs, convenors or discussants. lászló cseke homogenized classification of developing economies: different countries behind general indices 411 hungarian geographical bulletin 59 (4) (2010) pp. 411–427. homogenized classifi cation of developing economies: diff erent countries behind general indices györgy csomós1 and balázs kulcsár1 abstract countries in the world can be classifi ed into diff erent groups regarding their geographical location, historical background, economic and social environments, and even demographic conditions. it is obvious that decision makers need exact and general indices in order to identify country groups. on the basis of the evaluations by some international organizations (e.g. international monetary fund, the world bank, united nations) countries in southeast asia and in eastern europe belong to the same group – to that of developing countries – however they are quite diff erent regarding their fundamental characteristics. the key elements of the comparison of countries are diff erent indicators and indices (gdp, gdp pps, hdi and hpi) and those used to form groups of nations. but do these indicators have suffi cient validity? the main aim of this article is to compare the fundamental characteristics of the philippines (southeast asia) and hungary (eastern europe) to answer this question. keywords: developing countries, eastern europe, southeast asia, economic indices introduction the sole objective by writing this article has been to answer the question: whether the category of developing countries can be regarded as a homogeneous group or certain diff erentiation within this category is needed with respect to the factors examined by various organizations. two completely diff erent countries were selected that are categorized by some international organizations – for reasons to be detailed hereunder – as developing countries: the philippines and hungary. there is quite a distance between hungary and the philippines not only in view of the nearly 10,000 km in between the two countries, but due to their fundamental geographic, economic, social and cultural characteristics as well. the 93,030 sq km hungary lies in the middle of continental europe, 1 university of debrecen faculty of engineering department of civil engineering h-4032, debrecen, ótemető u. 2–4. e-mail: csomosgy@mk.unideb.hu, kulcsarb@mk.unideb.hu 412 whereas the 300,000 sq km philippines, consisting of 7,107 smaller and bigger islands, are situated in southeast asia. even larger diff erences can be seen between the populations of the two countries: according to the 2007 census, 88.57 million people live in the philippines, while the population of hungary is 10.05 million. these diff erences in population are well characterized by the diff erences of the respective capitals and major cities. situated on luzon island and consisting of altogether 17 cities, metro manila has a population of 11.55 million, making it the 16th largest metropolis of the world; the number of her inhabitants is larger than that of the whole hungary. on the other hand, hungary’s capital, budapest has a population of only 1.7 million, i.e. less than the number of inhabitants in quezon city. according to the fi gures of the world bank, the growth rate of the population in the philippines was 1.9% in 2007, while in hungary the rate of natural decrease has reached 0.2% (the world bank, 2009). un estimates that by 2015 the population of the philippines will have become 100 million, and by 2050 140 million, whereas the population of hungary will have dropped under 10 million by 2010, and will have remained under 8.5 million by 2050 (un, 2008a). therefore, it is reasonable to raise the question what characteristics serve as the basis for the comparison between the two countries featuring completely diff erent geographic situations, population and cultural history, and whether there is any rationale to make such a comparison. naturally the number of diff erences outweighs that of similarities, yet in some important aspects clear parallelisms can be detected. the philippines is a full founding member of association of southeast asian nations (asean) established in bangkok in 1967 (sachs, j. 1989), while hungary has been a member state of the european union (eu) since 2004, i.e. both counties belong to signifi cant economic (and political) organizations. the political regimes of the two countries also show parallel features: the philippines got rid of the dictatorship of the marcos era in 1986 (schirmer, d.b. and rosskamm shalom, s. 1987), while hungary witnessed the change of the political-economic regime in 1989. today, both countries can be regarded democratic political regimes, though in the light of the corruption perception by transparency international a considerable diff erence exists between the two countries: in 2009, hungary’s corruption perceptions index (cpi) was 5.1, and thus ranked 46th of the 180 examined countries, while the philippines was only the 139th with 2.4. it is to be noted, however, that hungary is lagging behind most european states, meaning that, in its own surroundings the country is among the lowest ranking countries with respect to corruption. in spite of the foregoing, in hungary the philippines is a frequently referred example of developing countries or newly industrialized countries, and one should fi nd the basis of this view in the diff erences of social characteristics (e.g. rate of population growth, level of schooling) and economic indices 413 (e.g. per capita gdp, role of agriculture) (probáld, f. and horváth, g. 1998). our article has its points of reference in the analyses of international monetary fund (imf) and grant thornton international ltd., because both these organizations have categorized hungary and the philippines as developing countries (imf, 2009; grant thorton, 2008). in this respect, no diff erence between the two countries can be observed in international judgement, meaning that the use of the term “developing country” seems to be just a matt er of perspective. in spite of the fact that each country has unique characteristics, they can be categorised in view of a number of aspects, as international organizations generally do so. in their book entitled developing countries: defi nitions, concepts and comparisons, sanford, e.j. and sandhu, a. (2003) take political, economic and social relations as the basis, and highlight principally the per capita incomes of the countries, which can be measured in the simplest manner with respect to purchasing power parity. similar ideas are suggested in éprime eshang’s (1983) work entitled fiscal and monetary policies and problems in developing countries. he opines that economic development is a fairly complex concept that should focus on social, political, technological and cultural changes in addition to economic characteristics. according to john weiss beside the above-mentioned factors it is the low share of industrial production within the economic structure that describes developing countries (weiss, j. 1990). the discrepancy between developing and developed countries became pronounced in the second half of the 20th century and in the early 21st century, in parallel with the strengthening processes of globalization. thomas m. leonard (2006) thinks that the express diff erences in the fundamental economic, social, political and cultural factors may lead to the distinction of a country from another even if there are several such countries regarded to be developed that could also be considered to be developing countries due to the poor qualities of some of the above characteristics. a common approach of the sources mentioned in the foregoing is that when highlighting the importance of economic factors all of them att ribute some infl uence to social, cultural and political att itudes as well. the list of articles and books describing the diff erences between developing and developed countries seems to have no end, and therefore one has to rely on the relevant defi nition of un. “the designations “developed” and “developing” are intended for statistical convenience and do not necessarily express a judgement about the stage reached by a particular country or area in the development process” (un: standard country or area codes for statistical use). “there is no established convention for the designation of “developed” and ”developing” countries or areas in the united nations system. in common practice, japan in asia, canada and the united states in northern america, australia and new zealand in oceania, and europe are considered 414 “developed” regions or areas. in international trade statistics, the southern african customs union is also treated as a developed region and israel as a developed country; countries emerging from the former yugoslavia are treated as developing countries; and countries of eastern europe and of the commonwealth of independent states (code 172) in europe are not included under either developed or developing regions” (un: composition of macro geographical (continental) regions, geographical sub-regions, and selected economic and other groupings). according to the classifi cation from imf before april 2004, the countries of eastern europe (including slovenia which still belongs to "eastern europe group" in the un institutions) as well as the former member republics of the soviet union (u.s.s.r., including those in asia) and mongolia, were not included under either developed or developing regions, but rather were referred to as “countries in transition”; however they are now widely regarded (in the international reports) as “developing countries”. this article studies and compares the fundamental characteristics of hungary and the philippines in view of three main aspects: demographic characteristics and urbanization, economic performance and economic structure, social relations, social conditions. along this line of thinking, we are in search of an answer to the question whether there actually exist some parallelism between the two countries in the context that imf applies, and if it is possible at all to categorize countries regarded to be developing, but having diff erent characteristics in the same group. this analysis has been based on the summary reports of national and international organizations, such as central intelligence agency (cia), ftse group, grant thornton international ltd, hungarian central statistical offi ce, international monetary fund (imf), national statistics offi ce (philippines), pricewaterhousecoopers, the world bank, transparency international, united nations (un) and united nations conference on trade and development. demographic characteristics and urbanization one of the most characteristic demographic factors of developing countries is the growth rates of these countries over the average rate, i.e. population boom (ghatak, s. 2003). in comparison with other continents, europe witnessed her population boom relatively early, between 1800 and 1900, and the process peaked at the beginning of the 20th century (roupp, h. 1996). in 1900, 25% of the world’s population lived in europe (408 million people) and 57.5% in asia (946 million people). in asia, the most intensive period of the population boom was the 20th century, while by this time the growth of europe’s population had – – – 415 slowed down considerably (embree, a.t. and gluck, c. 1997). according to un’s data, in 1950 the population of asia was 1,411 million, in 2000 3,705 million, and it is estimated that by 2050 – with respect to the tendency of population growth – it might reach 5,266 million (un, 2008a). table 1 shows that the population of asia is still on an intensive growth, while the population of europe will increase only until 2010, and thereaft er continuous decrease is forecast. a similarly dynamic growth rate of the population is characteristic of the philippines, whose population will have become seven times larger from 1950 to 2050 in contrast with hungary, where the decrease of the population is foreseen to be 1.1-fold in the same period. this difference is the most clearly reflected in the fact that in 1950 the population of the philippines was hardly twice as many as that of hungary, and by 2000 and 2050 the gap is expected to be 7-fold and nearly 17-fold, respectively. another characteristic fi gure is that in 1950 0.79 of the world’s population lived in the philippines, in 2000 – 1.24%, while in 2050 – 1.53%. in contrast, the corresponding data for hungary show considerable decrease: in 1950 the country had a share of 0.37%, which dropped to 0.17% by 2000, and is going to remain under 0.1% in 2050. in his book entitled world population: a reference handbook and published in 2006, geoff rey gilbert has arrived at the conclusion in the light of the current demographic trends that those regions are considered to be developing where the growth rate of the population is over the average (africa, asia and latin-america), while those countries are claimed developed where this growth rate has become decelerated or stopped ta bl e 1. d em og ra ph ic al tr en ds in th e p hi lip pi ne s an d in h un ga ry b et w ee n 19 50 a nd 2 05 0 r eg io n, c it y 19 50 19 70 19 90 20 00 20 10 20 20 20 30 20 40 20 50 po pu la ti on (m ill io n) w or ld a si a p hi lip pi ne s u rb an p op ul at io n m et ro m an ila e ur op e h un ga ry u rb an p op ul at io n b ud ap es t 2, 53 5. 00 1, 41 1. 00 19 .9 9 5. 43 1. 54 54 8. 00 9. 34 4. 95 1. 62 3, 69 8. 00 2, 13 9. 00 36 .5 5 12 .0 5 3. 53 65 7. 00 10 .3 4 6. 21 1. 95 5, 29 5. 00 3, 18 1. 00 61 .2 3 29 .8 6 7. 97 72 1. 00 10 .3 7 6. 82 2. 01 6, 12 4. 00 3, 70 5. 00 76 .2 1 44 .6 2 9. 96 72 8. 00 10 .2 1 6. 60 1. 79 6, 90 6. 00 4, 16 6. 00 93 .0 0 61 .7 3 11 .6 6 73 0. 00 9. 94 6. 79 1. 66 7, 66 7. 00 4, 59 6. 00 10 8. 75 78 .5 9 13 .8 9 72 2. 00 9. 62 6. 95 1. 66 8, 31 8. 00 4, 93 1. 00 12 2. 39 93 .8 6 14 .8 1* 70 7. 00 9. 26 7. 05 1. 66 * 8, 82 3. 00 5, 14 8. 00 13 2. 86 10 7. 01 – 68 7. 00 8. 85 7. 04 – 9, 19 1. 00 5, 26 6. 00 14 0. 47 11 7. 83 – 66 4. 00 8. 46 6. 99 – *2 02 5 so ur ce : u n , 2 00 8a 416 (europe, japan, australia, new zealand and north america). it is obvious that this approach largely simplifi es a fairly complex issue, and therefore fails to off er absolute certitude. in developing countries, due to the population boom huge demographic pressure is shouldered by the cities, in comparison with the rural population the growth rate of the urban population will be three times larger from 2000 to 2030 (ruel, m.t. et al., 2008; bassam, e.n. and maegaard, p. 2004). in parallel with the growth of the population, the urbanization rate is also on the rise, which is primarily refl ected in the increasing number of urban population, while the emergence of urban lifestyles is less pronounced (gilbert, g. 2006). figure 1 shows that the urbanization processes being characteristic of developing countries have left hungary practically unaff ected, unlike the philippines, where within 80 years the proportion of urban population has nearly tripled. in europe, urbanization processes accelerated in the 18–19th century, while hungary witnessed the same tendencies just a century later, in the 19–20th century. in the 1950s, only 50% of the population lived in towns and cities, yet the growth rate in this respect has been rather slow, and therefore even by 2030 the ratio of urban inhabitants will have just exceeded 75% of the total population. in contrast, the philippines saw the acceleration of urbanization processes in the second half of the 20th century; as a result by 2010 the ratio fig. 1. change in urban population in the philippines and in hungary between 1950 and 2030. source: un, 2008a % 417 of urban population has become similar to that of hungary, while by 2030 it will have passed the corresponding hungarian ratio. thus, the urbanization rate tends to be rather similar, and refl ects litt le diff erence. an adequate indicator of the above mentioned demographic and urbanization processes is the diff erence between the population growth of metro manila and budapest. the only period was the 1950s, when the populations of the two cities were comparable. figure 2 clearly shows that by 2030 the population of budapest will have been in fact identical to the population back in the 1950s, whereas metro manila will have experienced a tenfold increase within the same 80 years. according to aprodicio a. laquian (2005), the fundamental problem is that the infrastructure network of the agglomeration is not capable of handling such a large-scale growth of urban population that is witnessed in the developing countries. the underlying reason is that the development of the infrastructure is slower than demographic changes, which impacts life quality in these megacities. consequently, in the light of the demographic and urbanization characteristics hungary and the philippines cannot belong to the same category. on the basis of the results of demographic analyses, instead of imf’s defi nition of developing countries it seems to be worth relying on un's similar categorization stating that hungary means a transitional stage in between developing and developed countries. fig. 2. change in population number of budapest and metro manila between 1950 and 2030 (estimated). source: un, 2008a million 418 economic performance and economic structure in addition to demographic processes, it is generally the economic performance of countries that serves as the basis of categorization of developed and developing countries. most of the associated sources take the gross domestic product and per capita gross domestic product of countries – measured nominally or at purchasing power parity – as the basis of comparison (adams, f. g. 2002; epstein, g.a. 2005; eshang, é. 1983; krugman, p.r. 2000). in this economy-oriented analysis, the various forms of gdp were also regarded to serve as grounds for comparison; one reason for this approach is the fact that it is generally measured in all countries. the present analysis has relied on the fi gures of three organizations (imf, the world bank, cia), and special signifi cance has been att ributed to the imf analysis. table 3 shows that on the basis of the nominal gdp values for 2008 the gdp values of the philippines and hungary are nearly identical, yet at purchasing power parity there is almost a 1.5-fold diff erence in favour of the philippines. obviously, gdp data in themselves are not too signifi cant (the gdp of sweden with a population of 9 million corresponds to the gdp of indonesia inhabited by 230 million people), and therefore it is more eff ective to present per capita data. as table 2 shows considerable diff erences can be found in per capita nominal gdp fi gures. in hungary, the per capita nominal gdp is usd 15,542, which is 8.3 times larger than in the philippines, and nearly 1.7 times larger than the global table 2. nominal gdp and gdp pps in hungary and in the philippines region imf (2008) rank the world bank (2008) rank cia (2008) rank nominal gdp (millions of usd) world philippines hungary 60,689,812 168,580 156,284 – 47 52 60,587,016 166,908 154,668 – 47 50 62,250,000 172,300 164,300 – 46 48 purchasing power parity gdp (millions of usd) world philippines hungary 68,996,849 320,384 196,074 – 36 51 69,697,646 317,110 194,023 – 36 52 69,490,000 320,600 203,900 – 37 51 nominal gdp per capita (usd) world philippines hungary 9,048 1,866 15,542 – 121 45 8,103 1,848 15,409 – 115 37 9,281 1,755 13,231 – 132 55 purchasing power parity gdp per capita (usd) world philippines hungary 10,287 3,546 19,499 – 123 45 9,760 3,510 19,329 – 111 35 10,361 3,300 19,800 – 132 47 sources: imf 2009, the world bank database 2008 (www.worldbank.org), cia 2008 419 average. naturally, gdp values at purchasing power parity do not carry such large diff erences. hungary’s per capita gdp value at purchasing power parity is twice as large as the global average, but it is only 5.5 times higher than the corresponding value of the philippines. with respect to the diff erences in per capita gdp measured for nominal and purchasing power parities, we opine that the two countries cannot belong to the same category. this view has been reinforced by the report of ftse group global equity index series (country classifi cation) monitoring stock markets where hungary has been classifi ed to be an advanced emerging country, while the philippines belong to secondary emerging countries. this categorization is rather similar to the un standard, and not imf’s categorization. concerning urbanization, it is worth comparing the data of metro manila and budapest, as well, because in both countries the capitals are the agglomerations with the strongest economic performance. in its 2007 publication entitled economic outlook, pricewaterhousecoopers analyzes the characteristic gdp fi gures of 151 metropolises (pwhc, 2008). in the light of gdp data at purchasing power parity, in 2005 metro manila contributed to the gross domestic product of the philippines with 36%, whereas budapest gave 23% of hungary’s gross domestic product. consequently, the distribution of the gdp has a more polycentric nature in hungary, yet in view of the demographic tendencies the philippines is foreseen to see the concentration of gdp in metro manila in the future. table 3 shows that metro manila enjoys a dynamic gdp growth in contrast to budapest, which ranked 151st and thus last among the examined cities. in view of the trends anticipated the weight of metro manila is going to increase by 2020, and it will grow into one of the leading cities of southeast asia, while budapest will lose a considerable part of her global (and continental) infl uence. similar changes can be detected in per capita gdp values of these cities: per capita gdp of metro manila at purchasing power parity will have become 1.8 times larger within 15 years to reach usd 18,500, unlike budapest, which will have only a 1.2-fold growth, and its per capita gdp will not hit usd 30,000. in their publication entitled a roster table 3. urban agglomerations gdp rankings in 2005 and illustrative projection to 2020 (using un defi nitions and population estimates) city estimated gdp (million usd at ppps) ranks real gdp growth rate (% 2006–2020) gdp growth ranking (out of 151) 2005 2020 2005 2020 metro manila budapest 108,000 43,000 257,000 49,000 42 92 30 126 5.9 0.9 36 151 source: un, 2008a 420 of world cities, beaverstock, j.v. et al. (1999) rely on various calculations to assume that at the present both metro manila and budapest can be regarded gamma world cities, yet the characteristic tendencies promise the increase of metro manila’s global weight. in our opinion, the gdp value for economic performance does not lead to any accurate conclusion whether to regard a country to be developing or developed. per capita gdp (either nominal, or at purchasing power parity) off ers a more realistic view on countries, yet on the basis of these values neither hungary, nor the philippines can be considered as developed. in fact, the defi nition of ftse group global equity index can be regarded to be acceptable with hungary classifi ed as an advanced emerging country, while the philippines as a secondary emerging country. in view of economic growth, the dividing line between the two countries cannot be regarded to be so sharp that one would assume the above-described tendencies to remain permanent. unlike economic performance, economic structures are much diff ering. a general characteristic of developing countries is that the majority of the added value to the gross domestic product originates from industry, and a smaller proportion comes from agriculture, while the tertiary sector is less developed (narula, r. 1996). in the case of the philippines, 14% of the gdp originates from agriculture, and industry and services have contributions of 32% and 54%, respectively; in hungary, 4% comes from agriculture, 30% from industry and 66% from services (the world bank: world development indicators database, 2009). in our comparison, the point of reference has been germany belonging to the most developed countries: here the agricultural sector contributes to the gdp only with 1%, while industry and services have shares of 30% and 69%, respectively. when compared to germany in terms of the structure of economy, hungary should clearly belong to the group of developed countries, while the evaluation of the situation of the philippines is rather doubtful. the relatively large proportion of the added value from agriculture is an obvious consequence of the broad-scaling rural population, yet with respect to the given tendencies of urbanization it may become considerably smaller in perspective. with the increasing regional and global signifi cance of the philippines – especially metro manila –, people forced to leave the agricultural sector would primarily fl ow to the service sector, and to industry to a lesser extent, meaning that the economic structure of the country would become similar to that of the developed countries. in the light of the world bank’s fi gures, there is still an important factor to be highlighted: the value of foreign direct investment (fdi). fdi has a crucial role in determining how much foreign investors consider a given country to be worth hosting investments. obviously, with respect to fdi it is diffi cult to see any parallelism in between the emerging markets of southeast asia and the post-communist countries of europe, because they are target ar421 eas of investments for diff erent types of countries from various geographical locations (athukorala, p. and hill, h. 2002; nicholas, s. and maitland, e. 2002). in addition to the philippines and hungary, the fdi value has also been established for germany as a country of reference on the basis of the fi gures of united nations conference on trade and development (unctad) and cia. figure 3 shows that foreign investors channel the largest investments to germany featuring the strongest economic performance among the countries mentioned; the corresponding ratios for hungary and the philippines in comparison with the overall value for germany are 16% and 3%, respectively. in hungary, the aggregate amount of foreign direct investments was dynamically increasing to become 171 times larger in 2007 than in 1990, while in the case of the philippines the overall growth was 4.2-fold in the same period. a characteristic fi gure for hungary’s fdi growth rate is that since 1990 even china’s total amount of foreign direct investments has risen only to a 15fold value. it is also important to mention the other side of fdi that is the sum invested in foreign countries. according to unctad data, in 2006 hungary’s foreign investments totalled up to usd 12,693 million, making her the largest capital investor among the former communist countries. obviously, the abovementioned amount is far smaller than the corresponding values of western european countries, yet the underlying growth rate is not insignifi cant. in the period from 1990 to 2006, nearly usd 40 billion foreign investments were associated with hungary, which meant a 65-fold growth. the philippines had usd 20 billion foreign investments in 1990–2006, and thus the given growth rate was 14-fold. fig. 3. foreign direct investment (million usd) arriving in the philippines, hungary and germany between 1990 and 2006. source: unctad, 2008; cia, 2008 422 according to unctad’s analysis in relation to economic performance, hungary belongs to the developed european countries, while the philippines are one of the developing asian countries. it is to be noted, however, that hungary has suff ered much more from the global economic crisis of 2008–2009 (and expectedly 2010) than the philippines. imf claims that in 2008 the gdp of the philippines increased by 3.8%, and in 2009 the growth rate decelerated to 1% due to the crisis, yet is foreseen to grow again by 3.2% in 2010. in contrast, in 2008 hungary’s gdp had a growth rate of only 0.6%, and is expected to drop by 6.7% in 2009 and stagnation is going to follow into 2010 (-0.9%). another key factor that makes hungarian economy more vulnerable is that her usd 126 billion external debt reaches up to 80% of the annual gdp, whereas the external debt of the philippines totals up to only usd 62 billion, remaining under 21% of the gdp (cia, 2008). it is to be noted, however, that the external debts of countries regarded to be developed tend to be far larger than that of hungary or the philippines. for instance, the corresponding value for switzerland is 442%, 375% for great britain, 160% for germany and 100% for the united states. social relations, social conditions the evaluation of social relations and social conditions has been chosen as the last aspect of the comparative analysis, because – in our opinion – this is the area where the sharpest contrasts can be detected between the two countries, and on the other hand that seems to be the most critical point of the analysis. the social conditions, circumstances of life in a given society are largely dependent on the growth rate of the population and the economic conditions, i.e. they are the essence of the factors examined in the foregoing. naturally, the history, culture and political life of the two countries determine social conditions to a certain degree, but not to an extent that would make comparison impossible. the colonization of the philippines by the spanish started in the 16th century, and then at the turn of the 20th century the years of american infl uence followed until 1946. in the 1960s and 1970s, the philippines had the second quickest economic growth in asia aft er japan. in 1960, ferdinand marcos was elected, but no democratic changes took place; moreover, in 1972 marcos declared martial law, and exercised dictatorship until 1986. announced as a consequence of the people power revolution, the general elections of 1986 were won by maría corazón cojuangco-aquino, who thus became the fi rst woman president not only in the philippines, but in whole asia (schirmer, d.b. and rosskamm shalom, s. 1987). since 1986, the philippines have been walking the way of democracy more or less successfully (lambertson, d.f. 1987). 423 until 1918, hungary was dependent on austria within the dualist confederation of the austro–hungarian monarchy. as a result of the peace treaty of trianon closing the first world war (1920), as a country defeated in the war hungary saw the shrinking of her territory from the former 325,000 sq km to 93,000 sq km, and a major loss of population from 20.9 million to 7.6 million inhabitants. hungary was again among the defeated countries of the second world war, yet the subsequent change in her territory was not considerable in comparison with the outcomes of the trianon peace treaty. save for a very short period of democracy from 1945 to 1949, until 1989 hungary was a part of the sphere of infl uence of the soviet union, and therefore the fi rst democratic elections took place as late as in 1990 (molnár, m. and magyar, a. 2001). with respect to the historical characteristics, it can be claimed that the democratic processes rooted in western traditions arrived in both countries only in the second half of the 1980s, meaning that any comparison between the philippines and hungary is realistic only for the period since the 1990s. beside per capita gross domestic product examined above, it is human development index (hdi) that is suitable for the description of the social relations and conditions of these countries, also with respect to the available data of international organizations serving as the basis of the analysis (un, 2007). on the basis of hdi, un proposes three basic categories of countries: countries with high, medium and low hdi values. in this respect, hungary is ranking 43rd, and although she belongs to the middling group of countries featuring high hdi values, she has lost some positions in recent years. the philippines is ranking the 105th, and therefore is in the medium hdi category. table 4 shows the various components of hdi in relation to 2006. the largest diff erence between the two countries is existent between the values of the gdp index, but no signifi cant discrepancies can be found in the life expectancy index and education index. life expectancy at birth is to be highlighted separately, because in this respect the values for the philippines and hungary are nearly identical, while hungary is at the tail-ends in europe. table 4. human development index by components (2006) c ou tr ie s h d i v al ue l if e ex pe ct an cy at b ir th (y ea rs ) c om bi ne d g ro ss en ro lm en t r at io in e d uc at io n (% ) g d p pe r ca pi ta (p p p u sd ) l if e ex pe ct an cy in d ex e d uc at io n in d ex g d p in d ex g d p pe r ca pi ta ra nk m in us h d i ra nk 2006 hungary philippines 0.877 0.745 73.1 71.3 90.2 79.6 18.154 3.153 0.802 0.722 0.960 0.887 0.868 0.576 5 20 source: un, 2008b. 424 it is reasonable to compare changes in hdi. for hungary, the hdi value was 0.811 in 1990, and reached 0.877 by 2006, thus the growth rate came to be 0.066 points. the hdi value of the philippines was 0.694 in 1990, and then 0.745 in 2006 with an underlying positive change of 0.095 points. the growth rate of hdi can be regarded to be averaging in both countries, but in the period of 2000–2006 the increase of hdi considerably fl agged in the philippines. similarly, material diff erences can be detected in the education index of the two countries: hungary ranks 26th, while the philippines rank 66th. it has been mentioned above that in the life expectancy index no similar diff erence can be observed between the two countries, because hungary is in position 78, while the philippines rank 100th. obviously, the underlying reason is not the bett er ranking of the philippines, but rather refl ects hungary’s poor value. finally, a new indicator has been introduced for the purpose of comparison. in addition to hdi, un examines countries with respect to their human poverty index (hpi) values (un, 2009b). it is an indicator that indeed echoes the diff erences in the social conditions of countries, distinguishes developed and developing countries on the basis of their social conditions. countries regarded to be developed have not been included in the group of countries studied in un’s hpi survey, and therefore altogether only 135 countries have formed the relevant sample. from among the 135 countries, hungary has become third in ranking (2% of the population lives under usd 1.25 a day, and another 2% under usd 2 a day), while the philippines ranks 54th (22.6% of the population lives under usd 1.25 a day, and another 45% under usd 2 a day). there are a number of other indices to express social conditions (subjective well-being index, quality of human conditions index), and they look at the countries from various perspectives. on the basis of hdi and hpi, it has become apparent that quite a wide gap is open within the group of countries regarded to be developing. conclusion the above-listed indicators (gdp, gdp, pps) and indexes (hdi, hpi) consider only the current social-economic conditions of the countries with no reference to the future. according to the analyses and databases of various international organizations, the post-communist european states (e.g. hungary) and the southeast asian emerging countries (e.g. the philippines) can be grouped in the same category in spite of their apparently diff ering att itudes: they are all developing countries. in fact, the historic past determines today’s circumstances and conditions in countries that are situated in diff erent continents, and therefore such categorization has a rationale only within broad bounds. 425 we opine that the category of “developing countries” means an excessively homogeneous group where it is hard to fi t countries when they are examined from various perspectives. our initial objective has been to compare the philippines and hungary with respect to the fact that imf deems both states to be developing countries. we have drawn the conclusion that these two countries can be classifi ed in no single global group, while it is obvious – even in the light of the analyses of international organizations – that hungary is a developing country in europe similarly to the situation of the philippines in southeast asia (at least when compared with germany or japan). what is to be foreseen for the future? we have no reason to think that the futures of countries are fi xed and determined. although today the diff erences between hungary and the philippines are fairly large, we should rely on the opinion of the well-known american scholar of political science, samuel p. huntington. in his presumably most famous book, the clash of civilizations and remaking of the world order published in 1996, he called the att ention to the decline of the western civilization headed by the usa and europe, and the strengthening economies of eastern asia. it will wake the self-conscience of the eastern asian countries, as their civilization will be founded on strong economies. according to huntington, by just aft er the middle of the 21st century the balance of powers between asia and the western world will have changed substantially, and even as early as today we can witness the signs of the process. møller, j.ø. (2007) thinks that the focus of global economy is gradually being shift ed towards southeast asia, while kerr, d. (2004) points out that nowadays the southeast asian economic competition between china and japan (also aff ecting the philippines) is just as determinant as the former economic rivalry between japan and the usa. a new economic global regime is being shaped where the future of developed and developing, european and asian countries seems to be a still open question (fox, j., 2009). references adams, f. g. 2002. macroeconomics for business and society: a developed/developing country perspective on the "new economy". world scientifi c publishing. athukorala, p. and hill, h. 2002. host-country impact of fdi in east asia. in foreign direct investment: research issues. ed.: bora, b. london, routledge, 168–194. bassam, e.n. and maegaard, p. 2004. integrated renewable energy for rural communities: planning guidelines, technologies, and applications. elsevier. 426 beaverstock, j.v, smith, r.g. and taylor, p.j. 1999. the long arm of the law: london's law fi rms in a globalizing world-economy. environment and planning a31. gawc research bulletin 5. htt p://www.lboro.ac.uk/gawc/rb/rb5.html cia – central intelligence agency 2008. the world fact book. central intelligence agency. skyhorse publishing inc. embree, a.t. and gluck, c. 1997. asia in western and world history: a guide for teaching. m.e. sharpe. epstein, g.a. 2005. capital fl ight and capital controls in developing countries. edward elgar publishing. eshang, é. 1983. fiscal and monetary policies and problems in developing countries. cambridge university press. fox, j. 2009. new world order. time. 5th february, 2009. htt p://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1877388,00.html (last accessed: 09/07/09) ftse group 2008. global equity index series (country classifi cation). htt p://www.ft se.com/ indices/country_classifi cation/downloads/ftse_country_classifi cation_sept_08_ update.pdf (last accessed: 07/08/09) ghatak, s. 2003. introduction to development economics. routledge, london. gilbert, g. 2006. world population: a reference handbook. abc–clio. grant thornton international ltd. 2008. emerging markets: reshaping the global economy. international business report 2008. htt p://www.gt.nl/en/current/publications/international-business-report-2008–emerging-markets/717 (last accessed: 03/17/09) huntington, s.p. 1998. the clash of civilizations and remaking of the world order. touchstones books. imf – international monetary fund 2008. global financial stability report. world economic and financial surveys. financial stress and deleveraging. macrofi nancial implications and policy. international monetary fund, washington d.c. htt p://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft /gfsr/2008/02/index.htm (last accessed: 03/22/09) imf – international monetary fund 2009. world economic outlook. world economic and financial surveys. crisis and recovery. international monetary fund, washington d.c. htt p:// www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft /weo/2009/01/index.htm (last accessed: 10/08/09) kerr, d. 2004. greater china and east asian integration: regionalism and rivalry. east asia 21 (1): 75–92. krugman, p.r. 2000. currency crises. university of chicago press. ksh – központi statisztikai hivatal 2008. gazett eer of the republic of hungary 1st january, 2008. hungarian central statistical offi ce, budapest. htt p://www.nepszamlalas. hu/eng/other/hnk2008/fugg_load.html (last accessed: 07/02/09) lambertson, d.f. 1987. democracy in the philippines (david f. lambertson's statement before the subcommitt ee on asian and pacifi c aff airs of the house foreign aff airs committ ee on sept. 10, 1987). us department of state bulletin. htt p://fi ndarticles. com/p/articles/mi_m1079/is_n2128_v87/ai_6198817/ (last accessed: 07/10/09) laquian, a.a. 2005. beyond metropolis: the planning and governance of asia's mega-urban regions. jhu press. leonard, t.m. 2006. encyclopedia of the developing world. taylor & francis. møller, j.ø. 2007. shift in global economic power. this is south east asia’s moment. asia europe journal, 5 (7): 299–301. molnár, m. and magyar, a. 2001. a concise history of hungary. cambridge university press. narula, r. 1996. multinational investment and economic structure: globalisation and competitiveness. london, routledge. 427 nicholas, s. and maitland, e. 2002. international business research: steady-states, dynamics and globalisation. in: foreign direct investment: research issues. ed.: bora, b. london, routledge, 7–27. nso – national statistics offi ce (2008) the philippines in figures, 2008. national statistics offi ce, philippines. htt p://www.census.gov.ph/data/publications/pif2008_fi nal.pdf (last accessed: 11/12/09) probáld, f. and horváth, g. 1998. ázsia, ausztrália és óceánia földrajza (geography of asia, australia and oceania). budapest, elte eötvös kiadó. p w h c – p r ice wa t e r house coop e rs 2 0 0 8 . u k e c o n o m i c o u t l o o k , m a rc h 2 0 0 7 . pricewaterhousecoopers. htt p://www.pwc.co.uk/eng/publications/uk_economic_ outlook_july_2007.html (last accessed: 15/03/09) roupp, h. 1996. teaching world history: a resource book. m.e. sharpe. ruel, m.t., garrett, j. and haddad, l. 2008. rapid urbanization and the challenges of obtaining food and nutrition security. in nutrition and health series: nutrition and health in developing countries. eds.: semba, r.d., and bloem, m.w. 2nd ed. totowa, (nj), humana press, 639–569. sachs, j. 1989. developing country debt and the world economy. university of chicago press, chicago. sanford, e.j. and sandhu, a. 2003. developing countries: defi nitions, concepts and comparisons. nova publishers. schirmer, d.b. and rosskamm shalom, s. eds. 1987. the philippines reader: a history of colonialism, neocolonialism, dictatorship, and resistance. cambridge, massachusett s, south end press. the world bank 2009. countries & regions. htt p://www.worldbank.org (last accessed: 10/11/09) transparency international 2009. corruption perceptions index 2009. htt p://transparency.org/ policy_research/surveys_indices/cpi/2009/cpi_2009_table (last accessed: 03/12/09) un – united nations 2007. human development report 2007/2008. united nations, new york. htt p://hdr.undp.org/en/media/hdr_20072008_en_complete.pdf (last accessed: 05/11/09) un – united nations (2008a) world urbanization prospects: the 2007 revision. united nations, new york. htt p://www.un.org/esa/population/publications/wup2007/2007wup_ highlights_web.pdf (last accessed: 05/11/09) un – united nations (2008b) human development indices. united nations, new york. htt p:// hdr.undp.org/en/media/hdi_2008_en_tables.pdf (last accessed: 08/05/09) weiss, j. 1990. industry in developing countries: theory, policy and evidence. london, routledge. 428 károly kocsis (ed.): south eastern europe in maps 2nd, revised and expanded edition geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences. budapest, 2007. 136 p. over the past fi ft een years the explosion of the “balkan powder-barrel” shocking the european continent deeply i.e. the fanning of ethnic-religious tensions (suppressed for several decades) into regional confl icts and warfare renewed traditional interests of the hungarian public towards the countries of south eastern europe (the former member republics of yugoslavia, albania, bulgaria and romania). there has emerged a necessity to publish an atlas in the form of a book or a book combined with an atlas in which a large number of att ractive thematic (political, ethnic, religious, economic) maps, charts, tables completed by concise textual analyses provide explanation for the up-to-date societal and economic issues of south eastern europe and the most characteristic segments of the region’s development in the 20th century. the present publication produced in the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences serves as a brief account for public and scientific audiences and political decision makers on the region which largely belongs to the balkans, with some countries as the primary targets of the enlargement of the european union. the chapters are entitled by the main topics fi guring in the book: the concept of south eastern europe and the balkans; territorial distribution by states; ethnic and religious patt erns; urbanisation and town network; the standard of economic development; spatial disparities; industry; transport; and tourism. -----------------------------------------price: huf 3,000 (eur 12.00) order: geographical research institute has library, h-1554 budapest, pob. 130. e-mail: magyar@sparc.core.hu << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.3 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice 2. kiss_nedelka.indd 99kiss, é. and nedelka, e. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 99–117.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.69.2.2 hungarian geographical bulletin 69 2020 (2) 99–117. introduction in recent years industry 4.0 has been the biggest challenge for the hungarian economy as well. the concept was first used in germany in 2011 (known as industrie 4.0 at that time) for a combination of measures to strategically develop the industry there (hermann, m. et al. 2015; bartodziej, c.j. 2017). in the international literature, however, it is known as industry 4.0, but also referred to as advanced manufacturing technology, smart factory or internet of things (fonseca, l.m. 2018). industry 4.0 essentially means new technologies that are based on digitalisation, automation and robotisation, and which are revolutionising industrial production. however, the impact of industry 4.0 goes far beyond industry and will transform the economy and society as a whole (kovács, o. 2017). today we are still at the beginning of this fundamental transformation from industry 3.0, characterised by human-operated machines, towards production by automatic machines communicating with each other and with humans too (devezas, t. et al. 2017). there is no doubt that digital transformation, and these revolutionary changes will occur in different ways in both space and time (rüssmann, m. et al. 2015). the transformation of countries and regions depends largely on their starting position and different capabilities (šlander, s. and wostner, p. 2019). among the initial conditions the focus in this study is on the geographical assessment of the infrastructure and use of the information and communication technologies underlying the spreading and unfoldment of industry 4.0. after all, these (such as computer or internet access) are very imgeographical approach of industry 4.0 based on information and communication technologies at hungarian enterprises in connection with industrial space éva kiss1 and erzsébet nedelka2 abstract in the short history of hungarian industry there were relevant changes several times, which had a great impact not only on industrial production and employment, but also on the spatial pattern of industry. after the regime change and latest economic crisis industry 4.0 or/and the fourth industrial revolution mean(s) newer challenge. due to information and communication technologies (ict), which can be considered the basis of industry 4.0 radical changes can be expected in all fields of life and numerous questions will emerge. the primary aim of this paper is to reveal the geography of older and newer information and communication technologies and their relationship with the spatial pattern of hungarian industry. the main question is whether the digital divide follows the industrial divide in the hungarian economic space or not. according to the analysis based on different ict and industrial indicators, there is no close correlation between the digital and industrial spaces. the geography of industry 4.0 is characterised by a sharp north–south division. keywords: industry 4.0, fourth industrial revolution, ict, industry, enterprise, spatial pattern, hungary received november 2019, accepted march 2020. 1 geographical institute, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences, budapest, hungary; university of sopron, alexandre lamfalussy faculty of economics, h-9400 sopron, erzsébet u. 9. hungary. e-mail: kiss.eva@csfk.mta.hu 2 university of sopron, alexandre lamfalussy faculty of economics, h-9400 sopron, erzsébet u. 9. hungary. kiss, é. and nedelka, e. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 99–117.100 portant to the widespread application of new technologies and, thus, to the realisation of the fourth industrial revolution. therefore, it does matter what characterises the provision of ict to companies and their application. their geographical examination, which has so far been little in the literature, provides indicative information to some extent, on the one hand, on the spatial differences in the use of ict in hungarian companies, and on the other hand, on how advanced they are in industry 4.0. it can be assumed that the ict indicators of enterprises are more favourable in regions in hungary with more advanced industry, the verification of which is also one of the tasks of this analysis. the present study consists of five main parts. following the introduction, the concept of industry 4.0 and fourth industrial revolution is discussed, and then the major conditions and characteristics of ict at enterprises based on special literature are evaluated with particular regard to the geographical aspect. after the chapter on the methods, the spatial disparities of the older and more recent application of ict by hungarian companies are explored in the third part. correlations between the info-communication maturity and the spatial structure of the industry are analysed in the fourth part before the conclusions. theoretical background terminology and main research directions there have been three industrial revolutions over the last two hundred years, each of which had its own specifics, driving forces and major innovations. these appeared and spread differentiated in space and led to huge changes not only in industry, but also in the economy and society (mokyr, j. 1985; jensen, m.c. 1993; abonyi, f. and miszlivetz, f. 2016). the fourth industrial revolution or industry 4.0, driven by nine fundamental technologies (big data, autonomous robots, simulation, horizontal and vertical integration, internet of things, cybersecurity, cloud service, additive manufacturing, augmented reality) began to unfold in the early 21st century, however, the use of the word only spread rapidly in recent years. while the third industrial revolution (industry 3.0), also known as the revolution of the computer or digital revolution (schwab, k. 2016), focused on the automation of individual machines and processes, the fourth industrial revolution (or industry 4.0) focuses on the digitisation and automation of the entire process of production. machines and production are organised into smart networks, integrating entire production chains, while deepening vertical and horizontal integration. since it is highly likely that the current digital transformation will also result in radical changes in all aspects of life, many of which are not yet visible today, it can be considered rather revolution, by all means in the long-term, than evolution (geissbauer, r. et al. 2016; demeter, k. et al. 2019). however, some scientists supporting the latter consider the fourth industrial revolution being essentially the result of the further development of the third one, in other words, its completion (holodny, e. 2017). the fact that the terms industry 4.0 and fourth industrial revolution are not fully cleared today can be explained partly by the above (hermann, m. et al. 2015; fonseca, l.m. 2018). it has not been decided either whether the two concepts have the same or different meanings. thoben, k.d. et al. (2017) used them as synonyms because they believe these concepts have the potential to disrupt the entire conventional approach to manufacturing. in contrast, others think that in a closer sense industry 4.0 refers to changes in the industry that cause significant transformation in the organisation and method of production, management, technology, etc. (nagy, j. 2019). in short, industry 4.0 means „the trend towards a digital revolution in manufacturing…” (santos, c. et al. 2017, 972) or „…a collective term for technologies and concepts of value chain organisation” (hermann, m. et al. 2015, 11). according to 101kiss, é. and nedelka, e. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 99–117. brettel, m. et al. (2014, 43), „ … industry 4.0 is a popular term to describe the imminent changes of the industry landscape, particularly in the production and manufacturing industry of the developed world.” at the same time, the concept of the fourth industrial revolution can be interpreted more broadly because it represents changes in the economy and society as a whole, most of which are not yet known. in this study, the two concepts are used as industry 4.0 refers to initial technological changes that then lead to deeper, more comprehensive economic and social transformations. in fact, this is what schwab, k. (2016) refers to: namely, industry 4.0 is no different than one of the manifestations of this revolution. although industry 4.0 or the fourth industrial revolution had only begun to gain ground in recent years, still the available, mostly foreign literature is abundant. various experts have studied the new industrial revolution in many different ways. however, they – probably due to the short time elapsed – have only focused on the history of industrial revolutions, the interpretation of concepts and the role of the recent industrial revolution in industrial production, technical and technological, production organisation and structural issues, as well as, its impact on businesses (zezulka, f. et al. 2016; devezas, t. et al. 2017; reischauer, g. 2017; ibarra, d. et al. 2018; luthra, s. and mangla, s.k. 2018). this is no coincidence, because changes, as ever in history and also now, have appeared in the industry first. major transformation can also be expected in the field of – not in the order of importance – transport, energy, infrastructure, well-being (caylar, p-l. et al. 2016; santos, c. et al. 2017). moreover, all these changes will not leave the economic space intact, however, their manifestation will also be differentiated. brettel, m. et al. (2014), who classified the publications of eight scientific journals based on three topics (individualized production, production network, end-to-end engineering in virtual process chain) and defined research directions within them, also demonstrated that greatest attention has been given to the industrial and production connections of new technologies in recent years. at the same time, the examination of industry 4.0 in a geographical context has received a more modest focus so far (nagy, cs. and molnár, e. 2018; nick, g. 2018; nick, g. et al. 2019). this can be explained, among others, by the novelty nature of the phenomenon and by the fact that the spatial manifestation of the changes takes longer, and that some of them no longer occur in real space. in spite of this they (or at least part of them) will or can have spatial implications, but they render real space less relevant. although the role of virtual world will increase and in the digital ecosystems different players get connected and do businesses (winter, j. 2020), this does not mean “the end of geography” (tranos, e. and nijkamp, p. 2013). the closer fusion of industrial production and ict results in the interconnectedness and complex relationship between the real and virtual worlds in cyber-physical systems (ibarra, d. et al. 2018). this presents another challenge to economic geography. characteristics and conditions of ict at enterprises there are a number of conditions for the implementation and fulfilment of industry 4.0. one of these is the availability of the necessary ict infrastructure because it is the backbone of a connected economy (bouée, c-e. and schaible, s. 2015). regarding info-communication tools, the computer is perhaps the most important and the internet is also indispensable connecting virtual and physical systems and revolutionising the global value chain organisation (schwab, k. 2016). icts play a very important role not only in the development of individual enterprises but also in the development of the economy as a whole (müller, j. m. et al. 2018). over the last decade, the development of ict infrastructure has also intensified in hungary and demand for services that help the economy (mainly industrial production) or even the population in the digital transition has kiss, é. and nedelka, e. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 99–117.102 increased. this will have an impact on the global competitiveness of individual regions and countries (barsi, b. 2003) and can have a positive impact on it, while there will be also marked changes in production, consumption and trade. the speed and success of certain areas for the use of new technologies depends heavily on how enterprises are supplied with ict and the readiness of the enterprises to use them. it is therefore not surprising that a number of recent studies addressed the digital maturity of businesses (schmidt, h. 2014; caylar, p-l. et al. 2016). according to a survey by mckinsey & co. in 2016, which included more than 300 manufacturing professionals from germany, japan and the us, barely 16 per cent of industrial manufacturers had a comprehensive industry 4.0 strategy and only 24 per cent indicated that efforts were made to work out one (caylar, p-l. et al. 2016). the majority, however, are not prepared for the new technological revolution, therefore caylar, p-l. et al. (2016, 7) laid out some key tasks (“… prioritize and scale up, adopt a test-and-learn approach, put foundations in place, treat data as a competitive advantage, work across functions and manage change the organisation …”) for companies to help them move forward in the fourth industrial revolution. sommer, l. (2015) called attention to that industry 4.0 should be implemented successfully not only in large enterprises in germany, but also in small and mediumsized enterprises, because both groups play a relevant role in employment. furthermore, it is necessary to encourage the progress of small and medium-sized enterprises in industry 4.0 because the interconnectedness of the economy only allows for a limited technological gap between small and large enterprises. if the digital gap between the two groups is too large, co-operation could be hindered. the experience of research in hungary also supported the assumption that the chances and opportunities of large multinational companies and that of smes are not the same in industry 4.0, although the latter also have advantages (e.g. organisational factors are less complex, lower profitability requirements, less technological dependence) compared to the former (horváth, d. and szabó, zs.r. 2019). however, if smaller businesses are unable to adapt to new challenges, they can easily become victims of the industrial revolution (sommer, l. 2015). and this danger is not only a threat to german smes, but also to hungarian ones. not only the size of companies but also the origin of their owner(s) can have relevant impacts on the process of industry 4.0. the research carried out in eastern hungary in 2019 has proved that industry 4.0 is more advanced in the companies with foreign interest (nagy, cs. et al. 2020). many factors limiting the realisation of industry 4.0 have been identified in previous researches that, despite their diversity, can be divided into a number of major categories (e.g. inadequate qualification of human resources, technological, infrastructure deficiencies, scarce financial resources, organisational problems) (horváth, d. and szabó, zs.r. 2019). the weight of different factors is different depending on the size and sector of the enterprise. the lack of a well-qualified workforce is the most important limiting factor in the case of small and medium-sized enterprises, while in multinational companies organisational and technological factors are the most important. in many cases, hungarian businesses also have problems with the lack of adequate ict infrastructure or, even if available, it is not fully suited to make the transformation to industry 4.0 (erdei, e. 2019). other research emphasized the lack of human and financial resources in german businesses as an obstacle. these resources would be important because they could help companies to transform their internal structure, improving thereby the ability of businesses to receive new ict (dihk 2015). in the beginning many small and medium-sized enterprises lacked interest in industry 4.0 in germany partly because they did not see information security and data protection. and because of this lack of trust there was fear that the technological transfor103kiss, é. and nedelka, e. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 99–117. mation of the country will fall behind in the fourth industrial revolution (eisert, r. 2014). the largest global survey to date, involving 2,000 businesses from 26 countries in nine major industries emphasized that new technology is not the biggest challenge for companies, but the lack of the digital culture and qualification in the case of their workers necessary for implementing industry 4.0, and this needs to be developed (geissbauer, r. et al. 2016). according to a czech survey in 2017 the lack of accurate information on the benefits of industry 4.0 is also hampering the realisation of the fourth industrial revolution. this is why several companies in czechia did not attach much importance to consider industry 4.0 and to prepare for it, and in the long-term this could result in a serious lag in development (kopp, j. and basl, j. 2017). to avoid this, the eu and national governments help companies (mostly smes) and regions (mostly less developed) in different ways (funding, education) particularly from 2014 to be able to prepare for the digital transformation (nick, g. 2018; bailey, d. and de propris, l. 2019; šlander, s. and wostner, p. 2019). in hungary there also have been special strategy programs and several kinds of funds for supporting enterprises in the transition of industry 4.0, particularly since 2016. but so far not so many enterprises have competed for those (nick, g. 2018). although many german enterprises did not even know the concept of industry 4.0 in 2014 (eisert, r. 2014), in 2016 the results of the global survey showed that enterprises in germany and japan would be the most advanced among the countries in digitalisation within five years, while the same will be true for america among the continents in 2021 (geissbauer, r. et al. 2016). although the level of digitalisation may increase in the coming years, thus, globalisation as well, regional differences may remain significant depending on local conditions (geissbauer, r. et al. 2016). it is particularly important to know the characteristics of each location (e.g. ict infrastructure, qualification and capabilities of workforce), the social and economic environment of the enterprises there, as those can strongly determine the competitiveness of a given area (šlander, s. and wostner, p. 2019). it is most likely that areas with more advanced economy and more advanced industry are in a better position from the view point of ict infrastructure and application (schwab, k. 2016; luthra, s. and mangla, s.k. 2018). a number of researches have now shown that there may be significant differences in the spatial distribution of ict at different spatial levels (grasland, l. and puel, g. 2007). within the eu finland, sweden, the netherlands, denmark and the united kingdom are the leading, while italy, poland, greece, romania and bulgaria are the tailenders following hungary, despite a significant increase in e.g. internet access in countries in the latter group, for example, between 2010 and 2016 (desi 2019). the close correlation between economic development (gni/ person) and internet use was confirmed by our previous correlation study using the spss software. the pearson correlation coefficient was 0.846 (balog, zs. et al. 2018). digital development varies within countries as well. this may be due to a number of reasons (e.g. geographical location, social, economic, infrastructure, etc. factors), however, the fact that the needs of each industry for new technologies and their different digital development may also contribute to it. the industries that dominate the economy of a given area can have a strong impact on the digital maturity of enterprises there. the geographical differences of industries may also have an impact on the spatial progress of industry 4.0. industry is one of those sectors of the economy where industry 4.0 develops fast and it is much more advanced than in other industries like tourism or agriculture (berta, o. 2018; desi 2019). thus, industry has its first benefit and positive impact (caylar, p-l. et al. 2016; geissbauer, r. et al. 2016). in line with international experiences, it can therefore be also assumed that industry is the sector in hungary where the fourth industrial revolution is more advanced. consequently, the spatial pattern of digital kiss, é. and nedelka, e. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 99–117.104 development may be closely related to the spatial concentration of industrial production (kiss, é. 2002, 2010). its verification is also attempted in this study, while also exploring the spatial characteristics of the application of new technologies in hungarian enterprises. considering the theoretical foundations of the paper the main research question is how the “digital divide” relates to the “industrial divide” in the economic space of hungary. data and research methods this study is based on the analysis of the relevant literature and official statistical data and, as well as, the cartographic representation and evaluation of the rankings by county of various indicators. the geographical context was explored using two indicator systems: one related to ict and the other to the industry. in both complex indicator systems there were several variables, which are detailed in the tables. two groups were formed out of the 20 ict indicators. the first group – “old” or traditional ict indicators – included those that had a long history of statistics and a longer track record in operating enterprises (e.g. computers and the internet). the so-called “new” ict indicators (e.g. cloud service, 3d printing) have started to spread in businesses in recent years and can be more directly linked to industry 4.0. only a few of the studied ict indicators – due to length limitation – are presented (in four figures) with the most significant regional differences and which are more representative of industrial enterprises. ten indicators were used to illustrate the regional differences in the hungarian industry. the selected indicators included extensive and intensive ones as well. the former represents the amount and size of the elements of a factor (e.g. number of enterprises), while the latter are weighted averages obtained by the merging of the elements (e.g. computer per 1,000 enterprises). necessary data on the info-communication capabilities of enterprises, i.e. the database of the study, were provided by accessible official statistical data with a county breakdown (nuts-3 level) for 20 regional units (the capital budapest and 19 counties). the novelty of the topic is also shown by the fact data collection of many ict indicators, especially in the case of the new ones, has only started in recent years. therefore, the focus was on static rather than dynamic analysis due to the lack of longer time series. for each indicator only the most recent available data were used. the one to two-year difference in the year of origin of the data did not hinder the interpretation of spatial differences. ict data were only available by counties, as data by settlements would have allowed the identification of certain large companies, and this is not permitted by the data protection act. considering its content, the information and communication (ic) industry comprises three different levels of network: physical infrastructure, the services they create and their use (houzet, s. 2007). these levels are also represented by the ict indicators selected to identify spatial differences. since the studied ict data cover all hungarian enterprises, they only provide indirect information about the industry, which accounted for 9.2 per cent of all corporate businesses in hungary in 2018. (industry is the secondary sector of the economy and includes mining, manufacturing and electricity generation, gas, steam and water supply.) this is a very low value, but if we look at the importance of industry, e.g. based on its share of gross value added, a much higher value (58.7%) is obtained compared to other economic sectors. industry concentrates 11.4 per cent of working companies with foreign interest (more than 2,500 enterprises). this is worth mentioning because multinational enterprises tend to have better digital preparedness (nagy, cs. et al. 2020) and because they also played a decisive role in shaping the spatial pattern of the industry (kiss, é. 2002, 2010). studying the spatial structure of ict and industry was supported by summarizing the 105kiss, é. and nedelka, e. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 99–117. county rankings of the various indicators. the data for each indicator were available for 20 regional units and their values were indicated by ranking numbers from 1 to 20. number 1 referred to the most favourable area regarding the given indicator, while 20 was the most unfavourable position. if the value of the indicator of two spatial units was the same, they were given the same rank number. the cumulative rank that is generated by aggregating the rank numbers is a complex indicator that reveals geographical characteristics. the “old” and “new” of ict indicators were also plotted separately based on their cumulative rank due to their spatial characteristics. then a figure showing the rank numbers of all ict indicators were created. based on it, the regional types of the digital advance of hungarian enterprises can be clearly determined. the figure of the spatial structure of the industry based on the cumulative rankings of the county values of the industrial indicators was compared with that of the ict to reveal the spatial similarities and differences and to answer the question whether the spatial patterns of industrial and digital maturity are closely intertwined or not. regional differences in information and communication technologies old indicators counties with favourable and unfavourable positions can now be clearly distinguished based on the ranking number of the values of the following ten old ict indicators (icto): � icto-1: number of ic enterprises per 1,000 enterprises in 2018; � icto-2: number of ic employees per 1,000 employees in 2018; � icto-3: use of personal computers and work stations in enterprises in 2018, %; � icto-4: use of internet in enterprises in 2018, %; � icto-5: number of computers per 1,000 enterprises in 2017; � icto-6: ratio of large computers within the computer equipment of enterprises in 2017, %; � icto-7: ratio of employees using computers in enterprises in 2016, %; � icto-8: ratio of employees using internet in enterprises in 2016, %; � icto-9: ratio of employees using mobile web in enterprises in 2016, %; � icto-10: ratio of enterprises providing remote access for their employees in 2016, %. if a county has got several low rank numbers, it means that the county is in a good position in the supply of different old ict (table 1). the number of information and communication enterprises is important because they provide essential services to businesses in other fields of the economy thereby they contribute to the realisation of industry 4.0 and – in wider sense – the fourth industrial revolution. in 2018 there were more than 64,000 ic enterprises operating in hungary and their national average was 36 ic enterprises per 1,000 enterprises. however, the county average was everywhere below the national average except for the capital city and pest county. this can be explained by less favourable conditions of factors attracting ic enterprises (e.g. technological background, infrastructure development, economic environment, market size, social factors, workforce training, cultural milieu) (kanalas, i. 2004). in 2018, 63 per cent of the enterprises of the ic industry were concentrated in the region of budapest, in contrast, in békés, jász-nagykun-szolnok or szabolcsszatmár-bereg counties only one to two per cent. the spatial pattern of the employees of ic industry is similar to this. the high value of budapest (361 people per 1,000 employees) can be explained primarily by the size of the city and its central role in the country, among many other factors. according to a research, the classification of towns of the hungarian town network into ic types depends most on the size, historical traditions, economic, administrative role and geographical location of the town (rechnitzer, j. et al. 2003). kiss, é. and nedelka, e. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 99–117.106 as computers became widespread their use and that of the internet by enterprises is already common today. in 2018, over 90 per cent of enterprises in all counties use computers, and the use of the internet fell short of 90 per cent in only a few counties (e.g. jász-nagykunszolnok, szabolcs-szatmár-bereg) suggesting small regional differences. in terms of both indicators, fejér county was at the forefront because the ratio of enterprises using computers (96%) and the internet (93%) was the highest there. computers are used for different purposes, but there are not relevant differences by county in the ways how they are being used. the most often (in the 50–60% of hungarian companies) computers are used for emailing while in 25–35 per cent of companies for administrative tasks. the applications of software are the most rarely, only 10–20 per cent of enterprises use those. in hungary, there were more than 1.3 million computers in enterprises with more than 10 employees in 2018. on average 779 computers were used per 1,000 enterprises, with more than double that value in the capital city (1,733). the outstandingly high number is the result of a particularly high spatial concentration (41%) of businesses. in the northern counties of transdanubia, the number of computers was between 700 and 900 per 1,000 enterprises. worst computer supply was found along the southern and eastern borders, as well as in nógrád county, where only a quarter of businesses had computers. the reasons can be found in the socio-economic conditions of the counties with roots dating back long in history (figure 1). ta bl e 1. r an ki ng o f o ld ic t (i c t o) * in di ca to rs b y co un ty in h un ga ry , 2 01 6– 20 18 c ap it al , c ou nt y ic t o1 ic t o2 ic t o3 ic t o4 ic t o5 ic t o6 ic t o7 ic t o8 ic t o9 ic t o10 c um ul at ed ra nk in g b ud ap es t pe st fe jé r k om ár om -e sz te rg om v es zp ré m g yő rm os on -s op ro n v as z al a b ar an ya so m og y t ol na b or so d -a ba új -z em pl én h ev es n óg rá d h aj d úb ih ar já sz -n ag yk un -s zo ln ok sz ab ol cs -s za tm ár -b er eg b ác sk is ku n b ék és c so ng rá d 1 2 3 4 8 7 11 14 4 17 12 9 12 9 14 14 20 17 19 6 1 2 5 7 11 3 4 8 9 14 18 12 6 10 19 16 20 15 16 13 13 7 1 1 4 3 6 5 17 16 19 10 12 11 15 18 20 8 14 8 14 6 1 3 7 3 9 7 18 17 15 12 13 10 15 19 20 2 11 3 1 5 4 2 8 3 6 17 16 11 12 7 9 18 13 10 20 14 19 15 19 16 8 16 18 20 2 12 8 5 6 15 12 12 11 3 8 1 3 6 1 2 9 7 5 8 4 18 11 9 15 3 6 17 11 19 20 14 16 11 1 6 16 3 17 10 14 15 2 9 8 10 7 19 4 20 13 12 18 5 1 4 13 6 12 2 13 9 5 10 16 15 17 20 3 19 11 7 18 7 1 2 3 6 8 5 3 7 12 20 18 10 13 10 13 17 19 15 16 9 2 1 4 3 8 5 6 13 9 15 17 10 12 16 14 19 20 11 18 7 *f or th e d en om in at io n of th e in d ic at or s se e th e te xt . s ou rc e: b as ed o n th e d at a of h un ga ri an c en tr al s ta ti st ic al o ffi ce in fo rm at io n d at ab as e. 107kiss, é. and nedelka, e. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 99–117. the ratio of large computers within all computers of enterprises has a very specific spatial structure, because it is almost the opposite of computers per 1,000 inhabitants. the latter has reached a considerable number in the northern half, while the former has high numbers in the southern part of the country. according to the definition of the statistical office large computers are nonportable computers or, alternatively, computers longer than 50 cm in all directions. this suggests that large computers are more common in certain industries and in larger enterprises. their share reached the highest level (75%) in bács-kiskun county, followed by vas and jász-nagykun-szolnok counties with 60 per cent and 59 per cent respectively. this is mainly due to the car manufacturers and/or their suppliers there. the share of employees using computers in businesses is now surely much higher than it was in 2016. fewest employees worked with computers at their workplace in szabolcsszatmár-bereg county (31%) and the most in the capital city (58%), however, in the vast majority of the country their proportion varied around 35–38 per cent, that is below the national average (45%). the ratio of employees using computers is especially high in the northern part of the country, north of the nagykanizsa–dunaújváros–tiszaújváros line (figure 2). on average, one in four employees used the internet in enterprises in 2016, and this has certainly improved since then. the situation is more favourable only in the capital city with almost one in three employees used computers. the value of this indicator was also high (23–25%) in baranya, hajdú-bihar and csongrád counties, which are important higher education centres. even in jász-nagykunszolnok county with the lowest value (17%) only a few per cent fewer people used the internet in enterprises indicating not marked spatial differences. in slovakia, low ratio of internet availability has been identified as an indicator of periphery situation, which has shown close connection with some economic and social-demographic periphery indicators (rosina, k. and hurbánek, p. 2013). a few years ago mobile internet was used by 11 per cent of employees in businesses. in 2016, enterprises in the belt from nógrád county to békés county except for heves county were in the worst situation, where only a few percent of workers used mobile internet. this can also be attributed to the unfavourable overall social and economic development of the region. gdp per capita was also among the lowest in this region in 2017, reaching 43–65 per cent of the national average. the share of enterprises providing remote access to workers is highest in the capital city (60%) and in its region (51%) which can be fig. 1. number of computers per 1,000 enterprises by county in hungary, 2017. source: data of hungarian central statistical office. fig. 2. ratio of employees using computers in enterprises by county in hungary, 2016. source: data of hungarian central statistical office. kiss, é. and nedelka, e. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 99–117.108 attributed mainly to the importance of the service sector. this type of work is not typical for workers in the industry or directly in production. the ratio of such enterprises is also high in northern transdanubia. in the eastern and southern part of the country, however, this value is well below the national average (48%) for probably a number of reasons (e.g. less remote working, less trust in it, industrial affiliation of enterprise). new indicators the first data available on the application and spreading of new technologies in industry 4.0 are from 2018 and show that they are not very common yet. this is also supported by experience in the eu. digital technologies (e.g. electronic exchange of information, social media, cloud services, online trading) were integrated by small ratio of enterprises in hungary (5–15%) in 2019. therefore, hungarian companies were among the worst performers regarding eu member states (desi, 2019). based on the index measuring the development of digital economy and society (digital economy and society index – desi), hungary is 23rd among the 28 member states of the eu between 2017 and 2019 (desi, 2019). (desi includes the following indicators: connectivity, human capital, use of internet services, integration of digital technology, digital public services.) although the country’s digital development has improved over this period (from 40% to 45%), it is still below the eu average (53%). consequently, counties with favourable and unfavourable positions can be also distinguished based on the ranking number of the values of the following ten new ict (ictn) indicators: � ictn-1: purpose of mobile web use: use of software application, as a percentage of enterprises in 2018; � ictn-2: ratio of enterprises using cloud based services in 2018, %; � ictn-3: cloud based service: use of customer relationship management (crm) application, as a percentage of enterprises in 2018, %; � ictn-4: ratio of enterprises using service robots in 2018, %; � ictn-5: ratio of enterprises using industrial robots in 2018, %; � ictn-6: ratio of enterprises using their own 3d printer in 2017, %; � ictn-7: ratio of enterprises where 3d printing was used for the following purposes: manufacturing moulds, tools, parts, semi-finished products for sale in 2017, %; � ictn-8: ratio of enterprises using 3d service provided by other enterprises in 2017, %; � ictn-9: ratio of enterprises performing big data analysis: with their own employees in 2017, %; � ictn-10: ratio of enterprises performing big data analysis: with external, outside the enterprise, service providers in 2017, %. the use of new icts has reached mostly only a few per cent, however, their spatial distribution is characterised by some sharp and unconventional differences (table 2). only two of the new ict indicators had relatively high values: namely, the number of enterprises using mobile internet for software applications and that of enterprises using cloud-based services. values of the former indicator varied between 10.6 per cent (szabolcs-szatmár-bereg county) and 23.8 per cent (budapest), while in the case of the latter values ranged from 10.2 per cent (békés county) to 24.7 per cent (budapest). enterprises using mobile internet for software were more abundant in the northern part of transdanubia, the capital city region and in northern hungary, while those using cloud based service were more concentrated in a couple of areas (budapest, baranya, somogy and pest counties). the lowest values (usually 1% or less) were in the use of service robots, i.e. this is the least prevalent in the counties. only a fraction of enterprises used service robots. the share of such enterprises was the highest (1.3%) in győr-moson-sopron county in 2018. at the same time, industrial robots were used in a higher ratio (2–6%). 109kiss, é. and nedelka, e. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 99–117. generally, robots perform work that, for example, involve heavy physical work, may have negative health effects, require high accuracy or it is quite monotonous work. automotive industry is the primary user of robots, which is followed by electronics, metal industry, chemicals and food industry (nagy, cs. and molnár, e. 2018). as a consequence, the spatial pattern of industrial robots is closely connected to these branches. most of the enterprises using industrial robots can be found in northern transdanubia (fejér 5.7%, komárom-esztergom 5.6%, győr-moson-sopron 5.3% and nógrád county 5.2%) related to the significant industrial activity there (figure 3). 3d printing has only started to spread in hungary lately. it is popular in manufacturing industry where the basic purpose is to manufacture moulds, tools, parts, etc. for sale. the share of enterprises using 3d printing was also characterised with very low values except for three counties (borsod-abaúj-zemplén, heves and nógrád), which constituted one of the pillars of the former socialist heavy industry. 3d printing is most widespread in enterprises in the above counties, however, only in a very low per cent (1.9–2.2%) of the enterprises (figure 4). the values of other ict indicators (e.g. big data analysis) varied mostly between 2 and 6 per cent, indicating the early stages of digital transformation in enterprises. however, depending on their industrial affiliation values show smaller or greater variation. the level of the applita bl e 2. r an ki ng o f n ew ic t (i c t n) * in di ca to rs b y co un ty in h un ga ry , 2 01 7– 20 18 c ap it al , c ou nt y ic t n1 ic t n2 ic t n3 ic t n4 ic t n5 ic t n6 ic t n7 ic t n8 ic t n9 ic t n10 c um ul at ed ra nk in g b ud ap es t pe st fe jé r k om ár om -e sz te rg om v es zp ré m g yő rm os on -s op ro n v as z al a b ar an ya so m og y t ol na b or so d -a ba új -z em pl én h ev es n óg rá d h aj d úb ih ar já sz -n ag yk un -s zo ln ok sz ab ol cs -s za tm ár -b er eg b ác sk is ku n b ék és c so ng rá d 1 2 6 11 9 3 5 4 14 15 17 7 8 10 18 19 20 13 16 12 1 4 7 5 8 9 12 17 2 3 6 16 18 19 10 15 13 14 20 11 1 4 4 11 7 11 16 17 2 3 6 13 7 19 15 20 18 13 7 7 13 1 9 3 7 1 3 8 16 19 20 9 3 9 9 6 13 15 16 16 19 12 1 2 5 3 7 13 8 8 6 8 8 4 18 13 20 15 15 17 8 5 9 16 13 5 10 18 5 9 4 1 3 1 19 16 19 12 13 13 10 6 12 17 10 5 7 9 12 7 4 1 3 2 19 18 19 14 14 14 9 3 6 7 5 9 12 17 11 15 8 2 3 1 18 20 15 14 19 12 10 17 6 7 9 17 16 19 8 13 20 1 2 5 3 10 4 12 14 15 4 16 9 5 10 1 3 2 6 16 11 18 20 19 14 15 12 6 6 12 5 3 2 8 7 1 11 14 8 13 12 5 4 10 18 19 20 15 17 16 *f or th e d en om in at io n of th e in d ic at or s se e th e te xt . s ou rc e: b as ed o n th e d at a of h un ga ri an c en tr al s ta ti st ic al o ffi ce in fo rm at io n d at ab as e. kiss, é. and nedelka, e. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 99–117.110 cation of new technologies in industrial and manufacturing enterprises is usually higher than in the economy as a whole (table 3). according to the empirical research carried out in eastern hungary in 2019 there are considerable differences between hungarian and foreign-owned enterprises in the advancement of industry 4.0 (nagy, cs. et al. 2020). usually enterprises with foreign interest are those where on the one hand the application of new technologies is more frequent, on the other hand several kind of new technologies are applied. although hungarian enterprises are interested in new technologies, they have applied only a few of them, mostly robots and 3d printers. the reasons for this (e.g. lack of money and skilled workers, less developed organisational structure) are very similar to the results of other researches (e.g. (horváth, d. and szabó, zs.r. 2019). geographical types of ict development the ranking based on the cumulative ranks of the “old” and “new” indicators of ict shows that older info-communication technologies are particularly significant in the region of the capital city and in northern transdanubia and csongrád county (figure 5 and 6). the geography of more recent ict shows a stronger north–south divide. at the same fig. 3. ratio of enterprises using industrial robots by county in hungary, 2018. source: data of hungarian central statistical office. fig. 4. ratio of enterprises by county in hungary where 3d printing was used for the manufacturing of moulds, tools, parts, semi-finished products for sale, 2017. source: data of hungarian central statistical office. fig. 6. cumulated ranking of new ict indicators by county in hungary. source: based on table 2. fig. 5. cumulated ranking of old ict indicators by county in hungary. source: based on table 1. baranya somogy tolna veszprém vas zala győrmoson-sopron komáromesztergom komáromesztergom fejér pest budapestbudapest bács-kiskun csongrádcsanád békés jász-nagykunszolnok hajdú-bihar szabolcs-szatmárbereg borsod-abaújzemplén heves nógrád 0 50 km 1– 4 5– 8 9–12 13–16 17–20 cumulated ranking 111kiss, é. and nedelka, e. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 99–117. time, in the eastern and southern counties of hungary (with the exception of baranya county) the digital transformation of enterprises is much less favourable which can be related to the historical past, the disadvantages of the starting conditions, lower economic performance, periphery location, etc. after 1989 these regions were not very attractive targets for foreign investors and their deindustrialisation was intensive. all these led to that they fell behind in development in last decades. moreover, the eastern-southeastern parts never belonged to the more developed regions of the country. even today this is the semi-periphery of the eu, while the southwestern part has become a “lock-in” area which hardly finds the way out. by forming a cumulative ranking based on the rankings of all ict indicators the final ranking of the counties has been established reflecting the degree of progress of each region and the enterprises there, i.e. how they perform in the supply and application of info-communication tools and technologies. based on the ranking, five main types can be identified, where the spreading of ict and digitalisation are: 1. well-advanced: pest, győr-mosonsopron and fejér counties, and budapest; 2. advanced: komárom-esztergom, vas, borsod-abaúj-zemplén and veszprém counties; 3. moderately advanced: heves, baranya, csongrád and nógrád counties; 4. less advanced: bács-kiskun, zala, somogy and tolna counties; 5. least advanced: hajdú-bihar, békés, jász-nagykun-szolnok and szabolcsszatmár-bereg counties (figure 7). areas in the first group of categories are the leading ones, while the fifth group leads the army. the two extremes in space are the region of the capital city, together with northern transdanubia and northern great plain. in a different way, there is a north– fig. 7. cumulated ranking of all ict indicators by county in hungary. source: based on the table 1 and 2. table 3. use of ict in hungarian enterprises*, 2018 denomination manufacturing,% industry, % all sectors of national economy, % enterprises with fixed broadband internet connections ratio of enterprises with mobile broadband connections purpose of mobile web use: access to the e-mail system of the enterprise purpose of mobile web use: access to documents purpose of mobile web use: using software applications ratio of employed informatics professionals cloud based service: use of crm application ratio of enterprises using cloud based services 84.6 72.0 64.1 33.9 18.2 27.7 3.2 17.2 91.0 81.2 73.7 42.1 26.5 38.0 3.3 22.7 82.7 70.8 62.6 36.5 19.3 26.1 4.9 18.0 *enterprises employing more than 10 people. source: data of hungarian central statistical office information database. kiss, é. and nedelka, e. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 99–117.112 south divide in the spreading of industry 4.0, as the degree of the digital transformation of the enterprises is better in the north and poorer in the south. attention should be drawn, however, to the fact that the digital maturity of the population and enterprises of the counties may vary considerably (balog, zs. et al. 2018; nedelka, e. 2019). there is no doubt that greater ic preparedness of the population can have a positive impact on the supply and application of infocommunication technologies and tools contributing thereby to the improvement of the economy and the competitiveness of the given area. spatial connections between ict and industry following the regime change, radical changes took place in the hungarian industry, which also manifested in space (kiss, é. 2002). the process of deindustrialisation was very strong in the 1990s, while a number of new investments were made forming a new spatial structure of the industry based primarily on foreign capital. this was modified by reindustrialisation by today. cumulative rankings calculated based on the rankings of the variables of industry in 2018 clearly show the importance of industry in each county and their position in the whole country (table 4). the following industrial indicators (indi) were used: � indi-1: number of industrial enterprises in 2018; ta bl e 4. r an ki ng o f i nd us tr ia l i nd ic at or s (i nd i) * by c ou nt y in h un ga ry , 2 01 7– 20 18 c ap it al , c ou nt y in d i1 in d i2 in d i3 in d i4 in d i5 in d i6 in d i7 in d i8 in d i9 in d i10 c um ul at ed ra nk in g b ud ap es t pe st fe jé r k om ár om -e sz te rg om v es zp ré m g yő rm os on -s op ro n v as z al a b ar an ya so m og y t ol na b or so d -a ba új -z em pl én h ev es n óg rá d h aj d úb ih ar já sz -n ag yk un -s zo ln ok sz ab ol cs -s za tm ár -b er eg b ác sk is ku n b ék és c so ng rá d 1 2 7 12 9 4 18 13 10 17 19 5 15 20 6 14 11 3 16 8 16 3 4 1 2 7 10 12 6 18 5 7 10 7 17 14 20 12 18 14 1 2 6 4 9 3 7 11 10 16 15 8 13 20 13 12 16 5 19 18 20 19 9 6 10 16 15 17 11 14 3 5 8 4 13 1 12 7 2 18 1 13 4 2 10 3 5 12 20 16 11 8 6 15 19 9 17 7 18 14 2 7 3 4 11 1 12 20 16 10 19 5 9 18 13 8 14 6 17 15 1 2 4 6 8 3 12 18 16 15 19 7 14 20 11 9 10 5 17 13 20 15 6 1 5 2 3 16 18 9 10 12 4 11 19 7 17 8 14 13 1 3 5 6 10 2 8 15 17 19 16 4 11 20 12 9 13 7 18 14 20 12 3 1 8 2 5 11 19 18 9 4 6 13 17 7 13 10 15 16 8 6 3 1 7 2 10 17 14 19 12 4 11 18 13 9 15 5 20 15 fo r th e d en om in at io n of th e in d ic at or s se e th e te xt . s ou rc e: b as ed o n th e d at a of h un ga ri an c en tr al s ta ti st ic al o ffi ce in fo rm at io n d at ab as e. 113kiss, é. and nedelka, e. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 99–117. � indi-2: ratio of industrial enterprises of all enterprises in 2018, %; � indi-3: number of enterprises with foreign interest in manufacturing in 2017; � indi-4: ratio of manufacturing enterprises with foreign interest of all enterprises with foreign interest in 2017, %; � indi-5: value of industrial production per inhabitant in 2018, 1,000 huf; � indi-6: export sales of industry in 2018, million huf; � indi-7: number of employees in industry in 2018; � indi-8: ratio of industrial employees of all employees in 2018, %; � indi-9: gross value added of industry in 2017, million huf; � indi-10: share of industry of total gross value added in 2017, %. cumulative rankings provide a good basis to identify areas where industry is more important in the economy and where it is less so. the main types of counties are the following, where industry is: 1. very significant: komárom-esztergom, győr-moson-sopron, fejér and borsodabaúj-zemplén counties; 2. significant: bács-kiskun, pest, veszprém counties and budapest ; 3. moderately significant: jász-nagykunszolnok, vas, heves and tolna counties; 4. less significant: hajdú-bihar, baranya, szabolcs-szatmár-bereg and csongrád countie; 5. least significant: zala, nógrád, somogy and békés counties (figure 8). the current spatial structure of the industry has many similarities to the spatial structure developed in the second half of the 1990s (kiss, é. 2002). after the regime change, in the 20th century, the focus of industrial production shifted to the northern part of transdanubia, because the ne–sw industrial axis, built on the resources of the mountains during the socialism, took up a direction of nw–se. foreign capital investments played a leading role in the development of the new industrial district (kiss, e. 2007). by today, the industry has continued to develop and expanded in space as a result of re-industrialization. industry remains relevant in győr-mosonsopron, komárom-esztergom and fejér counties, which, together with vas county, form a group of fdi-based processing industrial counties (lengyel, i. and varga, a. 2018). many of the industrial indicators (e.g. share of gross value added, share of industrial employment, value of industrial production) have favourable values in these counties, and though they change somewhat each year they do not influence significantly the position of counties. they basically occupy a permanently relevant place in the hungarian industry (nemes nagy, j. and lőcsei, h. 2015). industrial activity is also significant in the central part of the country, in the capital city, in pest and bács-kiskun counties. although budapest is still the largest industrial centre in hungary, its industry has lost weight after 1989, because many industrial facilities ceased to exist, were restructured and other sectors developed more dynamically (kiss, é. 2010). industry has strengthened due to the investments of the mercedes car factory and its suppliers in bács-kiskun county, and it took a prominent position in hungary’s industry in 2018: based on e.g. the number of industrial enterprises (4,681), the ratio of industrial enterprises with foreign interests (31%) or the number of industrial employees (45,000 people). in the last decade, the industry of borsod-abaúj-zemplén county also becomes more significant and together with fig. 8. cumulated ranking of industrial indicators by county in hungary. source: based on table 4. kiss, é. and nedelka, e. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 99–117.114 bács-kiskun, veszprém, heves and jásznagykun-szolnok counties they form the group of reindustrialising counties (lengyel, i. and varga, a. 2018). in contrast, the importance of the industry of northern great plain and southern transdanubia decreased, because of the reasons mentioned above, and today, the values of the counties there are mostly among the poorest ones. however, based on their ict cumulative rank their position in the ranking is often even less favourable which can also have a negative impact on the regional development (bailey, d. and de propris, l. 2019). comparing the spatial structure of industry and ict, the spatial distribution of the two phenomena shows no close correlation. only one quarter of the studied 20 spatial units can be classified into the same group based on the rankings of both indicators. (therefore, the trial factor analysis did not produce any meaningful results beforehand – nedelka, e. 2019.) there are only two counties (fejér, győr-moson-sopron), where both industry and ict are most advanced, and one county (békés) where the situation is most unfavourable based on the cumulative ranking of both indicators. the former ones belong to the most developed (industrialized) regions of the country with excellent supply by ict while the latter one was previously classified as “rural” (lengyel, i. and varga, a. 2018) that generally includes counties that are far away from the centres mostly along the borders. either their economic development or their social characteristics are considered, they often belong to the tailenders. for example, in 2017, the gdp per capita of békés county reached only 59 per cent of the national average, but the share of its industry (1.8%) regarding the gross value added was well below that of győr-mosonsopron (11.9%) or fejér (7.9%) counties. in addition to the counties at the two extremes, veszprém and heves counties were part of the same group considering both indicators. the former can be characterised by a relatively developed industry and advanced digital transformation, while the latter belonged to the midfield. the significance of the two indicators differs in the rest of the counties: either the weight of the industry or the degree of digital progress provides a higher ranking. conclusions following the latest economic crisis those involved in the global economy, enterprises in hungary and abroad have to face another challenge, industry 4.0 and/or the fourth industrial revolution. in this study the characteristics of ict giving the basis of the new trends and their application are examined in geographical terms in relation to the spatial structure of hungarian industry. depending on the geographical location of enterprises marked differences may be found in the supply of old and new ict. the reasons for this can be very diverse, however, they can be explained mainly by the nature of the local social and economic environment. history, infrastructure development, transport links, qualification and skills of human resources, etc. are important. the peculiar path of development and the past of each area have a major impact on the current ict maturity of the given place and the enterprises there. dependence on the past, on the starting conditions, or in other words “path dependency” also prevails here to some degree it identifies the path of development and determines current differences. comparing the geography of the two phenomena, ict and industry, it can be concluded that the spatial match is relatively modest. thus, the degree of ict progress cannot be closely linked to industry. ict indicators follow a characteristic north–south divide, but industry shows no sign of such spatial regularity caused partly by reindustrialisation in the last decade. digital divide and industrial divide do not match. this is primarily due to the spatial distribution of the older ict indicators, as newer technologies are more closely linked to industry. in the digital transformation, counties and enterprises in northern great plain are the least advanced, 115kiss, é. and nedelka, e. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 99–117. and this could lead to serious disadvantages in the long-term. therefore, areas where ict indicators are still unfavourable require further investment and improvements. probably the available special funds of the eu and the government will help in this. in the future the digital development will play a much more important role not only in social and economic, but also in regional development. the comparison of the spatial pattern of ict and industry has also shown that the latter one plays an important role in the spreading of icts, but it is not enough in itself. other (social, economic etc.) factors are also necessary for the application of ic technologies, tools or services by as many enterprises as possible. this can also explain that the spatial distribution of ict and industry is different and that the industry is more significant in more counties, or in another way, the prevalence of ict in space is more concentrated. in these counties, industry also plays a prominent role in the application of ict, however, the social and economic environment, the qualification and skills of workforce, the financial resources and possibilities of enterprises, the general development of infrastructure, geographical location and many other conditions (e.g. different financial supports) are also favourable or relatively favourable for industry 4.0 to progress. in fact, the more modest scale or the lack of the former conditions causes that digital transition is less advanced in many counties. the study is essentially related to the first phase of a multi-year project. it can be seen as a kind of introduction, partly to the geographical examination of industry 4.0 and partly indirectly to the spatial research of the digital maturity of the industry, which, in theory, has several ways to be continued. one way is a deeper analysis of the social and economic causes of spatial differences, the exploration of local peculiarities. this is necessary in order to define precisely what needs to be done in the area in order to mitigate the unfavourable conditions and to reduce regional differences. another possible research direction is a stronger focus on the ict maturity of industrial enterprises at local and regional level, paying particular attention e.g. to the size structure of enterprises and to sectoral differences. both research options require the promotion of empirical studies, as the range of official statistics is very limited. furthermore, to reveal the spatial pattern of the financial supports what hungarian enterprises have gained to promote their digital transformation would be also an interesting research direction. however, 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(25): 8–12. doi: 10.1016/j. ifacol.2016.12.002 kiss, é. and nedelka, e. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 99–117.118 65fabula, sz. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 65–80.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.70.1.5 hungarian geographical bulletin 70 2021 (1) 65–80. introduction contemporary cities are getting more diversified with regards the ethnic, cultural, and socio-economic composition of their residents (vertovec, s. 2007; schiller, m. 2016). the diversification of population has a profound impact on local business structure and the variety of services, vice versa, the diversification of businesses not only satisfies residents’ demand but also attracts people with different socioeconomic background, and influences people’s socio-spatial practices and thereby diversity in general (nicholls, w. and uitermark, j. 2016; van gent, w. and musterd, s. 2016). in this study, the concept of hyper-diversity (tasan-kok, t. et al. 2013) is applied in the study of the interrelationship between diversifying business structures and the attitude of local entrepreneurs and residents at the neighbourhood level. increasingly thematised in public discourse, hyper-diversity is defined in this study as the diversification of the population not only in socio-economic and ethnic terms but also regarding lifestyle, attitudes and activities (ibid). the concept of hyperdiversity offers new insights into a better understanding of the increasing complexities of urban societal and economic processes, and it also serves as the basis of new instruments for formulating policy recommendations for local stakeholders (tasan-kok, t. et al. 2017). this paper links two major strands of diversity research that recently appeared in 1 department of economic and social geography, university of szeged, egyetem u. 2., h-6720 szeged, hungary. e-mails: fabula.szabolcs@geo.u-szeged.hu (corresponding author), borosl@geo.u-szeged.hu 2 department of the built environment, aalborg university, a.c. meyers vænge 15, dk-2450 copenhagen sv, denmark. e-mails: risn@build.aau.dk, ahw@build.aau.dk 3 department of economy, society, politics; university of urbino carlo bo, via a. saffi 42, urbino, italy. e-mail: eduardo.barberis@uniurb.it 4 department of economic and social geography, university of szeged, egyetem u. 2. h-6720 szeged, hungary; and research centre for astronomy and earth sciences, geographical institute, budaörsi út 45. budapest, hungary. e-mail: zkovacs@geo.u-szeged.hu diversity and local business structure in european urban contexts szabolcs fa b u l a 1, rikke s k o v g a a r d n i e l s e n 2, eduardo b a r b e r i s 3, lajos b o r o s 1, anne h e d e g a a r d w i n t h e r 2 and zoltán k o v ác s 4 abstract this article investigates the interconnectedness between neighbourhood diversity and local business structures. for this purpose, interviews with residents and entrepreneurs were conducted in three european cities: budapest, copenhagen, and milan. the results show that diversity in the economic structure of urban neighbourhoods is equally important with regards to residents’ quality of life, the image of the neighbourhood, and local social cohesion. therefore, the main recommendation is that policy makers should act to preserve the diversity of local business structures, and that the concept of diversity itself should be understood in a broader sense, taking local peculiarities into account. keywords: urban diversity, local entrepreneurship, neighbourhood services, business ecosystem, comparative analysis received january 2021, accepted march 2021. fabula, sz. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 65–80.66 the literature. on the one hand, it builds on recent findings regarding the economic impacts of diversity, focusing on how the diversification of local businesses shapes urban space (e.g., hatziprokopiou, p. et al. 2016). in this regard, there is a common assumption in the literature that local enterprises and services are strongly linked to residents’ everyday practices, and they actively shape perceptions of urban economy and diversity (e.g., syrett, s. and spulveda, l. 2011). the concept of hyper-diversity is also aimed to shed light on new dimensions of interconnection between diversity and local firms, moving beyond viewing diversity merely in relation to migration and ethnic background (tasan-kok, t. et al. 2013). the other strand of academic discourse relevant to this study is related to international comparative research on diversity. recent studies in the field have emphasised the role of emerging new forms and conditions of diversity as well as their policy implications in various urban contexts (meissner, f. and vertovec, s. 2015; rath, j. and swagerman, a. 2015; raco, m. 2018). since urban diversity is a dynamic phenomenon, the social composition of neighbourhoods and the everyday practices of residents can change quickly even within a relatively short period of time. however, policies often lag behind ‘real world changes’, and appropriate responses are hindered by the increasing fluidity and complexity of societal relations (vertovec, s. 2009). in this study the analytical triad framework of vertovec, s. (2009) is combined with the hyper-diversity concept which allows for a broader understanding of diversity, not limited by the conventional approach of solely focusing on migration background. the main aim of this paper is to analyse the interconnectedness of neighbourhood diversity and local business structure in different urban contexts. for the sake of analysis, field research, including interviews with residents and entrepreneurs, was carried out in rapidly changing and highly diverse neighbourhoods in three european cities: budapest, copenhagen, and milan. the remaining part of the paper is divided into four sections. first, a literature review is presented in order to lay out the theoretical framework for the research, leading to the formulation of the main research questions. the subsequent section describes the research methods and the case study areas. this is followed by the analysis of the empirical research data. in the final section main research findings are discussed and their most important policy implications are highlighted. neighbourhood diversity and business ecosystems the growing diversity of contemporary urban societies is the outcome of increasing migration, growing ethnic and cultural intermixing (faist, t. 2009; vertovec, s. 2010); emerging new identities (valentine, g. 2013); accelerating social mobility and an increase in the complexity of the human resource pool (syrett, s. and spulveda, l. 2011, 2012); and also social segmentation resulting from varying access to consumption goods and assets (jayne, m. 2006). due to their increased heterogeneity, vertovec, s. (2007) labelled urban societies as super-diverse, which is an especially fitting term in north american and western european cities impacted by intense immigration in recent decades. the term super-diversity also refers to the fact that immigrant communities show high levels of heterogeneity in terms of their sociodemographic composition, religious affiliation, social status, and political views. in this study, we intend to go one step further by using the concept of hyper-diversity, according to which cities are getting more diverse not only in socio-economic and ethnic terms but also regarding the lifestyles, attitudes, and daily activities of their residents (tasan-kok, t. et al. 2013). the concept of hyper-diversity assumes that personal identities and social affiliations are marked by increased diversity due to significant variety in structures, paths, and trajectories of belonging. the policy relevance of hyper-diversity lies in the fact that 67fabula, sz. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 65–80. ‘traditional’ social categories, like race or nationality, hinder effective policy-making and action, therefore the context-dependent characteristics of different neighbourhoods as well as hyper-diverse societal and economic formations should be taken into account (raco, m. and tasan-kok, t. 2019). recent studies suggest that diversity has a positive impact on urban economies. diverse urban societies have several resources that are favourable in terms of starting a business. a tolerant, ethnically and culturally diverse urban milieu also attracts creative people, who may eventually launch businesses of their own (florida, r. 2002). in addition, attractive urban environments, available amenities, and versatile social networks can all be crucial factors in attracting and binding entrepreneurs to a city or a neighbourhood (van kempen, r. 2006). ethnic diversity and the presence of long-established immigrant communities may also lead to higher enterprise density. in addition, by tapping into ethnic market niches and making use of social capital, immigrants are more likely to set up a business venture in diverse neighbourhoods (kloosterman, r. and rath, j. 2001), as demonstrated by research carried out in amsterdam and rotterdam (kloosterman, r. and van der leun, j.p. 1999), and in antwerp and izmir (tasan-kok, t. and vranken, j. 2008; eraydin, a. et al. 2010). cross-cultural encounters between ethnic and immigrant communities can also result in a more thriving local business sphere, as was shown in a case study conducted on walworth road in london (hall, s.m. 2011). in general, a more diverse population produces and distributes a wider range of information and creates a market for a broader range of goods and services, thereby inspiring an increased number of people to contribute to meeting market demand by setting up businesses of their own (saxenian, a.l. 1999; rodríguez-pose, a. and storper, m. 2006; nathan, m. 2011; barberis, e. and solano, g. 2018). by affecting the development of local enterprises, diversity also influences the range of services available in a neighbourhood. greater diversity in the population, for instance, may result in the creation of new services (leadbeater, c. 2008) by means of connecting and fusing dissimilar or disconnected markets, products, suppliers, and consumers. emerging new products and new skills, in turn, may positively influence productivity, as bellini, e. et al. (2008) demonstrated in their study using data of nuts3 regions in 12 european countries. however, other studies suggest a different relationship between diversity and local services. using the census bureau’s zip code business pattern data for new york, meltzer, r. and schuetz, j. (2012), for example, found that neighbourhoods with higher shares of less affluent and minority residents have lower numbers of retail facilities and less diversity in retail supply than wealthier and predominantly white neighbourhoods. although it is widely accepted in the literature that there is a positive relationship between urban diversity and the range of available amenities and services at neighbourhood level, it is also acknowledged that conflicts can emerge in connection with access to such amenities and services. for example, variegated needs may lead to tensions over the provision of public services (borck, r. 2007; syrett, s. and sepulveda, l. 2011). this is also welldemonstrated in neighbourhoods affected by urban regeneration where the relocation of traditional small businesses and the marginalisation of their clientele (mainly long-term, less affluent residents) are often observed (zukin, s. et al. 2009). the commercial transformation of a neighbourhood may facilitate the marginalisation of less affluent residents, resulting in their physical and symbolic exclusion from the production of urban space (talen, e. 2010; shaw, s.j. 2011). however, particular configurations of social relations can create urban milieus in which diversity becomes a saleable asset without harming local communities (zukin, s. and kosta, e. 2004; chan, w.f. 2005). all of these findings indicate the relevance of analysing power relations that permeate representations of diversity, otherness, and boundaries between more and less accepted forms of social difference. fabula, sz. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 65–80.68 previous research suggests that there is a link between neighbourhood businesses and representations of diversity. urban commercial spaces are settings for complex and conflict-ridden negotiations of social difference and diversity (everts, j. 2010; pastore, f. and ponzo, i. 2016). for example, according to piekut, a. and valentine, g. (2017), encounters in different spaces affect the acceptance of diversity in different ways. on the one hand, encounters in spaces of socialisation and consumption have a favourable impact on attitudes towards ethnic and religious minorities. on the other hand, camina, m.m. and wood, m.j. (2009) point out that while retail facilities serve as the setting for a considerable proportion of daily encounters, the features of these places do not necessarily allow for close contact. citing gilroy, p. (2004), jones, h. et al. (2015) argue that although globalized consumption spaces (e.g., plazas, franchised cafés) often bring together a multicultural mix of consumers, encounters in these spaces can be better understood in terms of the notion of ‘civil inattention’, given that the people there rarely want to establish closer contact with people from other social groups. to sum up, power relations are clearly at play in commercial service provision and consumption, in that, dominant social groups can exert control over the aesthetic representations, public images, and social utilisation of space, thereby exercising a kind of symbolic ownership which leads to the exclusion of alternative forms of diversity. the complexity of the interconnectedness between diversity and services available to inhabitants is aptly described by hiebert, d . et al. (2014) in their study on urban markets. first of all, markets bring together people with very different backgrounds, structuring the encounters between them. secondly, markets reflect diversity in terms of the commercial and consumption activities of minorities, and they may shape social perceptions and stereotypes with respect to the groups concerned. furthermore, such mental constructs influence the way difference and diversity are perceived and accepted, as there is a close connection between consumption and the social construction of diversity due to the fact that diversity and economic activities affect each other. hiebert, d. et al. (2014) refer to vertovec’s (2009) analytical framework for diversity research and suggest that the complexities of social differentiation can be better understood if diversity is investigated in terms of three analytical domains: configurations, representations, encounters. the structural–discursive–interactional conceptual triad conceptualised by vertovec, s. (2009, 2010) consists of the following three elements: (1) ‘configurations’ refer to measurable aspects of diversity (e.g., the distribution of the population by age, sex, origin, etc.) and its political, legal, and economic contexts. (2) ‘representations’ show how diversity is conceived of by different groups in a society, including both dominant representations (e.g., official categorisations, models, policies) and demotic representations (e.g., everyday ideas, social narratives, folk art). (3) ‘encounters’ cover experiences in connection with diversity in everyday life through interpersonal and inter-group relations. these three domains are distinguished from each other only for “methodological abstraction and analytical interrelation” (vertovec, s. 2015, p. 15); otherwise they mutually affect each other. furthermore, the domains are in a constant state of change, but each of them changes at a different pace, which results in a domain lag (vertovec, s. 2009). this means that policy-making cannot always follow the dynamism of social practices, emerging societal constructs, and hybrid identities. based on the literature, research questions addressed in this paper are as follows: (1) what is the interrelationship between diversity and local business structure in urban neighbourhoods? (2) in what ways does diversity impact the quality and spectrum of consumer services in urban neighbourhoods? (3) how urban policy can facilitate concerted actions regarding neighbourhood diversity in order to boost local economies? 69fabula, sz. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 65–80. research methods and case study areas this study is based primarily on qualitative research methods. between september 2014 and march 2015, a total of 150 in-depth interviews (50 in each case study area) were conducted with inhabitants of three european neighbourhoods: józsefváros (budapest), bispebjerg (copenhagen), and the north-eastern area of milan (covering the district of niguarda and the district of via padova). interviewees were asked about their local experiences, everyday activities, social networks, and relations to the neighbourhood. in addition, 120 interviews were conducted with entrepreneurs (40 in each case study area) between september 2015 and january 2016. the entrepreneurs were asked about their motivations for launching a business, the evolution and the current performance of their business, long-term plans, customers and suppliers, relationships with other entrepreneurs, and the importance of location and social diversity. in addition, relevant national, city-wide, and neighbourhood diversity-related policy documents were analysed. the socio-economic profile of residents in the case study areas is shown by table 1. józsefváros is the 8th district of budapest with about 76,000 inhabitants and is one of the most diverse areas of the city regarding its population, building stock, public spaces, and service provision. traditionally, it has always been a lower-class district within budapest, but recent urban renewal programs have changed the urban landscape resulting in the influx of younger and better off strata (berényi, e.b. and szabó, b. 2009; nzimande, n.p. and fabula, sz. 2020). the district is also a popular destination for in-migrants from other parts of the country and more recently from abroad. consequently, the proportion of non-hungarian ethnic groups is much higher in józsefváros than the budapest average (11.9% and 7.8%, respectively, in 2011). bispebjerg is located north of the centre of copenhagen and has approximately 55,000 inhabitants. it is a highly diverse area in terms of income level, education and occupation, household structure, and ethnicity, and also with regard to the lifestyles and living conditions of residents. similar to józsefváros, it has traditionally been a lower-class area, but its social composition has been changing recently due to urban renewal programs. however, the neighbourhood is still relatively deprived in comparison to the rest of copenhagen. its different parts are also very diverse, not only in terms of social and ethnic composition, but also regarding the activities of residents, the quality of services, and the built environment. in 2013, residents of nondanish origin accounted for approx. 30 per cent of the local population, compared to approx. 11 per cent for the whole of denmark. the case study area in milan (niguarda and via padova) has 73,000 residents and is one of the most diversified areas in the city in terms of population and household composition (with approx. 25% foreigners), age and income. this area has also undergone signifitable 1. main socio-demographic indicators of the case study areas indicators józsefváros(budapest) bispebjerg (copenhagen) via padova–niguarda (milan) area, km2 total population, persons average age of local population, years residents holding foreign/multiple citizenship, % unemployment rate, % rate of social housing, % residents holding a degree, % average annual per capita income, eur 6.85 76,446 (2018) 40.70 (2011) 11.90 (2011) 1.33 (2019) 10.00 (2017) 27.04 (2011) approx. 7,500 (2016) 6.83 55,239 (2018) 35.40 (2018) 15.00 (2019) 3.90 (2017) 32.00 (2019) 43.20 (2018) approx. 24,000 (2016)* 6.31 73,876 (2017) 45.70 (2017) 24.60 (2017) 8.20 (2011) 5.60 (2011)** 17.30 (2011)*** approx. 24,000 (2017)**** *the lowest in copenhagen. **share of residential buildings owned by public institutions. ***estimated data. ****estimate based on the average officially declared taxable income at municipal level (eur 30,737). fabula, sz. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 65–80.70 cant changes in recent decades, with migrant flows coming first from the surrounding countryside and northern italy, then from southern italy (foot, j. 1997), and, in recent years, from outside europe. coupled with social mobility processes, the mix of old and newly built housing stock has created plural segments in terms of social class, age, ethnicity, and identity (arrigoni, p. 2010). because of their limited number, the three neighbourhoods merely illustrate our arguments rather than allowing for rigorous comparison. however, the selection procedure applied in the study is far from random, as the case study areas represent various types of cities in europe (scandinavian welfare-state, post-communist, and southern european), each with quite different points of departure to become a hyper-diverse city. relationship between urban diversity and local businesses – evidence from budapest, copenhagen, and milan the analytical part of the paper is based on vertovec’s (2009) conceptual triad. accordingly, the following sections discuss configurations, representations, and encounters with respect to diversity in the three case study areas, with a focus on the connection between the experiences of residents and changes in local business structures. configurations the diversity of the investigated neighbourhoods shows distinct similarities. first, their built environment and population exhibit ‘mosaicity’, and, due to historical legacies (i.e., the fact that they are traditionally bluecollar neighbourhoods), the share of smaller and lower-quality dwellings and less affluent households is still relatively high. second, recent renewal activities have resulted in upmarket housing and attracted better-off residents. third, in all three neighbourhoods, the share of the non-native population in the total population is higher than the city average. in the case study areas in copenhagen and milan there are sizeable immigrant communities, whereas in józsefváros (budapest), the share of roma ethnic group is sizeable. it is also important to note that even though the case study areas have recently become targets of urban regeneration, nevertheless, housing prices remained lower in these neighbourhoods in the last few years compared to other parts of the cities. as a result, all three areas can be considered as entry-points where inmigrants can find a niche in the housing and labour markets of the investigated cities. i lived here for 7–8 years. my home was at the end of this street. over the years, i witnessed the dynamic improvement of this neighbourhood (palotanegyed). i saw krúdy street become a very popular part of the city during the last couple of years. also, local hotels have attracted many tourists, which has resulted in higher purchasing power in the area. the price of residential properties here just keeps rising, while the proportion of well-to-do people is increasing. (female, 37 years old, ethnic hungarian, owner of a vegan bistro and gift shop, budapest.) the level of socio-spatial segregation did not reach extreme levels in the studied neighbourhoods in the past, but rather a social-mix prevailed due to the diversified local housing stock (palaces of the bourgeoisie, high-rise tenements, and low-rise housing etc.). however, recent regeneration programmes and concomitant societal changes have induced new segregation processes that shrink the opportunities of social interactions. at the same time, these processes have also created new opportunities for intercultural encounters. the relevance of hyper-diversity is especially evident in cases when similarities in lifestyle bring together residents with very different demographic, socio-economic, and ethnic backgrounds. there is a danish woman, she is like 100 per cent danish, but we used to be able to communicate really well nonetheless. nowadays, we’re both very busy so we don’t meet that much, but we used to talk about personal problems and things like that, since she’s a single mum, too. (female, 24 years old, student and single mother, with iraqi background, living in social housing, copenhagen.) 71fabula, sz. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 65–80. increasing neighbourhood diversity in the case study areas manifests itself in the diversification of lifestyles, consumption practices, and local businesses as well. as regards the structure of these local businesses, the business types identified in the three cities do show some variation, but there are certain types that are common to all of them. first, in all three cities, there are a number of traditional small enterprises (e.g., artisan shops) with low profit rates, mostly owned by native locals, many of whom mirror the old working-class character of the case study areas. second, ethno-businesses are also common in all three areas. established by immigrants, most of these businesses offer low-innovation services, such as catering, retailing in convenience stores, or specialist retailing (e.g., selling iranian carpets). third, global chain stores as well as creative firms and technology-intensive firms are also present in the three neighbourhoods, with the latter type mostly managed by younger entrepreneurs who belong to the native population. in conclusion, the composition of the local business environment in the case study areas demonstrates how the societal transformation and diversification of these neighbourhoods may re-configure economic activities and local services. the relevance of the hyper-diversity concept is also indicated by the variation between subgroups of local entrepreneurs which may be distinguished from each other in terms of their motives for starting a business as well as their clientele. some of the interviewees chose entrepreneurship to engage in economic activities in line with their lifestyle preferences. this is what was done, for example, by single parents who want increased independence and flexibility in running their own business. others launched businesses in response to changes in social composition in the case study areas, trying to satisfy new forms of consumer demand (e.g., demand for a vegan food store or a paleo pastry shop). other notable subgroups include hobby entrepreneurs who transformed their free-time activities into a business (e.g., artists, craftsmen), social entrepreneurs, and family enterprises. it must be noted, however, that individual members of each subgroup may have very different social backgrounds (for instance, the category of family businesses is made up of both immigrants and natives). it follows that local economic activities point to the disappearance of boundaries between rigid societal categories as well as the growing significance of lifestyle, range of interests, and activities. diversification affects not only the composition of the population and the businesses in the neighbourhoods but also local power relations. although the share of worse-off households is still relatively high in the case study areas, urban regeneration projects have triggered gentrification. such processes often involve the expansion of transnational companies and fashionable specialty shops (i.e., ‘boutiquing’) along with the residualisation of economically less powerful, longestablished businesses (zukin, s. et al. 2009). it is quite common that businesses characterised by higher knowledge intensity perform better (e.g., in terms of revenues), while traditional small businesses that mainly serve the daily needs of local residents face much worse prospects. in most cases, the ethnobusinesses present in the case study areas also belong to the less successful segment of local businesses. it follows that, with market competition intensifying and the retail landscape changing, older long-term residents are faced with the decision between shopping at small traditional shops and switching to impersonal supermarkets. it is also the case that some old stores are unable to pay rising rents and, thus, ‘disappear’ when their lease ends. these large shopping malls and chain stores can do what i am not allowed to: they can sell flowers and food, too. and they can buy flowers much cheaper than me. that’s a horrible thing! for instance, let’s just take lidl stores. they buy flowers from the netherlands directly from wholesalers, while my flowers go through a chain of dealers. (female, 63 years old, owner of a flower shop, ethnic hungarian, budapest.) it appears that the current diversity of local populations and businesses is likely to be temporary, with gentrification further transfabula, sz. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 65–80.72 forming the landscape of services, resulting in greater homogeneity, and, in particular, a trend toward upscale homogeneity. representations according to vertovec, s. (2009), diversity has both demotic and dominant representations. while the former reflects society’s everyday ideas about diversity, the latter mirrors the views of political interest groups and policymakers. in this study, interviewees confirmed that their neighbourhoods have a negative but steadily improving external image, which is also indicated by increasing property prices and the influx of skilled and better-off residents (czirfusz, m. et al. 2015; verga, p.l. and vitrano, c. 2016; smith, m.k. et al. 2018; skovgaard nielsen, r. and hadegaard winther, a. 2019). what is happening at the moment is that it’s really difficult to find a home out here. what i see at the estate agent’s is that prices are incredibly high. this way, eventually it’ll only be high-income people who can afford to live here, and i think that would be such a shame. (female, 38 years old, higher-level education, ethnic danish, lives in an owner-occupied terraced house with husband and children, copenhagen.) according to opinions expressed by residents, the wide range of locally accessible services and amenities is one of the greatest assets of the case study areas. there is a plethora of various shops, providing many kinds of goods and services for a very diverse consumer base. furthermore, diversity contributes to a vibrant urban milieu, making the case study areas livelier and more liveable within the wider context of the cities that they belong to. most of the interviewed residents and entrepreneurs have a positive attitude towards neighbourhood diversity. however, some negative opinions are also voiced. for instance, in copenhagen, certain customer groups are reluctant to visit particular areas of the city because of neighbourhood diversity. similarly, in budapest and milan, some entrepreneurs with unsuccessful businesses see diversity as a problem, and they attribute their lack of success to ethnic diversity in their neighbourhood (in particular, the presence of specific minority entrepreneur groups, e.g. those who run ‘cheap chinese shops’). this is especially the case in market niches where competition is fierce, and it is also common during periods of economic recession (e.g., the 2008 crisis). however, a number of entrepreneurs, in fact, directly benefit from the diverse image of the case study areas. for example, in copenhagen, interviewees confirmed that diversity attracts customers to the neighbourhood in search of certain products; while in budapest and milan, diversity is a pull factor for social enterprises targeting specific disadvantaged groups, and it also serves as a source of inspiration for creative businesses and for the tourism industry. the idea arose while i was having breakfast close to a chinese restaurant. via padova is so promising, and very, very unusual. (…) it is a source of inspiration for me. even prosaic things can be inspiring, like seeing an indian guy in his colourful clothes. (…) so this is just the perfect area! (male, 40 years old, ethnic italian background, running an art gallery, milan.) regarding dominant representations in the three cities, the analysis of local governmental policies showed that (1) diversity is generally seen as a positive phenomenon, but its negative aspects (e.g., deprivation, poverty) are also widely acknowledged in policy discourses; (2) at the metropolitan level, diversity is handled in a more tolerant and pragmatic way than at the national level (raco, m. 2018). local policies are, indeed, relevant in dealing with diversity in all three case study areas, but they mostly influence planning and regulation issues. however, in terms of advancing broader socio-economic goals, policies at the metropolitan level and the national level are of more significance. out of the three cities, only copenhagen has an explicit diversity policy, while in budapest and milan, diversity-related pol73fabula, sz. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 65–80. icy goals are less frequently formulated. copenhagen has, in fact, declared diversity as a goal, thus, its local policies aim to support diverse types of needs and lifestyles in the city. diversity is celebrated, and, as a diverse city, copenhagen is regarded as a socially rewarding and dynamic place to live. in the municipality of copenhagen, “a diverse city life is an important part of a socially sustainable city” (municipality of copenhagen 2009). in addition, the fostering of diversity serves specific policy goals, namely, economic competitiveness and social cohesion. in order to increase economic competitiveness, policies aim to attract skilled labour, investors, and tourists, thereby facilitating opportunities for diverse encounters in consumption. social cohesion, on the other hand, is expected to be strengthened by promoting intercultural dialogue, providing access to public services, and preventing segregation. however, it is also the case that deprivation and other negative aspects of diversity are often downplayed in favour of positive ones. in sum, the social democratic welfare system in denmark, which is rooted in a universalistic perspective, traditionally supports collective consumption, for example, in education and health care. in this context, policy interventions related to diversity can lead to increased diversification both in terms of consumption practices and encounters amongst various social groups (skovgaard nielsen, r. et al. 2015). in contrast to copenhagen, in budapest, and especially in milan, political attitude towards diversity is selective and shows two main characteristics. on the one hand, both in budapest and milan, explicit and systematic engagements with diversity are quite rare at the metropolitan level, while conceptualisations of diversity are primarily shaped by neoliberal urban policies, which focus on cultural consumption and the attraction of economically ‘desirable’ social groups (e.g., creative classes of people, tourists). on the other hand, diversity is mainly considered a challenge or problem rather than an asset or resource, especially within the context of dealing with immigration and ethnicity. correspondingly, the focus is on the mitigation of the negative impacts of diversity as they affect social cohesion, and also on combating social inequalities in general. consequently, the main policy priority is the redistribution of resources rather than the cultural recognition of minorities and the fostering of interactions (barberis, e. et al. 2017). to sum up, diversity policies in the three cities show utilitarian traits, with the advantages of diversity mostly being defined in terms of competitiveness and economic gains (e.g., with respect to attracting a creative labour force or tourists). however, the diversity of local businesses and the blurring of boundaries between entrepreneur types are rarely taken into account. all things considered, copenhagen seems to be the most pro-diversity city. it is also important to note, however, that the effects of some policies – or the effects of the lack of policies – may be conflicting. for instance, neighbourhood regeneration leads to increasing diversity, but beyond a certain point, this process may result in the gentrification and homogenisation of the local population and businesses. encounters neighbourhood businesses create spaces that facilitate interactions within and across groups of entrepreneurs and groups of consumers. to investigate interactions among entrepreneurs, the supplier connections of the business persons interviewed as part of the study were scrutinised during the interviews. the analysis shows that, in general, intra-neighbourhood supplier connections are rare in the three case study areas; which indicates that the relevance of other factors outweighs the role of neighbourhood connectedness in this respect. first, businesses seem to require a higher degree of physical proximity (for instance, a location in the same building or shared outdoor facilities) in order to form networks. second, similarity regarding the fields of business activities fabula, sz. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 65–80.74 or the professional background of entrepreneurs appears to be a prerequisite to building comprehensive networks. for example, in milan, ethnic caterers usually call attention to the fact that their suppliers and raw materials are italian as a way of guaranteeing quality and to gain the trust of a diverse customer base. i don’t use chinese stuff, just italian ones. all our products are from a professional italian brand. (male, 46 years old, egyptian background, barber’s, milan.) as demonstrated, professional networks may cut across boundaries between neighbourhoods as well as between ethnic and other social groups, resulting in intercultural encounters and also in improved social capital for entrepreneurs to utilise. however, interethnic cooperation can be hindered by perceived cultural distance and stereotypes. derogatory classifications and stereotypes are (re-)produced among migrant groups, too, and they can produce segmentation in terms of the geographies of collaboration. cultural and social distance among migrants, which is quite visible in group-making at local level (pastore, f. and ponzo, i. 2016), can trickle down and take new shapes in the business collaborationcompetition processes. i don’t like their manners so much. for example, arabs are too unreserved, and they touch you with their hands. i don’t like that. also, they are easily offended, and they are aggressive. and the chinese, well, they have a totally different mind-set. on the other hand, i have good relations with indians. they supply me with spirits, and we also exchange favours. (male, 23 years old, ecuadorean, latino restaurant, milan.) the above observations indicate that urban policies aiming to maximise benefits from diversity should promote cooperation between entrepreneurs from different backgrounds and also aim to create appropriate spaces for interaction between such business persons. interactions between entrepreneurs and customers depend on the activities and local embeddedness of the businesses. large or highly specialised companies rarely rely on a clientele from the local area. in fact, the location of such businesses is virtually irrelevant to some of them because they primarily trade on the internet, work in wholesale, or cater to larger companies or public institutions located across the country or abroad (which is especially true for businesses engaged, for example, in the field of construction, property development, and environmental services). as for mainstream businesses, they usually have a very diverse range of clients (and not necessarily just intra-neighbourhood clients). this is also the case for several ethnic shops. i have a very mixed customer base, from italians to south americans, from arabs to syrians – i even have filipino customers. i don’t know of any ethnicity that’s missing here, since i also get people from black africa and – thanks to the expo – also european groups, like germans and dutch people. (…) we are a multicultural business, we have different foods, and we are able to satisfy everyone’s preferences. romanians come because they always find something they like, and this is true for africans and italians, too, since we serve international cuisine. (male, italian, egyptian origins, kebab shop, milan.) in consumer–consumer interactions, it is important to note that locally-embedded businesses provide goods and services to a very diverse and mainly neighbourhood-based clientele, tailoring their supply to the lifestyles, tastes, and consumer power of their customers. well, the regulars often buy themselves a beer and then get the newspaper from over there, and then they come back here to read it and drink their beer. and they’re definitely locals. (…) you know, many of the locals in this area live alone. they have very small flats, and the others here at the pub are their friends in a way. they basically come down here to chat with them. you know, just being with other people is something they can’t do at home. (owner of traditional danishstyle pub run by her family for 40 years, copenhagen.) it should be noted, however, that neighbourhood revitalisation and the concomitant restructuring of the local business landscape also shape interactions between residents (see also e.g., boros, l. et al. 2016). this process evokes ambivalent feelings: on the one hand, people are happy to get new products and 75fabula, sz. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 65–80. services; on the other hand, long-established residents are concerned about the disappearance of ‘traditional, good old places’. in this regard, narratives such as ‘there is too much diversity in the neighbourhood’ can be observed in the interviews, along with negative sentiments towards ‘new, other’ lifestyles. i think too many foreign shops have opened, and the others seem to be disappearing. i feel that the area is becoming too dominated by these foreign shops. i think a mix would have been better than dominance. (female, 64 years old, on early retirement, ethnic danish background, social housing, copenhagen.) clearly, neighbourhood transformation and diversification is a conflict-ridden process. although commercial spaces, such as retail facilities, do create encounters between residents and also across some social groups, they often entail the exclusion of others. moreover, some residents are, in fact, repelled by certain places, and they have a negative opinion of diversity. correspondingly, otherness and ethnic boundaries are often reconfigured in conflicts over ‘out-of-place’ businesses, sometimes even leading to the political mobilisation of residents. well, small shops are closing down one after the other, and they are being replaced by these internet cafés. but one of those has already closed down, too, thanks god. it was here for quite a long time, actually, but in the end there was enough pressure from local residents to make it possible to shut down the place. (…) these internet cafés attract people who you don’t want to see (in your neighbourhood). (female, 66 years old, old-age pensioner, ethnic hungarian, budapest.) despite negative sentiments, public spaces, bars and restaurants, general stores, and local markets bring together people with similar lifestyles and consumption habits in everyday situations, creating space for interactions across societal boundaries and contributing to a better understanding of ‘other’ people (curley, a.m. 2010). this can influence the perception of diversity positively, and it can also reduce prejudices (blokland, t. and van eijk, g. 2010; peters, k. and de haan, h. 2011). several interviewees said that their neighbourhoods are like small villages in the texture of the city, where almost everybody knows everybody else. the daily activities of these people are partly framed by local shops and similar facilities, thus, such spaces can bolster community identity. this neighbourhood is attractive for a special reason. the lifestyle of local families and residents is similar to that of people living in villages. most of the people here are in daily contact with each other. we often meet at the market as well as local shops. the renovation of teleki square was completed a few months ago, and now we have several new community places where people can meet and get together in their free time. (female, 63 years old, old-age pensioner, hungarian, budapest.) interactions between residents may even evolve into long-term relationships, thereby strengthening neighbourhood social capital. i used to know a lot of people from the shop, and i would help everyone who asked me to. i helped with administration, legal things, and things like how to rent a place, or where to go to get things done. (…) there is this friend of mine from egypt. he opened a restaurant. (…) the authorities wanted to fine him once. but i got him a lawyer, who helped. (male, 65 years old, old-age pensioner, ethnic hungarian, budapest.) in sum, the concept of hyper-diversity is applicable to interactions, too, as the interviews conducted demonstrate how seemingly homogeneous social groups show considerable inner heterogeneity with respect to lifestyles and consumption practices. in this context, meaningful interactions can contribute to eradicating certain stereotypes and prejudices, while also providing economic benefits by allowing entrepreneurs to cooperate with partners (e.g., suppliers) across ethnic and cultural boundaries. in addition, local businesses provide a framework for inter-group encounters in public spaces and spaces of consumption, thus, they have the potential to strengthen social cohesion. discussion and conclusions the principal aim of this study was to reveal the interconnectedness between neighbourfabula, sz. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 65–80.76 hood diversity and local business structure. for this purpose, findings from qualitative research conducted among residents and local entrepreneurs in three european cities have been presented. reflecting on the first research question, which concerns the interrelationship between diversity and local business structures in urban neighbourhoods, first, it can be concluded that social and cultural diversity was not the primary pull factor for the interviewed entrepreneurs when it came to deciding where to open businesses. instead, it was the diversity of local property markets and the availability of affordable business locations which played a crucial role in their decisions to start businesses in the neighbourhoods, while the diversity of consumers became an influential factor in their business activities only after they moved to the areas in question. second, due to neighbourhood regeneration and gentrification, upgrading in retail and services can be observed in the case study areas. however, this process has also had negative impacts on local businesses, with the residualisation or displacement of many old, traditional shops; which is a phenomenon similar to experiences in other cities (e.g., zukin, s. et al. 2009). additionally, the relevance of the hyper-diversity concept is noticeable in this context. on the one hand, the clientele of the interviewed entrepreneurs is very heterogeneous, which indicates the significance of adapting business practices to diverse lifestyles and consumption practices. on the other hand, ethnic market niches are less common in the case study areas, especially in budapest, which is a post-socialist eastern european city without a considerable recent history of immigration (in comparison to copenhagen or milan). third, local businesses also have considerable impacts on the representations of diversity and of various social groups in the case study areas. regarding demotic representations of diversity (vertovec, s. 2009), it was a common view among the interviewees that the diversity in retail and services was one of the main advantages of the neighbourhoods in question. furthermore, definitions of diversity developed by the interviewees often included elements such as the heterogeneity of local urban functions, services, and shops. thus, our study corroborates previous findings about the significance of neighbourhood services in terms of shaping people’s perceptions of an area and also with respect to their housing choices (allen, n. 2015). as for dominant representations of diversity (vertovec, s. 2009), in the three cities, such representations are mostly linked to competitiveness or social tensions. in economic development policy, these representations are aligned with internationally mainstream ideas about creative workforces and creative cities, in line with florida’s (2002) thesis. however, our interviews suggest that diversity should be viewed in a broader sense (an idea that will be discussed in more detail in answer to the third question below). regarding the second research question, which is related to the effects of neighbourhood diversity on consumer services available to residents, the interviews demonstrate that local services are crucial to residents’ quality of life. with general neighbourhood upgrading in the case study areas, there is an ongoing diversification in the local business sector – a process which has positive as well as negative consequences for consumers. for example, diversification results in a greater retail supply but also residualisation as well as the displacement of traditional small shops. with regard to hyper-diversity, the relevance of lifestyle and consumer habits is indicated by the fact that growth in the number and quality of services is appreciated by both newcomers and longestablished residents. businesses also create new spaces for interactions. however, the effects of such spaces on local populations are debated in the international literature on the topic. nonetheless, the importance of diversity and spaces for intercultural encounters is emphasised in planning studies (e.g., iveson, k. 2000; fincher, r. 2003; fincher, r. et al. 2014), with some scholars paying special at77fabula, sz. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 65–80. tention to the significant role that business venues such as urban markets play in this respect (wood, p. et al. 2006). other authors, however, are sceptical, especially with regard to planning for spaces for such encounters. ahmadi, d. (2018) argues that in a diverse social environment, informal interactions only occur when shared activities and experiences exist among inhabitants. hoekstra, m.s. and dahlvik, j. (2018) point out that the success of such activities depends on several factors, such as the personal profiles of residents (e.g., educational level), local power relations, institutional configurations, and the infrastructure required to realise relevant initiatives. based on our study, we can add that spaces of consumption have the potential to generate cross-cultural encounters, but lifestyles and consumption practices can be integrative and exclusive at the same time. therefore, cooperation with local entrepreneurs in creating diverse spaces for encounters is vital in related planning activities. in answer to the third research question, some policy recommendations are provided in this last section of the paper. first, urban policy makers should consider that locallyembedded small businesses, which are affordable to launch, play an important role in improving residents’ quality of life and in fostering social cohesion. therefore, attention should be paid to the protection and support of these relatively weak enterprises, which do not fit particularly well with the globalised economic mainstream, especially in neighbourhoods affected by gentrification. it is also important to note that there is considerable diversification among entrepreneurs in terms of age, lifestyle, or management strategy. furthermore, categories of entrepreneurs are highly mixed nowadays. for instance, someone can simultaneously be an old-age pensioner and a part-time employee, or a single parent and a hobby or lifestyle entrepreneur – as our interviews have demonstrated. such enterprises need differentiated and tailored policy solutions, which require new governance structures (sutton, s.a. 2010). for example, instead of spontaneous, fully market-driven upgrading in gentrifying neighbourhoods, the solution may come in the form of ‘socially sensible rehabilitation’ (for instance, something similar to the magdolna quarter programme in józsefváros, budapest – see horváth, d. and teller, n. 2008; tosics, i. 2014; czirfusz, m. et al. 2015), which can potentially be supplemented by sub-programmes focusing on small local enterprises. second, local economic development should be defined in multiple ways. although, following florida, j. (2002), it is mostly creative and technology-intensive industries that tend to be pushed to the forefront in policy discourses of diversity, there are some critiques towards this approach. first, categories such as creative enterprises are not homogeneous, and these businesses should be differentiated in policy making (see e.g., he, j. and huang, x. 2018). second, there are also a number of new paradigms that have recently emerged in studies of urban economy. consequently, concepts such as green and circular economy (su, b. et al. 2013), sharing economy (davidson, n.m. and infranca, j.j. 2015), or silver economy (kubejko-polańska, e. 2017) should be utilised by policy makers and other urban practitioners when formulating diversity-related initiatives for local economic development. third, in line with international literature (specifically, thomas, j.m. and darnton, j. 2006; cysek-pawlak, m.m. 2018) and based on our fieldwork, the term diversity should be defined in a broader way, instead of being limited to a few ‘trendy’ dimensions of social difference. in this respect, the concept of hyper-diversity (tasan-kok, t. et al. 2013) can serve as a conceptual framework, and it can also facilitate the development of analytical tools for urban policy and practice as regards lifestyles, consumption practices, and urban functions and services, among other things. finally, it is important to note that the interpretations of supposedly shared international concepts such as diversity are always context-dependent. according to our research findings, historical legacies in budapest, fabula, sz. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 65–80.78 copenhagen, and milan are decisive in this respect. while both in the northern and the southern european city, migration, for example, attracts more policy interest at the urban scale, in budapest (and across hungary), migration issues are seen primarily as elements in the rhetoric of the national government, with other dimensions of diversity such as ethnicity (i.e., roma or hungarian) or socioeconomic deprivation appearing to attract greater interest. therefore, future research should pay attention to local understandings of diversity to assist local actors in creating their own narratives of living with diversity. acknowledgements: the empirical results presented in this study are derived from divercities international research project. divercities (‘governing urban diversity: creating social cohesion, social mobility and economic performance in today’s hyper-diversified cities’, pr. n.: 319970) was a four-year long (2013–2017) project financed by the european union’s 7th framework programme for research and technological development. this work of lajos boros was supported by the jános bolyai research scholarship of the hungarian academy of sciences. r e f e r e n c e s ahmadi, d. 2018. diversity and social cohesion: the case of jane-finch, a highly diverse lower-income toronto neighbourhood. urban research & practice 11. 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(1): 47–64. spatial characteristics of access of third-country citizens to the hungarian public health care system 71illés, s. and gellér-lukács, é. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 71–80.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.65.1.6 hungarian geographical bulletin 65 2016 (1) 71–80. introduction the national health care system is built up as an elaborated structure. the rules of access and of service provision are complex in hungary. this inherently compound structure is further supplemented by distinct international rules to third-country nationals. key stakeholders of the system are the health care providers themselves that are required to put the national, international and supranational legal rules into practise. they are required to solve the fi nancial and administrative tasks and to sort out the concrete cases related to third-country nationals. they have direct contact with the patients, they communicate with the persons concerned and, most importantly, they provide for the appropriate medical care (gellérné lukács, é. 2012; bell, d. et al. 2015). the heterogeneity of third country patients, the frequency of demand of medical services, the type of the treatments within public health care are all fundamental research terrains to be investigated since health is one of the main elements of wellbeing and inequality, too (thomas, f. and gideon, j. 2013; jakab, zs. and tsouros, a.d. 2014). the research aimed at examining the access and participation of third-country nationals in the hungarian public health care system. within the framework of the research carried out between 2006–2010 the following specifi c questions arose: what is the citizenspatial characteristics of access of third-country citizens to the hungarian public health care system sándor illés1 and éva gellér-lukács2 abstract the eff ect of international migration on public health care system is one of the emerging themes within health and mobility studies. unfortunately, there is scarce information on health situation of international migrants in central and eastern europe. this research paper tries to contribute fi lling in this gap with a case study related to hungary and it deals with the access and participation of third-country nationals to the hungarian public health care system as patients. the study integrates quantitative and qualitative methodologies coupled with a holistic approach. macro data of the national health insurance fund was analysed and fi eld works in the national ambulance service and at the semmelweis university (budapest) were carried out. the volumes and rates of nationals of ukraine, china, vietnam, serbia, former yugoslavia, russia and mongolia are the dominant groups in the provision of acute care, in-patient care, out-patient care, dental care and cash benefi ts. acute care is relatively the most populous and medical treatments in capital institutions as opposed to countryside ones. the main spatial factors aff ecting the provider and supplier side of public health care system in hungary are identifi ed while concluding that third-country migrants utilize selectively the institutions of the hungarian public health care system. conclusions subscribe to the need for future research in this theme in the light of most recent international mobility upheavals. keywords: international migration, public health care system, third-country citizen, mobility, spatial patt ern, hungary 1 active society foundation, h-1094 budapest, liliom u. 8. e-mail: dr.illes.sandor@gmail.com 2 eötvös loránd university, faculty of law, postgraduate institute. h-1051 budapest, egyetem tér 1–3. e-mail: drlukacseva@gmail.com illés, s. and gellér-lukács, é. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 71–80.72 ship distribution of third-country nationals? what kind of services and medical treatments are frequently used by them? are the demographic and medical characteristics of foreign patients (sex, age, consumption of medical treatment) similar to that of hungarian patients? are there special challenges towards foreign patients for service providers? international migration context in hungary quantitative and qualitative changes began in 1988 aft er four decades of a controlled and restrictive migration regime. due to the political transformation process in central and eastern europe there was also a turn in the types of international migration fl ows. hungary got integrated into the european and international migration systems again (tóth, j. 2012). there was a signifi cant growth of international migration of foreign citizen fl ows in hungary which became a receiving and a transit country aft er a long period of being a sending area. as a result of the continuous infl ows and moderate outfl ows the number of foreign citizens staying in hungary rose steadily. at the end of 1999 more than 150,000 long-term immigrant were living in hungary, so their share within the total population rose above 1.5 percent. it is worth mentioning that it was a low proportion in european context (kincses, á. 2015). an increase of international immigration flow could be measured in the years following hungary’s eu accession (1st of may, 2004). the number of immigrants exceeded 25, 000 per year. the surplus came from other countries of the european union. however, neighbouring countries played a rather small role in the quantity of immigration (gellérné lukács, é. 2011). the att raction of hungary has been gradually decreased in parallel with hungary falling into economic crises from the end of 2008. the number of foreign citizens living in hungary in 2009 was 184,358 persons, so their share within the total population increased above 1.8 percent. 36 percent moved from romania, at about 10 percent from ukraine and serbia. only 3 percent came from the neighbouring slovakia. germans had 9 percent plus other non-german europeans owned 17 percent. chinese possessed 6 percent plus other non-chinese asians had 7 percent . citizens of american countries had 2 percent while africans had 1 percent (gödri, i. et al. 2014). the issues of asylum seekers and refugees are treated diff erently from the regular international migration. the offi ce of immigration and nationality (oin) collects and publishes data about them. the legal regulations established three diff erent categories: refugee (menekült in hungarian) according to geneva convention temporary protected asylum seekers (menedékes) and persons granted subsidiary protection (oltalmazott -befogadott ). in the middle of the 1990’s, with the escalation of the yugoslav war, ethnic bosnians, serbs and albanians arrived in hungary and applied for temporary shelter and they obtained asylum-seeker status. before the accession of hungary to the eu the average number of asylum applications was high (5,000 per year). soon aft er the accession it diminished to an annual average of 2,000. all in all asylum applicants were 41,000 between 2001 and 2012. more than 75 percent arrived illegally with the help of human traffi ckers. many applicants moved forward to the west from the refugee camps even before the hungarian offi cial decision was passed, because they initially wanted to reach western europe. only a few applicants were granted refugee status (less than 10%). for instance, between 2001 and 2012 only 1,616 persons received conventional refugee status in hungary. asylum applicants were afghan, iraqi and bangladeshi. considerable quantitative change has been started from 2013 due to the liberalisation of hungarian legal rules. it means that asylum applicants who arrive illegally are not arrested during the examination of their application. during the fi rst half of 2013 11,741 asylum applicants arrived in hungary mainly from kosovo, pakistan and afghanistan. the stock 73illés, s. and gellér-lukács, é. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 71–80. of recognised applicants was as follows in january 2013 in hungary: 1,513 persons as refugees, 1,121 temporary protected asylum seekers and persons granted subsidiary protection. new sort of international movement of people of third nationals has been emerging since 2013. the number of quasi-transit tourists-migrants-asylum seekers reached the tens of thousands of people in 2013 (18,000) and 2014 (47,000). this value increased to 177,000 people till 15 september 2015 only that year. hungary – as member of the european union and part of the schengen area – is committ ed to fulfi l all requirements concerning controlling and protecting the external borders of the eu. hungary is situated on the illegal migration route from the balkans to western europe. as a transit country emphasis needs to be placed on handling the „transit traffi c”, intensifying border control and maintaining internal security. hungary’s accession to the schengen area in december 2007 has not aff ected the illegal migration routes in short-term, it has not changed in any signifi cant way. main source and transit areas of the continuously increasing illegal migration fl ows are the middle east, asia minor, northern africa and the balkans. legal context hungarian public health care system is horizontally accessible for economically active third-country nationals. persons in paid employment or self-employed persons who are paying social insurance contributions are entitled to access the public health care system. two sorts of health related benefi ts exist in hungary for third country nationals: health care (in kind) benefi ts and sickness (cash) benefi ts (emn-hungary 2013). additionally, access to health care for those third-country nationals who are not pursuing economic activity is, as a main rule, subject to the registration of habitual residence and possession of the permanent residence permit. persons who are insured or qualify as insured have access to medical treatment and justify their entitlement with the possession of taj (social insurance identifi cation number). the public health care provider controls the eligibility of the patient via the on-line database, on the basis of the taj number. for refugees and asylum seekers hungary operates the same system of health care as for nationals (including double or multiple citizens), with no additional requirements and no forms of care excluded. refugees and asylum seekers do not have to pay premium costs. it is fi nanced from state budget. higher costs could be in those cases where refugees or asylum seekers turn to private institutions. on the question of the extent of coverage for asylum seekers we stress that they are on equal footing with nationals. as a main rule, hungarian health care is free of charge for eligible persons, no extra charges shall be paid by the benefi ciary. however, a remarkable exception is dental care, which is mostly a privately run business. it is only free of charge for the age group 0–6 and over 65. if the third-country national has no entitlement (e.g. the migrant has not lived in hungary for at least one year or he/ she is undocumented), he/she is required to provide for his/her medical coverage on private basis. emergency health care, however, is provided by the hungarian public system without previously controlling the entitlement, and if there is no entitlement, the costs must be reimbursed a posteriori by the international migrant. the same applies to hungarian nationals in lack of entitlement. the hungarian health insurance is based on individual legal relationships. every insured or entitled person acquires rights on its own. following from this, health insurance provisions do not acknowledge the secondary rights of family members for accessing healthcare. the legal situation and rights of children and other relatives of the insured person shall be decided individually. the public healthcare system is operated by the national health insurance fund (nhif), via its central service and with the involvement illés, s. and gellér-lukács, é. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 71–80.74 of its regional organs. regionally the operation is based on the health insurance fund directorates of the capital and county government offi ces (gellérné lukács, é. 2012). beyond national and eu law, hungary has a limited number of bilateral agreements which also give basis for entitlements of thirdcountry nationals. among the social security agreements these are the agreements with montenegro and bosnia-herzegovina that give entitlement to hungarian health care benefi ts. additionally, foreign citizens coming from the below-enumerated countries are entitled to have access to the undoubtedly necessary in-kind benefi ts of the hungarian health care system if their state of health urgently requires: jordan, angola, iraq, mongolia and cuba.2 for example in the fi eld of healthcare, in the year of 2012 the hungarian competent institution, nhif, issued cg 111 forms (for montenegro) amounting to 954, in relation to croatia hr111 amounting to 29, hr112 amounting to 14. no forms were issued in relation to bosnia-herzegovina. on the receiving side, in 2012 insured persons of montenegro applied for 117 medical treatments in hungary while insured persons of croatia for 661 cases. from 1 july 2013 croatia became member state of the eu; consequently, regulation (eu) no 883/2004 supersedes the bilateral agreement in this fi eld. in sum, as a main rule, entitlement is granted on an individual basis for third country nationals, based on national law, eu law and bilateral agreements. those holding long-term residence permits (both in terms of directive 2003/109/ec3 and as defi ned by national legislation) and third-country nationals (holding 2 jordan (incorporated by 15/1981. mt regulation), kuwait (incorporated by 33/1979. mt regulation), people’s republic of angola ( incorporated by 17/1984. mt regulation), iraq (incorporated by 47/1978. mt regulation), mongolia (incorporated by 29/1974. mt. regulation), people’s democratic republic of korea (incorporated by 14/1975. mt regulation), cuba incorporated by law-decree no 16 of 1969). 3 council directive 2003/109/ec of 25 november 2003 concerning the status of third-country nationals who are long-term residents. either long-term residence permits or timebound residence permits) if they are economically active workers or self-employed possess entitlement. if the third-country national has no entitlement (e.g. the migrant has not lived in hungary for at least one year or s/he is undocumented), s/he is required to provide for his/her medical coverage on private basis. emergency health care, however, is provided by the hungarian public system without previously controlling the entitlement, and if there is no entitlement, the costs must be reimbursed by the international migrant. methods various data types were collected and combined methodology (zurc, j. 2013; morgan, d.l. 2014) were utilised during the research due to the complex interrelationship between international migration and health (gatrell, a.c. 2011). for the sake of comparability quantitative data from administrative sources were also collected. additionally, fi eld works were carried out according to the requirements of the holistic approach. the basic macro data of the project came from the nhif. the time interval of the data ranged from 2006 to 2010 and related only to the third country nationals who obtained public health care in hungary. the private health care providers were out of the scope of the nhif data base. the general characteristics of the data were as follows: full scope and register-based. firstly, it meant that the inevitable distortions of representatives did not burden the validity of information. secondly, we wished to create time series in order to discover short, medium and long term trends related to demographic, labour market and legal status. however, relevant economic, social and health features of third country nationals (gender, age, family status, educational attainment) have not been gathered by nhif, unfortunately. dual citizens access to health care benefi ts on the basis of their hungarian nationality (cp. serbia, croatia, ukraine, usa). thus, data on third-country health care 75illés, s. and gellér-lukács, é. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 71–80. consumers relate to those who do not possess hungarian nationality (töttős, á. 2013). two primary institutions formed the basis of the qualitative data collection. these are the semmelweis university (budapest) and the national ambulance service. within the framework of the project 51 in-depth, semi-structured interviews with health care providers (doctors, nurses, administrative offi cers, managers) were carried out, in order to reveal the opinion of the stakeholders of these two institutions (gyeney, l. and kovács, g. 2012; kereszty, é. 2012). research results the unique database provided by the nhif contains information related to third-country nationals possessing taj between the years 2006 and 2010. the database consisted of the public health care consumption of thirdcountry nationals staying legally in hungary. as methodological notes it is put forward that the private health care consumption of third-country nationals was out of the scope of this paper. the analysis was based on data of administrative nature deriving from fullscale register that already had archive data fi les as well. we distinguished the types of care: emergency health care (acute care), outpatient care, in-patient care, dental care and cash benefi ts. according to the advantages of the administrative data available the focus will be on citizenship matt ers in the following sections. utilisation of acute care services the absolute number of third country nationals who received acute care in hungary was 11,776 between 2006 and 2010. the distribution of acute care treatment by citizenship mirrored strong concentration by citizenship. 82 percent of the care recipients came from seven countries, namely, ukraine, china, vietnam, serbia, former yugoslavia, russia and mongolia. it is to be traced that the structure of third-country nationals echoes the block of former socialist countries of the past century. it is suggested that, albeit the research aims at describing current trends, it severely faces the heritage of the past, almost 50 years long history. the nationals of ukraine had the highest number (4,810 persons) within the mass of third-country foreign citizens. chinese people were situated in the second place with a severely less absolute number (2,430 persons). vietnamese citizens held the third place (1,204 persons). these third-country nationals were followed by the citizens of neighbouring countries like serbia and former yugoslavia (370 plus 881 nationals). the third country nationals from russia had limited absolute number (770 persons). finally, citizens of mongolia could be seen with 376 persons. the full scope register based statistics contain data on the costs of acute care. so it is possible to compute a fi nancial indicator, too. the average price was 34,400 huf (ca. 110 eur) per acute care recipient per year (table 1). table 1. aggregate data on third-country national’s medical care recipients in hungary between 2006 and 2010 type of treatment number of care recipients average cost per person, 1,000 huf per year rate of the 7 most considerable nationalities within third-country care recipients, % rate of the third-country care recipients treated in the 7 most considerable receiving counties, % share of budapest, % acute care in-patient care out-patient care dental care cash benefi t 11,776 9,414 72,306 18,123 3,961 34.4 34.4 3.0 1.1 81.6 82 94 79 86 93 94 95 85 86 94 61 63 57 55 66 source: nhif data and the authors’ own calculations. illés, s. and gellér-lukács, é. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 71–80.76 utilisation of in-patient care services altogether 9,414 third country nationals received in-patient cares. the distribution of in-patient care treatment by citizenship mirrored stronger concentration compared to acute cares. 94 percent of the in-patient care recipients came from the same 7 countries, namely, ukraine, china, vietnam, former yugoslavia, serbia, russia and mongolia. we received data about sex only in case of in-patient care. it is to be mentioned that chinese and vietnamese male had medical problems requiring in-patient care only to a very limited extent. even urological incidents were negligible. in case of female, gynaecological medical interventions, prenatal and newborn care were outstandingly dominant. the over representation of these two nations were the highest in the context of immigrant share by citizenship. the statistics of nhif contain data on the costs of acute care. the average price was 34,400 huf per acute care recipient per year (see table 1). utilisation of out-patient care services altogether 72,306 third country nationals got out-patient cares. this was the most numerous group among the types of treatment analysed. but the distribution of out-patient care treatment by citizenship was least concentrated. 79 percent of the out-patient care recipients came from the seven countries under investigation. the full scope register based statistics contain data on the costs of each type of treatment. the average price of out-patient care was 3,000 huf (ca. 10 eur) per out-patient care recipient per year. this was one of the smallest average costs if we compare it with the average acute care and average in-patient care costs (both 34,400 huf) (see table 1). we did not discover peculiar cases from a citizenship point of view in the hungarian counties. utilisation of dental care services altogether 18,123 third country nationals experienced dental cares in hungary between 2006 and 2010. the distribution of dental care treatment by citizenship mirrored medium level concentration. it was an intermediary position between in-patient care (94%) and acute care (82%). 86 percent of the dental care recipients came from seven countries. the nationals of ukraine had the highest number (6,617 persons) within the mass of foreign citizens. chinese people were in the second place with much less absolute numbers (3,038 persons). vietnamese citizens held the third place (1,718 persons). these nationals were followed by the citizens of former yugoslavia (1,636 people). the full scope register based statistics contain data on the costs of dental care. the average price was 1,100 huf (ca. 3.5 eur) per dental care recipient per year. this was the smallest average cost (see table 1). the average value of the indicator seems too small at fi rst sight according to the everyday experiences in hungary but we did not explore peculiar aggregate dental cases from citizenship point of view through the lens of receiving counties. access to cash benefi t altogether 3,961 third country nationals got cash benefi t in hungary between 2006 and 2010. this was the least numerous mass among the types of treatment analysed. the distribution of cash benefi t gainers by citizenship echoed one of the strongest concentrations. 93 percent of the care recipients came from seven analysed countries, namely, ukraine (1,317 persons), china (992 persons), vietnam, (758 persons), former yugoslavia, russia, serbia and mongolia. the average amount was 81,600 huf per cash benefi t recipient per year. this was the highest average cost among the types under investigation. we did not explore peculiar cases from citizenship angle in destination counties. 77illés, s. and gellér-lukács, é. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 71–80. discussion the potential explanatory factors of the structure of citizenship are according to figure 1. and relevant literature as follows. the signifi cant weight of ukrainians among the immigrants in hungary is a satisfactory statistical determinant about the dominance of ukrainian citizens in all sorts of cares. however, the deep causes are embedded in ethnic hungarians living near the hungarian-ukrainian border and the discrepancies between the development stage of ukraine and hungary including public health care systems (karácsonyi, d. and kincses, á. 2011). ukrainian sort of explanatory factors do not work among the citizens of china and vietnam. their share is higher among all cases than their corresponding values as foreign citizens in hungary. their overrepresentation mainly correlates to their economic status. they work as self-employed persons. as an additional determinant we may add to the diaspora lifestyle formulating. it must be mentioned that the overwhelming majority of services for chinese and vietnamese was provided in the capital city of budapest (egedy, t. and kovács, z. 2010). the share of citizens of former yugoslavia and one of the successor states of serbia was low comparing to their weight among thirdcountry foreigners in hungary. the role of ethnic hungarian communities and their wealthy economic positions is enormous (kincses, á. and takács, z. 2010). contrary to the nationals discussed above russian and mongolian people are over represented among all types of care compared to their share among immigrants in hungary. in the russian case the value would be closely related to the former medical tourist activity, mainly the cases of acute care. the mongolian case is completely diff erent from the russian. the explanation is hidden in the phenomenon of work driven migration of mongols. but it is not similar to the chinese or vietnamese cases because mongolians are guest-workers that is not self-employed status (figure 1). on the basis of the analysis of in-depth interviews at national ambulance service and semmelweis university budapest (gyeney, l. and kovács, g. 2012; kereszty, é. 2012), the following main observations can be discovered from the angle of time-space forces. three main difficulties can be identified: problems of language, communication and culture; absence of medical history; questions of aft ercare. language, communication and cultural factors except for ethnic hungarian immigrants diffi culties are discovered in diff erent language knowledge between suppliers and providers of health care (feith, j.h. et al. 2010; eke, e. et al. 2011). the health workers are usually not been helped by an interpreter and/or cultural mediators in public institutions. we must distinguish for example the semmelweis university’s institutions from regional or local health care centres. physicians working in clinics spent several years in foreign institutes so they have no communication problems in english and/or german. although physicians speak quiet good foreign language(s) only few nurses and other healthcare employees have appropriate language skills. interviewees agreed that it is important to speak at least one foreign language on basic level for health workers in an institution which has a lot of foreign patients everywhere in the country. religion is the main factor in the fi eld of cultural diff erences among third-country nationals. beyond the religious rules covering clothing, patients cannot pursue their everyday life (habit, rituals). for instance, amongst in-care patients, problems arise concerning one of the basic human needs, the meal. the question of cultural diff erences puzzled our interviewees. according to the opinion of ft he irst group the medical staff handle this question with much more professional ethics of practice (according to the international requirements emerging on the culturally competent and diversity sensitive services) than a few decades ago. the second illés, s. and gellér-lukács, é. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 71–80.78 group of interviewees found that the problems come from cultural diff erences which would not be eliminated or solved completely in the healthcare institutions (crush, j. and tawodzera, g. 2014). majority of the interviewees agreed that there should be employees knowing or practicing particular cultures in such institutions because a lot of patients having cultural diff erences. role of medical history the starting point of each physician-patient relation would be the initiation of the anamnesis (rezonja, r. et al. 2010) except for the life-threatening situations in acute care. misunderstanding and lack of medical records are the source of serious problems if foreign patients cannot understand the physician’s questions and/or at fi rst stage cannot provide any document on the previous troves (medical fi ndings, records) belong to their own medical history. moreover, medication of foreign patients should be problematic because drugs used by the patient at home or his/her previous destination are oft en unknown and/or unavailable in hungary. aft ercare the patient’s aft ercare could be problematic in case of emigration, if she/he interrupts the connection with the previous health workers. this problem arises not only in relation to foreigners but also to nationals. but the rapid development of information, transportation technology and telecommunication, the distinctive function of emigration fig. 1. regional distribution of types of treatment in hungary by seven most considerable sending countries, 2006–2010 in percent 79illés, s. and gellér-lukács, é. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 71–80. has been eroding. circulation as the system of multiple and recurring international migration form emerging in the epoch of globalisation (illés, s. and kincses, á. 2012; matiscsák, a. 2013) may diminish the weight of this problem. conclusions there is a strong interrelationship among three elements: eligibility to public health care, economic activity and lawful residence in hungary. the third-country migrants appear more frequently in the fi eld of emergency care. ukrainian, serbian and ex-yugoslavian nationals appear in relatively huge numbers in ambulance services, however, contrary to the previous expectations not in the border counties but rather in the capital city, budapest. in the case of chinese nationals obstetrical interventions are dominant. probably, due to cultural diff erences the role of traditional western medicine is less signifi cant within the chinese community. a remarkable alternative can be the private (presumably chinese) health institutions. the relatively big vietnamese population appears solidly in the out-patient and in-patient care and they hardly use the national ambulance service. russian and mongolian citizens are over represented among all types of care compared to their weights within third-country nationals in hungary. in the relatively high russian values medical tourist activity plays a role. the explanation of mongolian values hidden in the phenomenon of work driven migration because of mongols who are mainly guest-workers in hungary. when language, communication and cultural barriers do exist, patients tend not to reach primary health care or preventive medical treatments but immediately the special care. the high territorial concentration of treatments narrow down the eff ective function of public health care system for thirdcountry nationals. in the near future we would like to embed our research results in a broader scientifi c context, but we have found few opportunities to perform international comparisons. the investigation of public and private health care systems utilised by international migrants on macro scale is fundamental worldwide. the emerging databases across countries may be important resources for international comparisons and may allow us to test the robustness of the fi ndings of this hungarian case study. acknowledgement: “research about access to the health care system” project is co-fi nanced by tullius ltd., the european integration fund and the ministry of home aff airs of hungary. this paper was fi nanced by pallas athéné geopolitical foundation, active society foundation and the local 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice the changing nature of labour protest: comparing the fragmentation 95helbrecht, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 95–111.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.66.2.1 hungarian geographical bulletin 66 2017 (2) 95–111. the changing nature of labour protest: comparing the fragmentation of protest rituals on may 1st in berlin and budapest ilse helbrecht1, éva izsák2, peter dirksmeier1, márton berki3 and sebastian schlueter1 abstract the transition from industrial to post-industrial society has changed the conditions for labour protest in europe fundamentally. in this paper recent forms of labour protest are explored in two european capital cities, berlin and budapest. in the context of growing job insecurity, flexibilisation and fragmentation of labour markets, the motivations and class positions of protest participants are scrutinised, along with the diversified geographies of protest events. building on empirical results by means of a survey based on structured mini-interviews, the paper argues, first, that a fragmentation of labour protests on may 1st is observable. this fragmentation is driven by an overall change of labour day celebrations from trade union oriented demonstrations towards segmented party zones of protest in both cities. second, neither traditional forms of labour protest is nor newly created, more festive forms of labour celebrations attract a significant proportion of people suffering from precarity or unemployment. thus, most marginalised people in the service-dominated economy do not have a voice in labour protests today. keywords: protest, labour, urban social movements, berlin, budapest 1 department of geography, humboldt-university berlin, d-10099 berlin, unter den linden 6. e-mails: ilse. helbrecht@geo.hu-berlin.de, peter.dirksmeier@geo.hu-berlin.de, sebastian.schlueter@geo.hu-berlin.de. 2 department of regional science, eötvös loránd university, h-1117 budapest, pázmány péter sétány 1/c. e-mail: eva.izsak@gmail.com 3 department of social and economic geography, eötvös loránd university, h-1117 budapest, pázmány péter sétány 1/c. e-mail: berkimarton@yahoo.com introduction who engages in labour protest today? we know from the literature that the transition from industrial to post-industrial society has induced a fundamental restructuring of social class divisions, labour markets, and labour politics (bell, d. 1973; mcdowell, l. and christopherson, s. 2009). under the reign of a service-dominated economy, labour market precarity has risen and labour market polarisation drastically deepened in most countries of the european union, almost irrespective of their geographical location. as a matter of course, these new conditions of labour and labour regulation are by no means unproblematic and have been criticised by a wide range of commentators in academia as well as in politics and the media (fainstein, s.s. and fainstein, n.i. 1985; harvey, d. 2001; gibson, c. and kong, l. 2005; novy, j. and colomb, c. 2013). yet, in spite of the continual necessity for intense labour protests that address the new risks and vulnerabilities of employees in the service and knowledge economy, we know from a rich set of literature that today it has become far more difficult for trade unions and labour parties to mobilise people for protests about labour issues (rose, n. 1996; taylor, g. and mathers, a. 2002; erne, r. 2006; turner, l. 2009; rucht, d. 2010; sullivan, r. 2010; bödeker, s. 2012; doellgast, v. 2012; larsson, b. 2012; fulton, l. 2013). helbrecht, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 95–111.96 in this paper we explore the changing forms of articulations of labour protest on may 1st in two peculiar contexts in europe, budapest (hungary) and berlin (germany). both capitals appear as a stage and also experimental laboratory for changing forms of the articulation of labour protests that currently came along with a new livery worldwide (silvey, r. 2003; mccarthy, j. and mcphail, c. 2006; staeheli, l.a. 2013; lee, y. 2015). empirical work on labour protest on may 1st in budapest and berlin is particularly interesting because there is an enormous research gap in the literature concerning the modification of traditional european forms of labour protest beyond fashionable protests against global capitalism like occupy that are rather unique in character (salmenkari, t. 2009; frenzel, f. et al. 2013; baber, z. 2015; disalvo, j. 2015). whereas most sources of articulations of labour protest in europe are especially interested in explaining its decline (mcdowell, l. and christopherson, s. 2009; standing, g. 2011; burgi, n. 2014), we set out to examine those modifications of labour protest that are still able to draw a crowd, and ask for the reasons and typical venues of participating, as well as the demographic constitution of the participants in order to explain their future trajectories. the paper argues that a partly depoliticised fragmentation of labour protests on may 1st is observable. at the same time, as our empirical research in budapest and berlin shows, new forms of protest are capable of drawing a young, responsive mass audience into more festive forms of protest. however, this fragmentation and at the same time growth of depoliticised forms of protest is not only driven by an overall change of labour day celebrations: it is even further more embedded in wider trends of societal restructuring. because it is only through the scrutiny of ongoing modifying forms of labour protest and effective mobilisation practices that we can learn about the concurrency of the advent, decline, and diversity of contemporary labour protest in europe (baccaro, l. et al. 2003; gajewska, k. 2008). the paper is organised as follows. the next section introduces the transformations of labour protests in europe today. the third part discusses the comparative research design. the fourth part recounts information about the two different contexts of research concerning labour markets and protests. the fifth section presents the findings and discussion. the final part concludes by presenting three interlinked arguments resulting from the analysis. the transformation of labour protest a lively debate has arisen about the reasons for labour protest transformation towards depoliticisation and decline. there is a wide consensus that due to the advance of neoliberalism and managerialism, worker protection in europe has been eroded dramatically (burgi, n. 2014). yet, there is much controversy about the accompanying passivity and consequential erosion of labour protest. it is argued that trade unions have suffered from the process of deindustrialisation because they have not proven to be capable of benefiting from the growth in the service economy. henceforth, labour unions are struggling for public attention because workplaces in the service economy are barely organised (doellgast, v. 2012; larsson, b. 2012; hamann, k. et al. 2013). as much as the economy has altered through the rise of the service economy, the societal conditions for labour organisations and labour protest have hardened. union membership has been assessed as an outdated model based on industrial notions of labour politics and workforce representation in a manufacturing-oriented society. it is even claimed that unions have experienced an unprecedented descent due to their inability to react appropriately to the flexibilisation of the workforce. especially the needfulness to broaden the normative and social scope of trade unions in order to widen their potential for political support has been the issue of much debate. it has been suggested that there is a growing “need for unions 97helbrecht, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 95–111. to express more innovative policy approaches and types of protest, and to expand the field of associative power by moving beyond the workplace within civil society, may be increased correspondingly” (flynn, m. et al. 2013, 49). at the same time, other commentators look beyond trade unions and see alternative responses, e.g. in the rise of urban protest. “since the 1970s strikes and work stoppages have been increasingly ineffective in the usa and europe” (sullivan, r. 2010, 149); hence, other forms of unrest are possible and should be taken into account (sullivan, r. 2010; standing, g. 2011 and 2014; fregonese, s. 2013). there is also a growing debate on the rise of “social movement unionism” (upchurch, m. and mathers, a. 2012, 265) as an inspirational model for labour politics and protest: here, a revitalisation of unionism is envisaged through the expansion of labour politics into realms of culture, lifestyle and consumption beyond the workplace. other authors suggest it is not only the trade unions that are to be blamed for labour protest erosion because a more fundamental, and henceforth, general trend towards the atomisation in society interferes (rose, n. 1996). they claim – at the most extreme – that the immense stress of work insecurity has brought about an “anomic social configuration” in most european societies (burgi, n. 2014, 13). altogether, theoretical perspectives on what labour protest means today, who should organise it and which forms it should take, are at least multiple if not unclear. one of the major complications in this debate is the category of “labour” itself. in postindustrial society the political as well as normative and economic concept of labour has become a fuzzy one. once a solid centre of political organisation and protest, the understanding of labour has fragmented and multiplied. notions, practices and geographies of labour have become differentiated into many new forms and formulas of work contracts and terms of employment. furthermore, transformations of labour have contributed to the rise of low wage jobs and insecurity in spite of the often praised so-called “information economy” (mcdowell, l. and christopherson, s. 2009; mcdowell, l. et al. 2014). what once used to be a massive working class has turned into various new fractions like the precariat, minimum wage urban poor, or part-time workers unable to obtain full-time employment. besides them, better-off groups such as freelancers, yuppies, bobos and other “creatives” are also far from the former (relatively homogeneous) working class and its social needs (scott, a.j. 2007; donald, b. et al. 2013). the rise of the creative economy has fostered new “figurations of labour that blur the lines between selffulfilment and social mobility on the one hand and exploitation on the other” (berndt, c. 2012, 347). today, we know little about the labour force representation of workers in the creative economy (berndt, c. 2012; donald, b. et al. 2013). thus, for labour-oriented political parties and organisations like trade unions, it has become increasingly difficult to address and mobilise a former mass audience. furthermore, the already complex picture of the state of labour protest today becomes more complicated when taking the research results of social psychology into account. in this field, research on the motivations of people to protest has a long history; one of the major results from a psychological perspective is that people do not only protest out of grievances but at least as much because they have the opportunities and resources to do so (van stekelenburg, j. and klandermans, b. 2013, 887). we also know that efficacy impacts on the inclination of people to protest. if the individual’s expectations are high that it is possible to alter politics and have an impact on social structures, protest is more likely to occur. the same holds true for collective identities and feelings of belonging to certain groups or organisations; these might foster protest participation as well (simon, b. et al. 1998). moreover, emotions also play an important role in the perception of protest events, for instance the degree to which one feels comfortable with the protest venue and form. emotions might, thus, function as “accelerators und amplifiers” (van stekelenburg, j. helbrecht, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 95–111.98 and klandermans, b. 2013, 892), just as identities (klandermans, b. 2014). consequently, the emergence of protest is an undoubtedly multidimensional phenomenon. method and methodology comparative research in order to explore the changing nature of labour protest in service-dominated economies, we scrutinise the state of the art of labour protest in the capitals of two postindustrial, yet markedly different european societies. it is apparent from the literature that the condition of decline as well as the strength of labour movements varies highly among different countries. the welfare-regime theory of esping-andersen, g. (1990), as well as the varieties of capitalism approach point towards the path dependence of national development. likewise, just as capitalism might not be conceptualised as a uniform construct, socialism also had – and postsocialism still has – multiple national and regional varieties (fassmann, h. 1997; greskovits, b. 2004). therefore, different nations in europe have developed different approaches in the relationships between state, capital and labour. consequently, labour protest and the transformation of industrial relations have also followed different routes in european countries (clasen, j. et al. 2012). in addition, due to the limits of international employee representation, labour protests often address explicitly national issues (neidhardt, f. and rucht, d. 2001, 52). in our analysis, germany and hungary are compared, since they represent complementary as well as overlapping trends. germany is a particularly interesting case because once it was the bedrock of industrialisation and collective bargaining in europe (heyes, j. 2013). thus, scrutinising labour protest in germany takes a paradigmatic european case into empirical account, where formerly very strong “unions in a context of global liberalisation have confronted declines in membership, bargaining power, and political influence (…). for too long, german unions have rested on their institutional laurels even as the ground has been slipping away” (turner, l. 2009, 294). especially the erosion of nationwide tariffs is growing. whereas in 1996 in west germany still 70 per cent of all wage settlements were negotiated nationwide by national trade unions, this number had diminished to 56 per cent in 2009 (göddeke, a. et al. 2011, 143). along with the principle of only one collective bargaining agreement within a firm, the homogenous political representation of the labour force in germany is shrinking as well. in germany, we focus our case study on the capital because berlin represents a quintessential industrial society. even within germany the city of berlin has undergone an enormous amount of rupture and change. a dual track change not only from industrialism to post-industrialism but also – in the eastern part – from socialism to post-socialism has produced turmoil and the immense restructuring of the local labour market. hungary serves as a complementary case study because of its interesting parallels as well as contrasts with the german case. on one hand, budapest shares with berlin the legacy of an early heavy industrialisation in high modernity. on the other hand, both cities faced rapid economic transformation especially after the fall of the socialist system. thus, deindustrialisation and postsocialist transformation occurred simultaneously. budapest, like berlin, witnessed rapid growth in the late 19th and early 20th century, both being the national showcases of modern industrialisation. later on, both cities continued on comparable pathways during the socialist post-war period and both were, then, sites of rapid societal transformation from the 1990s onwards (izsák, é. and schulz, m. 2006). hence, “globalisation was complicated by major political and economic transformation during the past two decades” (bodnár, j. and molnár, v. 2010, 789) in berlin and budapest. yet, in budapest the market economy is even younger than in berlin which profited from the west berlin experience and its strong 99helbrecht, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 95–111. connection with west germany. therefore, bodnár and molnár suggest that a “balanced comparison” (ibid. 794) is possible between the two cities. this comparison also fits into the broader current of international urban studies referred to as “comparative urbanism”, recently propagated by scholars including roy, a. (2009), mcfarlane, c. (2010), robinson, j. (2011, 2015) or, in the case of post-socialist cities, tuvikene, t. (2016). motives for protest on labour day in both cases, we are especially interested in the fragmentation of audiences and protests, and the new gestalt labour protest assumes. our research focuses on the sites and participants of labour protests in both cities: who is protesting today and where? which motivations to engage in labour protest today are detectable? and in which forms is a fragmentation of labour protest occurring in times of fragmented labour markets? for this purpose, we examine traditional and new forms of labour protest on may 1st, the international worker’s day. since the late 19th century, may day has served as the best known celebration of the international labour movement, worldwide. labour day is a nationwide and international event that takes the political components of labour issues to the street and tries to mobilise civil society. it is therefore a highly significant event; may day celebrations, we argue, provide an excellent instance to scrutinise the diverse geographies of labour protest today. in both cities, we explore the key venues, as well as the class positions, demographics and main motives of people who engage in such protests. through the comparison of multiple labour protest forms, this article aims to shed empirical light on the acute change of labour protest in the present time. particularly, we both look at old traditional forms of labour protest organised by trade unions and labour parties, and at new forms of resistance that emerge from different actors and different needs, and address a different audience. we presume that the fragmentation of the labour force will also lead to a growing fragmentation of protest forms, protest sites and protest events. the context: changing labour markets – changing protests changing labour markets deindustrialisation and tertiarisation have changed the labour markets of formerly industrialised western (as well as central and eastern) european countries profoundly. in germany, once a centre of industrialisation in 20th century europe, the share of manufacturing in total gdp declined from 28 per cent in 1980 to 21 per cent in 2005 (bachmann, r. and burda, m.c. 2009, 38). with only about one-fifth of total gdp generated by manufacturing, the rate of manufacturing employment also dropped. within 15 years, the number of industrial workers dropped from 9.1 million in 1990 to 6.8 million in 2005 (ibid. 38). especially in the 1990s, the dynamics of deindustrialisation and labour market restructuring were very rapid, and the drastic structural changes in the labour market had a massive impact on employees. due to the way in which the german labour market operates, laid-off manufacturing workers could not smoothly find new places of employment in the growing service sector. rather the opposite happened: the unemployment rate rose, and large parts of the german population simply stopped participating in the labour market during the height of deindustrialisation. this was possible due to specific labour policies in germany, since trade unions’ responses in the steel industry, for example, massively promoted early retirement. just like their british counterparts, unions, employers and the government pursued social compensation plans (flynn, m. et al. 2013). although this peacekeeping strategy worked more or less successfully in the 1990s in germany by securing the union’s clientele and safeguardhelbrecht, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 95–111.100 ing former manufacturing workers relatively smooth transitions into early retirement, the long-term costs of this retirement approach have been very high. the decade of the 1990s marked another major turning point elsewhere in europe; during the first years of the post-socialist transition, central and eastern european countries witnessed a massive – and extraordinarily rapid – industrial transformation and hence, labour market realignment (clasen, j. et al. 2012). whereas the first signs of widespread deindustrialisation appeared in the 1960s and 70s in western economies, large state-owned and state-run industrial companies of socialist central and eastern european counties were (artificially) maintained until the turn of the 1980s and 1990s, causing an even more serious crisis during the period of the politico-economic transition. as a consequence, labour markets witnessed extremely rapid, almost shocklike changes after 1990. superimposed and reinforced by the processes of globalisation and neo-liberalisation, this transformation has not only meant a sudden shift from the system of socialist command economy to market economy but at the same time also a transition “(f)rom the system of standardized full employment to the system of flexible and pluralized underemployment” (beck, u. 1992, 140). after 1990, owing to the collapse of the hungarian heavy industry and the mining sectors (along with the breakup of large, soviet-style agricultural cooperatives), masses of workers lost their livelihood. the socialist era’s (officially-artificially) almost zero unemployment rate rose dramatically within only a few years above 10 per cent. hence, in the case of hungary, the most dominant flow by far was from employment to unemployment. subsequently, even though there were also other trends in central and eastern european countries during the transition (such as reindustrialisation – landesmann, m. 2000; barta, g. et al. 2008), the key transformation process was definitely tertiarisation. a significant number of former industrial and agricultural workers have been absorbed by the booming service sector. afterwards, with a considerable delay compared to western countries, new capitalist forms such as part-time jobs, workforce recruitment and labour hiring agencies started to appear, and their number is still on the increase. as in the case of germany, using the terminology of beck, u. (1992, 142), “the boundaries between work and non-work are becoming fluid” in post-socialist hungary as well, and “(f)lexible, pluralized forms of underemployment are spreading” in both countries. changing labour protest movements in germany and hungary as a consequence of the restructuring of industries and labour markets, the preconditions for labour protest have also massively changed (clasen, j. et al. 2012). it seems – not only in germany and hungary but in many other european countries – as if the trade unions, who have their origins in the industrial period, are intensively struggling with their political (in)significance. not only is “union membership throughout europe (…) older than the general populations” (flynn, m. et al. 2013, 46) but also the participation quota of employees in labour protest on international labour day and the membership rate of unions have dropped dramatically (figure 1). fig. 1. trade union density in germany and hungary (% of employees, 1994–2013). source: oecd trade union density data 101helbrecht, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 95–111. this negative development in trade union membership is partly consistent with an overall pattern of political participation. in germany, an alarming signal stems from a study on youth behaviour and youth perceptions. the so-called “shell study” shows that while in 1991, 57 per cent of young people had an interest in politics, this number decreased to 47 per cent in 1996, and to 39 per cent in 2006. the turnout of voters for federal elections has also decreased from 90 per cent in 1970 to 70.8 per cent in 2009 (rucht, d. 2010, 3). in hungary, the enormous decline in trade union membership might in part be traced back to specific historical reasons. during the socialist era, trade union membership was compulsory for all employees, and szot (the national council of trade unions) was widely considered as the servant of state power. as a result, large masses of disillusioned workers left the union movement after 1989. while in germany the terms and conditions of 62 per cent of the employees are negotiated through collective bargaining, this coverage rate is only 33 per cent in hungary (fulton, l. 2013). the decreasing influence of hungarian trade unions is indeed embedded into a deeper moral crisis (stumpf, i. 1995; szabó, a. 2011); according to a related survey, hungarian’s trust in trade unions was only 3.8 points on a scale ranging from 0 to 10 points (tóth, i.g. 2009). in the same survey, however, it was also revealed that the trust in the political sphere was – not that surprisingly – even lower, with the category “politicians” receiving 2.4 points and the government receiving only 2.3 points. in sum, the shrinking relevance of trade unions and their traditional labour protest can be interpreted as just one indicator of the changing politics in postindustrial society. whereas traditional mass institutions from the industrial age (such as political parties or trade unions) are in decline, new forms of activism like nature conservation organisations and the ecology movement in general are en vogue and attracting new members (neidhardt, f. and rucht, d. 2001, 40; bödeker, s. 2012). according to jürgen habermas, in a post-industrial economy new political conflicts no longer emerge around issues of distribution but around values, grammars of life and lifestyles (cited in lash, s. and urry, j. 1987, 219). therefore, a new “territory of government” (rose, n. 1996, 331) emerges. the social transmutes – or even dies – with the end of national economies and national societies: rose, n. (1996, 330) claims that it is now individuals – and no longer social groups – that are being governed. as a result, an anti-political climate emerges. nevertheless, it is reasonable to argue that labour issues in general have not gone away just because of post-industrial transition. new labour markets with new regimes of part-time contracts, minimum wages, precarious work contracts and income polarisation have created new risks like youth unemployment (beck, u. 1992; pongratz, h.j. and voss, g.g. 1998; bourdieu, p. 2003; ilo 2013). thus, the end of industrialism does not necessarily imply the end of social struggles about labour relations. yet, due to the flexibilisation of the workforce, some commentators argue that political protests should likewise be more oriented towards individual needs. the classic labour movement, however, is oriented towards the masses. in the following, we empirically scrutinise this conflict and the relationship between traditional, collective political protest and innovative, individualised political festivals. we use the various staging of labour day celebrations in berlin and budapest as lenses through which to look at the state of labour protest (table 1). local contexts: the venues of protest in berlin and budapest berlin since the early 20th century, the emergence of labour protests has been accompanied by an intensive debate on how strictly political or festive the rituals shall be. this antagonistic debate is reflected in the dual character helbrecht, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 95–111.102 of may 1st celebrations in berlin. may day protests in berlin today are separated into two distinct events which take place at two different venues: the dgb demo in central berlin near the brandenburg gate and the myfest in kreuzberg around the kottbus gate (figure 2). the protest traditionally organised by the confederation of german trade unions, the dgb (deutscher gewerkschaftsbund) has never been attended by huge masses, except during the heydays of protest in the early 1950s and the 1960s. a considerable peak in participation is observable in the early 1990s due to a general mobilisation after the fall of the iron curtain. the numbers of demonstrators has declined every year since and stagnated at an average of 10,000 during the 1990s (rucht, d. 2001). in the 2000s the number declined significantly. labour union protests in berlin are highly ritualised. a march of labour unionists starts in the morning and ends around midday at symbolic, politicised places like the brandenburg gate. here the visitors await political speeches held by union leaders, followed by live music acts on stage. in front of the stage, visitors find information booths and a respectable culinary choice of food and drinks from german bratwurst to brazilian cocktails (rucht, d. 2003). the number of participants is constantly shrinking. in the period from 2002 until 2010 only around one third of the expected visitors to the dgb events could be mobilised. in stark contrast, participation levels for events on 1st of may in berlin kreuzberg are rising. in 1987, kreuzberg protests were the most radical and violent in german history after wwii, as several thousand leftists lighted more than 30 local shops and burned several police cars around the kottbus gate, known as the heartland of leftist activists since then (hannah, m.g. 2009). as a consequence, from then on several left-wing groups use labour day for their own revolutionary march (“revolutionäre 1. mai demo” or revolutionary 1 may demo) through kreuzberg every year at 6 pm. this demonstration – organised by various groups from anti-globalisation movements and migrant organisations to local radical leftists – is attended by about 10.000 people on average every year. although tensions run high between police and demonstrators during this “radical ritual” (lehmann, f. and meyerhöfer, n. 2003, 56) in kreuzberg, the level of violence has changed significantly, since the introduction of the so-called “myfest” in 2003. this street festival is a deliberate anti-violence strategy and, thus, table 1. key issues of the berlin and budapest case studies key issues berlin budapest key transformation process since 1990 deindustrialisation, tertiarisation influence of trade unions worker representation level of political participation slowly declining stronger and more unified declining but still significant heavily declining highly fragmented very low source: compilation by the authors. fig. 2. survey venues in berlin. 1 = brandenburg gate (borough “mitte” – dgb); 2 = kottbus gate (borough “friedrichshain-kreuzberg” – myfest). source: design by the authors. 103helbrecht, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 95–111. mainly organised by the inhabitants of the neighbourhood and promoted by the local municipality. the neighbourhood festival attracts between 25,000 and 30,000 people every year, and is staged in kreuzberg in order to counterbalance and contain the violent protest of the revolutionaries. budapest in case of budapest surveys were made in four different venues: városliget (in district xiv), vérmező, tabán (both in district i) and hajógyári-sziget (in district iii) (figure 3). in hungary, the first official may day protest was held in városliget (city park) in 1890, only four years after the violent haymarket affair in chicago. since then, if possible, all commemorations ended up there. consequently, this venue plays an important symbolic role in the history of hungarian trade unions and labour parties. after wwii, the ruling socialist party entirely appropriated the event in hungary. in the beginning, it was a small-scale mimicry of soviet celebrations with distant tribunes and military parades taking place in the adjacent felvonulási tér (parade square). however, based on the semiotic analysis of socialist era may 1st celebrations, voigt, v. (1994) points out that the városliget events became more and more individualised over the decades of state socialism, almost completely losing their original meaning and scrupulously planned choreographies by the end of the 1980s. (nonetheless, according to voigt, these may day celebrations still attracted 100,000 to 250,000 people during the 1980s.) after 1989, városliget remained the venue of the may 1st events of mszp (the hungarian socialist party, successor of mszmp, the hungarian socialist workers’ party) and most of the hungarian trade union confederations. in spite of the widening range of entertainment programmes, this venue still preserved its strong political character, interwoven with an increasing kádár era nostalgia. at the same time, the number of attendants constantly decreased; throughout the past years, even according to the estimation of the organisers, it could only mobilise “a few thousand” visitors. as a counterpart to this traditionally leftwing and trade union related location, tabán is a pure leisure-oriented venue. this recreational green space, situated on the northern slopes of gellért hill, has always been out of sight from the repressive gaze. thus, partly illegal beat and rock concerts were held between 1968 and 1987. from the mid-1980s, however, it started to lose its significance, which eventually led to a ten-year hiatus. since 1997, it is organised again under the name “tabán fesztivál” (tabán fest), with open-air rock concerts and a clear non-political message. owing to its festive and fully apolitical character, this programme is more weather-sensitive compared to other venues; as a result, the organisers’ estimations of the annual number of attendants vary between 3,000 and 15,000 people. besides városliget and tabán, two smaller samples have also been selected in budapest, in order to grasp the high-level political fragmentation of post-socialist hungary. fig. 3. survey venues in budapest. 1 = városliget (city park, small urban wood); 2 = vérmező (“field of blood”); 3 = tabán (so-called “raitzenstadt”); 4 = hajógyári-sziget (shipyard island). source: design by the authors. helbrecht, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 95–111.104 these were the may day celebrations of two relatively new, albeit completely different political parties; hajógyári island provided the venue for the may 1st events of jobbik, hungary’s extreme right-wing party (founded in 2003), while the green liberal party, lmp (lehet más a politika = politics can be different, founded in 2009) organised their may day commemoration on vérmező (field of blood). at both locations, political speeches were framed with cultural programmes and leisure activities, creating a bizarre pastiche of protests, political rallies and a peculiar festive atmosphere. findings and discussion the leading hypothesis of the analysis is that traditional trade unions draw on a labour force that is not part of the modern flexibilisation of labour. the change in society, in germany as well as in hungary, shapes new forms of street protest. first, we assume that the traditional mass demonstrations of the german trade union confederation (dgb), as well as the events of the hungarian trade unions and that of the hungarian socialist party (mszp) do not reach broad parts of the actual labour force because their aims, rituals, and protest forms are relicts of a bygone era. second, these traditional mass demonstrations also do not reach socially excluded, unemployed, or disabled people either. the study consists of 507 standardised mini-interviews (each taking 10 to 15 minutes), which were carried out at six venues in berlin and budapest during may day 2011. the selection of the respondents was based on random walk technique, with prefixed starting and ending points in the case of each venue. the questions were predominantly focused on the main motives of the interviewees to visit that particular event, their views on its possible political impact, the number of people they were accompanied by, and the amount of time they were planning to spend on the event. in addition, it was also asked whether or not they were always visiting the same venue. questions on age and highest educational attainment provided information on the socio-economic status of the attendants, whereas the de/ politicisation of may day was supposed to be grasped through their membership in any trade unions and/or political parties. eventually 287 interviews could be realised in berlin and 220 in budapest. first similarities and differences are presented in the descriptive statistics (table 2). the two samples vary in regard to demography and attitudes. the people interviewed in berlin are younger (t-test value ** p < 0.01) and slightly longer educated (t-test value * p < 0.05) than the budapest sample. the difference regarding the degree of politicisation and the level of organisation in trade unions is more descriptive. in the budapest sample, table 2. descriptive statistics of the budapest and the berlin sample indicator berlin budapest %/ø n %/ø n age years in education member of a trade union, % member of a political party, % motive: cultural framework programme, % motive: unionised,% motive: political engagement, % will the event have a political impact? % size of group* attendance in minutes 38.0 (sd 15.8) 14.0 (sd 3.0) 33.4 16.4 38.7 19.2 21.6 47.0 3.8 (sd 6.8) 261.0 (sd 139.3) 286 287 286 286 286 287 287 285 279 286 44.2 (sd 17.0) 13.4 (sd 2.8) 19.5 15.9 35.0 9.5 42.7 37.7 5.6 (sd 13.8) 266.2 (sd 200.4) 218 217 219 219 220 220 220 219 219 220 *without the extreme values 300 and 634. source: own survey. 105helbrecht, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 95–111. people are more interested in politics and to a lesser extent in trade unions, presumably because of the abovementioned generally weak position of hungarian trade unions. in the berlin sample, members of trade unions are more frequent than members of political parties, indicating that may day is a traditional trade union event. in budapest people visit the events with more companions than in berlin (t-test value * p < 0.05). the tendency towards a higher degree of politicisation in budapest might explain this. smaller groups are an indicator of the higher motivation for hedonism in berlin because people here visit myfest with friends, whereas in budapest, membership in an organisation could be a motivation. the higher standard deviation of the variables size of group and attendance in minutes in budapest permits such an interpretation. a specific affinity of trade union members in berlin to traditional labour issues indicates the significant link between the tendency to always visit the same venue every year and being member of a trade union. trade union members more frequently visit the same event every year, as a chi-squared test indicates (** p < 0.01). this result shows a kind of tradition among organised workers. in budapest this tradition does not exist at the same level of intensity as the same test is not significant in this case, which could be interpreted as another indicator of the immensely fragmented hungarian trade union movement. concerning the age of members of trade unions and non-members participating in may day events, a significant difference exists between these groups in both the berlin and the budapest sample. in both samples, members are older than non-members (t-test values berlin ** p < 0.01; budapest * p < 0.05). these findings correspond with the hypothesis that traditional trade unions do not have much to offer to the new labour force. traditional labour organisations experience difficulties in responding adequately to the flexibilisation of labour markets, and subsequently, do not reach the “next generation” of workers. as hungarian trade unions themselves regularly report over the past few years, they can only retain their otherwise rapidly declining membership numbers by trying to mobilise retired members as well (szabó-morvai, á. 2010). an analysis of gender and age aspects in the berlin sample shows a coherence between these two variables and the venue of the interview, which leads in the same direction as the results displayed above. on the one hand, as expected, the german trade union confederation venue is more male (* p < 0.05) and older (** p < 0.01). on the other hand, myfest is more female (* p < 0.05) and younger (** p < 0.01). these figures make clear that young urban milieus prefer a more hedonistic may day event. the connection between trade unions and their ideologies and the young urban milieu seems to dismantle in berlin. in budapest, there is a significant connection between the particular may day venue and gender (** p < 0.01). the event of the extreme right-wing party jobbik is more male, whereas the venues of the open-air music festival (tabán) and the green party (lmp) are more female. these findings are affirmed by studies of extreme right-wing movements in hungary: according to bernát, a. et al. (2012), the majority of jobbik voters are male (66%), which is different from those of other parties that exhibit a larger proportion of female voters (56%). younger generations are also overrepresented among them: 25 per cent of jobbik sympathisers are under 30 years of age, and 52 per cent are under 40 years (bernát, a. et al. 2012, 361). the significant connection between the venue of the interview and age (** p < 0.01) in budapest is similar to berlin. the chisquared test indicates that the participants of the venue of the socialist party/trade unions are older, in contrast to the visitors to the public festival who are younger than statistically expected. obviously, the tendency is similar in both cities: traditional forms of may day protest only mobilise older people. the new milieus of the urban labour markets and the disadvantaged and excluded people helbrecht, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 95–111.106 choose different forms of protest or political amusement. the comparative perspective is informative in this regard. the attitude of the visitors towards the venue was measured on a likert scale with eleven items representing opinions and impressions. to construct the attitudinal dimensions, a principal component analysis was calculated: in both samples, berlin and budapest, two dimensions are obvious. the first component can be interpreted as a dimension of “politicisation” because the factor subsumes active political statements and attitudes. the second dimension is a hedonistic one, subsuming more pleasure-seeking, fun-oriented items. for both cities, the first two variables explain about 50 per cent of the variance. the two factors are labelled “politicisation” and “hedonism” and function as dimensions of attitudes towards the may day venues, which have to be explained. overall four linear regressions were calculated to explain the dimensions of the principal component analysis. the descriptive statistics of a range of the independent variables included are shown in table 3. the regression model concerning the hedonistic dimension in budapest is not explainable due to high levels of autocorrelation as signified by tolerance measures. this might partly be traced back to the bad weather conditions on may day 2011 in budapest – and hence, to the relatively small sample of the hedonistic tabán venue. (as discussed above, the open-air programme of tabán fest is always more weather-sensitive compared to the explicitly politicised events of the other budapest venues, which are more likely to attract their usual audiences even under more severe weather conditions.) consequently, in the following, the three regressions are discussed. the three regressions on politicisation and hedonism in berlin and budapest are calculated with the same analytical strategy. each regression is composed of four models to gauge the different impacts of individual variables and context variables on either politicisation or hedonism. the primary function of the first model (mp1; mh1; mp5) is to control for demographic factors. the second model (mp2; mh2; mp6) additionally includes membership in trade unions and political parties, as well as the belief in the political impact of the visited event. these variables can be subsumed as individual political factors. the third model (mp3; mh3; mp7) adds the personal motives, while the fourth model (mp4; mh4; mp8) also includes all contextual factors like the geographical ones (the venue of the interview), the temporal ones (the time of the interview) and the size of the group. in the case of the first regression on the factor “politicisation” in berlin, model one (mp1) explains only a small part of the variability of the degree of politicisation in the sample but age is significant (the older, the more politicised). model two (mp2) is far more meaningful according to the coefficient of determination. here, the number of years spent in education becomes significant; the shorter the education was, the more politicised the person is. a possible explanation for this influence is that the majority of trade union members are blue-collar workers and older in the sample because age remains significant. another indicator for this interpretation is the strong significant influence of the items “believe in the political impact of the event” and “member of a trade union”. the second model (mp2) makes explicit that older, less educated members of trade unions in berlin are politicised, which means they believe in the impact of their event. in model three (mp3), the strongest impact comes from “political motive”. “years in education” and “political impact of the event” remain significant. the fourth model (mp4) shows that the significant factors are “years in education”, “political impact of event”, “motive: cultural framework” (indicating that the speeches and music are considered important), “political motive”, as well as the context variables of “venue” and “interview in the morning”, which means the interview was held at the dgb demonstration. thus, the fourth model clearly shows that people visiting the dgb venue are the most politicised in the berlin 107helbrecht, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 95–111. sample, regardless of whether they are trade union members or not, since “member of a trade union” is not significant in the model. the second regression analysis on hedonism in berlin shows only a small impact of demographic factors (mh1) but age is significant (the younger, the more hedonistic). as opposed to (mp2), model two (mh2) is not more meaningful than mh1. membership in a trade union or political party does not contribute much to the explanation of hedonism. even in the third model (mh3), age remains the most important factor for hedonism. visitors plan to go to the venue because of the cultural programme. additionally, these hedonists do believe in the political impact of the venue. in model four (mh4), it becomes obvious that membership in a political party is a negative predictor for hedonism. however, belief in the political impact of the event strengthens the hedonistic dimension. age remains important (because younger people are more hedonistic), as does the cultural programme and unspecific “other matters”. according to the regression model, the two strongest predictors of hedonism are the two context variables “venue of interview” (which means that visitors of myfest are hedonistic), and attendance in minutes. here, it becomes obvious that hedonists stay longer at the event. t h e f o u r m o d e l s ( m p 5 mp8) on “politicisation” in the budapest case show similarities and differences to the berlin ta bl e 3. l in ea r re gr es si on m od el s on th e fa ct or s “p ol it ic is at io n” a nd “ he do ni sm ” as d ep en de nt v ar ia bl es in d ep en d en t v ar ia bl es b er lin “ po lit ic is at io n“ b er lin “ he d on is m ” b ud ap es t “ po lit ic is at io n“ m p 1 m p 2 m p 3 m p 4 m h 1 m h 2 m h 3 m h 4 m p 5 m p 6 m p 7 m p 8 ye ar s in e d uc at io n a ge g en d er (1 = m al e) m em be r of a tr ad e un io n (1 = ye s) m em be r of a p ol it ic al p ar ty (1 = y es ) p ol it ic al im pa ct o f t he e ve nt (1 = y es ) m ot iv e: c ul tu ra l f ra m ew or k pr og ra m m e (1 = y es ) m ot iv e: m ee ti ng fr ie nd s (1 = y es ) m ot iv e: fi ne w ea th er (1 = y es ) m ot iv e: s po nt an eo us d ec is io n (1 = y es ) m ot iv e: p ol it ic al m ot iv e (1 = y es ) m ot iv e: u ni on is ed (1 = y es ) m ot iv e: p ol it ic al e ng ag em en t ( 1 = ye s) m ot iv e: o th er m att er s (1 = y es ) si ze o f g ro up 1 a tt en d an ce in m in ut es in te rv ie w in th e m or ni ng o r af te rn oo n (1 = a ft er no on ) b er lin : v en ue o f i nt er vi ew (1 = m yf es t; 2 = d g b ) b ud ap es t: v en ue o f i nt er vi ew (1 = h ed on is ti c) r ² ( re ct ifi ed ), % .0 98 -.2 45 ** -.0 10 – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 4. 8 .1 95 ** -.1 22 + .0 25 -.2 54 ** -.0 24 -.4 54 ** – – – – – – – – – – – 37 .1 .1 92 ** -.0 50 -.0 04 -.0 76 .0 44 -.3 78 ** -.1 33 + .0 02 -.0 82 -.0 18 -.5 14 ** -.0 87 .0 90 -.0 95 – – – – – 46 .2 .1 33 * -.0 18 .0 34 .0 08 .0 42 + -.3 51 ** -.2 34 ** -.0 10 -.1 47 ** -.0 02 -.3 11 ** -.0 69 .0 29 -.1 13 + -.0 59 -.1 04 + .1 86 ** -.3 50 ** – 55 .4 -.0 51 .3 73 ** -.0 46 – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 12 .0 -.0 49 .3 19 ** -.0 53 .1 78 * .0 91 -.1 72 * – – – – – – – – – – – – – 14 .4 -.0 04 .2 74 ** -.0 47 .0 45 .1 17 -.1 73 * -.1 79 * -.0 54 -.0 72 .1 39 * .0 13 .0 17 .0 06 -.1 67 * – – – – – 18 .3 -.0 21 .1 49 * .0 09 -.1 03 .1 88 ** -.2 31 ** -.1 59 + .0 50 -.0 44 .0 77 -.0 94 -.0 34 .0 24 -.1 67 * -.0 34 -.2 57 ** -.0 93 .4 87 ** – 37 .7 -.0 33 -.2 61 ** -.1 06 – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 7. 0 .0 26 -.2 52 ** -.0 45 .0 55 -.2 37 ** -.2 59 ** – – – – – – – – – – – – – 20 .5 .0 49 -.0 88 -.0 04 .0 38 -.2 03 ** -.1 85 ** .3 41 ** .1 89 ** -.0 09 .1 90 ** -.0 72 -.0 32 -.0 25 .0 85 – – – – – 34 .9 -.0 10 -.0 25 .0 16 .0 54 -.1 70 * -.1 58 * .2 82 ** .2 57 ** -.0 15 .2 19 ** -.0 31 -.0 45 .0 67 .1 39 -.1 59 * -.0 94 .0 98 – -.2 03 ** 42 .3 1 w it ho ut th e ex tr em e va lu es 3 00 a nd 6 34 ; + p < 0 .1 0; * p < 0 .0 5; * * p < 0. 01 . s ou rc e: o w n su rv ey . helbrecht, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 95–111.108 models (mp1-mp4). the first model (mp5) is only slightly meaningful but age is significant (the older, the more politicised). in the second model (mp6), age remains significant (again; the older, the more politicised). this has been theoretically expected based on the younger generations’ general distrust in the political sphere and public affairs in hungary; according to szabó, a. (2011), in 2000, 55 per cent of hungarians aged 15–29 were not interested in politics, whereas in 2008, it grew to 60 per cent. an indicator for a high degree of politicisation in budapest is the strong significant influence of the items “believe in the political impact of the event” and “member of a political party”. this makes it clear that older members of political parties in budapest are politicised, which means they believe in the impact of their event. the third model (mp7) makes obvious the strong politicisation of parts of the population due to the fact that hedonistic motives like the cultural fringe events, meeting friends, and a spontaneous decision to go to the venue are strong negative predictors. the individual political factors “membership in a political party” and “believe in the political impact of the event” remain significant, while age does not. the context model four (mp8) displays the influence of the venue; tabán as a cultural festival is an obstacle to politicisation. political motives are not significant due to the auto-collinearity of the model, i.e. methodological reasons as indicated by the tolerance value. conclusions: fragmentation and depoliticisation of labour protest the nature of labour protest is fundamentally changing. due to the decline of union membership and the flexibilisation of the workforce, an erosion of protest is detectable. while there is much debate in the literature on the reasons for this dramatic downswing, there is little empirical work on the motivations and socio-demographic characteristics of participants in protests today. in this paper we explored the motivations of labour protesters in berlin and budapest. in both cities we compared traditional, union-oriented forms of labour protest as well as new forms of festive, more individualised labour protest. through our empirical research results based on structured mini-interviews, we advanced three interlinked arguments. first, a clear fragmentation of labour protests in the forms of venues, audiences and protest motivations is observable. apparently, the new conditions of labour in times of a flexibilisation of the workforce find resonance in the growing differentiation of protest. especially younger generations are drawn to new types of festive protest that address lifestyle needs like hedonistic consumption (food, music, cultural entertainment). second, newer forms of labour protest have a paradoxical effect: on the one hand, they are able to mobilise a young, educated audience, whereas on the other hand, these festive forms of protest clearly draw a much more depoliticised crowd that attends for reasons of cultural consumption. third, we directed attention towards the question of the unemployed and the marginalised. in neither of the observed protest venues – be they old fashioned, unionised labour protest or newly redesigned hedonistic protest – are they present. the urban precariat consists of a growing section of the labour market, yet, it is barely represented in any of the labour day celebrations today. hence, our empirical results sadly confirm existing comparative studies on labour protest and the unemployed in europe (baglioni, s. et al. 2008, 326). the erosion of unionism does not automatically lead to new forms of protest by the unemployed. rather, atomisation prevails. r e f e r e n c e s baber, z. 2015. the promise of occupy. international sociology 30. 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[on may days in budapest]). budapesti negyed 1. available at: http://epa.oszk.hu/00000/00003/00003/voigt.htm. accessed: 18.04.2016. helbrecht, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (2) 95–111.112 6_book reviews.indd 195book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 187–194. in memoriam andrija bognár (1937–2019) c h r o n i c l e an eminent figure of croatian geography, active member of the hungarian community in croatia, professor andrija (andrás) bognár passed away on 26 april 2019. he contributed to a wide range of physico-geographical disciplines, including tectonic geomorphology, geomorphological mapping, applied geomorphology, geoecology, quaternary and loess research but also published seminal papers in political and population geography and hungarology, the science concerned with knowledge on ethnic hungarians abroad. andrija bognár was born on 9 march 1937 in zdenci, the slavonian region of croatia. he was a primary school pupil in the hard times of world war ii in south baranja region and continued his studies in the grammar school of požega town. during his studies at the university of zagreb it proved to be difficult for him to decide between human (urban) and physical geography (geomorphology). his curiosity equally attracted him in both directions. after graduation, in 1965, he found employment in the secondary school of beli manastir, a small settlement in baranja, which reached the urban status shortly before that date. after two and a half year teaching he managed to return to the capital and became assistant professor at the faculty of political sciences of the university. he was interested in geopolitical problems such as the boundaries of transylvania. however, he gradually got attracted to the problems of physical geography and geomorphology and defended his university doctor’s thesis on bansko (brdo) hill and the loess region of south baranja. the invitation from academician josip roglić, a great figure of contemporary croatian geography, to the department of physical geography at the univestity of zagreb started his academic career. andrija bognár succeeded the retired professor roglić as head of the working group on geomorphology. he became associate professor in 1982 on defending his dissertation on the geomorphology of baranja, a benchmark work till now. at that time, he launched the major project of geomorphological mapping of croatia, which provided an example for mapping the whole territory of yugoslavia. in 1986 he was appointed extraordinary professor, in 1992 full professor and in 1998 external member of the hungarian academy of sciences. even after retirement he regularly lectured at the university of mostar, the military academy of rijeka and the college of dubrovnik. his publications include more than 150 papers in geomorphology, geoecology as well as political and demographic geography, written in the changed political atmosphere after 1991. his international appreciation is reflected in membership of various organizations, among others including the international association for quaternary research (inqua), from where he received a special award for his work in the loess commission, the international association of geomorphologists (iag), where he was national delegate for a long period, and the croatian society of natural sciences. he founded the association of croatian geomorphologists and had leading positions in the croatian geographical society. his hungarian contacts were not limited to building ‘bridges’ between the hungarian baranya county and the croatian baranja region. he was among the founders of the democratic community of hungarians in croatia (1993) and the croatian society of hungarian science and arts (1995). for his activities in these organizations he was awarded with the kemény zsigmond prize of the pro renovanda cultura hungariae foundation. chronicle – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 195–196. 196 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 187–194. professor andrija bognár also maintained close links with hungarian geography, primarily with the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences, under the directorship of academician márton pécsi, professor ferenc schweitzer and academician károly kocsis. since 2009 he was one of the active members of the international advisory board of the hungarian geographical bulletin. he participated in joint projects of geomorphological mapping and loess studies (for instance, on the adriatic island of susak). on behalf of the university of zagreb he regularly organized croatian-hungarian geographical seminars for the staff of hungarian universities and research institutes at wonderful venues (such as on the island of hvar, in the paklenica national park). in 2006 he received the teleki sámuel prize from the hungarian geographical society. no commemoration could be complete without making at least brief allusions to his colourful personality. during our journeys into the world, organized by his favourite hungarian colleague, éva kis, he proved to be a cheerful companion and enthusiastic partner in discussions. he was open to any new experience and curious about the novelties the world can offer to him. however, as he remarked, returning from a travel around the world, he regarded himself ‘a man of oriental kind’, by which he meant that he found the harsh turmoil of the western society burdensome and could not identify himself with all of its values. he rather felt at home in the authority-based hierarchy of his own environment, he was more accustomed to that. those who liked him accepted this attitude. andrija bognár will be missed and remembered by many: friends and colleagues in geography, both in croatia and hungary and, in fact, in many countries of the world he visited. dénes lóczy polish physical geography has lost one of his charismatic figures, professor kazimierz klimek on 16 april 2019. he was an internationally renowned expert in the geomorphology, paleogeography, nature conservation and environmental sciences of the tatra mountains and silesia and a great friend of hungarian geography. he was born in biecz, a small town in małopolska province, on 30 january 1934. between 1952 and 1956 he studied geography at the jagiellonian university of kraków. his master thesis was entitled ’geomorphological evolution of the solinka basin, bieszczady’. after graduation, he worked for several years as a geography teacher in kraków. in the years 1960–1979 he was a research worker at the department of geomorphology and hydrology in the institute of geography of the polish academy of sciences in kraków. from 1979 to 1991 he was the head of the department of nature conservation at the polish academy of sciences. a typical representative of polish geographers eager to explore the world, in 1968 he participated in his first major scientific expedition to southern iceland. then in the years 1974–1980 he headed seven expeditions organized by the institute of geography of the polish academy of sciences to mongolia. the scientific results of these expeditions were summarized in publications such as ’contemporary fluvial processes and sculpture of the skeiðarársandur plain (iceland)’ (1972), ’vertical zonality in the southern khangai mountains (mongolia)’ (1980), ’results of the polish-mongolian physico-geographical expedition by polish-mongolian physico-geographical expedition’ (1980). in 1996, he in memoriam kazimierz klimek (1934–2019) chronicle – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 195–196. led an expedition to svalbard. he build widespread international links during his scholarships to the university of uppsala (1967), university of bucharest (1973), keele university (1978) and bulgaria. kazimierz klimek became extraordinary professor in 1982 and a few years full professor of the faculty of earth sciences at the university of silesia in katowice and the head of the palaeogeography of stokowovalley systems at the department of paleogeography and quaternary paleoecology at the faculty of earth sciences of the university of silesia. at that time his main research areas were the geomorphology of and human impact on valley systems. he also published important papers on nature conservation and environmental protection (the effect of industrial emissions on ecosystems in silesia, ahtropopressure in selected morphoclimatic zones) too. in addition to membership in several committees of the polish academy of sciences, between 1991 and 1993 he was president of the scientific council of the tatra national park. as permanent participant of bilateral polishhungarian seminars in the 1990s, he acquired many friends among hungarian geographers. he will be remembered as an outstanding scientist and lecturer, educator of many generations of geographers, an optimistic man of great heart and mind, righteous and noble, with helpful disposition, devoted to the community, who enjoyed the respect of all who knew him. he is mourned by wife, son, daughter-in-law and grandson along with a great number of geographer friends. dénes lóczy 422 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (4) 419–421. “no. «to die for one’s country and for europe» – that is a phrase that could not be thought in moscow or leningrad; it is precisely the phrase that could be thought in budapest or warsaw” (kundera, m. 1984, 33). this is how milan kundera concludes the first paragraph of his famous essay the tragedy of central europe, and this is how one can best grasp the quintessence of this book. similar to the great czech writer kundera, the editors of the book and the authors of the five different chapters are interested in how the ‘notion of central europe’ is envisioned, conceptualised and perceived both geographically and culturally. or, to put it more simple, they are trying to uncover what exactly lies beneath the term central europe – “regions in eastern middle europe that attempted to ‘move to the west’” (p. 9). is it truly an imagined space only or is it something more than a permanent desire to belong to the west? to answer these questions about the phenomenon called central europe the book includes one plus four essays, each uncovering a different aspect of the problem. the first essay “introduction. central europe and its 30 good years (1984–2014)” by aleksandra konarzewska gives the reader an overview about the past and the present of central europe, and introduces the different historical processes which led to the modern conceptualisation of spatial narratives. it might not be clear to someone who is not entirely familiar with the past of central european countries why the imagined space and the various cultural narratives play such an important role in the life of people living there. to understand it i would like to rely on jerzy pilch’s following sentence – cited by konarzewska – from his short text the decalogue of a true european: “[m]y grandma never travelled abroad; it was the frontiers of various countries and european powers that used to fly over the roof of our cottage as only they wanted to” (p. 21). in the second study, iris llop gives a detailed analysis about milan kundera’s idea of central europe, which reconnects with the departure point of the book. the study focuses on how kundera developed and improved his theory about central european identity – which was first “the historical and political point of view of a writer in exile” (p. 46), becoming later a narrative strategy representing the diverse forms of central european identity. as llop remarks, kundera was preoccupied in the early 1980s with the western misunderstanding of the situation of central europe. the west imagined and treated the region as a political creation, the westernmost conquests of the soviet union and the geographical and cultural narratives were pushed aside. in kundera’s notion, however, central europe was a cultural tradition or a fate which is indifferent from political borders. this led him – as a final conclusion – to treat and write about central european identity as a narrative construction, something which is constantly changing and can be deconstructed and then reassembled from the different points of view of literary characters. kundera’s central european identity – through his ‘novelistic thinking’ – is a “cultural background, a common historical fate and a collective memory, but above all approximations, … an idea that needs to be rewritten, redefined by the artist that have been determined by its influence and by those … who are committed to the central european heritage” (p. 46). in the two following studies, jagoda wierzejska and magdalena baran-szołtys discuss galicia and its representations in literature as the region is a prime example of central europe as an imagined space, as the buffer between east and west. in the chapter “galicia: an eastern or western land?” wierzejska forms her discussion around how spatial narratives revolving around galicia transformed, according to the political goals of either the empire that ruled over the region or the ethnical group(s) which wanted to baran-szołtys, m., glosowitz, m. and konarzewska, a. (eds.): imagined geographies: central european spatial narratives between 1984 and 2014. stuttgart, ibidem press, 2018. 170 p. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.69.4.7 hungarian geographical bulletin 69 2020 (4) 423book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (4) 419–421. distance themselves from this empire throughout history. galicia has always been conceptualised as a symbol of east-west dichotomy since it became a focal point for the modernisation of the habsburg empire. however, while the territory was described as barbaric, backward or simply just half-asia (which is the subtitle of a six-book-volume written by karl emil franzos about galicia, bukovina, southern russia and romania) during the josephinian reforms, in the nineteenth century, still as a part of the habsburg empire, it transformed into the ‘last bastion’ of western culture. with the expansion of the russian empire from the east, the occident constructed a new orient for itself. a mostly political tension, the fear from a potential russian invasion, rewrote the spatial narrative of austria and shifted the imagined geographies. later, the discourse around galicia and its western roots gained importance for the galician poles who believe(d) that the foundation of their prospective autonomy lies in the habsburg history of galicia. in recent times, pro-eu thinkers in western ukraine are the ones who are shaping the spatial narrative of galicia against a pro-russian eastern ukraine. as wierzejska notes, during the cold war period and after the transitions between 1989 and 1991 the discussion around galicia remained on the national level in poland and ukraine, though the (re)construction of spatial narratives and the forces responsible for it mainly remained the same. magdalena baran-szołtys’ chapter discusses how one can distance themselves from the ‘great tales’ and, instead of using spatial narratives to fill a geographical space with meaning, how one can create their ‘own middle europe.’ in her study she presents the contemporary polish writer andrzej stasiuk’s conceptualisation of the imagined central europe. as baran-szołty puts it, he “develops the idea of central europe in such a way that it could avoid the catastrophic … dichotomy of east versus west” (p. 70). for stasiuk, galicia is a ground zero during the construction of central europe. the region (alongside with kresy and sarmatia) appears in his literature as a myth, a nostalgic, half-fictional atlantis-like space (see p. 90), which is a hybrid, transcultural territory, a buffer or better said a transition between the cultures around and inside it. although stasiuk is seen as a mediator between east and west, both as a publisher and writer, in his works he tries to distance himself from this (mostly) geopolitical dichotomy of the liberal, capitalist west and the post-soviet, authoritarian east. eventually, his galicia (and also his central europe) becomes an in-between non-space rather than a space imagined by a geopolitical power. comparing stasiuk’s viewpoint to the views about galicia which are constructed according to political goals and needs, one can acknowledge that the main difference lies in the initial intentions. while most imagined geographies and spatial narratives are constructed according to a certain demand, stasiuk rather constructs a nonspace to fill it with the products of his imagination or, as he puts it, middle europe is “a microcosm, which enables an imaginative, historical-philosophical reconstruction of ‘other europe’” (p. 87). the final chapter of the book compares nostalgia – a longing for an idealised past fuelled by the deficiencies of the present—to the notion of central europe as an imagined space. the author, mariella c. gronenthal, once again returns to andrzej stasiuk and his ideas about central europe which get materialised as a “blank screen for projections” (p. 131). if central europe is imagined as an empty canvas, it can be filled then with various cultural, political or historical interpretations coming from diverse directions. therefore, stasiuk’s ‘own middle europe’ “shows … structural parallels to reconstructing the past in nostalgic memories” (p. 132). the past is vague and unclear, and nostalgic memory can fill it up with fictional characteristics originating from the longings of the present. similarly, central europe is wild, untamed and indefinite, thus it can be filled with different spatial narratives. both the notion of central europe – with its strong historical roots, regionalism and local identities – and nostalgia are intertwining space and time. central europe is an ever-changing, situation-based entity, which has always been based on the action of distancing itself from another entity (e.g. the east, the west). nostalgia is a state where someone distances themselves from the present and turns to an idealised past. finally, both can be considered as a thirdspace (soja, e. 1996), an in-between space modelled by the past (in the case of nostalgia) or an actual geographical space (in the case of central europe) but also fuelled with the fictional idealisation of a phenomenon or a private/collective goal. in the previous pages i described the content of imagined geographies and praised the book and its authors. however, i must note that the volume has a few minor deficiencies in my view. as i mentioned, the first chapter gives a great historical overview about central europe but, being more embedded in history and less in literary tradition, it unfortunately leads to a trivial break in the otherwise very coherent composition of the volume. it could have been a better solution to integrate the ideas presented in this chapter within the other sections. another shortcoming is the title of the book, which can be considered as deceptive. edward said’s (1978) and benedict anderson’s (1983) work immediately came into my mind when i first held the volume in my hand. the intertextual connection with these authors suggests that the reader will be involved in a journey influenced heavily by the geographical thought, while the book’s odyssey actually takes us more into the world of literature and its spatial narratives. this unbalance between the two disciplines is conspicuous if we contrast the title with the text. finally, it is always tiresome and challeng424 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (4) 419–421. ing to engage and submerge in such a controversial discourse as the one about ‘in-between europe.’ obviously, the authors make arguments which might seem odd or incorrect from different points of view but it is always important to keep in mind the origins of the thoughts presented and the situation-based knowledge of the scholars who created them. nonetheless, what is remarkable about imagined geographies: central european spatial narratives between 1984 and 2014 is the way its authors combine the theories of acknowledged scholars and thinkers such as edward said (1978), benedict anderson (1983) and edward soja (1996) with the ideas of brilliant writers and litterateurs like milan kundera or andrzej stasiuk. it is broadly known that geography is an interdisciplinary field of science but geo-poetics in the border zone of geography and literature has been a less known sub-discipline up until today. with the publishing of imagined geographies not only the central europe debate gets enriched with new theories, ideas, and information, but the readers (both academic and non-academic) can discover a new domain of the discourse – the spatial narratives constructed by literature. acknowledgement: research for this publication has been supported from the national research, development and innovation fund (nkfia) grant number k 124291. bálint kronstein1 r e f e r e n c e s anderson, b. 1983. imagined communities: reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism. new york– london, verso. kundera, m. 1984. the tragedy of central europe. the new york review of books 31. (7): 33–37. said, e. 1978. orientalism: western concepts of the orient. new york, pantheon books. soja, e. w. 1996. thirdspace: journeys to los angeles and other real-and-imagined places. hoboken, blackwell. 1 department of social and economic geography, institute of geography and earth sciences, eötvös loránd university (elte), budapest, hungary. e-mail: balintkronstein@gmail.com 325book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (3) 317–327.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.69.3.8 hungarian geographical bulletin 69 2020 (3) drummond, l.b.w. and young, d. (eds.): socialist and post-socialist urbanisms: critical reflections from a global perspective. toronto–buffalo–london, university of toronto press, 2020. 336 p. although it has been circa 30 years since the revolutionary changes that eventually led to the collapse of the soviet union and the disintegration of the eastern bloc, inducing fundamental reforms in ‘actually existing socialist systems’ worldwide, research on cities located in former socialist countries still occupies a unique niche within urban studies. on the one hand, although there was a great deal of interest in post-socialist systems in the 1990s and early 2000s from humanities and social sciences, the concept of post-socialism, in contrast to e.g. post-colonialism, has been marginalised within global theoretical discourses and remained attached to regional specialisations (müller, m. 2019). furthermore, as some argue, post-socialist cities are subject to double exclusion in global knowledge production, “being positioned outside mainstream urban studies but also playing an insignificant role in recent post-colonial critiques of this field” (tuvikene, t. 2016, 133). therefore, instead of considering these cities as anomalies in the global urban landscape, they should be promoted as unique and valuable sources of local knowledge, which are still able to significantly contribute to global urbanist discourses. in this respect, the volume socialist and post-socialist urbanisms: critical reflections from a global perspective is a remarkable undertaking. the research questions addressed in this book are converged on the following issue: what is socialist about any given urban space, and what are the impacts of such perceived socialist characteristics on the contemporary evolution of these urban spaces? as such, the main aim of the editors is to offer place-specific information about the evolution of former socialist cities, providing a fascinating collection of case studies from all over the world. the volume contains 14 chapters, except the editors’ introduction and conclusions, organised into three main thematic sections: housing experiences and life trajectories, planning and architecture, governance and social order. individual chapters highlight case studies from four continents (africa, asia, europe, latin america), representing altogether 12 countries (albania, cambodia, china, czechia, ethiopia, germany, nicaragua, romania, russia, sweden, tajikistan, and vietnam). as the introduction and subsequent chapters of the book demonstrate, the contributors share henri lefebvre’s (1991 [1974]) idea that (urban) space is a social product, which is not only a manifestation of power relations and political changes, but also an active agent and mediator in facilitating and shaping socio-spatial processes. thus, urban space is a device to exercise social control and dominance. not surprisingly, socialist urbanism also considered city form as a direct mode to reshape capitalist social relations and foster a socialist ideal society. as the editors of the volume suggest, socialist urbanism had at least three fundamental principles: the fate in modernist and egalitarian-collectivist ideas, industrialisation, and the education of people to create the ideal ‘new socialist person’. these principles were conveyed by various spheres of urban life in state-socialist regimes, such as housing, architecture, and governance, as the case studies in the volume show. the first section of the volume deals with housing in formerly socialist cities. the chapters in this part scrutinise how individuals and families navigated in the system of housing allocation in former state-socialist countries, and how the introduction of market reforms affected their housing careers afterwards. these studies are good examples of how general principles of socialist housing provision have been shaped by and adopted to local circumstances. moreover, it can be learnt from the case studies that post-socialist political and socioeconomic changes have made some neighbourhoods become functionally obsolete and unsuccessful, while others have proven to be more successful. this latter 326 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (3) 317–327. category includes vällingby, a suburb near stockholm (larsson, b., chapter 2), which is an exemplar of swedish social democratic housing policy. from the narratives of vällingby residents, it is clear that social diversity has increased significantly in the neighbourhood since the 1950s, but the original social democratic principles, such as collectivism and the concept of ‘abc town’ (work, live, centre) are still in line with the expectations and needs of the interviewed local households. regarding less successful socialist housing developments, the reader of the book can also learn about two vietnamese cases. the gdr-designed-and-constructed quang trung in vinh city (schwenkel, ch., chapter 1) and the nguyên công trứ housing complex in hanoi (drummond, l.b.w. and thanh bình, n., chapter 3) are both ktts (after the vietnamese notion khu tập thể, which was based on clusters of dense apartment blocks, similar to the soviet mikroraion model). the construction of these housing complexes and the allocation of their dwellings followed a socialist collectivist ideology, but under the circumstances of current market socialism, they are incompatible to the new conditions (privatisation, individualism, changing lifestyles). this is evident to authorities too, but whereas the building of these housing complexes in the state-socialist era could be carried out without community involvement and public debates, in market socialism conflicting interests among public and private actors significantly hamper any demolition or reconstruction effort. another lesson from this chapter is that although marketisation of housing apparently created new inequalities in these cities, these can only be understood if the categorisation and differentiation logics (e.g. based on gender or cadre hierarchy) inherent in central-bureaucratic socialist housing allocation are also taken into account. a similar observation is made by borén, t. and gentile, m. (chapter 4) about the soviet housing system, investigated through the case of leningrad (currently sankt petersburg, russian federation). analysing a russian woman’s housing career during state-socialism, they argue that social institutions based on inhabitants’ life worlds, such as housing, are rooted in informal codes rather than in the formal rules of bureaucratic central planning. thus, even in the soviet housing system, people could successfully influence central housing allocation to satisfy individual or collective household needs. chapters in section two (urban planning and architecture) demonstrate that post-socialist transitions are neither all-encompassing nor completed processes. on the contrary, being multi-scalar, multi-dimensional and temporally indefinite, post-socialist transformations resulted in a mixed and overlapping arrangement of socialist and post-socialist elements in the built environment of the studied cities. for example, based on a historical analysis of the spatial structure of phnom penh (chapter 6), fauveaud, g. reveals that post-socialist transitions produced political, economic, social, and territorial changes evolving at different time scales. to illustrate, transition from a centrally-planned command economy to market capitalism might be relatively fast, whereas the built environment usually changes at a slower pace. this multi-scalar character of the transition led fauveaud to question the relevance of the postsocialist city as a coherent and universally applicable analytical concept. similar conclusions are made by the other authors in this section. in her case study from bucharest, visan, l. (chapter 8) investigates the history of the iconic buildings of the ceausescu regime from their construction to nowadays, focusing on the casa republicii, later renamed to palatul parlamentului, and on the so-called hunger circuses, which buildings were originally intended for rationalised centrally-allocated consumption. kip, m. and young, d. (chapter 9) describe the recent debates between preservationists and present-day modernisers about the regeneration of alexanderplatz (berlin), the epitome of east german socialist urban planning. logan, s. (chapter 5) takes the reader to jižní město (‘south city’), a massive prefabricated apartment complex in prague, good example to 1960s socialist urbanism. in all of these cases, the survival of the testimonies of socialist architecture can be observed but their development trajectories are different from each other. some of them have become attractive targets of real estate speculation and retail capital (e.g. south city), others have been almost totally neglected by investors (e.g. casa radio in bucharest), whereas in some cases new investments pose the risk to hinder the original modernist conceptions and the social purpose of these urban spaces (e.g. alexanderplatz). to sum up, the chapters in this section well illustrate how the elements of the built environment reflect as well as facilitate ideology and societal power relations, and how these constructions are being re-evaluated, converted, or disregarded at times of transitions. furthermore, urban space and its symbolic places are not only mediators of ideology, but also sites of resistance against dominant power relations, as can be seen at the example of addis ababa, ethiopia (mcclelland, j., chapter 7). studies in section three (governance and social order) investigate the impacts of past and present governance practices on urban life, and whether path dependency or significant differences compared to the previous systems can be observed. from these chapters, one can note how different regimes (pre-socialist, collectivist socialist, market socialist, neoliberal capitalist) and different urbanist concepts and discourses (modern and post-modern, local and global, collectivist and individualist) have influenced the recent development of the selected cities. this is apparent from the case of china’s nationalized city program (carter, c., chapter 10), from the analysis of socio-natural relations in managua (shillington, l., chapter 12), and from the governance of urban leisure in ho chi minh city (gibert, m. and peyvel, e., chapter 13). it can be seen here how the elements of global urbanist discourses (e.g. sustainability, privatisation, individualised consumption) have been 327book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (3) 317–327. incorporated into official governance schemes as well as into the space producing practices of various private actors. one of the most important consequences of changing governance practices is the growing distinction between public and private spaces and separation of public and private spheres, once being blurred in many cities in the socialist era. after market reforms in these countries, new property relations and socio-spatial boundaries have been produced and marked out. this process is depicted in the chapters of this section, as an analysis of the tensions around changing territorial structures of suburban governance in tirana shows (mele, m. and jonas, a.e.g., chapter 11). impacts of socialist governance techniques on present-day cities are also mirrored by spatial representations, as sgibnev, w. (chapter 14) reveals from the case of khujand, northern tajikistan. analysing official and non-official maps and mapping practices from the pre-soviet, soviet and post-soviet periods, he argues that mapping was always a crucial tool employed by authorities to exercise control, and emancipatory mapping practices are scarce up today. whereas the summary of section two was ended accentuating the role of space not only as a tool for dominance but also for resistance, this last chapter in section three points to the importance of taking local circumstances and path dependencies into consideration. according to my subjective evaluation, socialist and post-socialist urbanisms: critical reflections from a global perspective is a significant contribution to urbanist discourses, and it successfully responds to major challenges of research on post-socialist cities. first, critiques about the use of post-socialist city as a monolithic and totalitarian analytical concept is well documented in the international literature (e.g. hirt, s. 2013; ilchenko, m. and dushkova, d. 2018). nevertheless, the authors of the present volume recognise that certain aspects of the studied cities can be explained by the socialist past of these urban settlements, but many others cannot, thus their studies convincingly demonstrate the hybridity of post-socialist cities. second, several scholars question the relevance of the notion of the ‘postsocialist city’, as it (re)produces artificial spatial and temporal boundaries, limiting the theoretical capacity of this concept (e.g. gentile, m. 2018; müller, m. 2019). with their strong ethnographic and historical approach, however, the authors of this volume firmly build on situated place-specific knowledge, but they also put taken-for-granted categories (e.g. informality, leisure, suburbanisation) into new perspective. in addition, they place the case-study cities into a historical perspective, instead of trying to apply post-socialism as a temporally fix category. as such, they contribute to the dynamisation and de-territorialisation of the ‘post-socialist city’ concept (tuvikene, t. 2016), increasing its explanatory power in global discourses. in conclusion, i found this book a very informative and easy-to-read one. it is richly illustrated by maps, tables, and photographs, which well-support the arguments of the authors. most of the research behind the studies was built on qualitative methods, such as ethnographic research, interviews, participant observation, mental maps, and very powerful story-telling techniques. the research topics and the geographical locations of the case studies make the book being diverse and coherent at the same time. therefore, i highly recommend this volume to everyone, especially to students and researchers concerned with urban studies, and to those interested in socialist and post-socialist urbanisms. i am sure that it will stimulate further research on post-socialist cities and will be frequently cited by other authors in the future. szabolcs fabula1 r e f e r e n c e s gentile, m. 2018. three metals and the ’post-socialist city’: reclaiming the peripheries of urban knowledge. international journal of urban and regional research 42. (6): 1140–1151. hirt, s. 2013. whatever happened to the (post)socialist city? cities 32. (1): 29–38. ilchenko, m. and dushkova, d. 2018. editorial: in search of the post-socialist urban geography. how do we see the post-socialist city today? belgeo 19. (4): 1–16. lefebvre, h. 1974/1991. the production of space. oxford, basil blackwell. müller, m. 2019. good bye, post-socialism! europe-asia studies 71. (4): 533–550. tuvikene, t. 2016. strategies for comparative urbanism: post-socialism as a de-territorialized concept. international journal of urban and regional research 40. (1): 132–146. 1 department of economic and social geography, institute of geography and earth sciences, university of szeged, szeged, hungary. e-mail: fabula.szabolcs@geo.u-szeged.hu 7_book reviews.indd 99book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 93–101. it is uncommon in central europe that an allencompassing geographical monography addresses the entire catchment area of a 749 km long river. one obvious reason for this is the political fragmentation of the area the river runs through, and that, as a result, it required 100 years of international cooperation to prepare a book of this kind. we might also say that it took 100 years for the inclination to such a cooperation to be born. the foreword of mauro soldati, the president of the international association of geomorphologists (iag), is followed by a short introduction of the editor, dénes lóczy (university of pécs). the editor emphasises the peripheral and, in terms of military strategy, sensitive location of the river, which explains the negligence of its scientific investigation before the border zones opened with the political transformations in 1989–1990, and the end of the serbo-croatian war in 1995. the introduction highlights the use of the river’s power by hydroelectric power stations, but it also underlines the resulting environmental problems, and pointing at the importance of taking into consideration the environmental problems of the river channel and the floodplain area after channel construction and the regulation and harnessing of the river. in spite of the hydropower constructions the river channel and the cut-off meanders provide valuable habitats for wildlife, which the unesco transboundary biosphere reserve as well as numerous ramsar and natura 2000 sites along the river prove. the introduction of the book discusses different aspects of the maintenance of this natural heritage, the improvement of its quality, and the rehabilitation potential of the river channel and the floodplain. the chapter also emphasises the need for international cooperation in solving environmental challenges in the area. the second chapter by dénes lóczy describes the geological and geomorphological setting of the drava basin, dividing it into three major units: the austro-alpine nappe system, the south-alpine nappe system and the southwestern margin of the pannonian basin. it concludes that the river catchment area is extremely varied and picturesque in terms of geological structure and surface forms. the chapter focuses on the geological and geomorphological description of the catchment area instead of geological units, which is a novel approach and perfectly fits the objective of the book. the authors of chapter 3, gerhard karl lieb and wolfgang sulzer, describe in detail the current land use and recent changes of the drava basin based on the corine land cover database. they conclude that the land use pattern and the dominant classes of the western and eastern parts of the basin significantly differ not only for natural, but also for cultural reasons. based on land cover data, the authors evaluate the environmental status of the area as satisfactory, not least because of the relatively big protected areas within the basin. chapter 4 by dénes lóczy discusses climatic conditions and climate change in the drava basin. there are remarkable differences within the catchment area, carrying characteristics of atlantic, mediterranean and continental climates as well as orographic influence. due to climate change, the difference between these four types are expected to increase further. the spatial and temporal pattern of the river regime is definitely determined by snowmelt in upper sections of the river, and only moderately affected by continental climate along the downstream. ulrich schwarz’s chapter (chapter 5) focuses on the hydro-morphology of the lower drava. at the downstream of the mura confluence the river shows lóczy, d. (ed.): the drava river: environmental problems and solutions. cham, springer, 2019. 399 p. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.68.1.9 hungarian geographical bulletin 68 2019 (1) 100 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 93–101. anabranching characteristics, which transform to meandering type for the gradual decrease in the slope. the chapter describes the sediment types, the geomorphological character, and their evaluation from the perspective of the numerous upstream hydropower plants. it concludes that the long-term effects of hydropower dams on the interrupted sediment continuum and channel type call for the need for reconsidering river management and floodplain restoration. lidija tadić and tamara brleković summarise in chapter 6 the hydrological characteristics of the croatian section of the river. they point out that regulation and dam construction enable the control of high water levels, but the backwater effect of the danube still affects the lowest section of the river. the authors find that drought periods and low discharge are becoming more and more frequent in the last decades. enikő anna tamás characterises in chapter 7 the sediment transport of the river. she analyses in detail the bedload and bed material, the suspended load concentration, and their variability with the discharge. the study concludes that the typical processes of river morphology are reservoir armouring on the upstream, but rather riverbed erosion on the downstream. chapter 8 by hrvoje petrić, enikő anna tamás and dénes lóczy describes the history of regulation and documented floods along the river. the authors summarise the major flood events in four countries with their estimated discharge, as well as early and modern time regulation history, the state of navigation, and the data of hydropower plants. concerning future the authors point at the changes of river management, as it is turning from hard engineering to ecologically based restoration activities. in chapter 9 ognjen bonacci and dijana oskoruš connect to the previous chapter, and deal with human impacts on the water regime of the river, changing hydro-morphological characteristics, and sediment transportation of the river. the chapter shows that human activity substantially influences the water regime of the drava river, even in downstream sections, and underlines that more efficient and interdisciplinary international cooperation is essential to preserve the still remaining, but very vulnerable, fluvial landscape and environment. in chapter 10 three authors (alajos burján, gábor horváth and lászló márk) write about the river channel incision along the hungarian section of the drava. the study shows that the river channel not yet reached the hydro-morphological equilibrium due to relevant human interventions. regulation increased the channel gradient, and the construction of hydroelectric plants reduced the sediment supply. altogether these processes generated significant channel incision on the downstream sections. tímea kiss and gábor andrási analyse the evolution of the drava floodplain during the last 100 years along the downstream section of the river. they find that the floodplain area has increased by several thousands of hectares, while the channel area has been decreasing simultaneously. old abandoned channels lose their water conductivity due to incision of the channel and islands which have been merged to the floodplain. meander development has accelerated and the stability of eroding banks has decreased. lateral erosion can contribute to local sediment yield. the following two chapters (chapter 12 by dénes lóczy, józsef dezső, péter gyenizse, szabolcs czigány and gabriella tóth and chapter 13 by adrienne ortmann-ajkai) present the cut-off oxbow lakes along drava river. the first study evaluates and classifies the oxbows based on their geographical position, their connection with the main channel, their water retention capacity and relation to the groundwater flow. this kind of analysis may prove very helpful while planning the rehabilitation or restoration of the floodplain. the second study addresses the vegetation and its development around the oxbows, which are regarded as valuable biodiversity refuges in an environment dominated by agricultural fields. the study asserts that the aquatic and riparian vegetation of the oxbows are relatively well-preserved due to the moderate intensity of land use, its location along national boundaries, and efficient nature conservation policy. it considers the terrestrialisation of habitats due to river incision an unavoidable treat. józsef dezső, dénes lóczy, ali mohamed salem and gábor nagy deal with floodplain connectivity in the next study. they consider the connectivity of cutoff oxbows to the main channel as the most relevant factor of maintaining biodiversity and other vital ecosystem services. due to river regulation, disconnected or geographically isolated oxbows have become the most common in the drava floodplain area. hence, the authors consider the potential of subsurface water supply. for this reason, they calculate the effective porosity and hydraulic conductivity of floodplain deposits, and apply hydrological modelling to estimate groundwater streams. the authors regard subsurface water supply as a key factor in floodplain rehabilitation planning as well. chapter 15 by anita dolgos-kovács, gabriella tóth and dénes lóczy analyses the water quality of the lower section of the river. although the upper and middle sections of the river were assessed to have good water quality, the authors consider that many features of the river catchment area, like land use intensity and erosion, influence water quality at the downstream section. they evaluate water quality according to hydro-morphological, physio-chemical, biological and biochemical parameters. the study also discusses assessment according to the european water framework directive. not only the water qual101book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 93–101. ity of the river itself, but also the tributaries within the hungarian part of the catchment area are depicted in colour maps. compared to the major rivers in hungary, the drava proves to be one of the cleanest rivers and water bodies of the country. the chapter also employs a case study evaluating the water quality of an oxbow lake. chapters 16 and 17 provide an inventory of selected taxa of the river, and insofar macroinvertebrates and fishes are good indicators of water quality, they concentrate to them. from the macroinvertebrate fauna the mollusca, annelida, crustacea chelicerata and insecta are listed in the river channel and from the floodplain in the chapter by arnold móra and zoltán csabai. the authors conclude that the macroinvertebrate fauna of the river is one of the richest ones among hungarian floodplains. numerous natura 2000, protected, and strictly protected species indicate the conservational significance of the region, whereas the large number of non-indigenous species signs the vulnerability of aquatic communities. similarly, péter sály’s study on the fish fauna of the river reveals the semi-natural status of fish assemblages. the ratio of native and non-native fish species reflects an overall good ecological status of the riverscape. therefore, the actual good quality of the river along the croatian-hungarian section has to be maintained. the relatively long chapter 18 by balázs kevey provides an excellent systematic overview of floodplain forest communities in the drava plain. beyond describing willow shrubs, softwood and hardwood forests, and bog forest communities, it also discusses their interconnections. numerous figures with cross sections show typical toposequences and the coupling of forest communities to micro-topography, pedodiversity pattern and microclimate. the analysis of theses typical landscape patterns is a useful basis for ecological forest management and reforestation of deforested potential hardwood habitats. chapter 19 by dénes lóczy and rok ciglič evaluates nature conservation in the drava catchment area. the study deals not only with the variety and the extent of protected areas like national parks and nature parks, but also stresses that the restoration of riverine habitats, floodplains and river channels has become an integral part of nature conservation strategies. rehabilitation of riverine landscapes not only increases the habitat diversity through establishing gravel and sand bars, but also facilitates the management of riverine landscapes, directing them into more and more self-sustaining conditions. the last two chapters of the book (chapter 20 by tibor parrag and dénes lóczy and chapter 21 by dénes lóczy and józsef dezső) present accomplished side-channel and floodplain rehabilitation projects, and also the largest-scale actual landscape rehabilitation project in hungary. the authors critically present the rehabilitation potential based on ecosystem services and landscape functions. two-thirds of the 29 authors who wrote the 21 essays of the book are from hungary. five contributors are from croatia, three from austria, one from slovenia, whereas the italian source of the river is symbolically represented by the inaugural lines of an italian colleague. these contributions of course do not follow a strict thematic division, as the phenomena, attributes and qualities of the upper and lower reaches of a river are always close intertwined. it is not by chance that the subtitle of the volume is “environmental problems and solutions”, since there are significant hydrological, geomorphological and biogeographical consequences of the heavy anthropogenic impact along the upstream section of the river. this generates new, often political controversies, which cross-border nature conservation projects can only partly counterbalance. an important aim of the editor was with the detailed analysis of environmental issues to identify positive outputs and possible solutions to the problems. the volume presents several great examples of river restoration projects in austria, slovenia and croatia. another important element of this positive vision is the hungarian ‘old drava’ landscape rehabilitation programme, which is implemented at the landscape level, and, at the same time, represents the most up-to-date approach to managing environmental problems as it is focusing on ecosystem services. accordingly, the book intensively discusses topics like flood storage, local climate regulation, water-sport possibilities, and revitalisation of traditional forms of agriculture, including the reintroduction and local processing of old fruit species. tibor józsef novák1 1 department of landscape protection and environental geography, university of debrecen, debrecen, hungary. e-mail: novak.tibor@science.unideb.hu. meusburger, p., werlen, b. and suarsana, l. (eds.): knowledge and action 269book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (3) 265–276.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.66.3.7 hungarian geographical bulletin 66 2017 (3) there have been several attempts to question disciplinary borders over the last decades, marked by, for example, different ‘turns’, such as the ‘spatialturn’ in social sciences or the ‘affective-turn’ in social sciences and geography, and the emergence of sub-disciplines such as behavioural economics. yet, attachment to disciplines as well as disciplinary agendas and disciplinary ‘pride’ are still limiting research, so collaborations, such as the volume to be reviewed here, are important contributions to a more out-of-the-box way of approaching research. “knowledge and space” is a book series focusing on the relationship between knowledge and power, and the spatial disparity of both. within this series, the volume “knowledge and action” aims to collect a variety of papers from different disciplines, including psychology, geography, philosophy and anthropology, in order to discuss the interconnected nature of knowledge, space and action. the volume draws on the idea of nico stehr (1994) that “parts of knowledge can be defined as ability, aptitude, or ‘capacity for social action” and on the concept “that the production and dissemination of knowledge are always embedded in specific environments (spatial context, spatial relations, and power structures)” (p. 1). i believe that the book series, and especially this particular volume, can also provide refreshing inquiries for research in post-socialist countries and (semi-)peripheral contexts in general by suggesting a more critical approach to the existing status quo and the dominance of ‘western thought’. the geographers peter meusburger and benno werlen, who are both editors of the volume, start the introduction with highlighting the shortcomings of the traditional ‘rational choice theory’ and the ‘homo oeconomicus’ concept. their critique is based on the ethnocentric nature of these theories, their neglect of the spatial dimension, their lack of empirical foundation, and their psychologically unrealistic approach. meusburger and werlen also link the insufficiency of these concepts to the general subordination of ‘space’, to ‘time’ in modern social theory, and they call for research questions that are more integrative, in terms of both space-time relations and disciplinary background. drawing on giddens (1984), they highlight that time is overemphasised at the expense of the spatial dimension and even when “space is taken into account, the word ‘space’ is often not understood as a theory-dependent term, but rather as a given fact” (p. 4.) and space in this sense is seen as a container, without considering its socially constructed nature. while following the works of giddens, bourdieu or soja, social sciences claimed to take a ‘spatial turn’ and to overcome the “spatial ignorance identified in their field” (p. 4), the editors of “knowledge and action” argue that in fact, the spatial turn is incomplete and in its current state may even lead to ‘geo-determinism’. as they suggest, the mere appropriation of the spatial dimension without its re-conceptualisation from the perspective of social sciences will not improve social research, but only “falsify the real nature of sociocultural realities” (p. 5). with reference to meusburger’s earlier work, they argue that “an environment’s impacts on action must not be regarded deterministically [and] an environment should not be thought of as an independent variable that directly influences all relevant actors through a direct cause-and-effect relation (if a, then b). it depends on processes of evaluation based on learning, knowledge, and experience whether spatial structures, physical space, or social environments have an impact on human action” (p. 13). the fifteen studies presented in the volume are disciplinary diverse, and approach the central topic meusburger, p., werlen, b. and suarsana, l. (eds.): knowledge and action. dordrecht, springer, 2017. 300 p. 270 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (3) 265–276. of the book on different scales, from individual microscales to global macro-scales, and while some authors look at “knowledge as a social construct based on collective action”, others “as an individual capacity to act” (p. 8). chapters 2 to 5 and chapter 7 focus on macro-scale analysis; chapters 6, 9 and 10 investigate the micro-scale; chapters 11 and 12 are taking a philosophical approach to knowledge, whereas chapter 13 studies the bodily ways of knowing through an artistic approach. finally, in the last two chapters knowing as cognitive capacity is discussed in relation to mobility in space. one of the major strengths of the book are the research questions the editors put forward in the introduction, including the following ones: “to what extent is knowledge a precondition for action? how much knowledge is necessary for action? how do different representations of knowledge shape action? how rational is human behaviour? what categories of rationality should be distinguished? why do people occasionally act against their knowledge?” and more specifically in relation to space: “which concepts of space and place are appropriate for analysing relations between knowledge, action, and space? how much are the spatial conditions of actions exposed to historical transformation? how does the digital revolution change the historically established society–space relations? what are the spatial implications for the formation of knowledge?” many of these questions are addressed throughout the individual studies. in the second chapter, which follows the introduction, benno werlen further details the shortcomings of the ‘spatial turn’ in social sciences and calls for more integrity among disciplines that are more reflective of the ‘digital age’. his focus is on the corporeality of the actors and the difference between mediated and direct experiences and communication, in order to highlight the “socially constructed relations of space” (p. 16). this has become particularly important in the new digital age, he argues, where socio-spatial conditions are inevitably redrawn. huib ernste provides in chapter 3 a historical overview of the transformation of the philosophy of rationality. the chapter starts with introducing the early stages of the separation of rationality and reason in philosophical thought by drawing on immanuel kant, and continues with the critique of positivist rationality, underlining that there is not a single type of rationality, but there are different types, “which cannot be reduced to each other” (p. 58). by reflecting on phenomenological schools (of geographical action theory and language pragmatic approaches) and poststructuralist theory, ernste argues that „rationality could be reconstituted as a culturally contingent phenomenon, and critical geographical analysis could again contribute to concrete problem-solving, albeit in a culturally much more informed and embedded way than hitherto” (p. 16). gunnar olsson in chapter 4 similarly takes a historical approach on philosophical thought focusing on functionality and rationality in planning and social engineering in sweden during the 1950s and early 1960s. he begins with discussing the influence of the central place theory and location theory of christaller (1933) and lösch (1954[1943]) in nazi germany and the “principles intended to forge a happy marriage between scientific knowledge and political action” (p. 66). olsson points to the similarly positivist thinking and mathematical calculation of the politically motivated swedish experts of planning, who “took it as their mission to turn sweden into a people’s home, a state of rationality in which the maximizing principles of utilitarian ethics were institutionalized” (p. 69). in chapter 5 richard peet provides a neo-marxist analysis on a global scale by looking at the role of expertise in financial institutions. drawing on marx, engels, and gramsci, he emphasises that knowledge production serves a class interest and that class forces lead, direct, and control the production of knowledge. he refers to this form of knowledge (production) as perverse expertise, as the bright minds of the financial sector, who do the intellectual and practical modelling and are well paid and respected for doing so, accumulate knowledge to maintain the existing social order. while the elites are practicing perverse expertise, masses remain in social unconsciousness maintained by trivialising their life to overconsumption. peet concludes that the “intersecting economic and environmental crises will continue ad infinitum because the existing hegemonic knowledge cannot guide effective social action” (p. 91). in chapter 7 nico stehr also discusses the role hegemonic knowledge plays in the production of spatial disparities (although he does not discuss hegemonic knowledge per se). according to stehr “significant asymmetries of knowledge exist” and “knowledge gaps are growing”, and he rejects “the interpretation that nonknowledge is the opposite of knowledge”, aiming to avoid falling into a theoretically and empirically unproductive dichotomy. he instead sees knowledge as a “context-dependent anthropological constant representing a continuum”, and there are only “those who know something else” (p. 123). therefore, the problem or the difference arises from the usefulness of the knowledge one possesses in a given situation, and thus, the key sociological question from this perspective is how to address the issues of “knowledge asymmetry and knowledge gaps in various spheres of modern society, such as the economy, politics, the life world, and governance” (p. 123). chapter 6, 8, 9, and 10 are covering psychological researches that address questions on knowledge and action from the perspective of the individual actor. in chapter 6 joachim funke poses the ques271book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (3) 265–276. tions: how much knowledge is necessary for action, whether action is possible without knowledge, and why people sometimes act against their knowledge. in other words, funke focuses on problem-solving that he understands as the intentional generation of knowledge for the ability to act. his research is based on the 2012 cycle of the worldwide pisa study and suggests a clear connection between the generation of knowledge and action, and his final conclusion is that “it is not possible to act without knowledge, but people can act against their knowledge” (p. 109). frank wieber and peter m. gollwitzer take a slightly different perspective, as they approach the question from a goal-attainment perspective, while also emphasising the direct connection between knowledge and action. they distinguish between spontaneous and strategic planning, from which the later explains processes similar to that in funke’s study, thus, processes involving the systematic search of knowledge for critical situations, whereas spontaneous planning means the activation of the existing goal-relevant knowledge. ralph hertwig and renato frey investigate the way different representations of knowledge influence human action. their focus is on the comparison of description based and experience based knowledge in relation to decision making. they suggest that neither research on description based or experience based knowledge should be prioritised, but instead attention should be given to the difference between the two as the “contrast between the two is enlightening” (p. 19). chapter 11 addresses the relation of knowledge and action from a philosophical perspective. tilman reitz misses the mutual reflection on the understanding of knowledge between social sciences and philosophy and suggests that in fact both have overlooked “the spatial dispersion of knowledge” (p. 21.) reitz’s main interest, however, is “which understanding of knowledge makes sense in what kind of everyday circumstances” (p. 189). the last two chapters focus on the link between knowledge and mobility in space. thomas widlok (in chapter 14) studies the relationship between rationality and action in the movement of southern african and australian hunter-gatherer societies and argues that the rationality of the movements in the researched context cannot be sufficiently described through categories of western (ethnocentric) philosophical thought as it is contained in the features of the environment. the psychologists heidrun mollenkopf, annette hieber, and hans-werner wahl (in chapter 15) scrutinise the way different factors, such as age, mental and physical handicaps, personal resources and environmental conditions can separate actions from intentions. based on their interviews with older adults about their out-of-home mobility three times over 10 years, they argue that out-of-home mobility remains important throughout and have a strong effect on overall life satisfaction. as it has been outlined, the volume “knowledge and action” covers a variety of ways to approach its focus of topic through 15 chapters. this unavoidably means that its strength is also its weakness. “knowledge and action” incorporates different scales, approaches and disciplines to address the relationship between knowledge, action and space, and consequently power. yet, most of the individual chapters do not talk to each other significantly due to the wide scope of the issue, and they tend to remain within their own discipline, what often makes it challenging for readers outside of the field to deeply engage with the text. limited communication between different fields in both the academia and practice is, however, not the shortcoming of this volume per se, but a general burden of contemporary science that requires more attention and more works similar to this book, and with even more disciplinary self-reflexivity and openness. the volume raises important questions and inspires further research, even in the central and eastern european region, where the hegemonic production of knowledge, both in space and on disciplinary basis, could constitute exciting research topics. amongst others, judit timár (2004) for instance, highlights inequalities in the production of geographical knowledge focusing on east-west relations and the general hegemony of anglo-american knowledge. other areas of research may include social movements studies (in terms of both acting and non-acting), migration studies (in relation to both immigration and emigration, domestic and international) or the extensive use of public spaces for both political propaganda and commercial advertisement – just to mention the most conspicuous issues currently affecting the region. mirjam sági1 1 department of social and economic geography, eötvös loránd university (elte), budapest, hungary e-mail: mirjam.sagi@gmail.com 272 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (3) 265–276. r e f e r e n c e s christaller, w. 1933. die zentralen orte in süddeutschland. eine ökonomisch-geographische untersuchung über die gesetzmäßigkeit der verbreitung und entwicklung der siedlungen mit städtischer funktion (central places in southern germany: an economic-geographical study of the inherent laws of the distribution and development of settlements with urban function). jena, gustav fischer. giddens a. 1984. the constitution of society: outline of the theory of structuration. cambridge, polity press. lösch, a. 1954 [1943]. the economics of location. new haven, yale university press. stehr, n. 1994. knowledge societies. london, sage. timár, j. 2004. more than ‘anglo-american’, it is ‘western’: hegemony in geography from a hungarian perspective. geoforum 35. (5): 533–538. 6_book reviews.indd 297book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 293–305.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.67.3.7 hungarian geographical bulletin 67 2018 (3) solarz, m.w. (ed.): new geographies of the globalized world. abingdon–new york, routledge, 2018. 216 p. as a consequence of globalisation, the shrinking world, time-space convergence, distantiation and compression cause the concept of space (which is ‘collapsing’) to become more and more relativised, multifaceted and therefore less important, while territorial thinking and the role of place from the perspective of globalisation are being reinterpreted and more becoming the focus of interest in geography. along with this change the role of scale is also going through a process of re-conceptualisation in human geography (elden, s. 2005; murray, w.e. and overton, j. 2015). several authors criticise that the scale of the nationstate is prioritised since many of the various districts, regions and zones extend across national boundaries and transnational networks cannot be described at the level of nation states, either. furthermore, local entities and communities are revalued by attaching more importance to them since these could be affected by globalisation in completely different ways. moreover, the global impact of a micro region may be substantial as well. new viewpoints, observations and metaphors are being used for describing the process of globalisation, e.g. global networks, global flows or glocalisation (sheppard, e. 2002). the essays in the volume “new geographies of the globalized world” analyse the phenomenon of globalisation through various topics of geography. the concrete examples are of different scale and provide tangible and apprehensible clues for interpreting global networks and flows. the volume does not question the existence of the process of globalisation, it rather perceives it as a victorious revolution, which should be thoroughly investigated. it disputes those viewpoints that do not see globalisation as a new era in human history and think that the hype around it is largely exaggerated. it implicitly adapts the transformationalist approach to globalisation, so it argues that due to the time-space compression interactions are rescaled and because of the existence of new networks processes become more complex than old patterns (murray, w.e. and overton, j. 2015). the authors are not concerned with defining globalisation, so the volume does not deal with competing discourses and the history of globalisation. instead, it focuses on specific themes and areas, present in geographic space, which often can easily be depicted on maps as well. through these examples the new networks and currents that have emerged as a result of global changes become apparent. the book aims to reveal and present the various relationships between people and the world that are profoundly restructured in this new global era. the volume was published by routledge in february 2018 as part of the routledge studies in human geography series. its editor is marcin wojciech solarz, associate professor of the university of warsaw, faculty of geography and regional studies. solarz’s major research topics are in connection with political and development geography. his latest book related to this volume was “the language of global development: a misleading geography” (solarz, m.w. 2014). the chapters of the book are organised around topics of demography, development geography, urban geography, transportation, environmental issues, world conflicts and twenty-first-century diseases. the mostly polish, romanian and hungarian co-authors discuss the above mentioned topics in nine chapters, where the topic of development is of special emphasis, since two chapters are devoted to it. the first chapter by barbara jaczewska, tomasz wites, marcin wojciech solarz, maciej jędrusik and małgorzata wojtaszczyk deals with contemporary demographic trends in the world. before discussing current tendencies, it outlines previous milestones in 298 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 293–305. the demographic development of the world’s population. some surprising data make the reader further reflect upon certain facts, for example that the majority of those who were born when only 2 billion people lived on earth are still alive today. the growth of oecumene (inhabited territories) and suboecumenes (transitional zones) at the expense of anoecumene points to the geographical dimensions of uninhabited and inhabited areas and the migration of boundaries between them. after presenting the changing population of the various continents and countries, the authors undertake a critical analysis of malthus, dennis and donella meadows and other demographic forecasts. the chapter also provides a number of examples for phases of the demographic transition model, complemented by ethiopian and russian case studies. the next part of the chapter analyses migration as one of the main contemporary challenges in europe and the world. since contemporary migration is characterised by enormous diversity, a detailed explanation would go beyond the scope of this chapter, but the following five important tendencies are highlighted for the most significant changes: 1. extensive spread; 2. mass scale; 3. differentiation of migration; 4. shift in migration destination; and 5. the politicisation of migration, which is strongly felt in europe. the authors specify the characteristics of modern migratory phenomena and strategies by zygmunt bauman’s ‘liquid modernity’ theory, which in his opinion better describes the condition of constant mobility and change of the postmodern contemporary society. bauman writes of a transition from solid modernity to a more liquid form of social life (bauman, z. 2000). similarly, in the case of ‘liquid migration strategies’ migration destinations are rapidly changing, “and active choices are made to move to where opportunities are available at a given moment” (p. 16). case studies (on tourism and on the european migration crisis) and maps further help to deepen one’s knowledge on the issue and draw the attention to the various types of migration. most global events and phenomena are closely related to development. although before the world war ii the term ‘development’ was not in general use, the pursuit of progress, development or a higher ‘level of civilisation’ was among the goals to be achieved, so much so that societies considered to be more developed wanted to shape the so called underdeveloped, ‘barbarian’ groups of people in their own image. ferenc gyuris starts chapter 2 with the introduction of the various concepts of development, analysing in more detail the changing viewpoints after world war ii. the starting point for these concepts was the economy centred trumanian thought, which considered economic development a prerequisite for creating peace, freedom and prosperity. that is why, in order to promote economic development, a lot of organisations were established both in the eastern and the western bloc, and the chapter provides us also with an insight into the differences between them. the new macro-regions of the world were also outlined on the basis of a new economy-centred approach (first, second, third world, regional economic integrations), and the measurement of development was determined by economic producion (gdp). gyuris points out that after the political changes in 1968 and the subsequent oil crises, the exclusivity of massively technologyand economy-oriented interpretations of development faded and led to new approaches towards development policies. new measurement methods were developed, such as the human development index (hdi). one of the indicators of development may be the degree of social inequalities, and since they are often connected to different geographical locations, spatial disparity has become the focus of observations. the remaining and newly discovered microand macroscale forms of disparities and spatial injustice require new ways of (critical) seeing. with the help of statistical data and graphs gyuris illustrates the challenges of measuring global differences and interpreting the results. data on inter-country inequality in gdp (weighted standard deviation) and on concentration of the gdp and population (hoover concentration index) show a significant decrease in differences between nations from 1992 to 2015, and similarly positive results are obtained if life expectancy or infant death indexes are taken into account. however, if we do the comparison with gdp based indicators excluding china, we see that declining global inequalities are mainly due to the rapid economic growth of china. other global data, which also suggest positive trends, disguise intra-national disparities as well, and comparisons based on an “exclusive focus on the national scale” (p. 42) may lead to ‘methodological nationalism’ (wimmer, a. and glick schiller, n. 2002). at the end of the chapter the reader can become familiar with the arguments of post-developmentalist and anti-developmentalist thinkers, who belong to the various critical approaches towards the highly contested concept of development. critical approach to spatial development continues in chapter 3. marcin wojciech solarz looks into the spatial language of global development. in his opinion, after the 1940s we can observe a terminological ‘big bang’ (p. 54), where the classification, categorisation and labelling of countries have become widespread. the most long-lasting classifications prove to be the division of the three worlds (first, second and third world) and the north-south dichotomy, despite the fact that these concepts are more than 50 years old and both international relations and the structure of the international community today are fundamentally different. according to solarz, it is possible to outline a hypothetical evolutionary cycle for the spatial language of global development, which consists of four 299book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 293–305. phases, preceded by an initial phase that the author is calling ”drive to revolution” (p. 60). this period is characterised by expressions referring to human development such as the agricultural revolution (12,000 bc) or the age of discovery (15th century). this long phase ended with the industrial revolution, which already belongs to the author’s first phase (“pre-takeoff”, p. 60), and the time when the europeanisation of the world began, and this europe-centred approach was also reflected in expressions used to describe development. in the second phase, i.e. after the world wars, we can witness the big bang of spatial development terminology. in the third phase from around 1980 the diversity of denominations did not decline, but they have lost their spectacular character. we are currently in this phase, so the fourth, latest phase is more hypothetical than the whole theory itself. this evolutionary theory divided into phases draws attention to the interlinkages between social environment, increasingly recognised spatial disparities and their assigned denominations. solarz also outlines the scale of specific development terms (distinguishing between large, medium and small terms) and then embarks on an interesting intellectual adventure. he analyses the relationship of the north-south divide and the definition of prosperity from a philosophical perspective. he illustrates on maps how the world would look like in contrast to the current north-south dichotomy based on hobbes’s, locke’s and rousseau’s social contract theory. in each case, two criteria from the philosophical approach (e.g. security felt and proportion of homicides) are investigated on basis of current data. thus can become niger a ‘northern’ country next to norway, and france a ‘southern’ country along with the usa. solarz points out that the notions of the ‘rich north’ and ‘poor south’ are more than oversimplified. therefore, he presents newly defined boundaries and draws attention to the importance of the human development report and well-being indicators. in the first part of chapter 4, the authors voicu bodocan, józsef benedek and raulariu rusu analyse the globalised urban space and world city formations from national and world economy perspectives. they emphasise the crucial role of international flows (mainly transport) in the formation of world cities as well as the importance of locational attributes. in addition to being part of commercial processes these cities can be viewed as part of diplomatic networks as well, since most of the world cities are capital cities. after suburbanisation, urban sprawl, re-urbanisation and gentrification the authors introduce recent trends emerging in urban policy and urbanisation. capital and world cities in post-socialist central and eastern europe (cee) had to pass through rapid transition after 1990. competition for investment has resulted in territorial inequalities and has magnified existing disparities. at the end of the chapter the characteristics of real estate development and suburbanisation are presented through specific examples from cee countries and cities. the authors also highlight potential tensions between the inner city and outer suburbs, and the role of local governments and public bodies in urban management. the romanian and hungarian case studies provide ample insight into the deeper layers of urbanisation and urban policies. chapter 5 deals with the flow of goods, commodities and people within the topic of global transport. the authors (attila jancsovics, imre bitter, cathy macharis, balázs németh, vilmos oszter and gábor szalkai) after reviewing global maritime, rail, road and air transport, analyse the current trends of urban mobility. thereafter they focus on the territorial rearrangement of trade routes (e.g. because of the rise of asia or new maritime, land and air routes etc.) and the characteristics of global flows of various types of products (e.g. liquid and bulk products) and people (e.g. tourism). in addition to examining the increasing environmental burden of transport, the global expansion of new solutions is also discussed, like the emergence of electric vehicles. current trends show a steep rise in air traffic and the emergence of new global hubs, which is illustrated in the chapter by a case study on dubai, demonstrating the increasing global role of the central city of the united arab emirates. the last section of the chapter focuses on dominant trends, current challenges and emerging solutions in urban mobility. in chapter 6 anna m. solarz analyses the global role, distribution, emergence and future trends of religions. the role of religions in international relations is often overlooked, though it is an important component of soft power in world politics. due to the unscientific character of religions and the deeply rooted paradigm of secularisation, social sciences and human geography have paid less attention to this subject, although peter berger examining desecularisation processes refuted general anticipations asserting that the world is increasingly turning away from religions (berger, p.l. 1999). therefore, solarz promotes new research perspectives in examining the interconnections between religion and international relations. a major part of the chapter is dedicated to introducing the most important religions by numbers, so we get a general overview about the distribution of religions in the world based on data from the world religion database and the pew research center. while analysing the figures, it becomes obvious that there are several possibilities for categorising religions. contemporary data can prefigure trends in the future, especially if one considers the age distribution of religious followers and that the role and weight of religions and continents will surely change in time. in the final part of the chapter, the focus is again international relations and the way the perceived negative and positive aspects of religions effect on them. negative connotations are based on a long tradition, 300 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 293–305. an approach that sees religions as sources of conflicts. the actions of the islamic state and islamic terrorism seem to support this interpretation, but solarz points out that religions are not to be observed through this prism. among the positive influences of religions, she mentions religiously motivated individual attempts (e.g. of mahatma gandhi, the dalai lama and desmond tutu) and religious international organisations involved in international development and humanitarian assistance. the effects of various religions differ from region to region, because the role they play in distinct societies differ as well. therefore, it is not possible to formulate general statements about religions expected to be true everywhere in the world. evidence of the environmental damage caused by humankind is backed up by ever more shocking data, which anna dudek, jerzy makowski and joanna miętkiewska-brynda are providing in chapter 7, reporting on, inter alia, the startling growth rate of deforestation and rhino horn smuggling. the authors unconventionally analyse environmental problems, like the effects of invasive alien species and the fragmentation and isolation of the various habitats of biotic communities. although transboundary movements of hazardous waste are attempted to be controlled by international treaties, the city of guiyu in china has become the world’s largest electronic waste storage ‘facility’ since the mid-1990s. the chapter deals with the problems of marine pollution and exploitation as well. environmental threats of the mining of submarine mineral resources are enumerated in detail, illustrating that it is not so easy to find solutions for such problems. after exploring the links between deforestation and popular products (e.g. palm oil), threats to protected areas are also highlighted in detail in relation to trends of rhino and elephant poaching. marek madej in chapter 8 describes the twenty-first century processes of global conflicts, wars and terrorism, distinguishing state-based conflicts from non-state conflicts and incidents of one-sided violence. since currently africa has the most armed conflicts, the author describes the continent as the “heart of darkness”. europe and the western hemisphere are characterised by him as “oases of calm” and asia and the middle east as “hot” regions (p. 172). he investigates in a separate case study how drug related crime in mexico turns into armed conflict. the author also uses tropes while analysing international terrorism, e.g. “explosive asia and middle east”, “african slippery slope”, “not soso-calm europe and america” (p. 176). there is a lot of similarity between the geography of terrorism and the territorial distribution of armed conflicts, but madej points to significant differences as well. the chapter is closed by the introduction of multinational armed interventions in the wider middle east region. as a conclusion the author emphasises the importance of small-scale investigations since large scale analyses could easily overlook local ‘oasis of peace’. which factors determine the state of human health? izabella łęcka analyses this complex and difficult question in the closing chapter. after a brief introduction of global (planetary health) and local scales, the author presents the different grouping options of diseases based on different aspects. then she provides a detailed assessment of the epidemiological transition models. these, similarly to the population transition model, link birth and death rates and population growth to the state of public health and the spread of epidemics. the author links specific regions, countries and groups of countries to stages of the model from “pestilence and famine” (first stage) to “high quality of life with persistent inequalities” (last stage) (p. 191). however, the epidemiological transition theory cannot be universal because of the lack of reliable statistics and records on the cause of death, e.g. in africa. in the rest of the chapter, each continent is analysed with special attention to certain countries or regions. finally, the author describes the relationship between migration and disease and its geographical aspects. in the introduction of the book, marcin wojciech solarz characterises the pre-globalisation world as a set of macroand micro-worlds coexisting under opaque glass domes. as he argues, the “revolution of globalization” shattered these opaque domes. one can also apply the metaphor to the book itself, which discusses crucial themes of human geography in the 21st century and makes them more clearly visible and intelligible by shattering the opaque glass domes above them. the central european aspects of the book are also important, as most chapters cover this region as well. the place of the region in the division of the world, its development, its demographic status, its religions, its exposure to migration etc. are topics that may be of interest to not only researchers but the general public as well. the volume can very well be recommended to both students of social and natural sciences, as well as to researchers interested in the subject. géza barta1 r e f e r e n c e s bauman, z. 2000. liquid modernity. cambridge, polity press. berger, p.l. 1999. the desecularization of the world: a global overview. in the desecularization of the world: resurgent religion and world politics. ed.: berger, p.l. washington, d. c., ethics and public policy center, 1–18. 1 doctoral school of earth sciences, eötvös loránd university (elte), budapest, hungary. e-mail: gezabarta@ gmail.com. the research has been supported by the national research development an innovation office (nkfi), contract no. k 124291. 301book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 293–305. elden, s. 2005. missing the point: globalization, deterritorialization and the space of the world. transactions of the institute of british geographers 30. (1): 8–19. murray, w.e. and overton, j. 2015. geographies of globalization. abingdon–new york, routledge. sheppard, e. 2002. the spaces and times of globalization: place, scale, networks, and positionality. economic geography 78. (3): 307–330. solarz, m.w. 2014. the language of global development: a misleading geography. london–new york, routledge. wimmer, a. and glick schiller, n. 2002. methodological nationalism and beyond: nation-state building, migration and the social sciences. global networks 2. (4): 301–334. narrative interviews in research on post-war socio-historical processes as formative factors of regional identity of the population – case study of the svitavy region, czech republic 27slováková, p. and šerý, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.65.1.3 hungarian geographical bulletin 65 2016 (1) 27–42. introduction the transfer of the german population from czechoslovakia and the subsequent resettlement of the borderland by inhabitants of mostly czech nationality is a subject that is still to some extent controversial and is widely discussed (staněk, t. 1991; kural, v. 1994; beneš, z. 2002; čapka, f. et al. 2005; von arburg, a. and staněk, t. 2010). in addition to debates about the correctness of the transfer of the german citizens, its manner and course, and the possibly rather chaotic course of the subsequent resett lement, recent discussions have also focused on the social, cultural, and economic consequences of the largest migratory movements of the population in the czech republic in recent history. a partial interest in the evaluation of the possible consequences of such continuity up to the present day is also evident within czech geographical research projects (daněk, p. 2000; chromý, p. and skála, j. 2010; kučera, z. and kučerová, s. 2012; šerý, m. and šimáček, p. 2013; šerý, m. 2014). however, research on the very development and immediate effects of the above migratory movements has remained somewhat out of the spotlight of czech geographers. for research on the actual intensity narrative interviews in research on post-war socio-historical processes as formative factors of regional identity of the population – case study of the svitavy region, czech republic pavlína slováková1 and miloslav šerý2 abstract the aims of the paper are twofold. the fi rst aim is a methodological one, the article presents the possibilities of using narrative interviews in research on post-war socio-historical development. the second aim is to evaluate the experiences of eyewitnesses who experienced the expulsion of the german-speaking population and the process of resett lement in the distinctive region of svitavy. being the largest migratory population movement in the 20th century in the czech lands, the displacement of the germans and the subsequent process of resett lement brought signifi cant social, cultural, and economic consequences. their infl uence on the inhabitants of the aff ected regions and regional identities of these inhabitants is evident even now. the method of narrative interviews contributes to unveiling the importance of these processes in witnesses´ minds. the successful fulfi lment of both objectives allows evaluation of the appropriateness of the methods applied in research on regional identities of the population, as well as a bett er understanding of the importance of post-war events for the eyewitnesses to them. as these events occurred in a specifi c region (svitavy), it is possible to identify important factors that contributed to the formation of regional identities of these witnesses. the article is a contribution to the existing knowledge about the phenomenon of regional identity of populations, which is understood as a process. in addition, it also contributes to a deeper knowledge of the role of the (dis)continuity of sett lement in this process. keywords: narrative interview, regional identity of population, migration, svitavy region, czech republic, transfer of germans from czechoslovakia 1 department of geography, faculty of science, masaryk university, kotlářská 2, 611 37 brno, czech republic. e-mail: pzrustova@mail.muni.cz 2 department of geography, faculty of science, palacký university olomouc, 17. listopadu 12, 771 46 olomouc, czech republic. e-mail: serymilos@gmail.com slováková, p. and šerý, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42.28 of the migration fl ows and their spatial differences, as well as the social and economic structure of the population that participated in these migrations, the statistical sources of data from the pre-war and post-war periods are very important. here we mean primarily three censuses in the czechoslovak republic (1 december 1930, 1 march 1950 and 1 march 1961) (state statistical offi ce 1935a,b, 1955, 1966), the survey of municipalities in the bohemian and moravian-silesian lands of december 1, 1945 (state statistical office 1946), and, last but not least, the registers of citizens in czechoslovakia in 1946 and 1947 (state statistical office 1951). using these resources of aggregate, quantitative data we can gain a general idea of the abovementioned processes and these ideas can be combined with archival research, which is particularly desirable at regional level. this approach, which allows us to create a more synoptic image of the post-war development, has been used by authors (skřivánek, m. 1995; káňa, o. 1976) who strove to analyse the issue in question within their case studies of selected border regions. however, if we seek a more comprehensive understanding of the processes of the transfer of the german-speaking citizens and the resett lement, the specifi c regional features, and the consequences so far, we have to extend the above-mentioned methods. we consider one of the alternative approaches to be the method of narrative interview with people who lived through these processes, or at least were aff ected by these processes. the method of narrative interview has the potential to identify phenomena that are hard to understand. here we mean primarily the perception of post-war processes by eyewitnesses to them, mostly based on their own experience of these processes, which determines the future development and formation of a number of aspects. these must include the relationship of individuals to the area they live in, or the level of identifi cation with the community which the individual is a part of. we should not forget the perception and understanding of the symbolism that represents this living space. similarly, the post-war experience may have aff ected the willingness of individuals to participate in the organisation and functioning of institutions that are linked to their living space. if we start from the intentions of the new regional geography (thrift, n. 1983; pred, a. 1984), all these aspects can be understood as essential dimensions of the phenomenon of regional identity of the population (paasi, a. 1986, 2002), which has been developed, reproduced, and transformed on a long-term basis (macleod, g. 1998). despite the potential of narrative interviews to facilitate the understanding of the formative factors of regional identity of a population (houžvička, v. and novotný, l. 2007), this method does not have a strong position in research carried out in the framework of czech geography so far. therefore, the fi rst (methodological) objective of this paper is to evaluate the importance of narrative interviews for research on the formative factors of regional identity of population. the second objective of the paper is then to assess the specifi c formative factors of regional identity of population, which include the experience of eyewitnesses of the resettlement of the german-speaking population and the colonisation process in the svitavy region. to meet the above objectives successfully, we will seek answers to the following research questions: a) to what extent is the narrative interview an appropriate method to gain qualitative data on phenomena shaping the process of regional identity of the population? b) what is the opinion of witnesses to the post-war resett lement of the german-speaking population? did they maintain friendly relations with the german-speaking inhabitants before the war and aft er it? c) did the respondents themselves participate in the colonisation process? how do they evaluate this process? we believe that by fulfi lling the objectives of the paper, we can methodologically and factually enrich the existing geographic re29slováková, p. and šerý, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42. search focused on the possibility of understanding the above-mentioned formative factors in the process of the creation of regional identity of the population. in addition, one part of the svitavy region faced the post-war migrations while another part of it was not affected by these transfers, and, on the contrary, served as the source area for the resett lement. thanks to this, it is possible to understand svitavy as a distinctive region with an internally diff ering continuity of socio-historical development. as a result of this nature of the region in question, the fulfi lment of the above objectives may also contribute to a bett er understanding of the role of the dis-/continuity of sett lement in the process of the creation of regional identity of the population. methodological aspects of narrative interviews in the social sciences, qualitative research indicates the type of research that focuses on how individuals and groups perceive, understand, and interpret the world. according to other criteria, qualitative research is research that does not use statistical methods or techniques. in this concept, it is contrasted with quantitative research, which is not suitable for research conducted on a smaller scale, when the categories and theories applied by a researcher may not correspond to local particularities or the knowledge that is acquired is too abstract and general for direct application in local conditions. a researcher may also be limited by a reductive method of data acquisition (hendl, j. 2008). the most widely used qualitative methods in geographical research include direct observation, participant observation, grounded theory, keeping a research diary, and, especially, interviewing subjects. these methods are potentially able to provide the data needed for a research study (hendl, j. 1997). the way in which the subjects are interviewed may vary, depending on the object and purpose of the research, the nature of the survey data, or, for example, on the time capacity and fi nancial resources of the researcher. as dunn, k. (2005: 79) states, interviews are verbal interchanges where one person, the interviewer, att empts to elicit information from another person. on the one hand, we can use a precisely structured questionnaire, which results in easily comparable answers; on the other hand, a free interview without a predetermined structure and with only a primary topic of conversation may also be an appropriate method (hendl, j. 2005). a compromise between these two methods is a semi-structured interview (longhurst, r. 2010). a narrative interview is based on the free narration of the person being interviewed, with important information being refl ected by the interviewer only during the interview. this open type of interview is based on the assumption that narration has been an essential component of human communication since the very beginning of modern civilisation and describes the everyday activities and problems of an individual in the best possible way. as already mentioned, the narrative interview can be structured, semi-structured, or completely unloaded with any structure, with the interviewer responding exclusively to the narration of a particular respondent (given, l.m. 2008). the nature of the narrative interview is strongly interdisciplinary. the respondents‘ experience and the information obtained during the interview are a useful source of data for sociology, psychology, geography, philosophy, and cultural studies, but, in a sense, also for economic and marketing disciplines (wengraf, t. 2001). according to schütze, f. (1987), who was the fi rst to describe the narrative interview method, the form of the interview consists of several stages. first, it is important to inform the respondent about the topic of the interview and the reason why it is being conducted. it is necessary to inspire confi dence and make the interviewee interested so that he/she tries to recall events that might not be mentioned in direct questioning. at the stage of the actual narration, the interviewer should not interrupt the interslováková, p. and šerý, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42.30 viewee‘s monologue, but only listen intently, and use gestures or not to invoke a feeling of concernedness and being interested in the story being narrated. aft er the end of the narration, it is appropriate to use narrativising questions that respond to the events mentioned by the interviewee and aim to develop them in a certain direction. the prerequisite for these questions is the expectation of further narration. from the experience of other interviews, the questions can be formulated in a way that takes into account the information received from the other interviewees, but has not been mentioned by the current respondent. aft er all the topic-related questions have been exhausted, the interview should continue with additional descriptive characteristics of the persons presented in the story, with an effort to relate the events that have been described and their possible consequences to the present (jovchelovitch, s. and bauer, m.w. 2000; bates, j.a. 2005). the purpose of the narrative interview is the rejection of the classical scheme of the question-answer type of interview and, on the contrary, minimum communicative involvement of the interviewer in the narration. the positive eff ect of the narrative interview is the presentation of events in the life of the interviewee in his/her own words, which, according to the supporters of the narrative interview approach, could not be covered during a normal structured interview (jovchelovitch, s. and bauer, m.w. 2000; atkinson, r. 2001). the narrative interview is primarily used to capture the course of events that took place in the past, which develops in a certain way. this is an important feature of the method with regard to the fact that regional identity of the inhabitants is always rooted in the past (graham, b. 2000) and its formative factors are subjected to developmentally continuous reproduction and transformation (vainikka, j. 2012). on the contrary, the narrative interview approach is totally inappropriate if the researcher requires obtaining quantitative information or opinions on phenomena that are not related directly to the respondent and his/her story. the essence of a narrative interview is his/her experience and subjective perception of facts that infl uenced the interviewee to some extent and to which he/she att aches some weight. the advantage of the narrative interview is in its putt ing the emphasis on the individual and his/her subjective perception of processes and phenomena in time and space, against the background of a characteristic social framework. jovchelovitch and bauer (2000) pointed out two problematic aspects of narrative interviews. the person being interviewed can create his/her own hypothesis about what the interviewer wants to hear and what he/she probably already knows. the consequence can be partially conscious non-disclosure of information which would represent a contribution to the research. they may also show some doubts about the phases of a narrative interview. in particular, diffi culty in stimulating the interest of the person being interviewed in the topic relates largely to the experience of the interviewer and the narrative part itself is then heavily infl uenced by the confi dence in the researcher and his/ her work. it is also important to understand that for many people the narration itself, on which the whole interview is based, may be an unnatural activity that is not easy to manage. another important factor is the process of forgett ing, which is influenced by many factors, e.g. protection of mental capacity from overload and congestion, a long period of time having passed since the event happened, or an eff ort to displace unpleasant memories (čermák, i. et al. 2007). the data processing (time-consuming transcription) and especially the evaluation of the interviews are relatively diffi cult. from the huge amount of the texts of the interviews, it is necessary to select only those pieces of information that are relevant for the research, which are then broken down in an appropriate manner according to their content and compared with each other (bates, j.a. 2005). 31slováková, p. and šerý, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42. narrative interview and geographical research on regional identity of populations in geography, qualitative research methods are relatively widespread and the qualitative approach is certainly not unknown to geographers interested in issues of regional identity (kneafsey, m. 2000; everett, s. and aitchison, c. 2008; antonsich, m. 2010; zimmerbauer, k. 2011). according to wiles, j.l. et al. (2005), semi-structured interviews are widely used, while much less att ention is paid to alternative methods of investigation. these methods include the narrative interview, which is suitable for the detection of facts that are unobtainable from other available sources. because of this feature and the characteristics of the method described in the previous chapter, we att empted to use the narrative interview approach in our research on regional identity of the population of the svitavy region. more precisely, this method was used to identify the way in which the post-war experience can infl uence the process of the creation of regional identity of the inhabitants of the area concerned. the specifi c features of the coexistence of two or more nationalities in certain regions have their roots in the distant past and have undergone many changes during the development of the region. the form of a free and open interview can help to gain an understanding of the unique feelings, perceptions, and opinions of the inhabitants of the border areas regarding the dramatic post-war events that are oft en diffi cult to describe objectively and analyse as a result of the lack of a suffi cient amount of data and sources. although the subjectivity of those interviewed is considerable, the information obtained through narrative interview can paradoxically be used to add greater objectivity to the research (jovchelovitch, s. and bauer, m.w. 2000). for example, we can start from the assumption that we have only inaccurate statistics on a certain village aff ected by the transfer of its german inhabitants with regard to the number that were transferred and a few references on the course of the displacement found in archival materials or a secondary publication that deals with this topic. the narration of the witnesses may to some extent explain the course and the circumstances of the involuntary exodus of the german population, especially in those cases where the statements of individual interviewees overlap or coincide. the experiences and memories of witnesses are oft en the only source of information and, though they should be treated with critical distance, are priceless for research on the conditions under which regional identity of the population was formed. regional identity of inhabitants from a broader perspective the very existence of regional identity of a population can be understood as a manifestation of human needs, specifi cally, the need to belong somewhere, which maslow, a.h. (1943) sees as the most important social need of any individual. through a successful fulfilment of this need, a person gets an idea of his/her position and role in a complex environment and builds and realises his/her own identity. if the sources of the identity of individual persons and the process of the creation of these identities show the same characteristics, we can talk about the generation of collective identity. the concept of collective identities and the processes of their formation are tackled by cerulo, k.a. (1997: 386), who suggests that, so rooted, the notion addresses the “we-ness” of a group, stressing the similarities or shared attributes around which group members coalesce. the above-mentioned att ributes can be determined, for example, by ethnicity, religiosity, sexuality, cultural characteristics, and, last but not least, by spaciousness. spaciousness consists of the daily activities of people within the various spatial categories, either slováková, p. and šerý, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42.32 in particular places (tuan, y.-f. 1974; relph, e. 1976) or regions (paasi, a. 2002).3 spatial categories are then used in the process of building human identities. in this context, regional identity of a population can therefore be understood as one of the essential forms of collective identity. regional identity of a population is a relatively complex and elusive phenomenon. in this paper, we start from the conceptualisation established by paasi, a. (1986). its essence is the classifi cation of this phenomenon within three subsets. the fi rst one is identifi cation with regional group or community. this subset consists of both the factual identifi cation and the ideal identifi cation. the former is based on actual relationships between individuals who are in some way connected with the region. in this case of community, an important fact is that the individuals are acculturated and are familiar with structures of expectations. in the latt er case we are talking about a certain image of identifi cation, which is communicated and represented in the institutional practice of the region and its community. in the latt er case, the purpose is the reproduction of awareness of regional community. typically, these two types of identifi cation are not in agreement, but this discrepancy does not preclude their importance for the formation of regional identity of the population. in the post-war period, it is possible to observe tangible diff erences between the factual identifi cation and ideal identifi cation of the population in a number of czech regions. these were mainly the border regions aff ected by the replacement of their residents. this process brought about a transformation of the factual identifi cation with the community, as well as of the ideal identifi cation with the community, in the latt er case mostly as a result of the infl uence of regional institutions (the press, etc.) that responded to the newly created conditions. these transformations signifi cantly determined the further 3 for the conceptualisation of the relationship between a region and a particular place, see, for example, paasi, a. 1986, 2002; chromý, p. 2003; šerý, m. 2014. formation of regional identity of the local residents. besides the idea of community, the individual components of regional identity of the population also include the process of the identifi cation of the population with the region. this process helps the residents to att ribute the role of the region in regional hierarchy of consciousness, which paasi, a. (1986) considers to be a second subset of regional identity of the inhabitants of the region. the third formative subset of regional identity is the so-called image of the region. this subset is formed not only by the population of a particular region but also by the communities living outside the region, which logically leads to discrepancies: the image of a region sensed inside the region usually diff ers from the external image of the region. however, these diff erent images infl uence the broader concept of regional identity rather than regional identity of the population of a particular region. none of the three above-mentioned components of regional identity of the population can be understood as static entities. on the contrary, they are dynamic aspects that develop in a long-term process, in the course of which the fi nal form of regional identity of the population can consciously or unconsciously (zich, f. 2007) be consolidated or transformed, or even cease to exist in extreme cases. regional identity as a process is shaped by a number of formative factors. these factors include the experience of postwar migration events. these seemingly distant experiences in fact virtually continue to function in the minds of individuals in the form of individual historical consciousness, which has an obvious relationship to the formation of regional identity of the population (houžvička, v. and novotný, l. 2007). brief characteristics of the region under study the svitavy region, a district offi cially established in 1960, was chosen as the area of interest for several reasons. svitavy is an example of an area that is historically hetero33slováková, p. and šerý, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42. geneous, with diff erent territorial, administrative and linguistic affi liations. half of its territory was part of the largest german language island in the czechoslovak republic (hereinaft er csr) called hřebečsko, while the czechs and germans coexisted here from the mid-13th century (fikejz, r. 2003). the area of interest is crossed by the relict land border between bohemia and moravia. the political districts of litomyšl and polička lay in bohemia, while the political district of moravská třebová, which was formed by the sub-districts of svitavy, moravská třebová, and jevíčko, belonged to moravia (macková, m. 2009). the border was deinstitutionalised in 1949 in connection with extensive administrative changes (daniel, j. 2013). the above-mentioned political districts were maintained, while the boundary between bohemia and moravia, which was deinstitutionalised at the same time, was respected. with eff ect from 1960, when a major administrative reform was adopted, the existence of the relict land border was not respected and a new district structure was established. one of them was the svitavy district, into which all the above-mentioned political districts (litomyšl, moravská třebová, and polička) were integrated. therefore, the new district of svitavy was crossed by the relict land border (figure 1). in figure 2 it can be seen clearly that the linguistic border, which has been also relict but was not, however, identical with the land border, because there were also german municipalities located on the bohemian side of the area of interest. svitavy district cannot be described as a “typical” border or inland district (according to various defi nitions only a part of the today’s district was defi ned as a borderland). from a historical point of view, the czech borderland may be defi ned as an area of pre-war german settlement. according to the decree of president beneš no. 121/1945 coll. on the territorial organisation of administration carried out by national committ ees, as well as according to a defi nition of borderlands by the resett lement offi ce in june 1946, the political district of moravská třebová was included in the borderland, while the districts of polička and litomyšl were not (velešík, v. 2000). fig. 1. the area under study. source: čapka, f., slezák, l. and vaculík, j. 2005. authors´ own processing slováková, p. and šerý, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42.34 table 1. number of inhabitants in selected districts administrative district number of inhabitants 1961/1930 rate in %1930 1947 1950 1961 litomyšl polička moravská třebová svitavy total total czech lands 46,690 33,070 37,797 38,949 156,506 10,674,936 29,336 28,734 32,695 28,382 119,147 8,765,230 28,763 28,309 32,393 29,641 119,106 8,896,133 24,586 20,864 29,125 30,767 105,342 9,756,429 52.7 63.1 77.1 79.0 67.3 91.4 source: state statistical offi ce, 1935a,b, 1955, 1966; census of population in czechoslovakia in 1946 and 1947, 1951; modifi ed by the author. nb: districts in administrative organisation as of 1949. fig. 2. the proportion of german speaking population in the municipalities of the area under study in 1930. source: state statistical offi ce 1934, 1935. authors´ own processing % in connection with the borderland, the terms sudetenland or external border regions are also used to describe the area affi liated to the german reich (the district of moravská třebová). (the term sudetenland has a more complicated history and is used in diff erent contexts, see král, v. 1992.) the complicated history, heterogeneous nature of the region, and uneven development of its nationalities together created the distinctive nature of the region, lying in the inner dichotomy of the continuity of its socio-historical development (figure 2). in 1930 the districts of moravská třebová, svitavy, jevíčko, and litomyšl were inhabited by 156,506 people in total, of whom 72,400 were of german nationality. aft er the war, in the summer months of 1945, about 21,000 germans became victims of unorganised transfer, which, from regional perspective, was part of the “cleanup” of the hřebečsko linguistic island. during the “organised transfer ” which took place in the period 1946–1947, about 46,000 german inhabitants left the area in three stages (skřivánek, m. 1995). simultaneously with the transfer, the region was resett led with a new population. however, the overall quota set for the newly arriving inhabitants was not fulfi lled and in certain municipalities there was a lack of interest in resett lement. in may 1947, only 119,147 inhabitants lived in this territory, which is a quarter less than in 1930. in resett led municipalities, the population was 43 percent lower than before the war. the number of inhabitants also dropped in czech municipalities not aff ected by the transfer as a result of their participation in the resett lement process and ongoing urbanisation trends (table 1). between 1930 and 1961 the area in question underwent complex economic, social, and demographic changes and also, as a result of some administrative changes, suff ered a loss of about a third of its population, which turned out to be permanent, with the numbers remaining more or less the same until today. considering the fact that this region is partly infl uenced by the historical factor of a population exchange aft er the second world war and the resett lement of municipalities and homesteads whose previous owners diff ered from the new sett lers in terms of nationality, way of life, internal culture, and 35slováková, p. and šerý, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42. economically and socially, the diversity of the population in a previously ethnically mixed area off ers an opportunity to compare and confront ideas. narrative interviews: conditions, course and fi ndings within the qualitative research, a total of twenty individual narrative interviews with eyewitnesses were carried out, mostly in nursing homes in svitavy, moravská třebová, litomyšl, and polička. the potential communication partners were selected on the basis of the recommendations of hospital att endants, according to their health and willingness to communicate. about one third of the respondents, suggested by medical offi cers as appropriate people to carry out the interviews with, refused to participate in the interviews. the interviews took place in the aft ernoon (between 1 and 5 hours pm), usually in the room of the respondent or in the common room of a nursing home. so it was their natural environment, to which they were accustomed and which did not put them in a stressful situation. aft er being informed of the purpose of the interview for the needs of scientifi c research, and the anonymisation of sources, the communication partners gave us their consent to the realisation of the interviews. the average length of the interviews was three quarters of an hour up to an hour. then the interviews were transcribed using the atlas.ti soft ware and the large amount of data thus acquired was further processed and fi ltered. all the recordings and transcripts of the interviews are stored in the archive of the authors. from the large amount of information collected during the interviews we selected as relevant information only that related to the research topic. any information concerning the personal life of the communication partners (many of them started talking about their youth, former occupation, family, etc.) and are not related directly to the research was fi ltered out. of the twenty communication partners thirteen were born in the district of svitavy and seven came from more distant regions of the country and participated in the resett lement of the district aft er the war. the quality of the interviews varied because of the poor memory of some respondents, or their unwillingness to talk about certain topics (especially about events shortly aft er the second world war and the relations with the germans). it turned out that the biggest problem was the large amount of irrelevant information stemming from the need of the respondents “to tell the tale”. other issues that could have had a negative impact on the performance of the narrative interviews included the inadequate verbal skills associated with the advanced age of the respondents and possible partial errors in the processing and interpretation of the interviews. we tried to eliminate any potential errors occurring within the processing and interpretation of the interviews by a careful study of methodological procedures and thorough inspection of the transcripts of the interviews. the face-to-face interviews provided us with the following information. all the witnesses, except for one, agreed with the transfer of the germans from czechoslovakia, in accordance with public opinion at that time, which strongly supported the transfer of the sudeten germans, regardless of their political affi liation. the nature of their statements indirectly indicates the importance of the role of the structures that had command of the mechanisms helping to infl uence the views of the population in general at that time. obviously, the aim of these structures was to substantiate, justify, and defend the mass deportation. “transfer was righteous, it was not vengeance and it contributed to calming the situation down. it was a diffi cult time for the citizens of german nationality, but it was not easy even for people who came and took a step into the unknown.” (male, b. 1914, moravská třebová). “i do not think that the transfer was fair; it was mostly those who were not at fault who had to leave – old men, women, and children. the czechs plundered their assets, ravaged the borderlands, and displaced the experts. it was not right, but perhaps understandable, that hatred against the germans was huge. can we blame them, however, for succumbing to totalitarianism, when we succumbed to the same thing only ten years later?” (male, b. 1936, polička) slováková, p. and šerý, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42.36 from these statements, on the other hand, the respondents’ personal experience of the displacement processes is felt strongly. this was refl ected, inter alia, by the fact, that although they agreed with the displacement, most of them sympathised with those who were displaced. for them, they were not nameless people, but neighbours. they realised that it was mostly single-parent families that were leaving, especially women, children, and old people, because the men were killed in the war, did not return, or were sent to labour camps. in several cases, the czech and german families lived together in one house before the transfer, which allowed them to establish distinct bonds with each other. the abovementioned situation was oft en found in the polička region, where a detention camp for germans was established. the interviews also oft en showed resentment over the looting of german property immediately aft er the war, during the so-called unorganised transfer. “most germans had already left . an old grandmother lived next to us, she could barely walk or see, her son died in the war, but she had to go too. it was mostly the old people, women, and kids who had to go, i felt sorry for them.” (female, b. 1936, svitavy). “in june 1946, we moved from borová to a semi-detached house in pomezí. in the other part of the house, some germans lived for a month and were waiting for transfer. many other germans were haughty or angry that they had to go away. but we got on well with ’our germans’. they did not have anything valuable left in the house; they gave everything to germans from mixed marriages who remained here. we did understand this... it was the end of june and the harvest began, there was nobody to reap. then we drudged like never before. the fi rst year we reaped for two farms. we paid, i think, 78,000 crowns for a house. but i know families who plundered the houses, and when they were supposed to pay for them, they left .” (female, b. 1932, pomezí). “the germans had nice farms here. but those adventurers who came aft er them laid waste to them. finally nearly all the houses were resett led; aft er all, we are not a borderland.” (male, b. 1936, polička) the penultimate interview also illustrates well the expectations of new sett lers regarding possessions to which they felt they had some legitimate right (see “they did not leave us anything of value in the house; they gave it to the germans from mixed marriages who stayed here”). the narratives also document how the post-war events in the svitavy region infl uenced the subsequent development of one of the key dimensions of the process of the formation of regional identity of the population, i.e. the so-called “idea of community” (paasi, a. 1986). the transformed post-war interaction between the czech and german-speaking natives, and especially the new interaction between the czech-speaking natives, german-speaking natives who did have to undergo resett lement (anti-fascists and germans from mixed marriages), and the newly incoming residents, created quite specifi c conditions for transformation and for the establishment and subsequent reproduction of that „idea of community“, whether in its ideal or factual nature. the memories of the communication partners were more infl uenced by their current health status and former socioeconomic status than by their age or sex. in general, the bett er-educated people provided more complete and accurate statements, their insight into both processes was not only black and white, and they were also able to refl ect on the negative consequences of the transfer of the germans from the region. a common feature of all the interviews was a reluctance to talk about the excesses, cruel events, and unorganised transfer. the communication partners preferred to talk about the war (e.g. about the arrival of the russian army or the lack of food) than about the post-war events, which were harder to recall. many respondents, even aft er repeated att empts to return to the theme, refused to talk about the events immediately aft er the second world war, and especially those that occurred during the unorganised transfer. however, this topic is very sensitive, and to open it up requires the establishment of extraordinary confi dence, which is diffi cult to gain in the short duration of one interview. a signifi cant diff erence lies in the territorial diff erentiation of the respondents. the majority of the eyewitnesses were born and lived 37slováková, p. and šerý, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42. in the regions of polička and litomyšl for the most of their lives. the moravian part of the district, however, had a higher representation of communication partners who came to the region aft er the transfer. however, the frequent migration in the years 1945–1949 was typical for the whole region, as local residents who were not aff ected by the transfer of the germans oft en participated in the resett lement process somewhere else. we recorded a variety of views on the newly resett led population, but although the resett lement was fi nally successful according to the majority of the respondents, we noticed diff erences in the ratings between the residents and the new sett lers. it can, therefore, be concluded that the diff erent experiences of resett lement which are refl ected in these statements correlate with the length of the stay of the inhabitants in the territory concerned. the newcomers usually understood the resett lement as the beginning of a new life. it was an opportunity, especially for young couples who got married and could get a „starter“ property or for families with small children. these groups are quite fl exible and adaptable and from a distance they do not recall this period in a negative manner. on the other hand, people who were born there perceived the new sett lements of the region negatively and oft en pointed out that it took quite a long time (years) to consolidate conditions in the region and mentioned the occasional emigration of newcomers back to the areas of the country that are remote from the border or the unsuccessful sett lement of several municipalities by foreign repatriated people. the narratives of the respondents in this case partly illustrate the importance of the length of their residence within the territory within the process of the population of the territory identifying with their lived space. “most of the new sett lers came from jaroměř, vysočina, nové město na moravě, and particularly from bystřice nad pernštejnem. the new residents assimilated quite well with each other. it was much worse in the jeseník region, for example, where the czech minority was weak. today, the fourth generation lives here and nobody knows the word borderland.” (male, b. 1924, moravská třebová) from the interviews that were accomplished we can also read about the participation of the power structures in the process of identifi cation of the inhabitants with their region. the methods by which these structures modifi ed the economic character of the region, especially manifested in collectivisation, along with a negative att itude towards traditional cultural elements of the region, changed the value that the inhabited space represented for the local population. the transformation of the extent of the identifi cation of the inhabitants with their region then corresponded with the symbolic shape of the region as transformed by the power structures. “i’ve worked as a vet in polička since 1961. i had, i think, nine german municipalities in my working area: koclířov, opatov, opatovec, and kamenná horka in the svitavy region and pomezí, květná, stašov, modřec, and jedlová in the polička region. lots of germans stayed in these villages; they were either from mixed marriages or they were anti-fascists. the rest of the population were the new sett lers. in koclířov, some greeks and yugoslavs came there. the communists founded collective farms, but the germans did not want to join them. they regrett ed that they had stayed. in my opinion, the success of the resett lement was mainly negatively infl uenced by the communists. their government had a negative impact on the overall level of the society, but in particular on the consolidation of the relationships in these municipalities. the old habits, customs, and traditions have never been restored, it was not desirable. and it makes a diff erence whether you are taking care of your own property or you have to be in a collective farm.” (male, b. 1930, litomyšl) another common feature of the interviews was the tendency of the respondents to enumerate the events of their lives without evaluating them. from the interviews, we learnt where they came here from, where they lived, where they then moved, who their neighbours were, etc., but not so much about their att itude to these events or what they meant for them. “aft er the war, we also wanted a new house. we went to see liberec. we stayed there with a german woman. she wanted us to plead for them so that they could stay here. slováková, p. and šerý, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42.38 she had two small children and her husband was killed at the front. but we could not do anything for them. my father was then looking for a house near lanškroun, but my mother and us did not want to leave rybná and eventually we stayed here. many families, however, went to resett le.” (male, b. 1924, pustá rybná) the narrative interviews brought important findings for understanding whether the respondents, before the war and aft er it, maintained friendly relations with the german-speaking citizens. the interviews showed that, before the war, the respondents mostly had rather neutral or negative relationships with the germans; friendly relationships were exceptional. some respondents who participated in the sett lement process experienced personal contacts with the german-speaking population only just aft er the war. “my mother (born 1908, polička) remembered how nobody liked the germans here. they acted as if they were superior to us and grumbled at the lazy czechs. therefore, we did not talk to them. but, of course, some respectable german families lived here too.” (female, b. 1941, polička). another woman (b. 1922), who lived in hradec nad svitavou (gransdorf), where the german population prevailed, said: “we had no friendly relations with the germans.” none of the respondents spoke of friendly relations with the germans aft er the war. only one woman (b. 1941, polička) commented on the situation as follows: “in limerk (pomezí), there were plenty of hard-working and decent germans. we got food from a couple of them during the war. aft er the war, the situation obviously changed. but there were some czechs who helped them. mr. dudek, an apothecary from polička, gave them medicine for free while they were waiting for resett lement. but he was labelled a collaborator. he took it very hard and later, at a trial, he committ ed suicide, he shot himself...” the feelings of other respondents were sympathetic or rather negative. “most germans left . we lived next to an old grandmother; she could hardly walk and had poor sight, and her son died in the war, but she had to go, too. i felt really sorry for her.” (female, b. 1936, radiměř) it is certain that the czech-german relations did not defi nitively perish as a result of the resett lement of the germans. although they have undergone a substantial, mostly power-motivated transformation, they continue to develop in a transformed form. the personal post-war relations between the czech-speaking population and the german-speaking population had two different forms in the svitavy region. the fi rst was based on personal contacts between the czech residents and new sett lers with the german-speaking natives who were not resett led. the data derived from narrative interviews may imply that it was not a very positive interaction: “in 1961, i went to moravská třebová, to the cooperative farm. the people on the square still spoke german and did not want to tell me the way. that hostility was obvious.” (female, b. 1941, polička) the second form was based on personal contacts between czech residents and new sett lers with the german-speaking people who were resett led aft er the war, and occasionally returned to their former homes later on, for example, the regular visits of the sudeten germans to their native villages or the well-att ended days of czech-german culture held annually in moravská třebová. this is demonstrated by the following: “i also taught german children and children of mixed marriages who were waiting for resett lement. some of them still come here and come to see me.” (male, b. 1914, moravská třebová) therefore, it is evident that the process of the development of one of the crucial dimensions of regional identity of the inhabitants, the idea of community, had highly specifi c features, and not only in the period before world war ii and the period immediately following the end of the war. similarly, in the region in question, even a period quite far from the end of the war is quite distinctive regarding the coexistence of the czechspeaking and german-speaking populations. it seems that here this coexistence had a rather dichotomous character in the sense of “us” and “them.” obviously, as a result of the resett lement, any interaction occurred to a 39slováková, p. and šerý, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42. lesser extent than it used to before. however, the role of these interactions in the process of the establishment of a specifi c form of the idea of community in the svitavy region is evident. discussion the survey being presented here, i.e. a research based on the experiences of natives with the resett lement of the german-speaking population and the colonisation process in the svitavy region, is internationally rather exceptional and entirely unique in the czech context, in terms of geographical science. a similar narrative research study took place on the russian-estonian border (pfoser, a. 2014). however, in the czech republic, there are no geographical projects that cover the personal experience of the inhabitants of the resett lement and new sett lement of a specifi c region in the form of narrative interviews. in the fi eld of sociology, we can fi nd several works that are directly related to the research topic of this paper and we can say that the fi ndings of our survey conducted in the svitavy region correspond with the fi ndings of those works. houžvička and novotný (2007) published a study which referred to research into the mutual perception of the inhabitants of bavaria and western bohemia. the analysis of the impact of historical consciousness on the creation of regional identity was based on an empirical survey of biographical identities. the forms of cross-border cooperation and the mutual perception of czechs and germans were also evaluated. the motivation of the new sett lers to come to the borderland instead of the former homes and the formation of their regional identity are described by zich, f. (2007). in his earlier works, zich (2000, 2006) also deals with regional identity of the population on the czech-german border in connection with the origin of crossborder communities. however, the process of the formation of regional identity of the inhabitants of a particular region has never been surveyed using narrative interviews. this method, therefore, off ers great research potential for the future. conclusions the paper had two objectives. the fi rst was to assess the importance of the method of narrative interviews for research on the formative factors of regional identity of a population. the latt er was an evaluation of the specifi c formative factors of regional identity of the inhabitants, represented by the experience of witnesses to the resett lement of the germanspeaking population and the process of new sett lement in the svitavy region. to meet the two objectives successfully, we formulated two research questions at the beginning of the paper to which we tried to fi nd answers. with regard to these research questions, it is possible to state the following fi ndings. despite some negative concomitant eff ects, the use of narrative interviews in research on the formative factors of regional identity of the population seems to be an appropriate complementary research method. these negative eff ects include a high amount of irrelevant information that the method generates. this irrelevant information must be eliminated, which quite considerably complicates the processing of the relevant data. it is also necessary to mention the aspect of the (dis)trust of respondents, which infl uences the character of the required data quite signifi cantly. it is absolutely essential to establish mutual trust between the researcher and the interviewee, which in itself requires a certain time and is not always feasible. however, a suitable application of this method can detect experiences expressed in the memories of respondents. however, it is always an individual experience and its generalization is quite diffi cult. therefore, narrative interviews cannot be considered to be a building block for research. on the other hand, the number of witnesses who experienced the above-mentioned events is rapidly decreasing and we have one slováková, p. and šerý, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42.40 of the last opportunities to conduct research based on the narrative interview. it is necessary to keep in mind that it is a narrative of so-called “interested spectators”, i.e. people who perceived the events of the time immediately and were not involved in the decision-making process. through interviews, we can determine what the impact of the political decisions taken then on citizens were at the local level and whether the information listed in the primary sources and literature matches the statements of the witnesses. considering the second research question, we can state that the majority of the respondents agreed with the resett lement of the germans; however, they did not conceal their sorrow over the course of post-war events and the form of the resett lement. this sorrow was expressed despite the probably not very harmonious coexistence of the czech-speaking and german-speaking inhabitants of the region in the period before the post-war resett lement, which is implied by the narratives of some respondents. it is clear that for many natives, the german residents were not strangers but neighbours who they knew very well. many respondents also talked about the eff ects of resett lement on farming and industry and about the socalled “gold-diggers” who enriched themselves at the expense of the germans. the data obtained from the interviews confi rmed that the relations between the czech-speaking and german-speaking inhabitants in the svitavy region did not perish even aft er the resett lement. it does not seem, however, that there were optimal relations between the post-war czech population and those germans who were not resett led. the respondents showed in the interviews that for many of them this is still a sensitive topic, or even a taboo, even aft er more than sixty years. the acquired knowledge, thus, points to very specifi c conditions of the formation of the idea of community as a key dimension of regional identity of the population. considering the second research question, we can state that the presentation of the respondents’ experience of the resett lement process was not such a diffi cult task. the recorded statements evidence the post-war transformation of a number of key dimensions of the complex phenomena of regional identity. this was particularly obvious in relation to developmental changes in the process of the identifi cation of the population with their territory, or in the “idea of community” processes. the interviews, then, refl ect the post-war transformation of the symbolic shape of the region of svitavy. the method of narrative interview that was applied, or rather the fi ndings that were obtained by this method, indicate diff erences in declared experiences in terms of the dichotomy of natives or indigenous inhabitants vs. newcomers. this knowledge can be used in a discussion of the importance of the sociohistorical development of the region for the formation of the sense of regional identity of its inhabitants. as a conclusion, it is clear that if we want to get a more complete view of the process of the formation, as well as the current form, of regional identity of the population of the svitavy region, it is of course necessary to extend our current knowledge. the same is also true for more general statements relating to the role of the continuity of socio-historical development in the process of the formation of regional identities of the population. another suitable research approach in this context seems to be narrative interviews with german-speaking people who were transferred from the svitavy region. it is evident that the links of these people to the svitavy region have not disappeared, but continue to develop in a certain form. examples include the visits of sudeten germans to their native villages and the annual days of czech-german culture in moravská třebová. another suitable method for the enhancement of existing knowledge could be a fi eld survey of a qualitative-quantitative nature of the current population of the svitavy region. 41slováková, p. and šerý, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 27–42. references antonsich, m. 2010. exploring the correspondence between regional forms of governance and regional identity: the case of western europe. european urban and regional studies 17. 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československé 1955: podle správního rozdělení 1. ledna 1955, sčítání lidu, sčítání domů a bytů 1. března 1950“, praha, statistické a evidenční vydavatelství tiskopisů, 574 p. state statistical offi ce, 1966. „statistický lexikon obcí čssr 1965: podle správního rozdělení 1. ledna 1965, sčítání lidu, domů a bytů 1. března1961“, praha, statistické a evidenční vydavatelství tiskopisů, 668 p. << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.3 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 /colorconversionstrategy /leavecolorunchanged /dothumbnails false /embedallfonts true 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice past and present of large housing estates in visegrad countries and armenia 77 hungarian geographical bulletin 62 (1) (2013) 77–82. past and present of large housing estates in visegrad countries and armenia ágnes erőss1 abstract in all visegrad countries (the czech republic, hungary, poland and slovakia), as well as in armenia, a large proportion of the housing stock consists of blocks of fl ats erected during the communist era. those quarters have become an identical part of the cityscape inducing intense scientifi c discussion in the fi eld of social sciences including human geography addressing such topics as architectural and spatial planning of housing estates, the analysis of society sett led in those blocks of fl ats or even the psychological eff ects of the uniform environment on individuals. following the systemic transformation the possible rehabilitation of the gradually deteriorating housing stock and environment meant a further challenge. although examples from the west european countries provide signifi cant help and information regarding housing estate rehabilitation, nevertheless due to the diff erent scale of the problem, the altering history and the embeddedness of the topic, discussion on regional level is not only promising but necessary at the same time. this paper focuses on the important questions of large housing estates (lhes) with special att ention to the visegrad countries and armenia. keywords: large housing estates, visegrad countries, rehabilitation, social environment introduction “concrete jungle”, “rabbit hatches”, “concrete deserts”, “vertical slums” – only a few examples of the numerous, not too fl att ering phrases referring to housing estates all around in the former state-socialist countries. the idea to improve the living conditions of working class by building modern housing estates emerged in the early 20th century but primarily the severe shortage of dwellings aft er world war ii together with the rapid growth of population and the increasing pace of urbanization made housing estates a viable and widespread solution off ering home for a great amount of people in need for a relatively cheap price (van kempen, r. et al. eds. 2005, p. 2). 1 geographical institute, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences, hungarian academy of sciences. h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mail: eross.agnes@csfk .mta.hu 78 projects like million programme in sweden (borgegård, l. and kemeny, j. 2004, p. 37) or state fi nanced house building projects in suburban areas in france were initiated for the similar reason as any other long term housing development plans in the state-socialist countries. as a result of those programmes ten thousands of fl ats were constructed all around in europe, both sides of the iron curtain. as murie, a. et al. (2005, p. 85) points out those blocks of fl ats share some common features, namely representing the most recent, up-to-date notions on residential construction of the era when they were built, additionally they were fi nanced everywhere by the state, local governments or non-profi t organizations. besides the similarities, substantial diff erences also need to be highlighted. first of all, in the former state socialist countries the ratio of population living in large housing estates reaches 40% of urban population. furthermore, in certain newly established socialist towns or industrial centres housing estates can concentrate 60–80% of the population while in the western european countries typically less than 10% of the population lives in such blocks of fl ats (van kempen, r. et al. eds. 2005, p. 2). secondly, in socialist countries housing estates were att ractive not only to blue collar workers, but also to middle class families or even representatives of the socialist elite (szelényi, i. and konrád, gy. 1969). soon aft er the appearance of prefabricated housing, similar tendency was observed for instance in france (blanc, m. and stébé, j.-m. 2004, p. 105). decades later the large housing estates built to solve housing problems of families with low income and other vulnerable groups turned to be the symbols of the social problems. the spatial concentration of poverty in housing estates resulted in growing risk of social (in many cases ethnic) segregation (kemper, f.-j. 1998) and the decreasing prestige of those quarters (hastings, a. 2004). thirdly, there is a fundamental diff erence between the most western and nordic countries and the former state-socialist states: while the majority of housing estates are owned by public authorities or cooperatives in the former group of countries, in the cee countries the great majority of these dwellings were sold during the privatization process on discount price and now they are owned by private households. as a consequence, the local governments can only implement limited and rather indirect tools to improve the living conditions of housing estates, while the condominiums made up by the private owners/tenants usually lack the fund to carry out signifi cant rehabilitation (kovács, z. and douglas, m. 2004, pp. 243–244; wassenberg, f. et al. eds. 2004, p. 24). recent developments of housing estate rehabilitation in the last decade the future perspectives of large housing estates have att racted growing att ention in the international literature. in the frame of restate 79 eu fp5 project, substantial research was carried out in ten european countries in order to clarify processes, and identify problems att ached to the decline of housing estates. as research reports of restate project (węcławowicz, g. et al. 2005, etc.) show, the concerns and actual problems demanding research and policy interventions are similar on both sides of the former iron curtain. nevertheless, taking into consideration the aforementioned diff erences in social composition or ownership, the former state-socialist countries in central and eastern europe face specifi c problems of their owns. in western europe complex rehabilitation programmes have been designed including the modernization of blocks of fl ats in terms of energy consumption (e.g. insulation), safety (additional gates), and even, the improvement of connectivity and accessibility of public services are part of these programmes (helleman, g. and wassenberg, f. 2004). learning from the failures of earlier rehabilitation projects where interventions had exclusively either physical or social objectives, nowadays complex projects are implemented addressing both dimensions (dekker, k. and rowlands, r. 2005). in cee countries housing estates, more or less, managed to maintain their positions on the housing market and they still represent a fair option for lower middle-class households and young families with children (kovács, z. and herfert, g. 2012). unlike in western europe, neither infl ux of immigrants (bonvalet, ch. et al. 1995) nor massive depopulation aff ected them. notwithstanding, following the transformation, housing estates suff ered from a decline in terms of their market position and reputation while signs of growing socio-spatial segregation also appeared. one of the most troublesome tendencies is the relatively high and growing proportion of trapped and unsatisfi ed households in comparison to the western examples (kovács, z. and herfert, g. 2012). tensions may emerge upon this situation on the housing market and within the local society. in those cases complex rehabilitation procedures aimed to infl uence living conditions in blocks of fl ats might help to mitigate the situation and decrease the tension. as housing estates compose relatively massive part of local housing stocks and they bear specifi c characteristics in cee countries, including the visegrad states, a comparative analysis is needed which may off er relevant data similar to the western european results. it is worth taking a closer look at the present situation and the living conditions in lhes besides evaluating locally the eff ects of rehabilitation projects carried out in the region. there have been numerous (mainly state fi nanced) housing estate rehabilitation programmes completed during the last twenty years, though most of them focused on the reduction of energy consumption of buildings with central heating (bierzyński, a. et al.). since the permanent growth of maintenance costs has been perceived as the biggest downgrading factor, the renewal of insulation, the change of 80 windows and doors, the removal of poisoning asbestos and the external painting have been the most commonly applied renovation works. if one would like to evaluate the eff ects of such kind of projects, s/he will fi nd many diffi culties as even the technical terms applied in the literature and the renovation work they include shows a great variety. the terms like “revitalization”, “renovation”, “humanization”, “rehabilitation”, “reconstruction” are all commonly used in policy documents or public discourses but in most cases the actual meaning of them are dissimilar or overlapping from country to country. the main question is whether the renovation programmes could improve the prestige of housing estates (or their positions on the housing market)? conclusion the future of large housing estates remains a challenge both in western and eastern europe in spite of the changing socio-spatial context and problems. due to the fact that one of the most obvious shared legacies of the former state-socialist countries are the large housing estates that shape the urban landscapes from berlin to the caucasus (and beyond), it is worth taking a snapshot about current situation of those estates. with the support of the international visegrad fund, in the frame of heas project (residential environment in housing estates in v4 countries and armenia), a group of young researchers made an att empt to evaluate the present state of selected housing estates with special att ention to the rehabilitation of pre-fabricated houses and the residential environment in budapest, bratislava, katowice, brno and yerevan. the fi rst article writt en by pavel šuška and linda stasíková off ers a brief overview about the history of petržalka in bratislava, one of the largest housing estates in the region which manifests some typical problems of lhes. from bratislava we move on to brno to familiarize with three housing estates and how they are perceived by local inhabitants. the research conducted by ivan andráško, pavlína lesová, josef kunc and petr tonev point out how different imaginations and opinions can coexist about housing estates: residents tend to be more satisfi ed with their own neighborhoods which may indicate the existence of “local patriotism” in housing estates. additionally, the role of media in infl uencing peoples’ opinions about residential quarters is also important to mention. the three following papers report about the present state of housing estates taking into account the eff ect of implemented and planned rehabilitations as well. three housing estates in katowice are analyzed shortly in agata warchalska-troll’s paper highlighting, among others, the relation between the social status of residents and their willingness to take part in rehabilita81 tion investments. balázs szabó introduces the spatial peculiarities of the rehabilitation of large housing estates in budapest, highlighting the tendency how residents of low status estates perceive rehabilitation as a possible tool to preserve their position on the real estate market. in the former soviet socialist republic, armenia, due to the immense political and economic diffi culties of the 1990s, both on the evaluation of the housing stock and the rehabilitation of large housing estates were delayed. the author, tigran sargsyan calls att ention to one of the interesting fi ndings of a survey carried out in the framework of heas project in yerevan lhes: although the housing estates in yerevan are in relatively bad conditions, both in terms of internal (e.g. lack of safety) and external features (e.g. poor condition of greenery) their residents are quite satisfi ed with the blocks of fl ats they live in. we do hope that this colorful imaginary journey may contribute to the bett er understanding of recent issues and processes of housing estates in visegrad countries and armenia. references bierzyński, a., kozłowski, s., kosłowska, a., geröházi, é., siwertsson, ch. and öresjö, e. workshop 3: the dilemmas of large housing estate rehabilitation in central europe – in comparison to the swedish practice (the case of poland, hungary and sweden). www. restate.geog.uu.nl/conference/downloads/paperworkshop3.doc blanc, m. and stébé, j.-m. 2004. france. from dreams to illusion. in high-rise housing in europe. current trends and future prospects. housing and urban policy studies 28. eds. turkington, r., van kempen, r. and wassenberg, f. delft , dup science, 99–116. bonvalet, ch., carpenter, j. and white, p. 1995. the residential mobility of ethnic minorities: a longitudinal analysis. urban studies 32. (1): 87–103. borgegård l. and kemeny, j. 2004. sweden. high-rise housing in a low-density country. in high-rise housing in europe. current trends and future prospects. housing and urban policy studies 28. eds. turkington, r., van kempen, r. and wassenberg, f. delft , dup science, 31–8. dekker, k. and rowlands, r. 2005. tackling social cohesion in ethnically diverse estates. in restructuring large-scale housing estates in european cities. eds. van kempen, r., dekker, k., hall, s. and tosics, i. bristol, the policy press, 105–126. enyedi, gy. 1998. transformation in central european post-socialist cities. in social change and urban restructuring in central europe. ed. enyedi, gy. budapest, akadémiai kiadó, 9–34. hastings, a. 2004. stigma and social housing estates: beyond pathological explanations. journal of housing and the built environment 19. (3): 233–254. hellemen, g. and wassenberg, f. 2004. the renewal of what was tomorrow’s idealistic city. amsterdam’s bij lmermeer high-rise. cities 21. (1): 3–17. 82 kemper, f.-j. 1998. residential segregation and housing in berlin: changes since unifi cation. geojournal 46. (1): 17–28. kovács, z. and douglas, m. 2004. development pathways of large housing estates in post socialist cities: an international comparison. housing studies 19. (1): 1–19. kovács, z. and herfert, g. 2012. development pathways of large housing estates in postsocialist cities: an international comparison. housing studies 27. (3): 324–342. murie, a., tosics, i., aalbers, m., sendi, r. and černič mali, b. 2005. privatisation and aft er. in restructuring large-scale housing estates in european cities. eds. van kempen, r., dekker, k., hall, s. and tosics, i. bristol, the policy press, 85–126. szelényi, i. and konrád, gy. 1969. az új lakótelepek szociológiai problémái (sociological problems of new housing estates). budapest, akadémiai kiadó, 212 p. tosics, i., gerőházy, é. and szemző, h. 2005. large housing estates in budapest and nyíregyháza, hungary. opinions of residents on recent developments. restate report 4c. utrecht, facultity of geosciences, utrecht university 44 p. van kempen, r., dekker, k., hall, s. and tosics, i. eds. 2005. restructuring large-scale housing estates in european cities. bristol, the policy press, 380 p. wassenberg, f., turkington, r. and van kempen, r. 2004. the changing position of highrise housing estates. in high-rise housing in europe. current trends and future prospects. housing and urban policy studies 28. eds. turkington, r., van kempen, r. and wassenberg, f. delft , dup science, 15–30. węcławowicz, g., guszcza, a., kozłowski, s., bielewska, a., adamiak, a., krakowska, m., fader, a. and bierzyńksi, a. 2005. large housing estates in warsaw. opinions of residents on recent developments. restate report 4f. utrecht, faculty of geosciences, utrecht university. << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.7 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 /colorconversionstrategy /cmyk /dothumbnails false /embedallfonts true /embedopentype false 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice remembering dr. józsef tóth (1940-2013) 71 “…living on the cross of space and time…” remembering dr. józsef tóth (1940–2013) on 7th february 2013, dr. józsef tóth passed away at his 73rd year of age, aft er a short, severe illness. he was an emblematic personality of hungarian human geography, a professor having created his own school of discipline. he had the opportunity to learn also from the greatest fi gures of his profession such as gyula prinz, or gyula krajkó starting him on his career, and lászló jakucs. he renewed classical pieces of knowledge in an innovative way, believing that geography is not only a subject, discipline or fi eld of science, but a kind of perception as well. this is how he educated his students who are found today in many scientifi c workshops throughout the country, further building on his thoughts, bringing his innovations to perfection. professor tóth devoted his life to creation: he established research teams, departments, doctoral school, university programmes, organised an institute, directed a faculty and was the top leader of the largest university of the countryside. the fact that he was born in the hungarian great plain, determined his identity, perception of the world, as well as his ambitions. he was a tendentious, straightforward and ambitious person, with a vision of defi nite aims, for the reaching of which he looked for partners and he organised teams. it was the hungarian great plain that provided the spatial framework for his studies and the initial half of his career, the most important basis and directions for his research. he went to secondary school and university in the city of szeged where he graduated as a teacher of biology and geography in 1964. aft er graduation he started working for the department of economic geography under gyula krajkó, focusing his research on att raction zones and centres. already being able to look at the hungarian 'puszta' and its peculiar world through the researcher's looking glass, he defended his university doctor title in 1966, and his csc title in 1972 at the age of only 32. as a successful, young lecturer with a rich array of publications, he had the opportunity to test his science organising capacities too: in 1973 he was entrusted with establishing and leading the great plain research department of the geographic research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences. he elaborated and co-ordinated sett lement and spatial 72 structural research projects which were unconventional from many aspects, also exploring and convincing the necessary market, disseminating widely about the results of the group, in the meantime launching prospective academic careers for the young colleagues. as the professional conclusion of his scientifi c study period focusing on the hungarian great plain, he defended his academic doctoral thesis in 1985, titled „special features and problems of urbanisation in the hungarian great plain”, which also marked the starting point of a new period that of the years spent in pécs. in 1984 he became the vice-director of the regional research centre of the hungarian academy of sciences, pécs, established by györgy enyedi, which became one of the fl agship organisations of multidisciplinary spatial research outside budapest. at that time he was already lecturing at the department of geography of the strengthening janus pannonius university, where he once again started a process of building. he consciously organised from what was then a college department with few staff members into a research and training base suitable for university level education, already as a full time dsc professor from 1987. he was assisting at the birth of new programmes, and at the development of a separate faculty of science from the former teacher training faculty. he invited the qualifi ed research staff of the regional research centre and lecturers of sister universities to participate in the training programmes, and off ered unparalleled career opportunities to his talented young colleagues. his impressively suggestive, informative, well-structured and always up-to-date lectures were listened by thousands of students who could also learn from him commitment towards the chosen profession. launching the doctoral programme proved to be a perfect means of building his school: it was only fi ve years aft er the fi rst year of university level training in geography that the phd school was established in 1994. he was conscious in preparing his disciples for the academic career, also off ering important and responsible positions and functions in lecturing, science education, scientifi c organising and further building. in 1994, besides leading his department, guiding his disciples and directing the phd school, professor tóth became the dean of the faculty of sciences, and rector of the university in 1997. in the year 2000 he was elected the fi rst rector of the integrated university of pécs, from which position he tried even harder to improve his fi eld of science and the scientifi c workshop he had established. in the meantime he managed to organise the team of ever younger scientists around him into an institute, the majority of the junior staff being made up from his own former students. he made the institute of geography established in 1998 one of the most populous workshops in the country, which became one of the most diverse research centres too. through nation-wide co-operation he was fi rst aft er the political transition to edit university textbooks titled and establish a department called 'human geography' instead of the formerly used term 'economic geography', thus helping the new international scientifi c trends to take root and spread in hungarian geography education. he was actively participating in fi tt ing new or neglected fi elds of science (medical geography, ethnic geography, political geography, cultural geography, geography of tourism, geography of education) into curricula, and in exploring and utilising their modern research challenges. he fought devotedly for enhancing the recognition of geography by society, and for new pieces of geographic knowledge to be made available for the wide public. for this purpose, too he was eff ectively making use of his broad hungarian and international relation system; one of the last prominent pieces of his work was the 'global geography' volume published by the hungarian academic press, which he was editor of. he believed fi rmly that geography is a unitary, yet janus-faced fi eld of science which should show out by the advantages of this duality of physical and social points of view, rather than by its disadvantages. 73 professor tóth‘s scientifi c interest during his years in pécs was clearly of a synthetic nature. he rather let over his own new concepts to his colleagues for being brought to perfection, always assisting the innovative initiatives of young scientists. a series of books, collective volumes originate from this stage of his work, almost all of which were published together with a young co-author, co-editor. his 'tetrahedron model' became a classical concept in hungarian human geography even as early as in his life, which he further expanded and interpreted as a notion of anthropogenic geographic spaces. further developing the concept by gyula prinz (“raumorganismus”, “raumorganisation”) he formulated his own understanding of regions which he communicated in a number of various forums including a peculiar, grand television lecture. his greatest and most beloved work in the city of pécs is by all means the doctoral school he established. when the new system of scientifi c qualifi cations was being created in hungary, he was among the fi rst ones to set up a doctoral programme which became the largest and most open of such schools throughout the country. the fi rst individuals to have completed the school are now associate professors and chairs of departments; it has provided the possibility of gaining scientifi c degree for professionals working in hungarian higher education both beyond the state borders and inside hungary. the doctoral school of earth sciences established by professor tóth accepted and enrolled not only geographers, but also other researchers from a wide array of other disciplines, receptive to various spatial problems. in the last period of his life he still participated in this scientifi c workshop, as professor emeritus in the very last two years. besides, he was lecturing 'studium generale geographiae', his only last gradual course, which was a very important one in talent stewardship. professor józsef tóth became a citizen of pécs and the mecsek foothills in a sense that although he started off in the hungarian plain, he created everlasting values in pécs, in terms of scientifi c, educational, science organisational, school establisher and human terms. his activities were signifi ed and recognised by a series of rewards and prizes from scientifi c, university, municipal, state and public life, of which the one he confessed to be most proud of was the 'honorable citizen of pécs' title awarded by his chosen home-town. he was a charismatic man with high determination and consistency in his decisions, openly undertaking debates and confl icts for the sake of a good case. with these human features and aptitude, what he created has proved to be everlasting in hungarian geography, in human geography, scientifi c and higher education, as well as in regional development. his oeuvre, exceptional personality and devotion to science will not ever be forgott en. we will always remember. andrás trócsányi 74 << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice kuttler, w., miethke, a., dütemeyer, d. barlag, a.-b.: das klima von essen / the climate of essen 195 b o o k r e v i e w kuttler, w., miethke, a., dütemeyer, d. barlag, a.-b.: das klima von essen / the climate of essen. hohenwarsleben, westarp wissenschaften, 2015. 249 p. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.65.2.9 hungarian geographical bulletin 65 2016 (2) the artifi cial environmental circumstances in the cities (e.g. complex surface structures, diff erent heat capacity and run-off properties of human-made materials) result in changes of climatic and air quality conditions in urban areas. the urban heat island (uhi), the degradation of the water supply, changes of the ventilation and increasing air pollution are some of the most frequently mentioned and most extensively examined modifying eff ects of the cities. the main principles of these phenomena are similar, but every city has its peculiarities and develops its own characteristic climate. there is a growing interest in urban climate research especially due to the strongly deteriorating macroclimatic conditions combined with negative changes in land use. urban environment (and the billions of people living in it) is exposed to greater stress due to climate change. to achieve more effi cient environmental protection and mitigation of the negative impacts of climate change we have to understand the climatic characteristics of cities thoroughly. works like “the climate of essen” contribute to this need. this book is a “classic” monograph on the urban climatology (the overview of climatic and air quality conditions) of essen, which summarises the results achieved over 30 years at the department of applied climatology at the university of duisburg-essen. this department was a dominating centre of german urban climate research until its activity was fi nally fi nished in february 2015. the research in essen examined the thermal and humidity conditions and air quality of the urban environment at both the levels of basic and applied research focusing on the eff ects of climatic change. the latest directions of research included vocs, no, no2 and o3 pollution in the urban atmosphere (e.g. melkonyan, a. and kuttler, w. 2012; wagner, p. and kuttler, w. 2014), and many aspects of urban thermal comfort in the light of climate change (dütemeyer, d. et al. 2013; müller, n. 2013). besides presenting the assessment of observation data reaching back about 100 years, the book also gives a detailed analysis of data recorded at fi xed stations and during mobile measurements between june 2012 and may 2013 in 33 stations over the city. essen was temporarily the most important, and presently is the second largest, city of the ruhr area (the so called “ruhrgebiet”, one of the great industrial, especially coal and steel industry agglomerations of the 19th and 20th centuries in europe) and the seventh largest in germany. while essen had over 700,000 inhabitants in the 1960s, there is a signifi cant decrease of the population in the last decades (583,000 inhabitants in 2015). this phenomenon can be explained with the decreasing importance of, and job opportunities off ered by, coal mining. the last mine (zollverein coal mine industrial complex) was closed in 1986 and it is today a world heritage site. nowadays, the tertiary sector dominates the economy. considerable changes of land use and corresponding changes of emission structure formed the urban climate observable today. the volume presents the typical urban-climatological methodology, and gives an overview of climatic features (trends of air temperature, relative humidity, precipitation, wind conditions etc.) and 196 air quality (emission of particular matt er and gases) of the region and the city of essen, and also shows data from state-of-the-art investigations like energy fl ux measurements. chapter 1 and chapter 2 describe the main geographical features and land use characteristics of the city. the urban climate phenomena cannot be understood without the background macroclimatic conditions. therefore, chapter 3 describes these features of the essen region based on a long-term dataset (1881-2009). although the basic climatic conditions are similar to those of hungary, there is moderate continentality, thus less climatic extremism in the region. the analysis shows signifi cant increasing trends in air temperature, in the number of summer and hot days, but decreasing trends in the number of frost days and wind speed (for the period 1935–2012). because of the large industrial emissions in the 1960s, dust, so2, co and nox caused the most air pollution problems and there was frequent occurrence of sulphurous smog. recently, air quality has improved a lot, but the annual mean tropospheric ozone concentrations are still high (in context with air pollution caused by traffi c). furthermore, the third part of chapter 3 deals with projections of the air temperature and precipitation in essen for the near (2041–2050) and far (2091–2100) future in comparison with the current situation (the decade from 1991 to 2000) according to four climate change models. the results indicate clear trends. the temperature is forecasted to rise by 1.6 to 2.9 k from the near to the far future, which seems to be a moderate change, but could lead to signifi cant increases of the extreme values and thermal stress (especially in summer times). according to the calculations 9 percent annual precipitation increase is expected by for the near and 4 percent for the far future. in the longest chapter of the book (chapter 4, 120 pages) a very detailed analysis of a one-year-long dataset (measured between 2012 and 2013) is presented in two main sections. the fi rst section deals with the general assessment of the data, while the second discusses selected aspects of the urban climate (including urban heat island, urban moisture excess, turbulent heat fl ux and carbon dioxide fl ux density). the climatic overview shows that the characteristics (such as global radiation, radiation balance, temperature precipitation, precipitation, and air quality) follow a “classic” structure. uhi and the thermal stress are particularly important data for researches on the eff ects of climate change. in the chosen year, the maximum uhi is nearly 6 k (in szeged, hungary, the highest value measured is more than 8 k). the extent of this diff erence is similar, thus, the observations and data analysis made in essen and described in detail in this chapter could be interesting for researchers studying hungarian cities, especially those with a subject area located in western hungary. because of the heterogeneous topography of essen, the spatial distribution of the uhi is also not homogenous. it becomes less pronounced from the city centre to the suburb, but is interrupted by smaller cooler areas (parks, gardens). in chapter 4.2.3 there is an interesting analysis about the “urban moisture excess” (ume), which is particularly signifi cant in essen. this might be for a variety of reasons, for example (i) local precipitation events, (ii) diff erences between the times when changes in vapour pressure, which are caused by advection, started at the diff erent stations, or (iii) the impact of temperature inversion at measurement stations (located at diff erent elevations). chapter 4 also contains a microclimatic (envi-met) simulation for a city area that was earlier used as a supermarket site, to show the eff ect of land use changes, and to optimise the climatic conditions of this location. such studies provide very useful data for the development of climate-conscious urban planning methodology, to locate thermally sensitive areas and improve the thermal comfort (also in hungary). not only is the dataset interesting, the obtained results are also compared with other national and international studies in chapter 5. thus, a solid analysis in the fi eld of meteorological parameters and human comfort is presented here. the urban climatic features of essen are compared with other german and european cities, providing informative datasets for professionals. finally, chapter 6 deals with the methods used for the collection and the analysis of the data recorded at stationary and mobile measurements. useful tips and professional advices are presented especially for data processing (data gaps, measurements set-up, data quality control, etc.) and the widely used eddy covariance method. the book contains 120 fi gures and 40 tables. besides shedding light on the most important principles, these informative presentations can also be used for educational purposes. because of this, the way of the presentation of the data collection and analysis methods is even more important. the book is published as a two-language edition helping to generate wider international interest. this work can be most useful to everyone who is interested in urban climatology due to professional reasons (meteorologists, climatologists, geographers, environmental scientists, architects, and urban planners), university students who just started to learn about this scientifi c discipline as well as decisionmakers who would like to learn more deeply about the climatic problems and phenomena arising especially in cities. ágnes gulyás1 1 university of szeged, szeged. e-mail: agulyas@geo.u-szeged.hu book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (2) 195–197. 197 references dütemeyer, d., barlag, a.-b., kuttler, w. and axtkittner, u. 2013. measures against heat stress in the city of gelsenkirchen, germany. die erde 144. 181−201. melkonyan, a. and kuttler, w. 2012. long-term analysis of no, no2 and o3 concentrations in north rhine-westphalia, germany. atmospheric environment 60. 316−326. müller, n. 2013. stadtklimatische adaptationsmassnahmen in oberhausen vor dem hintergrund des globalen klimawandels. essen, essener ökologische schrift en, band 33. 235 p. wagner, p. and kuttler, w. 2014. biogenic and anthropogenic isoprene in the near-surface urban atmosphere – a case-study in essen, germany. science of the total environment 475. 104−115. book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (2) 195–197. 287book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 281–289.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.70.3.8 hungarian geographical bulletin 70 2021 (3) more than three decades have passed since 1989, yet there seems to be no consensus about how hungarians should collectively remember the socialist era. from the optimistic initial phase of transition throughout the pompous representative ceremonies for the anniversaries of state foundation and 1956, to the recent illiberal turn, remains of socialism takes us for quite a ride mapping out the many changes in narratives about the past. pierre nora (1989) suggests considering sites of memories (lieux de memoire), which are constantly present in personal and collective memory, enhancing identities and therefore forming an integral part of the development of nationalism. the work of nora (and also his critics) spawned a surge of interest in researching the politics of memory and memory studies in general, but also intrigued historical and cultural geographers. unlike many other trends which local science only adopts with a considerable lag, this approach was quickly followed by hungarian researchers too. for a long time, the field was dominated by researching holocaust trauma, but recently there seems to be a turn from loss, dysphoria and mourning towards more positive experiences. this allows for a more nuanced study of the postsocialist context since it is crucial to understand “the creative and positive meanings with which [citizens] endowed their socialist lives—sometimes in line with the announced goals of the state, sometimes in spite of them, and sometimes relating to them in ways that did not fit either-or dichotomies” (yurchak, a. 2005, 9). one takeaway from this book is that remembrance of socialism was always relative and ambiguous – that also means that, by extension, our own memories of the socialist past are under constant transformation. we can also conclude that the former influences the latter. adopting the language usually deployed in the postsocialist setting (ruins, ghosts, etc.) would risk “limiting our attention to only the negative experiences of the past’s remainders” (p. 6). to avoid this, the author conceptualises remains as „matter out of time,” referencing mary douglas’s presentation of dirt as “matter out of place” (douglas, m. 2002, 36), stressing this malleable and shifting nature of memories. remains of socialism were not only kept from being buried, but rather kept alive to scrutinise, hold as ‘the’ problem that previous administrations neglected to solve, while “the conditions for “entering europe” and becoming fully “modern” included the demand that eastern europe sacrifice previous historical narratives (whether communist or nationalist) and disavow the meaningfulness of earlier lifeways” (p. 12). although the presented case studies are exclusively hungarian, the analysis can be interpreted more universally, essentially as “a study of modern historical subjectivity and the overlapping, incommensurable, and conflicting narrative horizons that compose it” (p. 13). nadkarni spent years in the country teaching english in rural villages—this explains how she could handle ethnographic research dealing with controversial topics like politics and remembrance of socialism (which often leads to heated debates even among family members and friends in hungary). the end result is a testimony of extensive fieldwork culminating in countless interviews with voters of different age from hungary (recruited during random meetings during everyday life), and also with those from the political and cultural elite. she also consulted the relevant archives and contemporary publications, analysed events, especially scandals in detail, essentially performing a very detailed foucauldian discourse analysis. the stories presented are often familiar – i have either heard some of them before, since my own family shared similar memories with me, or for most of them i have been alive to experience it growing up in post-socialist hungary. nadkarni, m.: remains of socialism: memory and the futures of the past in postsocialist hungary. ithaca, cornell university press, 2020. 234 p. 288 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 281–289. for geographers, the volume should be considered as a companion piece to czepczynski’s cultural landscapes of post-socialist cities (2008), which contributes to similar topics, albeit about post-socialist countries in general from a decidedly more geographical perspective. each chapter revolves around a particular form of remains (be it a material object, or cultural remainders). the first three chapters share a pattern of optimism for a successful present by mastering the past, while the remains described in the latter three chapters warn us about the looming danger of communism creeping back. the political regime change in 1989 brought a physical change towards a new, democratic and capitalist landscape. but while the replacement of iconic socialist buildings, infrastructure and vehicles were costly, impractical and slow, one of the early performative acts of transformation was the removal of socialist symbolism from the country. discarding them simultaneously labeled these kinds of remains as unsatisfactory or even unpleasant to the eyes of the new ideology. chapter 1 (banishing remains: the statue park museum) shows how political groups rallied to ‘spring clean’ by renaming streets and removing statues associated with the toppled ideology. nadkarni argues that by moving these statues from important sites to the outskirts of the city into a small theme park of socialist history was not a response to public demand, but rather reaction to the lack of such demand by trying to maintain control over it. perhaps the most iconic (and geographically interesting) case was the removal of the statue of ostapenko—but dealing with an important landmark with heavily shifted cultural connotations was „a more ambivalent task than disposing of countless lenins” (p. 36). the statue, erected near the city limits at the end of the highway leading to lake balaton, quickly lost its original meaning and entered urban culture as a positional marker, a meeting point and a symbol of travel. therefore, even the physical relocation could not remove the remains of the statue of ostapenko: the local mcdonald’s inherited the name (and closed the circle of disneyfication). in chapter 2 (a hole in the flag), nadkarni highlights the incoherent outcome of constant political battles among the new democratic forces for the legacy of 1956 that reduced its memory to a “stockpile of decontextualized events and symbols” (p. 168). after the regime change, both the nation and its history had to be reinvented by those in power (anderson, b. 1983; hobsbawm, e.j. and ranger, t.o. 1983), and these modernist concepts about nationality are inherent in approaches to reconstruct the narrative of the failed 1956 rebellion against the soviets, and fidesz (young democrats) party’s commemorative efforts culminating in the millennium celebrations. the goal of these political battles with strong representative roles was to invert the national narrative of hungary as a perpetual victim, with “a continuous history of executions, exiles, and political suicides. the normal public rituals of hungarian history are, accordingly, not victory parades but funerals and reburials” (rév, i. 2013, 41–42). after attempts to distance the past by removal of the old and silence the past by more suitable cultural alternatives, a third way of remastering is presented in chapter 3 (nostalgia and the remains of everyday life). eastalgy (ostalgie) towards the former gdr in germany became a strong cultural trend from the late 1990s, and other postsocialist countries followed suit. this longing for the simpler and safer good old times is not a postsocialist specialty of course, but it adds to the complexity of how these remains could be handled. by reintroducing products from their childhood, the objects of nostalgia could not only be juxtaposed to the new ways of living but could also define the consumer in a capitalist society for the first time. following the 1990s, the period of change seemed to be taking too long, so people began to become disillusioned with the experience of transition. sensing the downturn in support fidesz started to return to the narrative of victimisation by repositioning themselves as those, who can overcome the burdens of the socialist past, rather than merely overwriting it. by the end of its first cycle from 1998 to 2002, fidesz experimented with a new approach to tackle the past. in chapter 4 (recovering national victimhood at the house of terror), nadkarni explores how the governing coalition revived remains to warn about the looming threat of communism. in a building where first the extreme right arrow-cross party, then the ávo, the state defense department of the sovietised hungarian state police, held and tortured political prisoners, the museum opened just in time before the finish of the 2002 election campaign—with previously unexperienced emphasis on immersion. viktor orbán, the prime minister hoping for a reelection, described the events as „locking the past behind bars.” with the main political opponents being the hungarian socialist party (mszp), fidesz presented the elections as a moral battle between those who looked into the future and those who resembled the oppressive past. the motif of unaddressed problems of the past never going away can be found in the case of former informers of the socialist regime, sparking heated debates about accountability throughout the 2000s. chapter 5 (secrets, inheritance, and a generation’s remains) charts how the conflict in families and between generations led to the reconceptualisation of socialist remains to avoid reproducing them. at the end of the second postsocialist decade, many events called attention to the failure to fully transition. the fiftieth anniversary of 1956 saw mass demonstrations against the socialist government after prime minister ferenc gyurcsány’s confession to lie in order to win the election was leaked to the media. less than two years later, the severe effects of the 289book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 281–289. global financial crisis led to the bailout of the country by the imf. these traumas led to the landslide victory of fidesz in the 2010 elections, but also fuelled the view that the remains of socialism are still present as an obstacle that prevented hungarians to live a fully normal life. chapter 6 (a past returned, a future deferred) concludes that the history of communism might still have not completely finished. after a period of disenchantment with the transition, which should not have led to such political and economic turmoil, hungary had to find new ways to overcome old problems in the wake of joining the european union, and once again, victimisation during the socialist past proved to be an obvious choice to highlight the dangers of the present. the success of fidesz during the 2010 elections provided legitimity to their efforts to close the chapter of hungarian socialism once and for all. now a populist party leaning towards the right wing, their strongly anticommunist rhetoric seemed contradictory to many of their actions, which according to the opposition brought back many authoritarian elements to the detriment of the ‘failed’ democratic transition. this provides a comfortable analogy in the former soviet aggression in multiple—either by comparing it to the european union, like the ruling party often mentions, or to fidesz, like the opposition does. this illiberal way therefore also keeps the remains of socialism alive after more than three decades of transition. botond palaczki1 1 elkh, centre for social sciences, institute for sociology, budapest, hungary. e-mail: palaczki.botond@ tk.mta.hu r e f e r e n c e s anderson, b. 1983. imagined communities: reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism. london, verso. czepczynski, m. 2010. cultural landscapes of postsocialist cities: representation of powers and needs. surrey, ashgate. douglas, m. 2002. purity and danger: an analysis of concepts of pollution and taboo. london, routledge. hobsbawm, e.j. and ranger, t.o. 1983. the invention of tradition. cambridge, cambridge university press. nora, p. 1989. between memory and history: les lieux de mémoire. representations 26. 7–24. rév, i. 2013. the man in the white raincoat. in past for the eyes: east european representations of communism in cinema and museums after 1989. eds.: sarkisova, o. and apor, a., budapest, central european university press, 3–56. yurchak, a. 2005. everything was forever, until it was no more: the last soviet generation (in-formation). london, princeton university press. report on the eleventh international conference on environmental, cultural, economic, and social sustainability 159chronicle – hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 159–163. c h r o n i c l e the conference organised by the “on sustainability knowledge community” was held in the scandic hotel. the knowledge community has organised annual conferences since 2005 and in addition to that, it publishes journals and a book series and an online forum provides the possibility to carry out global discussions about sustainability. it has an interdisciplinary character and so the discussions include the relations of the environment to cultural, economic and social conditions. community members include academics, teachers, administrators, policy makers, and other education practitioners. the conferences are held in different locations around the world, each with a specifi c theme in that location. the special focus for the eleventh conference in copenhagen was “sustainability dividends – development fault lines.” in the description of the conference it was clearly stated that “there is widespread consensus that sustainable development pays dividends for posterity. however, the fault lines in developmental processes call for us to rethink methods and approaches with honesty, transparency and integrity. deep research needs to inform the nexus between the four pillars of social, economic, cultural and environmental sustainability. new models and modalities of participation need to be scoped and developed.” the conference program included paper presentations, poster sessions and garden sessions. topics were as follows: 1. environmental sustainability; 2. sustainability in economic, social and cultural context; 3. sustainability policy and practice, and 4. sustainability education. the program included plenary, parallel and garden sessions as well as talking circles. plenary sessions were organised once a day. each morning invited speakers gave a talk on topics of common interest to address a topic for subsequent conversations. the invited speakers were jacob hartman from the municipality of copenhagen, olaf gerlach-hansen from the danish cultural institute in edinburgh, uk, selina juul, founder of the stop wasting food movement in denmark (stop spild af mad), elsebeth gerner nielsen, rector of the kolding school of design, from kolding, denmark and amareswar galla, chairperson of the sustainability knowledge community and editor of the sustainability journal collection. the parallel thematic paper sessions of the fi rst day included food security, role of religion in environmental sustainability, creating sustainable spaces, natural world and environmental theories, policies and practice in sustainable agriculture, climate change and adaptation, political security and sustainability, sustainable agriculture, environmental education programs and activism, energy policy and practice, waste and waste management, student knowledge: educating for environmental sustainability, sustainable urban development, management, and perception, the science and technology of environmental sustainability, rethinking sustainability, urban sustainability: development fault lines, community studies in economic sustainability, community studies in economic sustainability, endemic urbanism, sustainability policy and discourse and economic theory on sustainability. the long list shows that various aspects of sustainability were discussed at the conference. i will not go into details about the parallel sessions of the second and third day. the transitions to sustainability book launch (“about transitions to sustainability: theoretical debates for a changing planet”) took place at the conference reception. the book contains six thematic sections: culture, systems, business, art, rights, and citizenship providing an important contribution to our knowledge on sustainability and environmental change. the conference was very interesting presenting various aspects of sustainability. the scope was very broad so that participants could learn a lot from the contributions given by the representatives of scientifi c research, art, engineering, policy making etc. lively discussions characterised the whole conference, especially the garden sessions. the next meeting of the community will be organised 21–23 january 2016 at portland state university on “urban sustainability: inspiration and solution”. ádám kertész report on the eleventh international conference on environmental, cultural, economic, and social sustainability 22–23 january 2015, copenhagen hungarian geographical bulletin 64 2015 (2) 159–163. 8_literature.indd 345literature – hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 345–353. l i t e r a t u r e hungarian geographical bulletin 64 2015 (4) 345–353. given that increasing socio-spatial polarisation is one of the cruelest realities of our times it is surprising how few larger projects have recently been devoted to studying its mechanisms and outcomes. this is most likely related to the neoliberal hegemony of the 1990s and 2000s; however, especially since the 2008 global economic crisis a number of influential thinkers (stiglitz, j. 2012; krugman, p. 2012; piketty, t. 2014; harvey, d. 2014) have taken this until then dominating regime under critical scrutiny. yet such overarching systemic critiques need to be complemented with more on-the-ground theoretical and empirical research to grasp how polarisation unfolds in various spaces as well as more generally. the large ongoing marie curie project ‘itn regpol² – socio-economic and political responses to regional polarisation in central and eastern europe’ (itn regpol² 2015) is undertaking such a task. some of its fi rst results were recently published in a theme issue of the hungarian geographical bulletin, summarised in the introductory article by the guest editor (nagy, e. 2015). a good number of members of the above-mentioned project contributed to the book understanding geographies of polarization and peripheralization, although the list of contributors goes far beyond. with its eighteen contributions by as many as forty-one authors, including ray hudson, john pickles, adrian smith, and michael woods, this is one of the richest volumes of its kind – certainly among those focusing on central and eastern europe (cee). the book emerged from at least two identifi ed problems. on the one hand, empirical evidence indicates the study area has been particularly hit by growing socio-spatial polarisation (p. 1), which is definitely the case in comparison with western europe and some other regions. on the other hand, “[up] until recently, spatial development in cee has mainly been researched through the lenses of post-socialist transformation and modernization” (p. 2). whereas the latt er has long been criticised (müller, k. 1992) for its structural-evolutionary assumptions, whether – or at least to what extent – the socialist and in some cases the post-soviet heritage still represent an important legacy is also debated in this volume, for instance in the contributions on ukraine and russia. further, it is an explicit argument in the book that adopting novel “approaches enables new comparative perspectives to similar phenomena in other parts of europe and the world” (p. 2), thus escaping its validity for cee alone (the geographic denomination does not appear in the volume’s main title but in the subtitle). relatedly, the anthology includes a respective case study on northern ireland, the baltic sea region, as well as central asia. in spite of the above, it is not the aim of the book to authoritatively come up with an “overarching framework that claims to explain it all” (pp 12–13). instead, the editors’ strategy to bring the diff erent perspectives into conversation is a relational approach. thus there is still a certain level of consensus reached: for several authors regional peripheralisation “is not only the simultaneity of a number of features constituting the formation of peripheries, such as distance, economic weakness and lack of political power, but is oft en also the dynamic formation of core and peripheral regions lang, t. et al. (eds.): understanding geographies of polarization and peripheralization: perspectives from central and eastern europe and beyond. palgrave macmillan, basingstoke, 2015. 352 p. literature – hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 345–353.346 overlapping at different spatial scales” (pp 1–2). consequently, “applying these conceptual notions allows a process-based, relational understanding of up-to-date forms of spatial diff erentiation in cee and off ers opportunities for spatial research circumventing dichotomous ideas of urban and rural, of central and peripheral” (p. 2), and so on. the book is structured in four parts. the fi rst one presents a series of tools for grasping the fragmented complexity of agency and the multitude of actors related to region-building. this includes refl ections on the theoretical backgrounds of peripheralities as well as methodological considerations. some of the contributions in this part (on thuringia, central asia, and northern ireland) form a series of ethnographically grounded accounts of social constructions of peripheralities at the level of everyday lives. the second part of the volume sets out to examine the role of diverse socio-political agents in the production of peripheries. the authors adopt an actor-centred perspective and elaborate upon ways in which peripheralisation is being perceived, lived, and reproduced. in this regard these contributions take up the constructivist challenge of the volume’s fi rst part and provide dense accounts of peripheralisation and polarisation processes in cee. one example is the hungary-focused case study by judit timár, erika nagy, gábor nagy, and gábor velkey. for them peripheralisation appears as a process of making and entering various forms of dependencies, interwoven with weakening integrative social mechanisms. they argue that peripherality and marginality mutually support and strengthen each other through local actors’ strategies. based on their rich fi eldwork in four distinct rural regions of hungary an excellent account of institutional practices of neoliberal capitalism at work is provided, showing that the european division of labour and a shrinking state in the aft ermath of the 2008 economic crisis forced local agents to enter relationships based on dependence. the book’s third part is devoted to studies of a fragmented and relational construction of peripheralities. authors here provide dense quantitative analyses of peripheralisation at national or supra-national levels, and discuss tools of measuring as well as assessing divergent processes of polarisation and cohesion. the contributions in the fourth and fi nal part of the volume have a slightly more positive tone, discussing diff erent modalities and relations between cores and peripheries. these authors deal with how responses to peripheralisation can be devised, implemented, and assessed. such more optimistic accounts stem from estonia, slovakia, and eastern germany. following the trend of recent years, also this anthology does not have a concluding summary or comparative analysis; although due to the explicit lack of ambition to come up with an overarching framework (which is understandable) such a separate chapter is perhaps not necessary. while most contributions are equipped with tables, diagrams and maps, there are no images or photos in the book. this is of course hardly any harsh critique, but the authors’ “hope for vigorous future debates in academia and society on the causes and eff ects of polarization and peripheralization” (p. 16) could perhaps be easier fulfi lled by having added at least a few illustrations or images of (so-called) peripheries. this not least given the character of the contributions, the majority of which tends to be qualitatively oriented. even the front-page image – a small detail from budapest’s castle district – portrays litt le of the severity of living conditions that much of the population in this large study area is facing. these minor criticisms do not change the overall impression of a well-researched and well-edited anthology on a still too under-researched subject. this challenging and extensive contribution, rich in novel theoretical and empirical approaches alike, is highly recommended to all, not least in cee itself where the subject is still largely approached from classic and quantitative angles. péter balogh references harvey, d. 2014. seventeen contradictions and the end of capitalism. oxford, oxford university press. itn regpol² october 26, 2015-last update. about itn regpol². homepage of itn regpol². available: htt p://www.regpol2.eu/ december 27, 2015. krugman, p. 2012. end this depression now! new york, w.w. norton & company. müller, k. 1992. ‘moderrnising’ eastern europe: theoretical problems and political dilemmas. european journal of sociology 33. (1): 109–150. nagy, e. 2015. discussing inequalities from the periphery. hungarian geographical bulletin 64. (3): 167–170. piketty, t. 2014. capital in the twenty-first century. cambridge, ma, harvard university press. stiglitz, j.e. 2012. the price of inequality: how today's divided society endangers our future. new york and london, w.w. norton & company. 5_szopos et al.indd 269szabó, sz. et al.hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (3) 269–282.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.68.3.5 hungarian geographical bulletin 68 2019 (3) 269–282. introduction drought is a crucial point among the challenges of climate change. there are hot spot areas where drought is a living problem. it is the consequence of the climate and can be regarded as a natural phenomenon, due to temperature increase and precipitation decrease. large areas are endangered on global scale (molnár, k. and mika, j. 1997; kertész, á. and mika, j. 1999; bradford, r.b. 2000; wilhite, d.a. 2000). when drought is not just a recurring temporal deviation of a region’s climate but it occurs permanently, the phenomenon is called aridification: the length and intensity of the drought periods increase exceeding seasonal changes; furthermore, the increase has a positive trend (tate, e.l. and gustard, a. 2000). the trends of annual mean temperature changes are identified (meehl, g.a. et al. 2007). the consciousness of the countries has improved, 168 countries signed the paris agreement. 1 department of physical geography and geoinformatics, faculty of technology and sciences, doctoral school of earth sciences, university of debrecen, h-4032 debrecen, egyetem tér 1. e-mails: szabo.szilard@science. unideb.hu, szopos.noemi@science.unideb.hu, balazs.boglarka@science.unideb.hu 2 isotope climatology and environmental research centre, institute for nuclear research, hungarian academy of sciences, h-4026 debrecen, bem tér 18/c. e-mail: laszlo.elemer@atomki.mta.hu 3 climatology and hydrology research centre, faculty of sciences, university of novi sad, trg dositeja obradovića 3, novi sad 21000, serbia. e-mail: dragan.milosevic@dgt.uns.ac.rs 4 department of earth and marine sciences (distem), university of palermo, via archirafi 22, 90123 palermo, italy. e-mail: christian.conoscenti@unipa.it 5 department of meteorology, faculty of technology and sciences, university of debrecen, h-4032 debrecen, egyetem tér 1. e-mail: lazar.istvan@science.unideb.hu geospatial analysis of drought tendencies in the carpathians as reflected in a 50-year time series szilárd szabó1, noémi mária szopos1, boglárka bertalan-balázs1, elemér lászló2, dragan d. milošević3, christian conoscenti4 and istván lázár5 abstract climate change is one of the most important issues related to anthropogenic activities. the increasing drought conditions can cause water shortage and heat waves and can influence the agricultural production or the water supply of cities. the carpathian region is also affected by this phenomenon; thus, we aimed at identifying the tendencies between 1960 and 2010 applying the carpatclim (cc) database. we calculated the trends for each grid point of cc, plotted the results on maps, and applied statistical analysis on annual and seasonal level. we revealed that monthly average temperature, maximum temperature and evapotranspiration had similar patterns and had positive trends in all seasons except autumn. precipitation also had a positive trend, but it had negative values in winter. the geospatial analysis disclosed an increasing trend from west to east and from north to west. a simple binary approach (value of 1 above the upper quartile in case of temperature and evapotranspiration, value of 1 below the lower quartile; 0 for the rest of the data) helped to identify the most sensitive areas where all the involved climatic variables exceeded the threshold: western hungary and eastern croatia. results can help to prepare possible mitigation strategies for climate change to help both landowners and planners to draw the conclusions. keywords: carpatclim, climatic change, trend, robust comparisons, sensitivity szabó, sz. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (3) 269–282.270 the carpathian region is also influenced by several negative consequences, especially the great hungarian plain which is the largest flat area of the region. the lowlands of the region are rather warm and their water supply depends on the availability of runoff water from the surrounding mountains. mountains and hilly areas are cooler and usually get more precipitation. however, both plains and mountains are influenced by climate change. the intensifying drought generates several problems: mineral dust particle transmission (varga, g. and roettig, c.-b. 2018), shrinkage of water resources (szalai, s. et al. 2000; kertész, á. 2016; kundrát, j.t. et al. 2016), lower yields (deák, b. et al. 2014; valkó, o. et al. 2014; milošević, d. et al. 2015; ray, d.k. et al. 2015). it threatens even the optimal composition of habitats (török, p. et al. 2018), accelerates the spread of invasive species (hellmann, j.j. et al. 2008), facilitates wildfires (deák, b. et al. 2014). several studies dealt with the predicted changes for the carpathian region pointing to the fact that the region will face substantial changes. bartholy, j. et al. (2009), mika, j. (2009), mezősi, g. et al. (2016), and bartholy, j. et al. (2015) reported on the increasing probability of heavy rains and as a consequence of this the increasing value of the erosivity factor (it can reach the double of the present value) using climate models (aladin, remo, rcm, precis) and predictions to 2100. if this scenario comes true, the agricultural production has to be prepared for the larger precipitation amounts coming from single events. pongrácz, r. et al. (2014) projected relevant changes for the summers in the 21st century for central europe; furthermore, blanka, v. et al. (2013) found that a 4–8 °c increase can be expected up to 2100, and the most endangered area is the great hungarian plain. garamhegyi, t. et al. (2018) and pálfai, i. and herceg, á. (2011) indicated the hazard of drought in the carpathian basin and in the balkan area. kovács, f. (2018) and gulácsi, a. and kovács, f. (2018) applied satellite images with spectral indices and on the basis of a 18 years data series they found that a relevant decline of biomass can be expected due to the dry periods. previous studies proved the negative effects of climate change tendencies using mainly the climatic variables in the analyses. based on a limited number of stations included the carpatclim dataset it is possible to analyse both the features of the data series of the climatic variables and spatial characteristics at the same time. our objective was therefore to perform a thorough research on the trends. our hypothesis is as follows: (1) there is a positive trend regarding temperature and a negative trend concerning precipitation, (2) there is an increasing trend from west to east and from north to south regarding climatic variables. methods study area the carpatclim dataset covers 470,700 km2, including 9 countries (croatia, czech republic, hungary, poland, romania, serbia, slovakia, bulgaria and ukraine) mainly in the region of the carpathians, including mountains and basins. corresponding to the large east–west (750 km) and north–south (650 km) distances and to the big range of elevation differences (~50–2,655 m), the climatic conditions also have a large variance. the average annual temperature in the carpathian basin in the cold season has a decrease from w-sw to e-ne. the higher values are about –1 °c in the western part of hungary and in the northern part of serbia gradually decreasing towards the eastern and southern carpathians by –3, –4 °c. in the carpathians the lowest temperatures are below –9 °c. in july, however, the average temperature increases from northwest to southeast from 18 °c to 23 °c, but in the higher mountains, locally in the closed basins and on the highest peaks, the temperature does not exceed 10 °c. in the western part of the area the cool oceanic air masses coming from the west have a relevant influence on the cli271szabó, sz. et al.hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (3) 269–282. mate, and this effect diminishes until the line of the danube and increasing continentality plays the prevailing role. (rusu, t. et al. 2014). we divided the study area into a chessboard-like smaller set of regions (figure 1). in the text, we referred to the regions with “#” sign. the distribution of precipitation in the carpathians is uneven in time with most precipitation occurring in late spring and early summer. the amount varies between 500–1,700 mm annually. in july in some areas, mainly on the lowlands the lowest value is 50–100 mm and the biggest value is almost 250 mm (carpathian mountains and apuseni mountains, #c3). the drought period in the great hungarian plain (#b2 and #b3) is from july to august due to the effects of the high pressure atmospheric systems (dövényi, z. 2010; bihari, z. et al. 2018). the above characterization is based on the carpatclim atlas. datasets climatic data climatic variables were obtained from the carpatclim (cc) database (lakatos, m. et al. 2013; spinoni, j. et al. 2015a,b). cc is published as a free source of several climatic factors as an initiation to provide data for better international co-operations regarding environmental issues. the spatial resolution is 0.1˚ x 0.1˚ and covers 9 countries in ~470,700 km2 with 5,895 grid points in a time range of 1960–2010. the dataset is homogenized with the (multiple analysis of series for homogenization) mash method, which is important because of missing data and possible differences of measuring protocols (lakatos, m. et al. 2011; szentimrey, t. 2011). there were more than 300 stations for temperature and more than 600 stations for precipitation data as input for the interpolation with the meteorological interpolation based on the surface homogenized data basis (mish) method (szentimrey, t. and bihari, z. 2007; szentimrey, t. et al. 2010; szentimrey, t. et al. 2012). data are available on daily, monthly and yearly basis, we used monthly data in the analyses. we involved the monthly maximum temperature (tmax), average temperature (ta), potential evapotranspiration (pet) and precipitation (prec). topographic data we applied the shuttle radar topography mission (srtm) data with the void filled srtm-plus srtm nasa v3 version (nasa jet propulsion laboratory, 2013). the original data were retrieved in 2000 with a c-band and x-band radar interferometry sensor of the space shuttle endeavour, srtm plus was released in 2013. it has 30 m geometric resolution and according to szabó, g. et al. (2015) the mean vertical error is less than 5 m in hungary. data pre-processing we performed trend line fitting using regression analyses in each point of the time series of the cc-grid. as in 2009 and 2010 the amount of precipitation was unusually higher than during the previous years (móring, fig. 1. location of the study area, including the country borders and the grid for spatial analysis szabó, sz. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (3) 269–282.272 a. 2011; spinoni, j. et al. 2015a,b), we excluded them from the analysis to decrease the bias rising from this temporal occurrence. the equation of the regression analysis consists of the intercept (β0) where the fitted line intercepts the vertical axis, and the gradient of the fitted line (β1) which is the multiplier of the independent variable. the general form of an equation is eq. 1, where the model error (εi) is also presented (field, a. et al. 2012). (1) accordingly, β1 reflects the change in the dependent variable (y) against a unit change of the independent variable. in our case, we worked with the dataset as a time series, we analysed the changes along the time range between 1960 and 2010 (as independent variable), while the dependent variable was the given climatic variable (tmax, ta, pet or prec). we performed the trend line fitting on the annual data; furthermore, we repeated it with separating the months into seasonal groups: spring (march-may), summer (juneaugust), autumn (september-november ) and winter (december-february). thus, we were able to analyse both the annual (i.e. general) and seasonal (i.e. specific) changes. the statistical modelling and the extraction of β1 values were performed in r 3.5.2 environment (r core team, 2018) using the r language for scripting. the β1 values served as input data for statistical analysis. statistical analysis we summarized the resulting β1 values with median and ranges with violin plots combined with boxplots. violin plots show the kernel probability density at different values. for seasonal changes, differences were analysed with robust anova with robust post hoc test using trimmed means (20%) combined with bootstrapping (599 replications) with the t1waybt() function, the same robust approach was applied for the post hoc pairwise comparisons with the mcpp20() function (field, a. et al. 2012). the trimmed mean approach handles the outliers of the dataset, while bootstrapping, which is a resampling technique with replacement, i.e. random sampling from the whole dataset (usually 99-9999 times) helps to calculate the accuracy of the existing data by quantifying the variance of the mean, confidence intervals, prediction error, etc. as robust techniques these tests do not require normal distribution (efron, b. and tibshirani, r.1993). the spatial trend was analysed with a factorial design: we separated the study area into four equal width regions from west to east, and four equal width regions from north to south (see figure 1). using these regions as ordered factors, the kruskal-wallis test was applied to reveal the statistical difference (h0: β1 values’ medians were from the same distribution for all regions; h1: β1 values’ medians differ at least for one region from the others). the trend was justified with the jonckheereterpstra test (ali, a. et al. 2015). both the kruskal-wallis and the jonckheere-terpstra tests are non-parametric tests which do not require the normal distribution; furthermore, we applied permutation with 5,000 repetitions for better representation of the median of the statistical population. two-way factorial anova was applied to reveal whether there is a statistical interaction between the spatial trend from west to east and north to south. statistical analysis was performed in r 3.5.2 (r core team, 2018) with the clinfun (venkatraman, e.s. 2018) and the wrs2 (mair, p. and wilcox, r. 2018) packages. the sensitivity map was compiled using the ß1-values of the climatic variables. we classified these values to binary variables considering the upper quartiles for tmax, ta and pet and the lower quartile for prec as threshold values. thus, the new map layers reflected the areas where the risk of drought tendencies was the highest (representing the most dangerous 25 per cent of the total area). we then merged the map layers with a simple addition, which showed those areas where the number of risky climatic factors (increase in tmax, ta and pet and 273szabó, sz. et al.hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (3) 269–282. decrease in prec) indicated the severity of the drought issue (from 0 to 4, i.e. 0: no risk, 4: all climatic factors’ trends exceeded the threshold). map operations were performed in qgis 3.6 (qgis development team, 2019). results annual and seasonal trends according to the robust anova, all the studied climatic variables showed significant seasonal differences (p < 0.05); i.e. all seasons differed from each other and all seasons’ trend differed from the case when the trend was determined from the whole months of the years (annual) (figure 2). the rise of tmax (figure 2, a) was observed in all seasons except for autumn. in the case of autumn the decrease was more moderate than the rise in the rest of the seasons. the extent of the increase rate showed similarities in spring, summer and autumn but in winter it covered a larger interval. increase can be expected annually as well, and the steepness of rise had similar distribution to that in the first half year; however, it can be interpreted in a smaller range. statements regarding ta (figure 2, b) were similar with the difference that the variance was smaller in each season. it is worth noting that the distribution of the β1 values had higher kurtosis in the summer compared to the rest. in the case of prec (figure 2, c), there were only small changes in spring and summer, while there was an increasing trend in autumn and a decreasing trend in winter. in the latter two cases, effects balance each other resulting in no significant changes in the distribution of annual precipitation just like in the case of spring and summer. regarding pet (figure 2, d), a change typical for the mean and maximum temperatures can be observed, i.e. rise in spring, summer and winter, at more moderate rate in the latter case, and decrease in autumn with the difference that the extent of changes can be interpreted over a smaller interval and the magnitude of changes is one order greater. fig. 2. combined violin plot and boxplot diagrams of the climatic variables’ regression β1 values. – tmax = monthly maximum temperature; ta = monthly average temperature; prec = monthly precipitation; pet = potential evapotranspiration. zero level indicating no change. szabó, sz. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (3) 269–282.274 spatial trends we also studied whether the changes had a spatial trend regarding the main directions of the wind rose. we identified significant increasing trends both in case of the west–east and the north–south directions (see figure 1). kruskal-wallis statistics revealed that there were significant changes when we split the dataset by regions, but did not point on the ones having those significant (p < 0.05) differences between the regions of #1-#4 or #a-#d (according to figure 1). concerning the west–east direction, in the cases of tmax, ta and pet medians decreased to the line of eastern carpathians for each climatic variable, but beyond this line (region #d) it was true only for summer and winter. for spring and autumn region #d had significantly larger values than the neighbouring region #c, and its ß1-values were comparable (but not higher) than the most western region #a. prec, similar to the previous observations, had the opposite pattern with increasing trend, but this was not a strict rule: while it was only a slight increase in spring and summer, it was definitely high in the autumn and there was a decreasing trend in the winter. nevertheless, region #d had significantly lower values (p < 0.05) except summer when it was significantly higher (p < 0.05). each of the climatic variables had significant trends according to the jonckheere-terpstra test considering the direction from west to east (table 1). analysing the regions from north to south, the tmax medians had the largest values in the northern region (region #1) and then the trend started to decrease to south up to the line of the southern carpathians, where significantly higher (p < 0.05) medians occur in spring, summer and winter. for autumn the trend is continuous, without any deviations. ta had almost a similar pattern but in this case, winter had also a continuously decreasing trend such as autumn; furthermore, region #1 had larger variance, and larger median values related to any of the climatic variables or seasons. in this directable 1. differences of the trends from west to east based on the kruskal-wallis (k-w) and the jonckheere-terpstra (j-t) test climatic variable direction: west–east significance: p < 0.001 k-w test j-t test tmax tmax spring tmax summer tmax autumn tmax winter ta ta spring ta summer ta autumn ta winter pet pet spring pet summer pet autumn pet winter prec prec spring prec summer prec autumn prec winter 2,463.40 1,661.30 2,099.60 3,665.00 850.94 1,797.90 1,550.60 2,271.20 3,802.90 831.57 2,500.60 1,963.80 1,129.30 2,342.70 838.32 282.61 324.21 460.42 651.70 510.33 3,057,100 3,780,100 2,572,100 1,509,900 4,935,800 3,596,600 3,837,900 2,709,000 1,539,300 4,740,300 2,520,200 3,110,500 3,543,300 2,980,900 3,934,300 6,438,500 5,482,100 6,424,800 7,273,000 4,600,900 notes: ß1 values of monthly temperature maximums (tmax), of monthly mean temperatures (ta), of monthly mean precipitations (prec), of monthly mean evapotranspiration (pet). table 2. differences of the trends from north to south based on the kruskal-wallis (k-w) and the jonckheere-terpstra (j-t) test climatic variable direction: north–south significance: p < 0.001 k-w test j-t test tmax tmax spring tmax summer tmax autumn tmax winter ta ta spring ta summer ta autumn ta winter pet pet spring pet summer pet autumn pet winter prec prec spring prec summer prec autumn prec winter 543.05 866.77 707.57 1,058.40 578.91 1,664.30 1,307.50 411.83 665.74 1,642.10 429.81 587.91 1,839.90 1,725.60 879.06 1,155.00 2,727.50 203.03 206.65 2,285.70 5,202,400 4,859,200 7,413,700 3,673,500 5,718,700 3,363,500 3,768,900 6,766,500 4,062,300 3,460,500 6,931,400 4,564,700 8,715,000 2,983,200 7,603,700 3,502,000 2,168,200 5,481,300 6,246,700 2,569,500 notes: tmax, ta, pet and prec = for explanation see table 1. 275szabó, sz. et al.hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (3) 269–282. tion pet’s pattern was different as it had a decrease in the trend in spring and autumn, and an increasing trend in summer and winter. prec had a definite and continuously decreasing trend from north to south in the spring and winter and had a slight decrease in summer and autumn. each climatic variable had significant trends according to the jonckheere-terpstra test considering the direction of north to south (table 2). combined effects of the spatial and seasonal factors we combined the effect of the spatial features and found that there was a significant interaction effect of the two directions in case of each climatic variable (table 3, figure 3) according to the 2-way factorial anova. the analysis of the spatial trends of tmax, regarding the ß1-values, revealed that the regions #1 and #4 had almost the same character in maximum temperature change: steepness decreases from the western part of the area (figure 3, a; #a) then a quasi-stagnating state (#b, #c) can be observed with a minimal rise (#d). the trends of the two central regions (#2 and #3) were also similar to the differences that there was no decreasing tendency in the steepness of the trend in the eastern half of region #2 (in contrast to #3). regarding ta (figure 3, b), the slope of the trend decreased from west to east in all regions, but only the region #3 had straight trend in each location. three regions (#1, #2, #4) had decreasing trends up to the line of carpathian mountains, from where an increase began. trends observed in case of pet (figure 3, c) had similar structures as tmax with the difference that the location of region #1 and #4 was the opposite: trend values of #1 were smaller in the west and decreased towards the east. the starting value of #a of #4 can be ignored as no data are available from more than 75 per cent of the cell area; therefore, it cannot be compared with the others. precipitation increase (figure 3, d) was observed in the foreland of the high mountains (on the western side of the carpathians – #c) and a decrease on the eastern slopes of the mountains. region #4 is an exception as the southern carpathians and the romanian plain can be found in its cells #c and #d with the lack of precipitation in the latter. we also analysed the grid points from geospatial perspective and revealed the most sensitive areas (figure 4). the largest part (42.0%) was outside of the set threshold, i.e. of the upper quartiles. this class included northeast and southeast hungary, bánság (banat), the transylvanian basin, certain parts of the partium (westernmost romania), slovakia and transcarpathia (figure 4, a). 31.6 per cent of the investigated area is characterized by the fact that only one climatic variable was above the threshold, altogether with the non-sensitive parts, almost the 75 per cent of the study area is a relatively stable region. the area where two climatic variables exceeded the threshold was 14.3 per cent, and the percentage was 7.5 for the areas where three of the climatic variables exceeded the quartiles. a relatively small area belonged to the riskiest class (4.6%) mostly in western hungary and in eastern croatia. table 3. differences between the regions regarding the directions of west to east (we) and north to south (ns) and their statistical interaction (we:ns) based on the two-way factorial anova ß1 values mean square f value we ns we:ns we ns we:ns tmax ta pet prec 4.001 x 10-4 1.313 x 10-4 3.544 x 10-3 5.86 x 10-3 5.9 x 10-6 1.492 x 10-4 6.18 x 10-4 8.644 x 10-2 3.8 x 10-6 3.866 x 10-5 2.8 x 10-5 4.442 x 10-2 2,382.0 1,585.6 3,826.7 106.6 35.00 1,801.80 667.52 1,573.30 23.00 466.80 30.46 808.40 notes: tmax, ta, pet and prec = for explanation see table 1. significance: p < 0.001. szabó, sz. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (3) 269–282.276 fig. 3. interaction plots of climatic variables by spatial features (region codes correspond with fig. 1) unique features of the climatic variables showed that, generally, the eastern part of the carpathian basin and the carpathian mountains were rather consistently stable, while the western and southeastern areas were sensitive. regarding tmax, the areas west of the danube fell in the most sensitive areas (figure 4, b). ta had the same pattern with the difference that the coverage of the southwestern part of hungary was more mosaic-like and that of the ukraine beyond the carpathians was homogeneous (figure 4, c). considering pet, the coverage of sensitive areas was mosaic-like in the areas west of a nnw–sse striking line. in hungary this meant the whole area west of the danube, and 1/3 of the area west of the tisza river (figure 4, d). the precipitation coverage showed the greatest spatial dispersion. the areas west of a ne–sw striking line were mosaic-like. in romania this can be observed on the western side of apuseni mountains and in the eastern and southern carpathians (figure 4, e). discussion seasonal variations of maximum (tmax) and mean temperatures (ta) were synchronous with each other in both seasonal and annual comparisons. the explanation can be found in the data providing the basis of variables as both values are obtained from hourly maximum and mean temperature data. comparing tmax and ta, the probability of maximum values was higher suggesting an increase in periods of heat waves. this was also supported by the diagram showing mean temperatures (see figure 2) and the findings of göndöcs, j. et al. (2018). the probability of precipitation increase occurred only in autumn, in an order of magnitude greater than in the case of temperature parameters. the even distribution of autumn excess precipitation could explain the decrease of mean and maximum temperatures. zhao, w. and khalil, m.a.k. (1993) also found similar correlations between temperature and precipitation in the united states in summer, in the cases of central and southern 277szabó, sz. et al.hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (3) 269–282. fig. 4. sensitive areas based on the observed highest trends (ß1 values) for the climatic variables using the threshold value of upper quartiles. – a = sum of climatic variables where all maps were added (the higher the value, the more climatic variables exceeded the threshold); b = tmax; c = ta; d = pet; e = prec szabó, sz. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (3) 269–282.278 great plains (hungary, #b2 and #b3); it is important to note that the topography of these areas is similar to our study area. ferrari, e. et al. (2018) also found a negative trend in the time series in southern italy, and also pointed to the fact that although the evidences of general warming were confirmed, seasonal changes can vary and can be contradicting. milošević, d. et al. (2015) obtained similar results as in this study for precipitation and temperature trends in vojvodina region of serbia (regions #b3 and #b4) suggesting significant precipitation increase in autumn months while mean and maximum temperature decreased only in autumn for the period 1949–2013. the sign and distribution of pet and temperature parameters followed a similar characteristic with the difference that pet values were one order of a magnitude greater. the reason of this similarity can be found in temperature correlations as higher temperature generates greater evaporation and transpiration (helfer, f. et al. 2012). the geospatial structure of the spatial variation of maximum temperature showed an increase from west to east. the most important finding is that the increase was greater in the areas where the climate was cooler in a spatial average due to orographic conditions (major areas in the north-western [#a1 and #b1], north-eastern [#d2 and #d3] and southern carpathians [#c4 and #d4]; regions #1 to #4, and in the western part of hungary), in accordance with szabó, s. et al. (2019). blanka, v. et al. (2013) and mezősi, g. et al. (2016) predicted the largest changes in the great hungarian plain (#b2 and #b3). this may seem to be a contradiction with our results, but some conditions are different: we analysed the trend and not the temperature change; i.e. a further increase of temperature can occur in the plains, too, but those areas are more affected where the temperature is currently cooler. the further, even a smaller increase of average and maximum temperature values can cause severe problems; thus, both land managers and urban planners have to be conscious of possible negative effects (e.g. water shortage, heat waves). the carpathians appeared to be a climatic boundary in this geospatial comparison: this phenomenon was reflected in regions #c and #d in cells #2 and #3 with a greater decrease of the increasing tendency. this can be explained by the effect of orography (kohler, t. et al. 2014). kohler et al. also indicated that the change in the number of days per year with over 20 mm precipitation was usually a positive value in the carpathians between 1960 and 2010, there were several areas in the mountains with decreasing tendencies, too. the number of intensive rainfalls and the decrease of total days of precipitation can result in an unbalanced water regime, flash floods and intensive erosion (pirkhoffer, e. et al. 2009; czigány, sz. et al. 2010, 2013; szabó, j. et al. 2015; jakab, g. et al. 2019). regions of higher temperature and evapotranspiration and lower precipitation are endangered by wind erosion. although wind erosion is common in dry areas, this issue will arise in regions where previously the vegetation and soil moisture protected the soils (pásztor, l. et al. 2016; négyesi, g. 2018). pet showed a decreasing tendency from west to east in all regions; however, region #1 and #4 (similarly to tmax) showed stagnating (1) and increasing (4) tendencies respectively, proving earlier statements regarding the correlation between temperature and evaporation/transpiration in a geospatial perspective as well. precipitation increased gradually up to region #c then decreased in #1, #2 and #3 corresponding to the arriving moist air masses from the atlantic ocean and the orographic precipitation excess of the western slopes of the carpathians (kohler, t. et al. 2014). an exception was the southernmost region #4, which can be explained by the lack of enough data in cell #a4 and by mediterranean effects (panthou, g. et al. 2018). the spatial distribution of maximum and mean temperatures and pet above the upper quartile differed only in the considerably more mosaic-like map in the case of ta (see figure 4, c), while pet represented a greater area compared to the maximum temperature. areas below the lower quartile of 279szabó, sz. et al.hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (3) 269–282. precipitation had the greatest spatial heterogeneity. it is worth noting that an area outside the category can be observed in the region of turnu roşu pass (hungarian: vöröstorony pass; #c4). the analysis of precipitation data revealed that monthly precipitation amounts showed major differences in this area in the 50-year average. in a distance of 30–40 km differences of even 50–100 mm rain can be found among the grids within this distance. conclusions carpatclim ensured a detailed analysis of the time series in almost 500,000 km2. we aimed to involve the climatic trends into a detailed geospatial analysis. we revealed that monthly average temperature, maximum temperature, evapotranspiration had positive trends except in autumn; precipitation did not follow this pattern, it had a negative trend in winter. the intensity of the changes in precipitation and evapotranspiration was one order of magnitude larger related to maximum and average temperature. there was a spatial trend from west to east, but the carpathian mountains had a relevant effect on it and changed the increasing values. there was a spatial trend from north to south and the southern carpathian mountains also had a relevant effect in the southernmost region of the study area. there was a significant statistical interaction between the directions (i.e. e–w and n–s). assigning the upper quartiles (in case of precipitation the lower quartile) as threshold helped to identify the regions most affected by the changing climate. summing up the climatic variables identified those regions where the threshold exceeded more than one climatic variable; 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(1): 26–33. doi:10.1016/j.baae.2013.11.002 varga, g. and roettig, c.-b. 2018. identification of saharan dust particles in pleistocene dune sandpaleosol sequences of fuerteventura (canary islands). hungarian geographical bulletin 67. (2): 121–141. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.67.2.2 venkatraman, e.s. 2018. clinfun: clinical trial design and data analysis functions. r package version 1.0.15. available at https://cran.r-project.org/ package=clinfun wilhite, d.a. 2000. drought as a natural hazard: concepts and definitions. in drought: a global assessment. vol. i. ed.: wilhite, d.a., london, routledge, 3–18. zhao, w. and khalil, m.a.k. 1993. the relationship between precipitation and temperature over contiguous united states. journal of climate 6. 1232–1236. doi: 10.1175/1520-0442 7_book reviews.indd 303book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (3) 303–312.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.68.3.7 hungarian geographical bulletin 68 2019 (3) the problem of climate change has turned from a topic of some experts and some environmentalists to a leading issue in public debates, calling global attention in the past years. as researchers concerned about the environment, we might be satisfied with that, but it also lays a charge and responsibility on the relevant experts. information spread and opinions expressed in public discussions should be based on the proper understanding of the natural and social science background of climate change and its underlying subprocesses. this is even more relevant knowing the complexity and interdependencies in the climate system of the earth. the new contribution of kerry emanuel excellently fulfils the above requirements. as the comprehensive presentation of the issue needs the use of the most recent datasets and policy documents, the short summarising book has reached its third edition last year. emanuel is one of the leading and most influential experts of the topic, who provided a factual, perceptive and readable presentation of the scientific basis of climate change as well as its possible consequences and related socio-political issues. though the target audience of the book is the wider public, its added value of giving a short summary of this complex problem makes it usable for environmental and geoscientists, university lecturers and policy experts as well. in chapter 1 (entitled natural stability) the author gives an overview of the past changes (and variability) of the climate of the earth. he describes the astronomical-geographical background, as well as the positive and negative feedback processes (including the theoretical possibility of super greenhouse inferno or ice catastrophe), together with the possible role of biota in the latter. the characteristics of these past changes help the reader evaluate the magnitude of estimated future climate change effects. the second chapter (greenhouse physics) may contribute to the more precise understanding of the related physical processes. though a simplified presentation of radiation processes is quite a challenging task, the author leads the reader clearly to the understanding of the interdependencies between radiation circumstances, the presence of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere, and the documented effects of climate change. the author helps fix the connection between rising carbon-dioxide levels and the rising surface temperature of the earth by emphasising the significance of this connection in the history of science (the discovery by svante arrhenius in 1897). similar processes are discussed in chapter 3 (why the climate problem is difficult), but here the emphasis is on presenting the chaotic character of the climate system. besides mentioning well-known atmospheric phenomena, the author quite expressively describes the attributes of chaotic systems employing the example of the movement of a leaf in a brook. the central role of relative humidity in global warming is discussed from different aspects. the water vapour takes part in the positive feedback process, and the forming and movement of clouds make the modelling efforts much more difficult. the details of the presence and role of airborne particles in the atmosphere are also presented briefly. as the author underlines, it is not only difficult to predict chaotic systems but, beyond a certain time frame, it is even impossible. the same goes for meteorological forecasts, and especially for emanuel, k.: what we know about climate change. updated edition. cambridge, mit press. 2018. 88 p. b o o k r e v i e w s e c t i o n 304 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 303–312. climate projections, where several additional factors have to be taken into consideration. the important term ‘forcing’ is introduced in this chapter. the factors embraced by this term have an influence on climate to a varying extent. but it is important to know that many of them are natural ones, which can be summarised as “climate noise”. some of them are easy to predict (e.g. variations in the earth’s orbit, collision with an already known comet or asteroid), but others have a chaotic character (e.g. volcanic eruptions). modelling results show that the current trend of climate change is distinguishable from that background variability. the complexity and forecasting difficulties are in the focus of the fourth chapter as well (determining humanity’s influence). the main subjects are the difficulties of modelling and forecasting the effects of climate change. we can find a very didactic presentation of the basics of climate modelling, which highlights the importance of parameterisation. this refers to tuneable values in the complicated system of equations in a model. they are hard to estimate precisely, but they have a great effect on the outputs. of course, there is no need and no way to provide a big number of figures with the results of different models in such a type of work. professor emanuel chooses to include the results of two sets of simulations in a figure to demonstrate and delineate the effects of anthropogenic emissions from natural, time-varying forces (volcanic and solar). seeing the curves in comparison with the observed average temperatures, we can say that there is no more need for proving that there have been unprecedented changes in the earth’s climate system in the last decades. in chapter 5 (the consequences) the author clarifies that the magnitude of the present warming process is smaller than some events in the history of earth. but this does not decrease the risks caused by sea level rise, droughts or more intense precipitation events, which are presented very impressively and unambiguously. emanuel does not deny, either, that there could also be winners of the predicted changes (e.g. previously infertile lands on high latitudes). meanwhile, it becomes clear to the reader from the description of the possible negative effects that these consequences must not be overlooked. the agriculture in huge parts of the world is finely tuned to the present climate, so, in other words, cannot be considered resilient to climate change. nor is the sea level rise itself bigger than several ones in the history of earth. but, as many of the large cities of the world are located on coastal estuaries, it may cause catastrophic events and national or even international political conflicts. there are direct pieces of evidence for the growing intensity of tropical storms: the hurricanes and typhoons of the recent years have broken records in terms of economic damages as well. chapter 6 (communicating climate science) is brief but quite important, as it contains a summary of our present knowledge on the effects of climate change in a shortlisted format, mainly based on the findings of the 5th ipcc (intergovernmental panel on climate change) report. the short overview of the requirements and process of scientific publishing at the beginning of the chapter may seem out of place at first sight. but when we see the author’s explanation about some problematic characteristics of contemporary journalism, which can obstruct the dissemination of even consensual opinion in scientific communities about climate issues, we have to admit that it is an important factor, if not the most important one, if we want to tackle climate change. this was an important motive for establishing the ipcc and publishing its reports. chapter 7 (our options) summarises the possibilities of intervention. after presenting the terms of adaptation, mitigation and geoengineering, the author names concrete possibilities and compares them with each other. it is also huge merit of this part that it points at some important facts, like that the costs of mitigation are theoretically paid mostly by the largest emitters, while the need for adaptation actions concerns many other parts of the world, too. perhaps it is not widely known, either, that market disturbing subsidies are present in many national economies with regard to the economic sectors closely connected with climate policy, e.g. coal, oil and natural gas industries. the last, eighth chapter takes over an important, but not an easy task to present the politics of climate change. the author’s politically unbiased standpoint is obvious from the parallel presentation of the sometimes problematic attitude or exact political actions of both political sides in the us. in an interesting part of the chapter the author calls attention to the possible loss of industrial and market positions if no actions are taken or even the direct denial of global warming gets dominate a country’s climate policy. this is especially relevant for the usa, which can be considered the leading technological superpower yet. the chapter finishes with an impressive demonstration of the effects of discrediting scientific results on climate change and other related phenomena, which is a widespread phenomenon in political and public discourses. the further readings part helps the reader get a line on every subtopic presented in the book. in summary, the author describes a quite complex issue with brilliant simplicity and good examples. there are some subprocesses and consequences of climate change that are often mentioned in books or teaching materials, but their exact background may remain there unclear for many readers – not like in the current volume. a great example in chapter 5 is the explanation of thermodynamic reasons for the increasing intensity of precipitation events as a result of increasing temperature. professor emanuel does not abstain from handling some not too easy topics, and carries it out with outstanding proficiency and sincerity, e.g. the clear expression of his support 305book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (3) 303–312. for the use of nuclear energy, or dedicating a whole chapter to political issues. the author’s knowledge and wide experience can be seen in the excellent collection, conclusion and clear presentation of the most important information about climate change. i only find some minor shortcomings in the volume. the author provides remarkably few information about some subtopics, which are also somehow in the focus of attention, and may provide co-benefits to climate adaptation or mitigation activities. one example are the effects of land use (and possibilities of land-use changes) on greenhouse gas exchange in general, and the magnitude of forest carbon sequestration in mitigation efforts in particular. in addition, some more details would be welcome about the possible economic gains to achieve through energy efficiency investments. apart from the above remarks, the book will, hopefully, attract the attention of readers from east central europe as well. according to research results, some effects of climate change will be stronger in this region than on the global average. besides, as it is a global problem which calls for the involvement of every people concerned, there will be increasing need for similar books and other relevant sources of information. we can just fully agree with former u.s. representative bob inglis, the writer of the “foreword” of the book: “the risks of climate change carry with them the offer of nobility for the generation that rises to the challenge.” (p. viii). as emanuel points out, “[t]here are few, if any, historical examples of civilizations consciously making sacrifices on behalf of descendants two or more generations removed. we have the opportunity to be the stunning exception to that rule.” (p. 51.). márton kiss1 1 department of climatology and landscape ecology, university of szeged, hungary & lendület ecosystem services research group, centre for ecological research, hungarian academy of sciences, vácrátót, hungary. e-mail: kiss.marton@geo.u-szeged.hu the revival of ‘central europe’ among hungarian political elites: its meaning and geopolitical implications 191balogh, p. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (3) 191–202.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.66.3.1 hungarian geographical bulletin 66 2017 (3) 191–202. the revival of ‘central europe’ among hungarian political elites: its meaning and geopolitical implications péter balogh1 abstract over the past years, the concept of ‘central europe’ has been revived by hungarian political elites and this study aims to find out how and why. it is based on a content analysis of political speeches and communications, compared with actual policies and statistical data. it is observed that the government is the only political force to engage in the new discourse of ‘central europe’. the study finds that both the geographic extension and the connotations of ‘central europe’ have changed fundamentally. often associated with the territories of the dual monarchy up until the early 2000s, the notion today appears to be used synonymously with the likewise reinvigorated visegrad four. yet while the latter has kept its geographic confines intact, ‘central europe’ has no clear boundaries. such a malleable concept can more flexibly serve various geopolitical goals, such as hungary’s intention to include croatia and serbia. the meanings associated with ‘central europe’ have changed just as much. not long ago a symbol for hungary’s (and its neighbours’) ‘return to europe’, central europe has re-emerged as a ‘channel of protest’ vis-á-vis the west. disillusioned by the eu following the financial and refugee crises, hungarian political elites have been envisioning ‘central europe’ as the continent’s new growth hub and a safe space free from migrants. economic data contradict the former vision. as euroscepticism and a hard-line stance against refugees are no (longer) unique stands of the visegrad four, the question is what remains of ‘central europe’. keywords: ‘central europe’, hungary, visegrad four, geopolitical narratives, ‘channel of protest’ introduction a dormant concept following the eastern enlargement of the european union (eu) in 2004, ‘central europe’ has been revived over the last years in the visegrad four countries2 but most noticeably in hungary. whereas references to central europe3 have been omnipresent lately, the hungarian government appears to have no explicit ‘central europe policy’4. we thus need to put the bits and pieces together in order to see if there is any coherent logic appearing. this study therefore 1 transdanubian research department, institute for regional studies, cers, mta. h-7621 pécs, papnövelde u. 22. e-mail: baloghp@rkk.hu 2 the visegrad four cooperation consists of poland, czechia, slovakia, and hungary. it has historical roots dating back to the 14th century, but was more recently re-established in 1991. 3 t h e h u n g a r i a n t e r m i s k ö z é p e u r ó p a . t h e denomination köztes-európa refers to a much larger area (cf. mező, f. 2001) and has not been used by hungarian policy-makers in the past years. aims to find out which connotations hungarian political elites attach to the notion today, why they employ it, and what the geopolitical implications are. it is based on a content analysis of political speeches and communications, especially of key decision-makers of the government. this delimitation is not only justified by the fact that hungary’s current government coalition has had an overwhelming majority in the last seven years, but also by the observation that it is the only significant political power lately to engage in the narrative-building of ‘central europe’. 4 there are of course policies related to the visegrad cooperation. also, a macro-regional strategy was developed during the hungarian eu presidency in 2011 for the countries located around the danube, thus covering a rather different area than the visegrad cooperation. balogh, p. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (3) 191–202.192 geopolitical narratives by containing distinctive “geopolitical orientations toward certain states and regions of the world” (o’loughlin, j. et al. 2006, 130), geopolitical imaginations and narratives serve to provide indications for a given society regarding where it belongs, or ought to belong (balogh, p. 2015, 194). at the same time, concepts such as ‘eurasia’ (bassin, m. 2012; erşen, e. 2013), ‘central europe’ (mező, f. 2001) or ‘eastern europe’ (wolff, l. 1994; romsics, i. 2014) do not possess over a fixed meaning or territorial shape but are constantly evolving in time and space. as such, they can be seen as ‘empty signifiers’ (laclau, e. 1996), i.e. notions that mean little per se but that can be filled with almost any content, for instance to legitimise pragmatic policy purposes (cf. erşen, e. 2013). especially in societies undergoing rapid change – as in post-cold war central and eastern europe – such narratives are often adopted by elites to reorient their subjects towards new areas and geopolitical constellations (bassin, m. 2012, 553), with significant implications on foreign but also domestic policies. accordingly, answers to questions such as ‘who we are’ and ‘where do we belong’ have been sought after with a particular intensity in times of major crises in the region (mező, f. 2001, 82; romsics, i. 2014, 59). the concept of ‘central europe’ in a nutshell of all european macro-regions, defining central europe has been among the most difficult and the concept has come and gone throughout history5 (miletics, p. and pál, v. 1998, 217; mező, f. 2001, 81). in the 1970s and 1980s, ‘central europe’ became a symbol of anti-communism especially among the more rebellious intelligentsia in the eastern bloc (mező, f. 2001, 92). understanding the notion as a ’channel of protest’ against major powers (ibid, 98) is particularly important and will be returned to. kundera, m. (1984) saw in central europe a culturally homogenous region artificially divided by the iron curtain, hence in need of reintegration. the region was largely equated with the areas of the pre-wwi habsburg lands not only by him but also by numerous hungarian intellectuals (e.g. hanák, konrád, fejtő) and soon-to-be czechoslovak president václav havel (miletics, p. and pál, v. 1998, 221), although polish intellectuals were keen to add the whole of poland (neumann, i.b. 1993). what they all agreed on was that central europe was also to be defined against russia (ibid) and perceived as an unquestionable part of the west. these ideas led to shaping a narrative on the need to ‘return to europe’, eagerly adopted by politicians as a legitimacy for these countries’ integration into various western alliances such as the eu (moisio, s. 2002). yet once ’central europe’ filled that purpose, it was much less often invoked. the revival of ‘central europe’ in hungary despite the relative silence around ‘central europe’ in the 2000s, the notion was occasionally referred to by viktor orbán (president of the party fidesz, in opposition between 2002–2010). a few months ahead of eu enlargement, in 2003 he claimed “there exists a central europe outside the union” whose countries possess over unique “cultural and intellectual roots and background”, and among which one can observe a “willingness for (mutual) understanding” (orbán, v. 2006, 225–226). yet the ambiguity of this perception is well indicated in a 2004 statement he made: “in spite of all my respect and love of the central european idea, a sturdy central european cooperation is not an appropriate method for pursuing interests within the european union” (orbán, v. 2006, 353). in 2009 he even said “many things bind us central europeans together. not just nice days, but – as with old married couples – also antagonisms and feuds between our countries” (orbán, v. 2010, 64). 5 on hungarian uses of ‘central europe’ and related terms in the 1930s and the 1940s see hajdú, z. (2013). 193balogh, p. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (3) 191–202. a few months following his re-election as prime minister (pm), orbán claimed in cairo that “the economic future of entire europe depends on central europe” (mti 2011). he said the eu has a lot of internal, especially economic problems, and stressed the main goal is the defence of the euro (ibid). moreover, orbán emphasised “we do not believe in a clash of civilisations, which is very dangerous... instead, we believe in human dignity” (ibid). he also claimed to adhere to christian-muslim coexistence and the possibility of cooperation (ibid). in 2012 in balvanyos, romania, orbán explained: “we are starting to study our entire history from new, earlier unknown perspectives”, thus constructing a “brand-new interpretation of reality”. in this the main role goes to the central europeans, who possess over shared roots: in contrast to the west, we did not live through those forty years of a welfare society”, therefore “the principle of responsibility has not disappeared from politics” (orbanviktor.hu 2012). in 2013, the prime minister claimed “the next decade will be central europe’s”, envisioning that the region’s weight will significantly grow within the eu (mandiner 2013b). he also said it is a “serious responsibility and duty for central europe to increasingly contribute to the union’s efforts to manage the challenges the continent is facing” (ibid). in 2014, in the company of incumbent polish pm donald tusk, orbán went further with a statement that “the central european region can be one of the engines of the continent’s economic and cultural revival” (my emphasis), adding that “this mission may bring the two countries even closer together, carrying the possibility of a great era for both” (magyar nemzet 2014). he also emphasised the centuries-old bond between the hungarian and polish peoples, referring to a number of historical events. orbán said poland’s leadership and people “have stood on our side at every difficult moment even in recent years”, and expressed his gratitude to the polish friends (ibid). by october 2015, orbán already envisioned that “central europe will be the eu’s growth engine in the coming decade and a half” (mti 2015, my emphasis) at the opening ceremony of the international telecommunication union world conference, that year held in budapest. he stressed that hungary has the fastest developing digital economy in the union, employing 15 per cent of the labour force that places the country only behind ireland and finland (ibid). at the same time, orbán has explicitly foreseen a special role for hungary within the region at least since the expansion of the bank of china in the country: “hungary is capable of becoming central europe’s centre of growth” (kamaraonline 2015). the pm added the expansion is strengthening an alliance that can facilitate a new silk road between china and hungary (ibid). during the refugee crisis of 2015, hungary and especially its government received massive attention due to its strict policies against refugees and migrants, including the building of a fence along its southern borders (svensson, s. et al. 2017, 7). instead of going into details here, one can quote hungarian government spokesperson zoltán kovács: “we need not to manage the migration situation, but must stop migration at the borders” (mti 2016). kovács stressed the increased weight of the visegrad four (v4) within the eu due to its consensus and common policies related to the issue (ibid). following the terrorist attacks in munich and nice in summer 2016, orbán said “it is entirely clear that migration means danger”, and “a common european army must be established” (felvidék.ma 2016). orbán further emphasised the need for the central european states to represent that europe needs fundamental changes (ibid). in september 2016, in the company of the prime ministers of the v4 and ukraine orbán stated that “the european dream has moved from western europe to central europe” (nol 2016). in his view, a generation of european politicians had a “secret dream”, according to which the eu can achieve that the member states forget their national and religious identities; their historical identibalogh, p. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (3) 191–202.194 ties can be weakened and replaced by a european identity. “yet it has become clear that there is no identity that can replace the previous one” (ibid). following talks with his serbian colleague aleksandar vučić in november 2016, pm orbán predicted that “central europe – the visegrad bloc of countries – will be a great success story: it is here where thoroughly great economic opportunities are and will be present, to which serbia can also connect” (tóth, p. 2016). discussing hungarian investments in serbia, both prime ministers confirmed bilateral relations have never been better (ibid). in his lecture dedicated to polish historian wacław felczak at the jagiellonian university in kraków in december 2016, orbán said “central europe is experiencing a renaissance, and is growing and developing continuously and dynamically” (copm 2016). moreover, the hungarians and the poles have come to understand that they must seize control of their fates, and by uniting their efforts history has given them the chance to make central europe the most successful region in europe and the world. this is what the v4 are working on, and there is no point in aiming for a lesser goal (ibid). according to the pm “economically and politically central europe is europe’s most stable region”, adding that “we should not allow our critics to shroud accurate assessment of the situation” (copm 2016). in today’s “europe stricken by immigration”, there is continuing relevance for felczak’s principle of “back to our roots”: in other words, back to our christian, national and european roots. orbán stressed felczak was a true central european citizen who felt very much at home “in the intermediate world between the west and the east” (ibid). he further claimed “the western and eastern dictatorships which sought to cast their shadow over central europe always had to reckon with the close bond between the hungarian and polish peoples, as this was an obstacle to their plans for oppression. they did their best to try to destroy this bond” (ibid). lamenting hungarian losses in russian trades due to the sanctions, in january 2017 minister of foreign affairs and trade péter szijjártó stated in an interview that “central europe has always been on the receiving end in conflicts between east and west,” accordingly, hungary seeks to be one of the “pillars” of the re-establishment of european-russian relations (mti 2017a). hungarian-russian initiatives for the near future include the enlargement of the paks atomic power station; negotiating with gazprom to cooperate beyond 2021; contemplating action against persecution of christians; and the refurbishment of four orthodox churches in hungary (ibid). that same month, in a conference speech orbán said that from a central european angle the continent can barely be recognised: “europe is struggling with four major crises at once” – migration, competitiveness, demographics, and foreign policy – and recently it has been unable to respond to any of them satisfactorily (miniszterelnok.hu 2017a). the prime minister claimed that “[o]n the path to competitiveness… central europe is not doing badly… hungary is in a fair position among central european countries, and we are performing fairly well in terms of the sum our central budget devotes to innovation as a proportion of gdp” (ibid). in his latest state of the nation address, orbán asked himself what is wrong with western europe: “from here in central europe, the first thing that comes to mind is that prosperity has made them all mad” (miniszterelnok.hu 2017b). according to the pm: until now, we have been taught that mature western democracies are of a higher quality than central european democracies… this may once have been true, when the european democracies were at their zenith. but since then the era of “open societies” has been established in the western half of europe and across the atlantic. and with this came its system of policing political thought: political correctness. a few years ago democracy in the european union was still based on argument… this is one reason it was also so attractive to us hungarians… (ibid). as a reaction then, [w]e announced our own hungarian political and economic system… [t]he cast-iron guarantee for tax 195balogh, p. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (3) 191–202. reductions and wage increases must always be the competitive hungarian economy. the mortar which binds the walls of the hungarian model is courage: something without which no political structure can remain standing – especially here in the windswept openness of the carpathian basin (miniszterelnok.hu 2017b). praising his government’s policy to have stopped ‘the migrants’, orbán said “[w]e will of course be letting in genuine refugees: germans, dutch, french and italians, terrified politicians and journalists, christians who have been forced to leave their homes and who here in hungary want to find the europe they have lost in their homelands” (ibid). later in february 2017, orbán claimed “central europe is competitive compared to western europe, and – thanks also to the tax system – many western companies accordingly feel it is better to establish a factory here than at home” (copm and mti 2017a). a day later, in his speech at the memorial day for the victims of communism, orbán said “today people no longer talk about the fact that communism, like national socialism, emerged in the 20th century as an intellectual product of the west, but that in the end it was we central europeans who were forced to live under this originally western idea” (mti 2017b). further, “it is no accident that europe has a guilty conscience when it comes to the crimes of communism, but here in central europe, even after a quarter of a century we still remember the nature of tyranny – the reminders of which are everywhere” (ibid). in a speech in early march 2017, orbán explained why he saw it necessary to create a national banking system in hungary following the financial crisis: “when lending opportunities in the world began to shrink, lo and behold, the banks didn’t start disinvestment in their own countries, but here in central europe, repatriating their money to austria and germany” (miniszterelnok.hu 2017c). also in early march this year, the visegrad four adopted a declaration on the future of the eu, a document that orbán said “enjoys hungary’s support one hundred per cent” (mti and kormany.hu 2017). according to the prime minister “everything is in flux”, because in our era a new world order is coming into being, and at times like this everyone has an obligation to establish their place in the new order (ibid). further, in recent years there has also been a progressive “creeping withdrawal of powers” from the nation states. this, however, is a bad development, and must be stopped: “we must firmly stand by our national interests”, adding that on this issue hungary found its v4 partners to be understanding (ibid). at a conference in late march 2017, orbán stated that the european future lies in the visegrad four, expecting the centre of gravity of european growth to shift from the continent’s western region to its central region (mti 2017c). the pm explained everywhere to the west of the v4 the ethnic and social compositions of societies are changing significantly. in his view this is a negative development: “we are protecting ourselves against this and this is a major advantage for us” (ibid). at the same time, “the countries of the v4 continue to have strong cultural foundations, the essence of which is that while they are modern societies, they continue to insist on their christian roots (ibid). in addition, the pm continued, “in central europe we have unwavering faith in the strength of families, and this is also an enormous competitive advantage in economic growth” (ibid). at the same event, the prime minister predicted that in 8–10 years the v4 will be spoken of as europe’s most powerful economic engine; praising the cooperation by expressing the belief that “the visegrád states will be able to renew european democracy and the whole of the european union” (mti 2017c). further, orbán stressed that while hungary has overcome the financial crisis, economic growth stands at around 3 per cent – a level trapping countries in a state of average development. the question he proposed is how to move from this range to a growth bracket of around 5 per cent (ibid). the prime minister observed “there is a need for innovation and a completely different economic mentality”. he added that “[i]f we are not more innovative than the western european balogh, p. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (3) 191–202.196 countries … our state of development will remain at an average level” (ibid). a day later, at the congress of the european people’s party orbán claimed “central europe’s position is that if matters continue like this, in our generation’s lifetime there will be a muslim majority in western europe” (copm and mti 2017b). he added “the west is keeping us under ideological pressure”, while central europe wants to reform migration policy (ibid). a few days ahead of hungary taking over the v4 presidency on july 1, minister of prime minister’s office jános lázár said migration will be at the heart of hungary’s presidency as “europe’s future is at stake”; central europe has a major role in this area, he said, calling on the region to live up to its “serious obligations” (mtva 2017, 2). lázár called the european commission’s latest procedures launched against poland “unfair”; hungary will always be prepared to defend poland’s interests in the “european political theatre of war” (ibid). lázár further claimed the eu “is in trouble, given that one of the most important member states is leaving the bloc” (ibid). most recently, minister of foreign affairs and trade péter szijjártó said central europe must play an important role in restoring europe’s security and competitiveness, adding that “concerning migration, it must be made clear that the wave of migrants can and should be stopped…” (mtva 2017, 5). hungary urges cooperation between the eu and the eurasian economic union, szijjártó said, arguing that western europe is home to the continent’s advanced technologies while eastern europe is rich in minerals and raw materials. “if we can align these two … then europe’s competitiveness on the global economic stage will receive a significant boost” (ibid). analysis geographies of the ‘new’ central europe despite frequently referring to ‘central europe’ over the past years, no hungarian political elite has really defined exactly which territories (should) form the region. nevertheless, a number of references have been made in this regard that together provide a clearer picture of what they have in mind. the clearest demarcation of ‘central europe’ is against the west in general, and western europe in particular. the latter is almost never spoken about in positive terms, but is on the contrary a source of a number of evil political ideologies. moreover, the pm’s statement that austrian and german banks repatriated their money from central europe during the financial crisis implies that the former countries are not part of the region. central europe is sometimes also demarcated eastwards by hungarian politicians, but this is more difficult due to the country’s varying relations with romania (24.hu 2016) and ukraine (mti 2017d) and the presence of ethnic hungarians there. while hungarianrussian relations have never been better, some of the quotes above testify to a continued fear of east-west confrontation, which has deep historical roots (cf. hajdú, z. 2013, 76). at the same time, the pm’s choice to commemorate polish historian felczak as someone who felt “very much at home in the intermediate world between the west and the east” suggests central europe is not imagined to belong to either, however, defined. similarly, the foreign minister’s visions reflect a region potentially connecting the eu and the eurasian economic union. further spatial delimitations of ‘central europe’ are even more ambiguous, in particular towards south. we saw above that serbia was invited to link up. hungary’s previous foreign minister jános martonyi (chmiel, j. 2017) but also viktor orbán shall have suggested to expand the v4 to include croatia (foy, h. and byrne, a. 2016), a country whose eu-scepticism is increasingly binding it to the new ‘club’ (anastasijevic, d. 2016). moreover, hungary’s and slovenia’s economic ministers have recently called for closer hungarian-slovenian economic relations, believed to improve the competitiveness of central europe (mne 2017). 197balogh, p. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (3) 191–202. the label v4+2 has proven particularly malleable. initiated by austria in 2001, it aimed to intensify the v4’s cooperation with austria and slovenia particularly on issues related to the western balkans (nádas, n. 2011, 15). later, however, v4+2 referred to the visegrad states’ cooperation with romania and bulgaria on territorial planning, resulting in a vast common spatial development strategy for the six countries (isd 2014). geo-economics of the ‘new’ central europe over the past years, hungarian political elites have been trying to ’sell’ central europe as an increasingly coherent region and a prosperous market in places like jordan (mandiner 2013a); india (m a s z o l and mti 2013); japan (magyar nemzet 2013); to azerbaijan (mti-eco 2014); and china (profit7.hu 2014). given that all these countries lie in asia, this is also consistent with the government’s foreign policy of ‘opening to the east’ (farkas, z.a. et al. 2016; balogh, p. 2015). increased trade with emerging markets is certainly not a bad idea per se, and the government has also set up a worldwide network of hungarian national trading houses since 2012 (index 2016). yet unfortunately, the company operating the network is running with huge losses (ibid), thus the global ambitions of hungarian trades still need to bear their fruits. instead, 80 per cent of hungarian exports are going to the rest of the eu (ibid). the reality is that east central europe is tied to the german economy in a multitude of ways (ksh 2017), and this is often an asymmetrical relationship. companies from germany (and elsewhere) have invested heavily in east central europe primarily due to lower labour and other costs. the activities they typically engage in (such as manufacturing, lower-skilled services) often have a lower added value in the supply chain than the ones that remain in the company’s mother country. east central european economies are thus highly dependent on germany – they are doing okay when the german economy is doing well (benz, m. 2014), but are obviously not the ones to reap off the lion’s share of the profits. whereas the visegrad states’ combined population is equivalent to that of france (schmidt, a. 2016, 122), its share of the eu’s gdp was in 2016 estimated at 5.26 per cent; france’s at 15 per cent, and germany’s at 21 per cent (cf. ibid, 121). in the latest global innovation index germany ranked 9th and france 15th, with the visegrad countries’ position ranging between 24th and 39th (dutta, s. et al. 2017, 14). at the same time, the v4 are spending a significantly lower share of their already lower gdps on research and development (r&d) than western europe, let alone south korea (pálinkás, j. 2016). it is therefore unclear how central europe could become the most successful region in europe – let alone in the world – in 8–10 years, as hungary’s pm prophesises. it is also unclear why hungary would be leading the way forward in that process. the country’s position in the region has already weakened during the economic crisis (egedy, t. 2012, 171), and this trend has continued ever since. hungary is in fact the only visegrad country that fell back in the global innovation index since 2011, ranking 25th that year (dutta, s. 2011, 18) but 39th six years later (dutta, s. et al. 2017, 14). the country was ranked the most innovative among the visegrad countries in 2011 (dutta, s. 2011, 18) but the least innovative in 2017 (dutta, s. et al. 2017, 14). hungary also has the lowest gdp per capita ppp among all the visegrad countries (dutta, s. et al. 2017, 215–287). whereas the country is spending a slightly higher share of its gdp on r&d (1.4%) than slovakia (1.2%) and poland (1%), it is clearly outnumbered by czechia where this figure stands at 2 per cent (ibid). further, hungarian national bank chief györgy matolcsy and pm viktor orbán believe that in hungary industrial corporations can find labour and low taxes (miniszterelnok.hu 2017c). in reality, hungary is experiencing its worst labour shortage on record balogh, p. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (3) 191–202.198 (szakacs, g. and kasolowsky, r. 2016). it is true that the government is planning to introduce the eu’s lowest corporate tax rate (byrne, a. 2016), but the effects on the national budget and welfare are yet to be seen. it is therefore not too surprising that one can note an – otherwise very untypical – uncertainty of the hungarian pm in one of his recent speeches (mti 2017c) regarding the future of the hungarian economy. leaving his own question of how to move from a growth bracket of 3 per cent to 5 per cent unanswered (“there is a need for innovation and a completely different economic mentality”), he recently requested the national bank chief to compile a book on how to make hungary competitive (miniszterelnok.hu 2017c). contrary to his earlier statements about hungary and central europe already being competitive (miniszterelnok.hu 2017a; copm and mti 2017a), this can be seen as an admission that they are not. ideologies and geopolitics of the ‘new’ central europe from its beginning up until 2004, the single main goal of the v4 was to help each other in joining western alliances as soon as possible (chmiel, j. 2017). the ideological elements implied were the adoption of standard eu norms related to human rights, democracy, etc. whereas such norms indeed stemmed from outside, the v4 countries readily adopted them at the time. following eu enlargement, it is clear that it was the refugee crisis of 2015 that really pulled the visegrad group together; i.e. the clear consensus among these countries to go against the (then-)mainstream european – and especially german – policy towards refugees and migrants (kaniok, p. 2015). it is also in this light that the growing emphasis on the need to “go back to our christian roots” by the hungarian pm needs to be seen. at a major conference in poland, accompanied by the head of poland’s ruling party jarosław kaczyński, viktor orbán even saw the possibility of a “cultural counter-revolution” to reform the post-brexit eu, calling for more power to be devolved to national parliaments (foy, h. and buckley, n. 2016). after their discussion, the hungarian pm was named “man of the year” by the polish organisation that runs the conference (ibid). it is true that hungary’s6 – and the v4’s – migrant stance, once denounced, has gained some acceptance across europe (higgins, a. 2015). further, v4 cooperation on issues like energy7 or pushing for the equal quality of seemingly identical consumer products across the eu may well be necessary (chmiel, j. 2017). finally, the lamentation of brexit by orbán, lázár and some other v4 leaders also reflect their concerns with being left in a multi-speed europe. but while the visegrad four may have re-emerged as a sort of an ‘opposition bloc’ within the eu (buckley, n. and foy, h. 2016), central europe is not as a united front as hungarian leaders (and some others) like to see it. it is clear that the incumbent hungarian and polish governments are the main drivers behind this revived alliance; yet their completely opposite approach towards russia for instance has been hampering their cooperation (nič, m. 2016). according to wieclawski, j. (2016, 1), “[t]he russian-ukrainian conflict confirms a deep divergence of interests among the visegrad states that seems more important for the future of the visegrad cooperation than the recent attempts to mark the visegrad unity in the european refugee crisis”. further, in european institutions fidesz has more often voted together with the previous than with the current polish government party (votewatch europe 2017), to which it allegedly stands much closer. finally, these two governments’ harsh eu-criticism is 6 although controversial for its religious bias, the hungarian government has recently donated more than a billion huf (3.2m eur) to help christian communities in the middle east (about hungary 2017). 7 opposing nord stream 2, a second gas pipeline planned to connect russia and germany by circumventing east central europe (buckley, n. and foy, h. 2016), is a good case in point. 199balogh, p. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (3) 191–202. somewhat puzzling considering that poles and hungarians still have the most favourable view of the eu of any member states (buckley, n. and foy, h. 2016). yet the increasingly eurosceptic rhetoric is distancing hungary and poland from slovakia and czechia, which as a result have started emphasising their close relationship with brussels and berlin (foy, h. and byrne, a. 2016). slovakia is in the eurozone that makes it more integrated in the bloc, and czechia has traditionally seen itself as the most “western” of the group, and values its relations with germany more than any of its allies (ibid; nič, m. 2016). two diplomats from the region said prague and bratislava could start showcasing alternative alliances, including with austria (foy, h. and byrne, a. 2016). there is also resistance to hungarian suggestions to include croatia in visegrad (chmiel, j. 2017), seen as an attempt to tilt the group’s ideological balance towards budapest and warsaw (foy, h. and byrne, a. 2016). as one diplomat expressed: “we don’t want to kill off the visegrad co-operation, we see great value in it. but we don’t want it to be used as a shield for some kind of crazy cultural revolution” (ibid). besides a varying appetite for radical reforms, such statements can also reflect the strongly varying importance of religion among the visegrad countries. either way, as nič, m. (2016, 281) put it “the honeymoon period seems to be over”. conclusions over the past few years, the notion of ‘central europe’ has undergone fundamental shifts among hungarian political elites both geographically and in its meanings. imagined to consist of more or less the historic territories of the dual monarchy up until the 2000s, the concept is today often a synonym for the visegrad states. yet the very fact that both denominations are invoked may well reflect a conscious choice. unlike the visegrad cooperation, which has after all maintained its clearly defined geographical delimitation since its re-establishment (1991), ‘central europe’ has no clear boundaries. such a malleable concept can more flexibly be adopted for various geopolitical projects (cf. bassin, m. 2012, 555), such as excluding german-speaking areas or hungary’s intention to include countries like croatia and serbia. while underpinning hungary’s and its neighbours’ ‘return to europe’ up until the early 2000s, ‘central europe’ recently serves to demarcate them vis-á-vis the west. unlike a decade or two ago, when focus was on adopting the principles of democracy, rule of law, checks and balances, human rights and equality, ‘central europe’ now emphasises christian roots, national sovereignty and ethnic homogeneity. hungarian leaders also envision the region as europe’s future growth engine, and – relatedly – as a safe space without migrants. considering that ‘central europe’ can be filled with such a variety of ideas qualifies it as an ‘empty signifier’ (laclau, e. 1996). the fact that ‘central europe’ has reemerged as a ‘channel of protest’ (cf. mező, f. 2001) can reflect a certain insecurity among hungarian leaders regarding the future of hungary and its neighbourhood. as numerous data presented have shown, the state of the v4 economies – and hungary’s in particular – is far from as bright as some of the statements of hungarian leaders would suggest. further, hungarian leaders increasingly present central europe as a victim of east-west confrontation and interests. while there are indeed several common challenges ahead of the v4, its key driving force is the alliance of the incumbent hungarian and polish governments, which are still divided on russia. slovak and czech representatives are clearly less enthusiastic about visegrad recently. in fact, the v4’s recent revival was largely a reaction to the refugee crisis. thus if debates around migration will lessen, or – more realistically – various proand conalliances within the eu emerge, the question is what will remain of ‘central europe’. balogh, p. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (3) 191–202.200 r e f e r e n c e s 24.hu 2016. a román miniszterelnök szerint orbán visszavehetne (romanian pm says orbán could take it easier ). december 8, 24.hu, http://24.hu/ kulfold/2016/12/08/a-roman-miniszterelnokszerint-orban-visszavehetne/ about hungary 2017. hungarian government donates 3 million euros to helping christians in middle east. march 28, 2017. cabinet office of the prime minister. http://abouthungary.hu/news-in-brief/ hungarian-government-donates-3-million-eurosto-helping-christians-in-middle-east/ anastasijevic, d. 2016. croatia joins eu’s illiberal democracy club. january 27, 2016. euobserver, https://euobserver.com/opinion/132002 balogh, p. 2015. returning to eurasia from the heart of europe? geographical metanarratives in hungary and beyond. in beyond transition? memory and identity narratives in eastern and central europe. eds.: b. törnquist-plewa, n. bernsand and narvselius, e., lund, lund university, 191–208. bassin, m. 2012. national metanarratives after communism: an introduction. eurasian geography and economics 53. 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(3): 89–116. mti 2011. orbán: közép-európán múlik egész európa gazdasági jövője (orbán: the economic future of entire europe depends on central europe). january 23, 2011. ma.hu, http://www.ma.hu/uzlet/87214/ orban_kozepeuropan_mulik_egesz_europa_ gazdasagi_jovoje mti 2015. orbán: közép-európa az eu növekedési motorja lesz (orbán: central europe will be the eu’s growth engine). october 12, 2015. http://nepszava. hu/cikk/1072927-orban-kozep-europa-az-eunovekedesi-motorja-lesz mti 2016. kormányszóvivő: a v4-ek közösen védik a középeurópaiak szerzett jogait (government spokesperson: the v4 will together defend the rights obtained by central europeans). june 30, 2016. http:// magyaridok.hu/belfold/kormanyszovivo-v4ek-kozosen-vedik-kozep-europaiak-szerzettjogait-798949/ mti 2017a. hungary lost usd 6.5 billion due to sanctions against russia. january 24, 2017. http://www. kormany.hu/en/ministry-of-foreign-affairs-andtrade/news/hungary-lost-usd-6-5-billion-due-tosanctions-against-russia mti 2017b. many in the west today are still making excuses for the crimes of communism. february 25, 2017. http://www.kormany.hu/en/the-primeminister/news/many-in-the-west-today-are-stillmaking-excuses-for-the-crimes-of-communism mti 2017c. the european future lies in the visegrád four. march 29, 2017. http://www.kormany.hu/en/ the-prime-minister/news/the-european-future-liesin-the-visegrad-four mti 2017d. it is our firm expectation with regard to ukraine that it must guarantee the rights of the hungarian minority. april 13, 2017. http://www. kormany.hu/en/ministry-of-foreign-affairs-andtrade/news/it-is-our-firm-expectation-with-regardbalogh, p. hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (3) 191–202.202 to-ukraine-that-it-must-guarantee-the-rights-ofthe-hungarian-minority mti and kormany.hu 2017. hungary wholeheartedly supports visegrád declaration. march 2, 2017. http:// www.kormany.hu/en/the-prime-minister/news/ hungary-wholeheartedly-supports-visegraddeclaration mti-eco 2014. orbán: közép-európa lesz az európai növekedés motorja (orbán: central europe will be europe’s growth engine). november 11, 2014. http://www.napi.hu/magyar_gazdasag/orban_ kozep-europa_lesz_az_europai_novekedes_motorja.589401.html mtva 2017. lázár’s presser / orbán in brussels / billboard ads. hungary matters june 23 morning issue, mtva, http://old.mtva.hu/hu/hungary-matters/ archive-hungary-matters-morning-issues/0623lazar-s-presser-orban-in-brussels-billboard-ads nádas, n. 2011. a visegrádi csoport (v4) szerepének néhány kérdése a tagállamok eu csatlakozását követően, különös tekintettel a közös érdekképviseletre (some questions regarding the role of the visegrad group following eu enlargement, focusing on the representation of common interests). ma thesis, budapest, budapesti gazdasági főiskola. neumann, i.b. 1993. russia as central europe’s constituting other. east european politics and societies 7. (2): 349–369. nič, m. 2016. the visegrád group in the eu: 2016 as a turning-point? european view 15. (2): 281–290. nol 2016. orbán szerint közép-európa jelenti ma az “európai álmot” (according to orbán, central europe today represents the ‘european dream’). september 6, 2016. http://nol.hu/belfold/orban-szerint-kozepeuropa-jelenti-ma-az-europai-almot-1630711 o’loughlin, j., ó tuathail, g. and kolossov, v. 2006. the geopolitical orientations of ordinary russians: a public opinion analysis. eurasian geography and economics 47. (2): 129–152. orbán, v. 2006. 20 év: beszédek, írások, interjúk (1986–2006) (20 years: speeches, scripts, interviews [1986–2006]). budapest, heti válasz kiadó. orbán, v. 2010. rengéshullámok (vibration waves). budapest, helikon kiadó. orbanviktor.hu 2012. a jó romániai döntés: távolmaradni az urnáktól (the right decision in romania: to stay away from the ballot-boxes). july 28, 2012. http://2010-2015.miniszterelnok.hu/beszed/a_jo_ romaniai_dontes_tavolmaradni_az_urnaktol pálinkás, j. 2016. the unison of four poor persons will not lead to their common wealth. march 8, 2016. http:// visegradinsight.eu/falling-behind-individually-orcatching-up-together/ profit7.hu 2014. várja a kínai pénzt közép-európa (central europe awaiting chinese money). december 15, 2014. http://profit7.hu/hirek/varja-a-kinai-penztkozep-europa romsics, i. 2014. középés/vagy kelet-európa? egy terminológiai vita (central and/or eastern europe? a terminological debate). rubicon 26. (1): special issue, 56–61. schmidt, a. 2016. friends forever? the role of the visegrad group and european integration. politics in central europe 12. (3): 113–140. szakacs, g. and kasolowsky, r. 2016. hungary suffering worst labour shortage on record -survey. october 25, 2016. http://www.reuters.com/article/hungarylabour-manpowergroup-idusl8n1cv24m svensson, s., cartwright, a. and balogh, p. 2017. solidarity at the border: the organization of spontaneous support for transiting refugees in two hungarian towns in the summer of 2015. working paper 1. 2017. budapest, ceu center for policy studies. tóth, p. 2016. orbán viktor szerint gazdasági sikertörténet lesz közép-európa (according to viktor orbán, central europe will be an economic success story). november 22, 2016. http://magyaridok.hu/ kulfold/orban-viktor-szerint-gazdasagi-sikertortenet-lesz-kozep-europa-1194991/ votewatch europe 2017. polish approach weakens v4’s leverage to influence the future of europe. march 20, 2017. http://www.votewatch.eu/blog/polishapproach-weakens-v4s-leverage-to-influence-thefuture-of-europe/ wieclawski, j. 2016. considering the sub-regional cooperation in east-central europe – some conclusions on integrating and disintegrating tendencies in the sub-regional dialogue. review of european and russian affairs 10. (1): 1–23. wolff, l. 1994. inventing eastern europe: the map of civilization on the mind of the enlightenment. stanford, stanford university press. solarz, m.w.: the language of global development. a misleading geography 203 solarz, m.w.: the language of global development. a misleading geography. london–new york, routledge, 2014. 181 p. in the last few decades an intensive scientifi c discourse has emerged about the meaning, notion and measuring of the process of development. the term itself is rather problematic to defi ne, and there are many theoretical questions related to studying development that need deeper knowledge to be deconstructed. one of them focuses on the various spatial terms used by scientists and politicians to describe and divide the world according to the social, cultural and economic diff erences between countries. no doubt that these topics are considered very relevant nowadays. we are living in a world with huge and, in some sense, even growing inequalities, where powerful spatial metaphors like developing and developed countries, north and south, first, second and third world are used to describe these diff erences and the spatial patt ern of inequalities. as alberto vanolo mentioned in his analysis on geographical representations of the world system (2010), these terms play a fundamental role in shaping our knowledge and building our personal imageries. paraphrasing the language of j. baudrillard (1983), these ‘hyper-realities’ (representations) are oft en more determining than ‘hard facts’ in infl uencing our actions. some use these terms as synonyms, however, not bearing in mind that they comprise diff erent theories and have been embedded in the discourse on development due to various historical events and in diff erent political contexts. that is why the subtitle of the book is very suggestive and signs the existence of debates about world development and its interpretations. to go further, illustrating these issues on world maps with a mass of labels oft en results in diff erent explanations. as solarz’s book clearly shows, the practice of how to classify and label the regions of the world is complex, diffi cult and challenging, and has been changing over time. the author who is associate professor at the faculty of geography and regional studies at the university of warsaw, clearly, coherently and critically looks at the origins and meanings of the diff erent terms and notions that have surrounded the global development discourse over the past few decades. the book consists of fi ve main chapters, where the fi rst four are about the roots and explanations of the diff erent spatial terminologies discussed above. chapter 1 reviews the main discourses about the origins of the main concepts on the global divisions of development. furthermore, it follows a chronological line from the early historical periods to the latest century and its ‘big bang’ (the author’s words) in the terminology of spatial development. yet, this chapter diff ers from the following ones, since it mainly focuses on diff erences of development in the world in an historical perspective rather than the genealogy of the terms used to label various countries and country groups. solarz traces back the history of world development to the palaeolithic age, where the control of fi re “was the fi rst real, substantive global divide in terms of diff erences in development levels” (p. 6.). in the author’s interpretation there were two universal warps that determined world history, thus, the global development of society. these were the agricultural and the industrial revolutions. but he also emphasises that the early divisions of development resulted in atomised, local ‘nano-worlds’ and a fragmented world community, the exact locations of which in the world map we have no precise knowledge about. still in the fi rst chapter solarz doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.65.2.12 hungarian geographical bulletin 65 2016 (2) 204 book review – book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (2) 203–205.hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (2) 203–205. discusses the changing developmental divisions from the industrial revolution to nowadays. at fi rst he refers to the gdp estimates of angus maddison to demonstrate how the developed and underdeveloped parts of the world have changed over the past centuries. another important issue is to compare through maps how historically and recently used terms and concepts have divided the world, and to what extent they correspond to each other. while soon aft er the industrial revolution the dynamics of industrialisation as process marked the centres of development, then divisions were not identical with contemporary ones. despite the socio-economic diff erences in the nineteenth century, some scholars, mostly with a postcolonial viewpoint, link the process of underdevelopment to the process of colonisation, arguing that colonial dependence has negatively infl uenced the development of these areas. these theories had much infl uence on the development discourse, which they dominated through the 1960s and 1970s. still in the fi rst chapter solarz discusses the main historical events of the twentieth century that have shaped the classifi cation and labelling of the countries of the world. the end of world war ii, the rise and spread of communism, the rivalry between the usa and the soviet union, and the emergence of new independent countries led to new classifi cations of the world system. (solarz calls this phenomenon ‘the terminological big bang’, p. 50.) however, it was never unambiguous how to att ribute the countries to various groups. the second world, for example, which the author gives an extensive portrayal of, was rather a political than a socioeconomic category from the very beginning. while it was a part of the tripartite division of the world system, it kept its political character. it was identifi ed with the countries of the eastern bloc and was never referred to as a less developed category than the first world. (as solarz puts it: “the communist world also wanted to be regarded as a highly developed community […]” p. 37.) later on, as the notion of development has become globally problematised, and the meaning of development has changed, many international organisations, such as the imf, world bank and undp, prepared their own divisions based on diff erent criteria. the longest part of solarz’s book (chapter 2 and 3) is about the origins and meanings of the ‘third world’, and it presents a critical debate on the concept. since its introduction by alfred sauvy in 1952, the explanation of the term has not been unproblematic. at the beginning it was considered a political label referring to the non-aligned countries during the cold war rivalry between the usa and the soviet union. (‘third world’ was, thus, a synonym for ‘third force’ or ‘third way’ based on the notion of the ‘third estate’ in the french revolution). to demonstrate the complexity of variable meanings, solarz argues in the second chapter that the term appeared in literature and journalism at the end of the nineteenth century with a completely diff erent meaning from those used aft er world war ii. the underlying concept and the term itself, however, were centrepiece of keen scientifi c debates, especially in the 1960s and 1970s. for the category ‘third world’ started to be used in another way associated with the ‘underdeveloped’ or ‘backward’ world. solarz discusses clearly and in great detail how the concept has changed over time, and what critiques it evoked almost immediately aft er its birth. some critics argued for rejecting the concept itself, because in their view it suggested the existence of a single, unique and cohesive world, while ignoring its diverse character and content. thus, the relevance of the ‘third world’ as a large aggregate was put into question. other scholars suggest, however, that if we wanted to reject the term because of its diversity, than, as the author mentions, we would also have to remove all other generalising concepts from the language of geography, saying that “terms such as ‘third world’, as every general category, will always distort and simplify reality” (p. 91.). as mentioned before, some scholars connect the term to the process of decolonisation, putt ing equal sign between the former colonies and the colonial legacy on the one hand, and the third world on the other hand. but this is misleading if we think on thailand or ethiopia, where colonisation was never complete, or on canada and the united states, which were colonies at one stage or another in their history. as the author underscores in a separate subchapter (“is the term still valid and useful?”), another important and relevant problem with the concept is that according to many, the end of the cold war has made the term irrelevant, since with the collapse of the soviet union and the fall of socialism the former second world does not exist anymore. while this kind of argument for the disappearance of the term could be valid, solarz argues that the rumours about the end of the concept are exaggerated. in the titles of journals and books and the names of institutions one can still fi nd the expression ‘third world’. but the fact is that nowadays the term is mainly analogous with the underdeveloped, backward, and least developed countries. therefore, when we are talking about it, we usually join it to socio-economic characteristics. the last two chapters of the book contain an historical and critical overview of the ‘challengers’ (‘developing countries’ and ‘north–south divide’) of the former, oft en-used categories. solarz argues that ‘developing countries’ seemed to be a positive category suggesting progress and improving situation, but in fact these countries showed the lowest level of development over time. another explanation for the emergence of the term ‘developing’ was given by gunnar myrdal, the swedish nobel laureate economist and 205book review – book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (2) 203–205.hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (2) 203–205. sociologist, whose work was connected mainly to economic and social theory. according to him, the shift to ‘developing’ from ‘underdeveloped’ was an outcome of ‘diplomacy by language’. this means that ‘underdevelopment’ is not a fl att ering description of the situation of poor countries, while the term ‘developing’ is much more positive and politically feasible. besides, the concept of ‘developing countries’ was connected to certain trends in economic thought throughout the decades. in the lens of modernisation theory, which interpreted development as a linear, irreversible process universal for all countries of the world, developing countries must follow the path of developed countries. in other words, developed countries were claimed responsible for navigating and controlling developing ones. in this theory, developing countries were linked to the concept of ‘underdevelopment’, which neglected the optimism radiated by the term ‘developing’. later on, in the early 1980s the concept of a north– south opposition has emerged due to the former german chancellor willy brandt. although this categorisation had more controversies than others do, in the last 30 years “it has been reproduced in numerous publications … with only minor changes, if any”, as solarz puts it while discussing the usefulness and popularity of the term. although terminological innovation has shown less dynamics since the 1980s than before, new categories and terms have still appeared to replace the already existing notion of the three ‘worlds’. labels like ‘emerging markets’, ‘newly industrialised countries’, ‘fourth’ or ‘fift h world’ and ‘bric countries’ are still in use nowadays, and according to solarz this present situation will continue in the foreseeable future. there will always be supporters and opponents, terms will be used and criticised, and new categories will appear. as inequalities still exist between the countries of the globe, geography will always need generalised labels to describe them. but in my view, we need to use these terms carefully, we need to look behind them and explore their theoretical and historical backgrounds, and see them in a global context. that is why marcin w. solarz’s treatise is very impressive and suggestive. it gives a comprehensive and all-embracing overview of the main questions concerning global disparities of development during the last centuries, while discussing in detail the historical and conceptual framework of much used terminologies. the book is illustrated with several maps, which help the reader localise the mentioned ‘worlds’ and follow the main concepts and how they again and again regionalised the world in new ways. in my opinion, this work is addressed to and defi nitely required by those interested in the geographies and economies of global development. for those who are interested in the aforementioned issues, solarz’s book might seem diff erent to contemporary geographical works from anglophone countries, since it tries to capture rather the practical than the theoretical questions and problems of global development. furthermore, the volume examines these issues from an east central european point of view, also referring to many authors from this region. thus, it provides much space for relevant concepts and views barely present in international literature on the topic. it can serve as a useful tool in university teaching in all subjects related to these problems. it can help students understand how we regionalise the world, why we are doing it the way we are, why we use these labels, and how these concepts are related to development theories. with the multilingual and multidisciplinary bibliography one can fi nd the most important and relevant sources on global development and spatial terminology. students and teachers in the fi elds of geography, development studies, politics or history can be the main public of this book, but with its easily comprehensible content and readability it is off ered for everyone interested in these issues. máté farkas1 references baudrillard, j. 1983. simulations. new york, semiotexte. vanolo, a. 2010. the border between core and periphery: geographical representations of the world system. tij dschrift voor economische en sociale geografi e 101. (1): 26–36. 1 hungarian central statistical office, budapest. e-mail: mate.farkas@ksh.hu meusburger, p., freytag, t. and suarsana, l. (eds.): ethnic and cultural dimensions of knowledge 306 meusburger, p., freytag, t. and suarsana, l. (eds.): ethnic and cultural dimensions of knowledge. dordrecht, springer, 2016. 304 p. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.65.3.9 hungarian geographical bulletin 65 2016 (3) in contemporary academic discourses one can scarcely fi nd any views questioning the pivotal role of culture in knowledge systems. the close relationship between cultural values and learning processes is distinctly highlighted in the processes of communication, adaptation, acculturation, hybridisation and the individual’s subjective interpretation of the world itself. cultural identities, which might be intertwined with ethnicity as well, can signifi cantly infl uence att itudes towards school and education. therefore, gathering knowledge is strongly linked to and infl uenced by the cultural dimension: “every form of knowledge is somehow ‘cultural’” (strohmayer, u. 2003, p. 521.). this aspect should be taken into account while one is investigating topics related to knowledge, for diff erent cultural patt erns may either assist or hinder the process of learning. despite the paramount importance and relevance of these issues, the moderate interest from geographers might be surprising. proponents of new cultural geography have accused traditional cultural geography of paying too much att ention on material forms of culture instead of investigating their meaning, symbolism, textuality or social embeddedness. the new cultural geography, however, still neglects to focus on problems such as consequences of racial and ethnic disparities in educational attainment, the impact of cultural factors on cognitive capacities and educational att ainment or the suppression of minorities through the educational system. terms such as knowledge or education are quite omitt ed in the comprehensive handbooks of cultural geography (mitchell, d. 2000; anderson, k. et al. 2003; gebhardt, h. et al. 2003; duncan, j.s. et al. 2004; atkinson, d. et al. 2005). the book of meusburger, freytag and suarsana att empts to fi ll this gap by presenting multidimensional viewpoints. the volume is a result of the 8th symposium of the ‘knowledge and space’ series held in heidelberg. its main organisers were peter meusburger, distinguished senior professor in the institute of geography at the heidelberg university, laura suarsana, research associate in the same institution, and tim freytag, professor at the faculty of environmental and natural resources at freiburg university. the book consists of 13 chapters, wherein the fi rst fi ve texts deal with issues of education in multiethnic states. the subsequent four chapters explore the relevance of indigenous knowledge in various contexts. the fi nal four chapters highlight the function of culture in everyday situations. peter meusburger presents in his study the educational system as a heavily contentious field of political and cultural interrelations. he evokes the introduction of compulsory education, which had a major impact on the evolution of nation-states, the shaping of the common consciousness of societies and the genesis of nationalism. given the soft traits of cultural identity, assimilation and transculturation occur continuously, and they are being shaped especially by the educational system. national governments discovered the potential benefi t of this a long time ago, thereby schools could serve as appropriate means for the endeavour of nation-building and pursuits of cultural homogenisation. the study employs examples of this sort, where minorities in multiethnic states undergo diff erent types of discrimination, suppression and forced assimilation during learning processes. thus, ethnic self-esteem, cultural identity and sense of belonging of the students get reinforced, what results in discrepancy with their cultural roots. through the wide-ranging examples meusburger emphasises the importance of situatedness and embeddedness in the spatial context, disapproving universal toolkits in scrutinising cultural diversity. 307book review – book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 306–309.hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 306–309. the next chapter off ers an insight into the public school system in the united states, focusing on the specifi c interconnection of race, power and geography. adam fairclough att empts to fi nd the proper explanation of why southern public schools have been constantly more underdeveloped over the centuries than the northern ones. from the very beginning the south has not showed substantial interest in developing public schools due to a possible menace what educated slaves were thought to mean to the reigning system of social hierarchy. aft er the civil war more sophisticated methods emerged in the restriction of black education, leading to a racially segregated school system that conserved inequality. as a result of the supreme court’s decision, public schools in the south were fi nally integrated, thus segregated education was theoretically dismissed. in fact, integrated schools abolished black schools too. yet, although an achievement gap still persists between north and south, integration has actually diminished the long-standing disparities. the narrative of strikingly uneven educational conditions continues to be discussed in the next chapter as well. werner gamerith affi rms that the american school system has never fully carried out its mission to put egalitarian ideological concepts in practice. social stratifi cation along ethnic and racial relations has become an evident part of the daily routines, where schools are no exception. as gamerith asserts, the subordination of certain groups was essential in sustaining the american vision of well-being. for instance, ripping native american children from reservations into boarding schools several hundreds of miles away sheds light on how severe the issue is. as far as diff erences in education att ainment are concerned, fi nancial endowment plays a major role due to the fact that the funding of public schools mainly depends on local property taxes. thus, school dropouts and low literacy rates coincide in space with patterns of economic underdevelopment. tim freytag studies the role education plays in the social reproduction of socioeconomic and cultural inequalities in higher education and research institutions in the southwestern u.s. state of new mexico. he argues that the factors determining educational success, such as family background or the social milieu, a person’s capabilities to learn, the quality of teachers, the availability and accessibility of education infrastructure are all working together. being aware of the complex intersectionality of a wide range of parameters, freytag approaches the issue through the conceptual lens of sociocultural and geographical embeddedness. firstly, he presents the low educational performance of hispanics mainly on basis of census data. then he writes from the perspectives of hispanic students and teachers. his fi ndings suggest that hispanics tend to be particularly dependent upon their own cultural context in the family, hence the university milieu claims a great challenge from them. george j. sefa dei uses students’ narratives of schooling experiences in order to theorise the particular case of black and other minority youth education in euro-canadian contexts. he affi rms that prevailing power relations and internal colonial hierarchies hinder identity and empowerment for communitybuilding as well as individual and collective agency. adopting an anticolonial discursive framework one must dismantle dominant discourses in order to reduce the marginalisation of certain voices and knowledge systems. the anticolonial prism, that is to say, glorifi es the local cultural knowledge, which it identifi es with equity, social justice, resistance, self-esteem, and fairness. while analysing school dropouts and practices of exclusion the author puts structural, socio-political and human dimensions at the centre, arguing that a complex factor refl ecting class, gender, race, ethnicity, power and history should be utilised as primary determinant in the process of re-envisioning the education. the education system generally dispenses with the rich source of knowledge brought by the students from cultural milieus. dei presents successful students’ individual strategies as well, concluding that engagement with social diff erences can partly explain students’ performance. heading towards the next thematic part of the book, chapter 7 off ers an exploration of ‘indigenous knowledge’, especially its links with development studies. the term itself constitutes an att empt to emphasise the prominence of local voices and practices. adherents of this approach frequently focus on dichotomies of knowledge systems, distinguishing between the socalled ‘western’ objective scientifi c knowledge and the local practical knowledge such as indigenous knowledge, traditional knowledge and native knowledge. the latt er systems, however, involve some inconsistency due to the fact that nowadays neither one is truly indigenous to anywhere nor tribal societies identify themselves as indigenous. employing geographical scales, such as the ‘glocal’, may lead towards a more adequate understanding about how knowledge is functioning in the contemporary globalised epoch (robertson, r. 1995). in the case of the wola people from papua new guinea highlands, paul sillitoe discusses ways where language barriers thwart the very fi rst steps of development interventions. as the case of wola people refl ects, assessment and transmission of knowledge varies widely from place to place, what prevents us from fi nding general answers to developmental problems. in one of the two chapters of the book dealing with local knowledge, cristoph antweiler demonstrates that the concept should be conceived as a continuum between formal science and everyday traditionality. these two, as the argument continues, could not be equated nor contrasted because none of them is more valuable than the other one. while the previous chapter examines rural space, this one presents an urban 308 book review – book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 306–309.hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 306–309. context. the fi eldwork spent in the indonesian city of makassar can be regarded as the central thread. instead of theorising fi ndings, however, antweiler rather deals predominantly with methodological outcomes. he recommends repertory grid method as a promising alternative way of ethnological fi eldwork in cognitive anthropology. one of the main advantages of this study is that it off ers the reader an appropriate and well-detailed toolkit, which may be quite applicable for similar empirical researches. regarding the multidimensional trait of local knowledge, the place-based character should also be taken into account. accordingly, marcus nüsser and ravi baghel focus on geographically situated or site-specifi c knowledge generation. hence, they intentionally deviate from the aforementioned concept of indigenous knowledge, which foregrounds stakeholders’ ethnicity and tradition. site-specifi c knowledge emerges through people’s practical engagement with their environment. artifi cial glaciers refl ect upon this topic in ladakh, where rapid socio-political transformations have taken place, demonstrating the heterogeneous feature of local knowledge. these glaciers used to store frozen water to cope with water scarcity. yet, current concerns about the global climate change att ributed new functions to them, thus local knowledge gets torn apart from its local context. as the case study points out, local knowledge and external scientifi c knowledge are sometimes hard to separate from each other since their relation is dynamic and fl uid. diana d. davis presents through the case studies of pastoralists in the maghreb and afghanistan how indigenous knowledge has been, and continues to be, eroded. despite unfavourable environmental conditions, the nomads had been able to produce an impressive number of livestock and agricultural harvest until the 19th century, but the consequent suppressive measures imposed by the colonialist expert knowledge continuously deteriorated the complex ecological knowledge system of pastoralists. concerning the maghreb, the french restricted the accessibility to natural resources, appropriated agricultural lands and forest, imposed incompatible veterinary medicine on the local population, and prohibited common techniques such as using fi re on the lands. most of the adverse laws remained in eff ect under the postcolonial era too, what supplemented by the mainstream development projects resulted in the further loss of indigenous knowledge. in afghanistan koochi women possessed a rich knowledge of how to treat animals and their diseases. western developmental programs failed to take account of local gender relations though, hampering women’s traditional way of life. there can be no doubt that the author is truly committ ed to preserve indigenous knowledge. chapter 11 off ers probably the most peculiar insight into how indigenous knowledge really manifests itself in practice. the extensive fi eld research in the papua new guinean trobriand islands by gunter senft helps us understand the gradual shrinkage of indigenous knowledge, which is indirectly facilitated by the cultural and economic dimensions of globalisation. among the population of the islands the construction of large seagoing, so-called masawa canoes used to be the end-product of a complex cooperation, which included diff erent forms of technical and magical knowledge. the process of making these canoes was deeply integrated into the community’s social network. thereby the building process was a matter of bringing people together and lett ing them take part in the distribution of knowledge. in consequence of the changing economical-political external environment, dinglies started to replace masawa canoes. the decay of canoe building had a crucial impact not only on technologies, social events and the traditional faith, but aff ected people’s cultural identities and cognitive capacities as well. the subsequent chapter deconstructs the precolonial igbo societies’ ceremonies, highlighting the peculiar trait of these norm-bearing activities. taking ikechi mgbeoji’s argument, instead of considering ceremonies as a manifestation of marry-making and pointless ritualistic drama, he looks beyond the normative traits and perceive them as crucial events in order to transmit knowledge. the study off ers an in-depth description of ceremonies taking place in the igbo society (for example birth, marriage, burial, passage into adulthood). according to mbeoji’s conclusion, the ceremonies should be reconceptualised as principal means for encoding traditional knowledge and practices. one could consider igbo as either a speaker of the language, the area occupied by the community, the language, or the ethnic group itself. nevertheless, the colonialism aff ected all these spheres, thus the whole cultural practices of igbo have been subjected to westernisation designed to overwrite native law by the english common law. during the colonial and even postcolonial periods ceremonies thereby signifi cantly lost the capability of transferring key knowledge among each other. in the last chapter william t.s. gould reveals the existing cleavage between knowledge and behaviour in the context of hiv/aids prevalence in sub-saharan africa. in recent development studies, as the modernist way of spreading factual knowledge has become a dubious project, a new approach emphasises the awareness on existing indigenous knowledge systems. regardless of formal or indigenous knowledge acquisition, however, access to more and bett er information per se is not suffi cient to enhance living conditions in a certain group. despite the fact that knowledge about avoidance is gett ing quite accessible nowadays, we still experience rising infection rates due the prevailing gap between knowledge and behaviour. there seems to be medical evidence for two practices effi ciently reducing hiv prevalence rates, 309book review – book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 306–309.hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 306–309. namely male circumcision and reducing the number of sexual partners. nevertheless, both practices are deeply connected to cultural factors. for example, one could not deem male circumcision as a mere medical intervention, but rather a momentous cultural event. not surprisingly, the less this intervention is being part of the custom, the higher hiv prevalence comes about. given the heterogeneous ethnic patt erns and different cultural att itudes in east central europe, some chapters of the book can contribute to a more sophisticated interpretation of sociocultural processes in the region. att empts to assimilate ethnic minorities have had a long history here, and the confl icts aft er the fall of the iron curtain proved that ethnic confl icts have not ended yet. nonetheless, contemporary confl icts have rather been transferred into soft spaces like education. thus, the theoretical framework and methodological references of the volume can be made use of in education systems of this region. furthermore, the anti-colonial approach presented by george j. sefa dei can be useful in the east central european context as well, due to the socialist past and the former subordination to the soviet union. investigating diff erent dimensions of knowledge will remain a prominently contentious fi eld of interdisciplinary research. as pointed out in the book, history, environmental studies, cultural anthropology, jurisprudence and psycholinguistics could also contribute to the issues of traditional, local and indigenous knowledge. moreover, geography reminds us about the relevance of various scales and the spatial context. by off ering a multi-perspective outline, the book substantially extends the discussion about the interrelated questions of culture and knowledge. thus, it serves as a proper starting point for all of those, including academics, students or those outside of science, who are interested in the cultural aspects of the generation and diff usion of knowledge. tamás illés1 1 eötvös loránd university (elte), budapest. e-mail: tamas.illes92@gmail.com references anderson, k., domosh, m., pile, s. and thrift, n. (eds.) 2003. handbook of cultural geography. london, sage. atkinson, d., jackson, p., sibley, d. and washbourne, n. (eds.) 2005. cultural geography: a critical dictionary of key concepts. london and new york, tauris. duncan, j. s., johnson n. c. and shein, r. h. (eds.) 2004. a companion to cultural geography. malden, blackwell. gebhardt, h., reuber, p. and wolkersdorfer, g. 2003. kulturgeographie – leitlinien und perspektiven. in kulturgeographie: aktuelle ansätze und entwicklungen. eds.: gebhardt, h., reuber, p. and wolkersdorfer, g., heidelberg–berlin, spektrum, 1–31. mitchell, d. 2000. cultural geography: a critical introduction. oxford, blackwell. robertson, r. 1995. glocalization: time-space and homogeneity-heterogeneity. in global modernities. eds.: featherstone, m., lash, s. and robertson, r., london, sage, 25–44. strohmayer, u. 2003. the culture of epistemology. in handbook of cultural geography. eds.: anderson, k., domosh, m., pile, s. and thrift, n., london, sage, 520–531. 384 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 381–391.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.70.4.8 hungarian geographical bulletin 70 2021 (4) zsolt bottlik, márton berki, and steven jobbitt have produced a thoughtful and remarkable volume on ethnicity and nationality in the former soviet republics that emerged as independent states in 1991 – minus the russian federation and the three baltic states, the latter of which quickly joined the european union. many studies on ethnicity and nationalism preoccupy themselves with the origin and development of national movements and focus on dominate and competing discourses as articulated by key historical figures, often intellectuals, who expressed their thoughts in writing. they then trace the evolution of a national idea through intrigue and conflict, often war. all too often, such studies express to some degree the romantic notion that ethnicity and nationality are essential and that language is the essence of such identities. subsequently, the struggle or national self-determination is seen as a struggle for the right to read, write, and speak one’s national language. unfortunately, such studies rely heavily on the written record of a small group of historical figures, who presumably speak for the masses and represent their presumed historical yearning. fortunately, the editors of this volume take a different approach to ethnicity and nationality. they begin from the starting point that social identities are a product of a complex set of historical, geographical, and socio-economic factors. for the post-soviet states in particular, geopolitics, namely competing empires, which, by attempting to integrate these territories in their respective empires with specific policies, shaped the identities of these territories’ inhabitants. of course, the russian empire and its successor the soviet union was the common denominator for these eleven states, and indeed the latter drew the political boundaries for all of these states. however, the other empires that played roles depended on location and affected differing groups of these states that can be grouped into subregions. the first subregion is located to the southeast where the russian empire competed with the ottoman and persian empires, giving rise to the modern south caucasian states of azerbaijan, georgia, and armenia. the second subregion lies to the southwest. known as “in-between europe” or zwischeneuropa, the countries found there on the map today are belarus, moldova, and ukraine. they emerged where the russian empire competed with the habsburg empire, then with its successor the austro-hungarian empire, as well as the kingdom of poland and then the second polish republic. the german and ottoman empires also exerted their influences in parts of this subregion at times. the third subregion is found farther to the east in what was “turkestan”, which then became known as “soviet central asia”, out of which the soviets carved today’s kazakhstan, kyrgyzstan, tajikistan, turkmenistan, and uzbekistan. in examining ethnicity and nationality, the editors and contributing authors not only group the postsoviet states into subregions but also examine these states temporally. the template for each chapter consists of three historical periods: imperial (with emphasis on the 18th and 19th centuries), soviet, and post-soviet. each is distinct yet remarkable continuity is found through history. for example, both imperial russia and the soviet government sought to integrate their territories through socio-economic and cultural, more specifically, language policies. during imperial times, russification was seen as the primary tool for integration, especially at the end of the 19th century as the winds of modern nationalism blew ever stronger from where they originated in western and then central europe almost a century before. however, while modern nationalism inspired russia’s imperial leaders to lean evermore heavily on russification as an integration tool, modern nationalism likewise inspired non-russian speakers to resist and seek inbottlik, zs., berki, m. and jobbitt, s. (eds.): power and identity in the post-soviet realm: geographies of ethnicity and nationality after 1991. stuttgart, ibidem-verlag, 2021. 311 p. 385book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 381–391. dependence. later, soviet leaders also used language policy to reassemble the old russian empire as the new soviet union by recognizing a sort of right of self-determination of many of the minority peoples. indeed, the number and choice of republics were rooted in the concepts of ethnicity and nationality. over time, however, the desire to integrate the soviet state, led soviet authorities to create the concept of “homo sovieticus”, which in turn led them to policies of russification. despite ostensibly rejecting the imperial past, soviet thinking and practices simply illustrated the old adage that “the more things change, the more they stay the same.” indeed, as the soviet government attempted to restructure the economically weakening soviet union at the end of the 20th century, the non-russian republics seized the opportunity for independence, in part as a negative reaction to the russification policies. after independence was achieved, the desire for national homogenization within each of the post-soviet states made language policy a continuing issue and a source of conflict, witness for example eastern ukraine where russianspeaking separatists have created the separatist territories of donetsk and luhansk. these evolutionary characteristics of ethnicity and nationality in the post-soviet states are hardly revelatory and are not what makes this volume unique. instead, the great contribution of this volume is founded on the highly detailed spatial analysis of data. in the first chapter, gábor demeter describes the means of spatial analysis, which begins with a comparison of the 1897 imperial census with postsoviet census data collected in the 2000s and 2010s (pp. 8–9). the more recent data, which is collected and mapped at the rayon-level and covers 740 territorial entities, is a much finer spatial resolution than usually applied in studies, especially studies over such vast areas. the 1897 census was composed of only 340 entities. thus, the spatial alignments are not exact. moreover, the overall spatial extent of the censuses is not completely coterminous because political boundaries have shifted. for example, the russian empire did not include part of today’s western ukraine because it was in austrian galicia in 1897. similarly, the russian empire included areas of contemporary poland and the baltic states that now are found outside the boundaries of the post-soviet states. on the one hand, perhaps there is no point in collecting and analyzing the most recent census from poland and the baltic states for those areas that once were included in the russian empire precisely because they do not currently lie within any of the postsoviet states. on the other hand, the study could have been enhanced by considering data from the austrian census in galicia in 1900. though it is not a particularly large area, it is in the zone of shifting politically boundaries. thus, austrian data and its comparison with recent data could bolster assertions of the effects of shifting boundaries on social and economic processes and expressions of ethnicity and nationality. because the authors already processed and analysed such large data sets, it hardly can be considered a weakness of their studies that they did not include austrian census data for galicia. nevertheless, such an inclusion could be considered for future study. the main result of the overall spatial analyses reveals the existence and effects of “phantom boundaries” (p. 3), taken from the translation of the german term phantomgrenze as employed by béatrice von hirschhausen, hannes gratis, claudia kraft, dietmar müller, and thomas serrier. in short, phantom boundaries are political boundaries that no longer exist, for example, many of the ones of imperial russia. nevertheless, they mark previous spatial arrangements of territory and mark dividing lines of previous socio-economic policies and practices of differing states. they not only mark differences in state ideologies but also very concrete differences in levels of economic development, including differing transportation systems with differing degrees of density and cardinal orientations. because the locations of previous but no-longer-existing political boundaries are already known, the point of the spatial analyses is to reveal a deeper point. by comparing census data from 1897 and the early 2000s, it is possible to determine how responsible these phantom boundaries are for current social divisions and conflicts. in short, the editors and contributing authors of this volume argue that phantom boundaries go a long way in explaining today’s conflicts in the post-soviet states. if true, this volume makes a powerful contribution to the scientific literature. the vastness of the study area provides the editors and contributing authors many opportunities to prove their argument and in many nuanced ways. the ethnic and linguistic diversity of the russian empire, especially on its territorial edges was great and continued through the soviet period and continues to exist in the post-soviet period. moreover, the russian empire’s and soviet union’s external boundaries pushed up against and resisted the external boundaries of a variety of differing other states (e.g. austro-hungarian and ottoman empires). this overall situation has left a series of zones where varying policies and practices of differing state ideologies imposed on a variety of ethnicities and nationalities can be analysed and assembled into a typology of case studies. indeed, the volume is structured accordingly. specifically, the volume is comprised of three sections, each with four chapters. the first section, entitled “formation of national identity”, contains chapters that discuss broader concepts and illustrates the overall picture. this is particularly true of gábor demeter’s chapter entitled “the historical roots of regional inequalities and their relationship with present-day peripheries and conflict zones in 386 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 381–391. the post-soviet realm (1897–2010)”. the next three chapters explore different facets of the broader issues. margit kőszegi more examines “the faces of russian nationalism”. zsolt bottlik concentrates on “geopolitics and language in the european postsoviet realm”, and géza barta, tamás illés, and zsolt bottlik focus on “russian and soviet censuses in ethnic-national context.” the second and third sections of the book delve into the case studies. the second section concerns itself with “local identities under russian rule”, and the third section are cases falling under the rubric of “’constructed’ (soviet) ethnicities”. the four chapters of the second section are devoted to the nomadic turkic-speakers and the agrarian iranian peoples. a common denominator for the section is that the creation of monolithic groups “can also be considered a russian construct, since the relative cohesion among both smaller and larger groups scattered over this vast area [former turkestani territories] was itself very much a reflection of the changing attitudes of russian power” (p. viii). it means that integration extended far beyond russification policies, which in many ways took a backseat to more prominent issues. islam was the most obvious as it was the “enemy” religion, but integration involved more than the suppression and reorientation of religious beliefs. state power can act so profoundly that it has the ability to construct nationalities through (re-)organization and (re-)classification. margit kőszegi’s and zsolt bottlik’s chapter “the layers of post-soviet central asian ‘nations’” illustrates such power and its processes. not only were kazakhstan, kyrgyzstan, tajikistan, turkmenistan, and uzbekistan constructed by the soviets, the “titular” nations of these nationstates were themselves constructed by russian imperial then soviet policies. though groups with these names already existed, they were not homogenous nations as understood by european definitions. instead, they were only a few among a constellation of numerous groups with complex and overlapping sets of social relations. russian imperial authorities then soviet ones privileged these five and then slowly amalgamated the others to them over many decades. they sought to completely reorganize these peoples’ social relations in the process. though they were not completely successful and actually failed in many ways, their combination of successes and failures resulted in the creation of new nationalities that eventually jettisoned themselves from the soviet state that they shared with russians. similar identities were constructed in the same ways for smaller groups that remain in the russian federation today and are analysed in the other chapters of the second section. margit kőszegi discusses the evolution of state relations with the “tatars in russia and the post-soviet realm”. she also authors “in the net of power: small nations and ethnicities on the black sea coast.” tamás illés ends the section with “living on the edge: the origins and evolution of the kalmyk ethno-religious enclave along the southern russian frontier.” the third section is comprised of cases falling under the rubric of “’constructed’ (soviet) ethnicities”. the title of this section is a bit of mystery because all the previous chapters of the volume demonstrated that ethnicities in the study area have been “constructed”. nevertheless, the chapters in this section distinguish themselves from the second section with their own set of common themes. first, they examine groups that were divided from the russian, then soviet realm and other realms. the peoples who found themselves on both sides of the russian empire’s then soviet union’s boundaries were in “linguistically and culturally similar communities” (p. xiv). géza barta provides the first case study of these chapters: “in the contact zone of inbetween europe and the post-soviet realm-notions of karelian spaces”. karelians and part of karelia are also in finland. tamás illés and zsolt bottlik wrote “rescaling moldovan identities.” moldova is part of historic moldavia, which is largely in romania and many moldovans speak a form of romanian. margit kőszegi and zsolt bottlik examine “the post-soviet azerbaijani national identity”. some sources count more azeris in neighbouring iran than in azerbaijan, not to mention many more in other states that neighbour azerbaijan. and csaba baroch addresses “tajik identities: ageless alternatives to an unborn nation”. though the last section of the volume, it is perhaps the most crucial. for if the amalgamation of groups into ethnicities and nationalities discussed in previous chapters may seem more the product of natural forces than they are the product of state power and geopolitics, then these case studies certainly demonstrate the power of state power and geopolitics. overall, power and identity in the post-soviet realm is an excellent contribution to the study of ethnicity and nationality for many reasons. first, it is a comprehensive study that examines identities across a spectrum of circumstances through a series of compelling and convincing case studies. the editors and contributing authors are commended for their choices of cases studies and their success in integrating their case studies into a larger coherent work. often, such volumes are uneven in their coverage and individual case studies are not well-oriented and well-linked to one another. second, the volume makes a great contribution by integrating the interplay of internal political geographies with broader geopolitics to explain the evolution, character, and fluidity of ethnicity and nationality. third, the editors and authors, by building on census data, show that language use does not necessarily reveal identity, at least not essential identity as an individual ultimately may see and define himor herself. a person’s selection of language 387book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 381–391. use on a census questionnaire is often more reflective of geopolitics and socioeconomics than identity. moreover, census questions often do not capture the complexity of identities, namely that identities are multi-layered. therefore, the answer to a question about language use often only captures one layer of identity at a specific point in time and may not be the most important one to an individual. fourth, the editors and contributing authors illustrate the power of geography by showing that the spatial analysis of ethnicity and nationality can reveal crucial aspects of these phenomena that studies without any kind of spatial awareness do not even detect. in sum, the volume’s breadth and depth combined with its easy to read but nuanced writing styles make this volume a highly recommended read. george w. white1 1 south dakota state university, department of geography & geospatial sciences, brookings, south dakota, usa. e-mail: george.white@sdstate.edu 83book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 83–92. b o o k r e v i e w s e c t i o n doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.71.1.6 hungarian geographical bulletin 71 2022 (1) in recent decades, social inequality and marginality have become one of the most important concerns in social urban studies. a deeply polarised social (class) structure has become a challenge for central and local governments, bringing new policy dilemmas about gentrification and homelessness; degradation of districts and the return migration of bourgeois families looking for public amenities and infrastructural rebuilding; rent control and skyrocketing real estate prices; and bureaucratic changes produced by fiscal cost-cutting and neoliberal restoring of the state. consequently, new discourses have emerged about the city and urban injustice. a welcome contribution to this ongoing debate can be found in shaking up the city. the book addresses the causal mechanisms behind urban inequality, material deprivation, marginality, and social suffering in cities across several international contexts, and while doing so, it scrutinises how knowledge (and all too often ignorance) on these issues is produced by a range of urban actors. the 8 chapters and 257 pages of the book offer the reader new interpretations of socio-spatial processes and present a strong call for a more critically reflexive approach to urban social science. it is rooted in an institutional political economy approach to urban geography and, therefore, focuses primarily on the political and economic structures shaping inequalities in cities. in each chapter, tom slater takes us back and forth, clarifying well-known theories and showing in which way they can be used to produce either fallacies or good knowledge about the city. he expresses well the tension between the idea of epistemology (that is, the production of knowledge) and the idea of agnotology (that is, the production of ignorance). drawing on robert proctor’s notion of agnotology and pierre bourdieu’s concept of symbolic power, tom slater defines his ‘agnotological approach’ and argues that “it allows us to understand the institutional arrangements and symbolic systems that fuse and feed off each other to structure the deeply unequal social relations behind the profound differences we see in life chances in cities in so many geographical contexts today” (p. 23). the author operationalises this by bringing together the co-production of knowledge and ignorance as a field of inquiry, and this is a powerful and most important input, in my opinion, into critical urban studies. slater presents a critique of misunderstanding or ignorance in the use of well-known notions like urban resilience, gentrification and neighbourhood effect, sink estates and ghetto, rent control and housing justice. the considerations are supported by empirical examples from various cities such as edinburgh, glasgow, cape town, vancouver, and many more. moreover, the author deconstructs the views that influence the modern way of thinking about the city. jane jacobs and william whyte (p. 2) and gehl architects (p. 3) are criticised for their utopian thinking. tom slater discusses the views of andres duany on gentrification, pointing to “a false choice between gentrification (a form of reinvestment) and a concentration of poverty (disinvestment)” (p. 53) or matthew desmond (p. 86) about an important study on eviction, paying attention to a lack of conclusions that would frontally tackle the structural and instituslater, t.: shaking up the city: ignorance, inequality and the urban question. oakland, university of california press, 2021. 258 p. 84 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 83–92. tional arrangements behind the extremely high cost of rental housing. on the other hand, we can hear a strong voice of loïc wacquant, along with neil smith, as key interlocutors in this book and to a lesser extent pierre bourdieu and david harvey. in chapter 1 (challenging the heteronomy of urban research), the author introduces and operationalises the book. he starts with an explanation of ‘the heteronomy of urban research.’ he refers to the condition of scholars being constrained in asking their questions about urbanisation, instead of asking questions and using categories invented and imposed by various institutions that have vested interests in influencing what is off and on the urban agenda. as a result, there is a rise of “policy-driven research at the expense of research-driven policy” and, with it, “decision-based evidence-making at the expense of evidence-based decision making” (p. 4). slater states that this book is a critical response to ‘the steady erosion of intellectual autonomy’ and a call for more critical urban studies. moreover, he shows the mechanisms governing urban research, pointing to the high dependence of researchers on funds obtained from different (also politically involved) institutions. the final part of the chapter brings us to the aforementioned conceptual articulation of agnotology and symbolic power. chapter 2 (the resilience of neoliberal urbanism) starts with an analysis of the chicago school of human ecology and presents the history of concepts being brought from biological science to social sciences. in particular, he criticises the production and circulation of ‘urban resilience’ as one of the most recent examples of such a term. according to slater, urban resilience has a large institutional apparatus. the author gives an example of the rockefeller foundation’s 100 resilient cities competition (2013–2019), which offered cash prizes to city administrations that show the most initiatives to return their cities to marketdriven planning as quickly as possible after economic shocks and a significant number of urban managers participated in the program. based on glasgow and cape town examples, tom slater argues that the positive narration of building resilience makes acceptable claims to “unlock economic potential and de-risk development to create opportunities associated with sites in order to attract developers” (p. 33). in that sense, resilience appears as a political concept that moves the responsibility for economic and environmental crises and stresses to people, rather than addressing the underlying causes of these crises and precluding questions or practices of resistance. through this approach, we avoid asking questions about who the resilient city is for and who is evicted to make way for it. chapter 3 (gentrification beyond the false choice urbanism) shows how the production of ignorance about gentrification has emerged. he explains that most of the research deals with the pros and cons of gentrification, worrying about threats to social diversity, housing affordability, but finally concludes that gentrification is good on balance because it represents the reinvestment that stops the neighbourhood from decaying. what i find interesting in this chapter is that the author demonstrates that gentrification and urban decay are not “opposites, alternatives or choices, but rather tensions and contradictions in a global system of capital circulation, amplified and aggravated by the global crisis of affordable housing, a system that relies on propitious conditions for accumulation laid down by the neoliberal states” (p. 25). in this chapter the author discusses rent theory in general as the most useful concept that explains the political economy of gentrification and responds to the agnotology that circulates about the supposed benefits of gentrification. referring to neil smith, slater indicates that the rent theory is “a theory of the state’s role in creating economic conditions for gentrification” (p. 65), which helps understand the speculative interests of land developers or the activation of territorial stigma. moreover, what i find very interesting is that the author discusses how the rent gap theory explains gentrification accompanied by displacement beyond the global north. in the next section, titled displacement, rent control, and housing justice (chapter 4), slater considers the displacement of the working class from urban space as the most harmful effect of gentrification and presents the role of rent control in mitigating against it. the author discusses different studies that refer to and critique rent control and emphasises that it is one of the misunderstood policies across a variety of disciplines and professions concentrating on urban issues. slater exposes and dissects three of the prevalent myths about rent control: “1. that it negatively affects the quality of rented properties; 2. that it negatively affects the supply of housing and 3. that it leads to ‘inefficiencies’ in housing markets” (p. 25). this brings us to an urgent question of housing justice, and according to the author, rent control is just one among many instruments that can be used to reframe the debate around housing away from assets and profit and investments to community, family or home. the chapter ends with the positive conclusion that the history of rent strikes teaches us that when landlords, the housing industry or profit-driven state legislation refuse to “concede any ground, tenants also fight back and often win” (p. 108). chapter 5 (neighborhood effects as tautological urbanism) presents a discussion on the meaning of neighbourhood effect and on different studies about it. slater points out that research on neighbourhood effects came from an understanding of society that is based on the assumption that where you live affects your life chances. this brings us to the belief that neighbourhoods matter and shape the fate of residents, and therefore urban policies must be con85book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 83–92. centrated on poor neighbourhoods, seen not “as expressions of social dysfunction but its incubators” (p. 117). acceptance of the neighbourhood effects thesis misses the key structural question of why people live where they do in cities. slater uses a very interesting case study of cape town and inverts the neighbour effects thesis. he points to the problem of how differential life chances in cities are produced. he highlights the injustices inherent in letting the market be the force that determines the cost of housing and where people live. this goes in line with the remarks of roger andersson and sako musterd (2005) that “problems in the neighbourhood are seldom problems of the neighbourhood” (p. 132) or loïc wacquant (2008) that “in reality, they track the extent to which the state works or fails to equalise basic life conditions and strategies across places” (p. 132). chapter 6 (the production and activation of territorial stigma) highlights the need to pay more attention to how territorial stigmatisation emerges and how people are discredited, devalued, and poorly treated due to the place with which they are associated. tom slater discusses how the concept of symbolic power matters in the analysis of urban inequality. he quotes loïc wacquant (2008) who claimed that territorial stigmatisation is “arguably the single most protrusive feature of the lived experience of those trapped in the sulphurous zones” (p. 142) and focuses on two aspects. first, that some areas of disrepute in many societies have become nationally infamous and denigrated, so now not only policy elites or upper class have negative opinions about these districts, but also their inhabitants themselves. second, that spatial disgrace has become so powerful that it is partially autonomised from other forms of stigmatisation, like poverty, ethnoracial origin or working-class position, or unemployment, even if it may be closely tied to them in certain contexts. later in the chapter, the author explores the genealogy of the term ‘sink estate.’ he traces that it was invented by journalists and adapted by politicians in the united kingdom and now is used to criticise social housing, distracting attention away from the discussion that social housing is connected with an urgent necessity during a serious crisis of affordability, but also an incubator of community, solidarity, shelter, and home. in chapter 7 (ghetto blasting), slater explores territorial stigmatisation by analysing the meaning of the term ghetto. he criticises the excessive ease in calling workers or immigrant places a ghetto and goes back to the definition of wacquant (2012) that ghetto is an instrument of ethnoracial closure that employs space to fulfil two conflicting functions: to maximise the material profits extracted from a category deemed defiled and defiling, and to minimise intimate contact with its members to avert the threat of symbolic corrosion and contagion they are believed to carry (p. 172). based on different examples of ghetto formation, slater concludes the chapter with a strong statement taken from morgan adamson: “understanding contemporary spaces of racial oppression as internal colonies seem necessary in the face of ongoing white ignorance, visible in stigmatising labels such as ghetto and in the violent processes of predatory capitalism” (p. 182), which expresses that territorial stigmatisation can be treated as a new way of ‘internal colonialism.’ in the final chapter (some possibilities for critical urban studies), the author emphasises that the conceptual frames of agnotology and symbolic power can offer some potential pathways for the field of critical urban studies. he proposes reframing the discussion on urban inequality and more focusing on the relationships between urban knowledge, urban ignorance, and urban struggles. an undoubted strength of the book is the fact that it presents varied concepts that are not amenable to simple and universal explanations regarding their formative processes, their patterns, and their impact. slater demonstrated a critical approach to urban studies positioned against vested interest urbanism and against “the prevailing political wind of the steady erosion of intellectual autonomy” (p. 185). the book is dominated by theoretical considerations. there is some lack of practical solutions that would be an alternative to the practices criticised by the author so far. nevertheless, the book reveals the crucial importance of confronting different approaches and contexts in understanding urban dynamics. such economic, social, cultural, and institutional contexts differ not only in the way cities developed over time but also in what kind of narration and why it is used to transform them. the examples presented by the author show that social inequality and marginality still are visible despite many years of efforts to promote urban justice. the book is deeply rooted in anglophone urban geography. therefore, not all nuances can be interpreted similarly by researchers from other regions. slater tries to show that even if concepts like the rent gap theory or gentrification have been constructed in a particular cultural, economic, and historical context, it is not a valid reason to dismiss them or unlearn them in different contexts today. the challenge is to take geographically diverse localisations seriously and learn about processes in contexts beyond the global north. i agree with this, as the local conditions, circumstances, for example, in the global north and the global south are radically different. additionally, in the case of central and eastern europe, some of the concepts like, for example, rent control, are seen differently because of different former experiences. the book certainly encourages critical thinking, which seems particularly important in the context of changes taking place in central and eastern europe. 86 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 83–92. the transformation that has been taking place for many years has made us adopt western european solutions as the best for our cities without questioning them. this is particularly evident in the discussion on revitalisation and gentrification, reinvestments in degraded districts, and current studies on urban resilience. recent urban research projects on central and eastern europe (e.g. tammaru, t. et al. 2015) show an increase in social disparities, also as a result of over-trust in neoliberalism. our study on residential segregation at the local level in warsaw, poland, indicates that even if segregation indices are still quite low, urban inequality is growing (jaczewska, b. et al. 2017). therefore, this seems to be a good time to consider more critically the future of cities and the needs of our city residents. this book is an essential reading for anyone concerned with the main ideologies of urban renewal and developing modes of analysis to facilitate the pursuit of more democratic and equitable urban futures. it can be recommended to a wide audience, especially scholars and students (in second-cycle studies) as well as urban activists. it will be of particular assistance to academic lectures if they are seeking inspiration on how to start critical discussion on urban studies. barbara jaczewska1 1 university of warsaw, faculty of geography and regional studies, warsaw, poland. e-mail: bgibki@uw.edu.pl r e f e r e n c e s andersson, r. and musterd, s. 2005. area-based policies: a critical appraisal. tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie 96. (4): 377–389. jaczewska, b. and grzegorczyk, a. 2017. residential segregation at the local level in poland: case studies of praga północ, włochy and ursynów. miscellanea geographica 21. (4): 1–11. tammaru, t., marcińczak, s., van ham, m. and musterd, s. (eds.) 2015. socio-economic segregation in european capital cities: east meets west. abingdon– new york, routledge. wacquant, l. 2008. urban outcasts: a comparative sociology of advanced marginality. cambridge, polity press. wacquant, l. 2012. a janus-faced institution of ethnoracial closure: a sociological specification of the ghetto. in the ghetto: contemporary global issues and controversies. eds.: hutchison, r. and haynes, b.d., boulder, westview press, 1–31. hungarian geographical bulletin vol 71 issue 1 (2022) b. jaczewska: slater, t.: shaking up the city: ignorance, inequality and the urban question. irodalom.indd 141 c h r o n i c l e hungarian geographical bulletin 2009. vol. 58. no 2. pp. 141–146. academician györgy enyedi receives laureat d’honneur award achievements of hungarian geographical science received an exclusive appreciation on the 31st congress of the international geographical union (igu) held in tunis between august 12 and 15,. 2008. laureat d’honneur, the highest recognition by the igu was presented to professor györgy enyedi, former vice-president of the igu at the closing session. it should be considered a great honour for the hungarian scientist, because from east and central europe only three prominent geographers – i.p. gerasimov (russia), j. kostrowicki and s. leszczycki (poland) – were hitherto honoured with this award. during the ceremony two other outstanding representatives of the discipline – v.m. kotljakov (russia) and l.a. kosinski (canada, former president of the igu) – were conferred the same distinction. words of appreciation of györgy enyedi’s ouvre and his high international merits in the fi eld of geography were voiced by ronald f. abler, president of the igu as follows. “for decades, prof. györgy enyedi has been the voice and the face of hungarian geography in the worldwide community of geographers. this position was built fi rst and foremost on the quality of his own work, but also on his skills at team building. secondly, because of his untiring eff orts at maintaining international academic contacts, he has brought many colleagues from abroad in contact with their hungarian counterparts and this cross-pollination has born rich fruit. during his long and distinguished career, he thus made a major contribution to the international standing of hungarian geography. he built contacts with many groups across the world, using his positions in hungarian academy very eff ectively to disseminate knowledge and insights at a global scale. at the individual level also, he has, directly and indirectly, stimulated many people to make, maintain and expand contacts and to share its benefi ts with others. both as a person 142 and as a mentor, he has touched the professional lives of numerous colleagues across the world of geography. györgy enyedi is a decisive fi gure in the long-term development of regional science as an independent and integrative discipline. he has been equally impressive in his leadership capacity within science internationally. vice-president of the international geographical union (1984-1992), he served as president of the hungarian committ ee of unesco (1998-2002). he is a member of academia europaea as well as an honorary member of seven foreign geographical societies. he is chief editor of the journal hungarian science and still serves on the editorial board of several international journals. he was visiting scholar in various leading us and french universities and has received several hungarian and international awards and honors. professor enyedi, you have made gigantic contributions to the discipline of geography and have championed its identity among a broad range of other sciences. please accept this laureat d’honneur 2008 as the deserved recognition by the international geographical union of your numerous outstanding achievements.” hungarian geographers are proud of the special privilege and congratulate academician enyedi on this occasion. tibor tiner 412 book review section – book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (4) 405–415. 405–415.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.68.4.8 hungarian geographical bulletin 68 2019 (4) górny, m.: science embattled: eastern european intellectuals and the great war. paderborn, verlag ferdinand schöningh, 2019. 386 p. drawing to various degrees on polish, ukrainian, german, austrian, czech, hungarian, slovak, serbian, french, british, italian, romanian, russian, finnish, bulgarian, and american sources, maciej górny’s masterful study provides a critical overview of the significant contributions that intellectuals from central, eastern, and southeastern europe made to the war effort in multiple countries during world war i. as a history of ideas, górny’s work focuses in particular on the ‘krieg der geister’ – or ‘war of the spirits’ – that was waged in parallel with the military struggles on all fronts during the war. noting that, until very recently, this war of ideas has been studied only in its western european manifestations, górny argues that the involvement of eastern european intellectuals “paralleled that of their colleagues in the west,” and that these intellectuals also “matched” western scientists “both intellectually and with regard to social standing” (p. 4). górny asserts that the similarities between the war of ideas on the eastern and western fronts “far outweigh the differences,” and that though the differences that existed were not insignificant, a careful comparative study of the roles that eastern european intellectuals played is both warranted and necessary (p. 4). such a study, he contends, not only addresses a significant lacuna in the historiography of world war i, but also contributes to a growing body of scholarship that interrogates the complex history of cultural and intellectual transfer in the region in the first half of the 20th century. though the principal focus of his analysis is on geographers, anthropologists, and psychologists and psychiatrists, górny dedicates the first two chapters to an examination of the broader context within which scientific ideas and practices developed both prior to and during the war. chapter one examines the history of national characterology, in particular as this evolved as a transnational phenomenon over the course of the 19th century. as górny points out, intellectuals throughout europe were increasingly drawn into debates over national character in the decades leading up to world war i, and not always for explicitly political reasons. as a category of description, the idea of national character as a means of better understanding self and other was well established as a social and cultural discourse across europe, and numerous scholars working in multiple disciplines shared a broad “desire” to know not only “other countries and societies,” but also “one’s own community” (p. 9). perhaps not surprisingly, the most common category that was invoked as a means of understanding national character was race. górny, however, also identifies gender as another common – even central – category, especially as this played out in terms of racial hygiene and perceptions of either sexual health or deviancy. alongside race, attitudes towards gender and sexuality helped to shape emergent conceptualisations of national character, and thus provide an important lens for understanding the ‘war of the spirits’ as this erupted during world war i. despite the growing popularity and political utility of national characterology as a field of study (a utility that was recognised by nation states as early as the franco-prussian war of 1870–1871; see his thoughtful discussion in the appendix), górny argues that scholars themselves tended to remain above overtly nationalist ‘perversions’ of human sciences prior to world war i, and instead cleaved to prevailing notions of scientific neutrality and objectivity that served as the benchmarks of professionalism in any discipline seeking legitimacy as a science. just as steven seegel (2018) argues in map men: transnational lives and deaths of geographers in the making of modern east central europe, górny reminds us that scientists widely regarded themselves as part of an interna413book review section – book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (4) 405–415. tional fraternity defined in terms of shared disciplinary standards and a largely uniform, and often collaborative, commitment both to the pursuit of ‘truth’ and to the universality of knowledge and intellectual progress. this very real community of scholars – one that was arguably even more pronounced amongst eastern european intellectuals because of their reliance on the west for mentorship and training (see p. 244) – was put under considerable and often irreconcilable strain during the war. as górny illustrates in chapter two, a considerable number of intellectuals contributed quite willingly and unapologetically to state-backed propaganda efforts during world war i, in part because of the emergent market for short works aimed at a rapidly growing patriotic readership, but also because of earlier disciplinary commitments to questions of national character and identity. noting that even non-nationalist intellectuals joined the war effort without requiring significant encouragement, górny concludes that the often enthusiastic participation of scholars in the ‘war of the spirits’ was not a “marginal phenomenon,” but rather a central feature of “intellectual warfare” (p. 52). though he acknowledges the obvious patriotism that motivated scholars and scientists across multiple disciplines, górny nevertheless agrees with the current scholarly consensus that the ‘war of the spirits’ waged during world war i “took place independently” of the propaganda machines of warring states (p. 90). though clearly influenced by state-sponsored nationalist discourse, intellectuals throughout europe exercised what górny calls “limited creative autonomy” when taking on the task of disseminating knowledge and information that was seen as essential to the war effort. as he contends, it would be misleading to equate the ‘war of the spirits’ exclusively with wartime propaganda. “both operated according to their own dynamics,” he argues, “and although they inspired each other, they remained autonomous” (pp. 51–52). as in western europe, the ‘war of the spirits’ in central and eastern europe and the balkans contributed greatly to the professionalisation and elevated status of the human sciences during world war i, especially when the methods and conclusions of leading scholars and prevailing schools of thought aligned with the political and military goals of the state. however, despite the important commonalities with western europe, developments in the east demand a partially separate treatment, not only because the history of intellectual warfare in eastern europe has been generally neglected in the historiography until quite recently, but also because the differences that do exist force scholars to think in more nuanced terms about the ‘intellectual combat’ that was waged during the war. first and most obviously, by including central, eastern, and southeastern european developments into an intellectual history of world war i, historians are compelled to rethink the periodisation of the war itself. having arguably begun with the first balkan war in 1912, world war i lasted longer in the east than it did on the western front. with actual combat in parts of eastern europe and the balkans only coming to an end in 1922–1923, the ‘war of the spirits’ not only spanned a broader period, but also largely “anticipated the post-war situation” within the region (p. 91). moreover, the lines of intellectual warfare did not align as neatly with the military fronts in eastern europe as they did in the west. beyond “criss-crossing the territories of major powers,” intellectual combat in the east not only brought supposed allies into conflict with one another, but also required the support of established authorities in the west to help legitimate the scientific claims, and thus also the nationalist causes, of eastern european and balkan scholars (pp. 90–91). one of the most important claims that górny makes is that the war had a constructive and even formative impact on disciplines that were still relatively new at the beginning of the twentieth century (a fact that was as true for western europe as it was for eastern europe). looking first to the nascent discipline of geography (chapter three), górny underscores the multiple opportunities that opened up for geographers upon the outbreak of hostilities in europe between 1912 and 1914. given the usefulness of geography to nation building, geopolitics, and military strategy alike, geographers were able to present themselves as being indispensable to the fulfilment of a wide range of state interests. as górny argues, the “ethnopsychological” characterisations of the nation and its neighbours that had become commonplace by the fin de siècle “found new life” during the war (p. 119). oriented increasingly toward the nation, geography rose to prominence throughout europe during world war i, and by “providing geographers with new responsibilities,” not only “hastened” the professional careers of individual scholars (p. 123), but also sharpened discipline-specific skills and spawned innovations that greatly enlarged what ferenc gyuris (2014) usefully calls the methodological ‘tool kit’ that geographers would continue to draw upon throughout the interwar period. as it did for geography, world war i served as a critical juncture for anthropology, in large part because anthropologists began thinking more exclusively of the nation in racial terms, but also because the war contributed to the growing visibility and perceived importance of anthropology as a discipline useful to the state. despite lingering questions of professionalisation within the field and the lack of an obvious military application of the discipline, anthropology nevertheless coalesced as a science during the war, in part as a result of racially-linked ‘scientific’ studies conducted on sizable prisoner of war populations, but also because anthropologists could be mobilised both to promote the importance of racial hygiene, and to measure the effects of malnutrition on 414 book review section – book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (4) 405–415. 405–415. the people (especially in the central power nations near the end of the war). anthropological arguments proved useful, moreover, in the ‘war of the spirits,’ and this for two main reasons. first, and perhaps most obviously, race as a category could be mobilised to construct disparaging and often monstrous images of enemy nations, and could thus be employed to exclude these nations “symbolically … from the civilised european community” (p. 205). in this light, the discourse of ‘mongolisation’ mobilised primarily on the eastern and balkan fronts (pp. 173–196), coupled with widespread fears of racial miscegenation and degeneration (pp. 196–205), proved particularly potent as intellectual weapons. however, as górny points out, racial argumentation also proved useful in a second way, in that it was often employed by combatant nations either to delineate wider communities of kinship and potential friendship beyond the nation state, or to legitimise and consolidate strategic ties with allied nations. the case of turanism in hungary, which overlapped significantly with geographical arguments, is provided by górny as a good example of the former, while theories of bulgarian ethnogenesis serve as a useful illustration of the latter. bulgaria’s entry into the war on the side of germany and the austro-hungarian monarchy sparked a renewed interest in racial theories that highlighted the supposed germanic roots of bulgaria’s national origins. german scholars like georg buschan, for example, “took pains to remind his readers” that, though “the racial character of bulgarians was significantly mixed … the incidence of tall blondes in bulgaria suggested a remnant of gothic blood” (p. 207). gancho tsenov, “the enfant terrible of bulgarian historiography” took such thinking even further by promoting a racial theory that not only reduced germanic and bulgarian origins to thracian roots, but also positioned the bulgarians as “the most ancient of all european nations” (p. 208). as górny concludes, the war itself, and in particular the intellectual battles that were waged alongside military engagements, provided a space for anthropologists “to partake in a discourse more venerable than their own.” “without the ‘war of the spirits,’” he suggests provocatively, “there would have been no ‘war of the races’” (p. 210). alongside arguments related to national space and the body, questions of mind and the relative mental capacities of combatant nations were also front and centre in the ‘war of the spirits’ that was contested by intellectuals in central and eastern europe and the balkans during world war i. whereas geography “described the shape of the national organism” and anthropology looked “under the skin” to discover the biological determinants of racial health and national difference, the disciplines of psychology and psychiatry focused on “the problem of mentality,” and gave voice to theories that articulated the purported “spiritual specificity of the national organism” (p. 244). as górny suggests at the beginning of chapter five, psychologists and psychiatrists throughout europe seemed at the outset of hostilities to be perhaps the least likely to engage in intellectual warfare along nationalist lines. noting that prior to the war “there were almost no attempts in professional journals at fashioning hierarchies of psychological health by nationality,” górny argues convincingly that this changed significantly once fighting broke out, and that after 1914 notions of “mass hysteria and susceptibility” were mobilised by practitioners and theorists alike in order to develop and promote nationalist conceptualisation of ethno-pathology (p. 228). however, these developments within the still new fields of psychology and psychiatry did not go uncontested from within the discipline. while critics of the politicisation of geography and anthropology remained rather marginal within their respective disciplines, prominent figures like sigmund freud were critical of the role that their colleagues were playing in the catastrophic struggle between the world’s ‘most civilised’ nations. though freud himself did not remain above the fray entirely, górny points to a critical essay published in 1915 in which he very accurately observed that science had forsaken its “dispassionate impartiality,” largely because scientists themselves had weaponised their respective disciplines in order “to do their share in the battle against the enemy.” as freud lamented, “the anthropologist has to declare his opponent inferior and degenerate, [while] the psychiatrist must diagnose him as mentally deranged” (p. 238). though freud restricted his critique to anthropologists and psychiatrists, his critical assessment of the complicity of professional scientists in the ‘war of the spirits’ can obviously be applied to geographers, especially in central, eastern, and southeastern europe, where the geopolitical stakes were arguably higher than in the west, especially after the war. hungary provides górny with a particularly acute example of this, and though he does not draw extensively on hungarian sources, he does a good job of situating the work spearheaded by pál teleki both during and after the war within a broader international context, one that underscores the complicity of geographers in the nationalist projects that exploded throughout europe during world war i. hungarian specialists might find the author’s treatment of the hungarian case a bit thin, and will no doubt question the veracity of his occasional reference to a common austrohungarian “project,” or to the shared imperial “aims” of the austro-hungarian monarchy during the war. however, to get hung up on what górny might be missing with regards to the hungarian case would be to miss the broader importance of his study more generally. working in the same vein as scholars like seegel, s. (2018), trencsényi, b. et al. (2016, 2019), 415book review section – book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (4) 405–415. and others (see, for example, lebow, k. et al. 2019), górny insists that the point of a study like his is not necessarily to probe deeply into individual cases, but rather to seek out the broader trends and patterns that infused ‘nationalist’ science with a common set of ideas, methods, and applications. in this he is without a doubt successful, and beyond making an important contribution to a growing body of work on the intellectual history of central, eastern, and southeastern europe, his study opens up the possibility for new and exciting research on a wide array of topics. expertly translated into english by antoni górny, maciej górny’s science embattled is a remarkable scholarly achievement, and serves as a testament to the importance of comparative and transnational approaches to the history of world war i in particular, and to studies of disciplines like anthropology, psychology, and geography more generally. this is not to suggest that examinations of individual countries or intellectuals are no longer warranted or useful. in fact, quite the opposite is true, especially in cases like hungary which, because of the difficulties posed by language, are at risk of being left out of comparative analyses like this one. as noted above, hungarian specialists need to continue to think in broader terms, and to produce work that situates the hungarian case within regional, continental, and global contexts. like other recent studies, górny’s work leaves no doubt that this is both a productive and necessary way forward. given its ambitious scope and originality, i am certain his book will become essential reading in multiple fields, and that a number of disciplines – historical geography and the history of geography among them – will be all the richer for it. acknowledgements: the research has been supported by the national research, development and innovation office – nkfih, contract number k 125001. steven jobbitt1 r e f e r e n c e s gyuris, f. 2014. human geography, cartography, and statistics: a toolkit for geopolitical goals in hungary until world war ii. hungarian cultural studies 7. 214–241. lebow, k., mazurek, m. and wawrzyniak, j. 2019. making modern social science: the global imagination in east central and southeastern europe after versailles. contemporary european history 28. (2): 137–142. seegel, s. 2018. map men: transnational lives and deaths of geographers in the making of east central 1 department of history, lakehead university, thunder bay, canada. e-mail: sjobbitt@lakeheadu.ca. europe. chicago and london, the university of chicago press. trencsényi, b., janowski, m., baár, m., falina, m. and kopeček, m. (eds.) 2016. a history of modern political thought in east central europe. volume i: negotiating modernity in the ‘long nineteenth century’. london, oxford university press. trencsényi, b., kopeček, m., lisjak gabrijelčič, l., falina, m., baár, m. and janowski, m. (eds.) 2019. a history of modern political thought in east central europe. volume ii: negotiating modernity in the ‘short twentieth century’ and beyond, part i: 1918–1968. london, oxford university press. 6_book reviews.indd 196 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 187–194. professor andrija bognár also maintained close links with hungarian geography, primarily with the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences, under the directorship of academician márton pécsi, professor ferenc schweitzer and academician károly kocsis. since 2009?? he was one of the active members of the international advisory board of the hungarian geographical bulletin. he participated in joint projects of geomorphological mapping and loess studies (for instance, on the adriatic island of susak). on behalf of the university of zagreb he regularly organized croatian-hungarian geographical seminars for the staff of hungarian universities and research institutes at wonderful venues (such as on the island of hvar, in the paklenica national park). in 2006 he received the teleki sámuel prize from the hungarian geographical society. no commemoration could be complete without making at least brief allusions to his colourful personality. during our journeys into the world, organized by his favourite hungarian colleague, éva kis, he proved to be a cheerful companion and enthusiastic partner in discussions. he was open to any new experience and curious about the novelties the world can offer to him. however, as he remarked, returning from a travel around the world, he regarded himself ‘a man of oriental kind’, by which he meant that he found the harsh turmoil of the western society burdensome and could not identify himself with all of its values. he rather felt at home in the authority-based hierarchy of his own environment, he was more accustomed to that. those who liked him accepted this attitude. andrija bognár will be missed and remembered by many: friends and colleagues in geography, both in croatia and hungary and, in fact, in many countries of the world he visited. dénes lóczy polish physical geography has lost one of his charismatic figures, professor kazimierz klimek on 16 april 2019. he was an internationally renowned expert in the geomorphology, paleogeography, nature conservation and environmental sciences of the tatra mountains and silesia and a great friend of hungarian geography. he was born in biecz, a small town in małopolska province, on 30 january 1934. between 1952 and 1956 he studied geography at the jagiellonian university of kraków. his master thesis was entitled ’geomorphological evolution of the solinka basin, bieszczady’. after graduation, he worked for several years as a geography teacher in kraków. in the years 1960–1979 he was a research worker at the department of geomorphology and hydrology in the institute of geography of the polish academy of sciences in kraków. from 1979 to 1991 he was the head of the department of nature conservation at the polish academy of sciences. a typical representative of polish geographers eager to explore the world, in 1968 he participated in his first major scientific expedition to southern iceland. then in the years 1974–1980 he headed seven expeditions organized by the institute of geography of the polish academy of sciences to mongolia. the scientific results of these expeditions were summarized in publications such as ’contemporary fluvial processes and sculpture of the skeiðarársandur plain (iceland)’ (1972), ’vertical zonality in the southern khangai mountains (mongolia)’ (1980), ’results of the polish-mongolian physico-geographical expedition by polish-mongolian physico-geographical expedition’ (1980). in 1996, he in memoriam kazimierz klimek (1934–2019) chronicle – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 195–196. led an expedition to svalbard. he build widespread international links during his scholarships to the university of uppsala (1967), university of bucharest (1973), keele university (1978) and bulgaria. kazimierz klimek became extraordinary professor in 1982 and a few years full professor of the faculty of earth sciences at the university of silesia in katowice and the head of the palaeogeography of stokowovalley systems at the department of paleogeography and quaternary paleoecology at the faculty of earth sciences of the university of silesia. at that time his main research areas were the geomorphology of and human impact on valley systems. he also published important papers on nature conservation and environmental protection (the effect of industrial emissions on ecosystems in silesia, ahtropopressure in selected morphoclimatic zones) too. in addition to membership in several committees of the polish academy of sciences, between 1991 and 1993 he was president of the scientific council of the tatra national park. as permanent participant of bilateral polishhungarian seminars in the 1990s, he acquired many friends among hungarian geographers. he will be remembered as an outstanding scientist and lecturer, educator of many generations of geographers, an optimistic man of great heart and mind, righteous and noble, with helpful disposition, devoted to the community, who enjoyed the respect of all who knew him. he is mourned by wife, son, daughter-in-law and grandson along with a great number of geographer friends. dénes lóczy 405book review section – book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (4) 405–415.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.68.4.6 hungarian geographical bulletin 68 2019 (4) lang, t. and görmar, f. (eds.): regional and local development in times of polarisation: re-thinking spatial policies in europe. singapore, palgrave macmillan, 2019. 382 p. b o o k r e v i e w s e c t i o n the neoliberal turn in the late 1980s and its effects on the regional development and cohesion policy of the european union are widely discussed issues in academic forums. though the european union still addresses spatial equity through redistribution by “strengthening of its economic, social and territorial cohesion” and “reducing disparities between the levels of development of the various regions and the backwardness of the least favoured regions” (european union 2012, p. 127), embracing neoliberal ideology has led to new approaches in european and national policy making. post-2000 events such as the 2008 economic crisis and the implementation of the lisbon strategy, the europe 2020 strategy and its territorial agenda have strengthened the promotion of neoliberal principles including regional competitiveness, innovation and economic growth. under these circumstances, a total sum of 13 new central and eastern european (cee) member states joined in 2004, 2007 and 2013, and their incorporation posed new challenges to eu cohesion policy due to institutional and infrastructural weaknesses and low levels of economic development in certain areas. the development of the european community has been spatially uneven since its very foundation in 1957, but the above policy changes have led to increasing regional polarisation in the last three decades. it is now proven that communityand national-level policies affect regions very differently, even if these policies are designed to ensure equal treatment across space. in addition, the outcomes and success of these policies largely depend on the quality of governments at various territorial levels (european commission 2017). therefore, it is crucial to understand how uneven development and regional polarisation in europe work out at different scales and at different places, and how policy making and governance shape these processes. such issues with regard to european cohesion and regional policy are in the scope of the current edited volume. it was published as part of the “new geographies of europe” series, which draws on contemporary research exploring the production and reshaping of space from a comparative and interdisciplinary perspective. the editors of the book are both outstanding researchers in the field of regional development and policy. thilo lang is head of department at the leibniz institute for regional geography, leipzig, and lecturer at the global and european studies institute of the university of leipzig, while franziska görmar is project manager and research fellow at the same institute. including them, altogether 32 authors contributed to the 15 chapters of the book, among whom several disciplines and scientific domains are represented, i.e. geography, regional economics, spatial planning and policy, sociology and political science, international studies, urban studies, social anthropology as well as political science. it is also notable that within the group of authors, there is a balance between experienced scholars and earlycareer researchers and phd-students. this book discusses socio-spatial polarisation and uneven development from a critical point of view, using spatial justice (harvey, d. 1973; soja, e. 2010) as a core concept, paying special attention to cee regions. its main objectives can be summarised in three points. first, to problematise the concept of european regional and cohesion policy, and to reveal the underlying mechanisms of policy making at various scales and 406 book review section – book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (4) 405–415. 405–415. in different geographical and institutional contexts. second, to discover in which ways socio-spatial polarisation is reproduced in global financial capitalism, with special attention to how power relations and institutional frameworks contribute to this process. third, to scrutinise how policy should respond to polarisation processes, and to search for alternatives to the neoliberal mainstream. the book has a sum of 391 pages, from which – not considering bibliographic data, acknowledgement, contents, notes on contributors, lists of figures and tables – the chapters cover 382 pages. besides the introductory chapter, the book consists of four major parts. the first part engages with european power structures and investigates their role in the reproduction of sociospatial polarisation. within this part, chapter 2 is a conversation between ray hudson and john pickles based on their seminal works. the two scholars emphasise that uneven development is inherent to capitalist economies, and it goes hand in hand with power asymmetries and democratic deficit, which manifest themselves in policies favouring urban growth centres. therefore, they call for an explicitly political economic geography because geographers need not only to understand uneven and combined development and polarisation processes, but to promote and support more progressive forms of capitalism and more just alternatives to economic development. in chapter 3, costis hadjimichalis investigates how imaginations of peripherality shape development theories and policies, and how theories and policies contribute to deepening unevenness and peripherality. the author points to some conceptual and methodological limitations of the dominant understanding and measurement tools of unevenness, discussing the impacts of neoliberalism on eu regional policies, especially their reorientation towards regional competitiveness, innovation and growth. according to hadjimichalis, this is a source of discrepancy with regard to cohesion funds: they seek neoliberal macro-economic policies that impose austerity, while pursuing solidarity and economic and social cohesion. he criticises european elites because they have de facto accepted the idea of “multispeed europe” (p. 73) and uneven development. unfortunately, hadjimichalis continues, against the hardly accountable eu political elites, mainly extremist right-wing and populist political forces have stood up with more success. therefore, in his conclusion, he calls for an alternative to current elitist policy making and the neoliberal mainstream in the eu. in chapter 4, merje kuus makes three points. first, she points out that european spatial planning has become transnational, inasmuch as it is mainly shaped by cross-border networks and interpersonal relationships. second, though european policy making is transnational, national belonging still matters: diplomats’ attitudes are rooted in their national political cultures, and while there are uniform protocols and communication in the eu, national habits are hard to discard. for doing ‘brussels diplomacy’, special skills are required, and richer countries have considerable advantage in this respect: with better universities they can train better professionals and diplomats. that is why kuus argues that transnational policy making contributes to the reproduction of unevenness amongst member states. third, engaging with research methodology, she suggests that european policy making cannot be successfully analysed along rigid eu/member states and member state/member state boundaries, but transnationality should be firmly considered in research strategies. chapters in the second part discuss european and regional policies and their impact on territorial cohesion within and between eu member states. chapter 5 (rhys jones, sami moisio, mikko weckroth, michael woods, juho luukkonen, frank meyer and judith miggelbrink) contains a critical analysis of the idea of territorial cohesion, and a discussion of conceptual and policy benefits of the idea of spatial justice. the authors argue that cohesion policy is an elusive and complex concept, giving space to various interpretations or even to manipulations for the purpose of national and regional development priorities. therefore, placing the concept of spatial justice into the centre of development policies would facilitate wider regional social coalitions, focusing on the capabilities of the given area, and not only considering regions as mere recipients of external financial and institutional support. in chapter 6, bradley loewen and sebastian schulz investigate how eu cohesion policies work in four countries: czechia, estonia, hungary, slovakia. their analysis corroborates the existence of discrepancies between cohesion and innovation policies in the case of cee regions. the main reason behind this phenomenon is the high level of polarisation, since more developed regions have more potential to benefit from innovation policies due to their more sophisticated institutional frameworks. the main conclusion of this chapter is that the relationship between the european innovation policy and the cohesion policy should be made transparent for which the authors provide two alternatives. the first one is separating the two policies, so the innovation policy could become the eu’s economic policy and the cohesion policy could refocus on infrastructure and social investment in underdeveloped regions, while the second alternative considers innovation policy as the economic strategy of the cohesion policy, with equal standing alongside social and environmental strategies. in chapter 7, stefan telle, martin špaček and daniela crăciun analyse the objectives of european development strategies at different territorial levels. first, they compare the lisbon strategy and the europe 2020 strategy, and second, they exam407book review section – book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (4) 405–415. ine all the cross-border development programmes launched in czechia and germany in the 2007–2013 and 2014–2020 financial periods. according to their results, at the macro level there is a shift between the lisbon strategy and europe 2020 in their objectives from employment and social issues towards growth and innovation, considering productivity and efficiency the bases of better cohesion. regarding crossborder programmes, the authors observe divergence between old and new member states: while the former promote neoliberal, competitiveness-centred policies, the latter rather intend to achieve growth and cohesion through employment and labour market participation. therefore, the authors’ recommendation is that differences in national interests and development paths need to be considered in european policy making. furthermore, regulations on cross-border cooperation should be more flexible and better promote institutional capacity building. in chaper 8, józsef benedek, ştefana varvari and cristian marius litan focus on romania’s growth pole strategy for the 2007–2013 period. on the one hand, adopting quantitative methods, they analyse the impacts of growth poles on regional inequalities. on the other, they conduct a qualitative analysis to discover how the idea of growth poles is echoed by the objectives of romanian development strategies. their results point to the failure of the growth pole strategy, inasmuch as it has not reduced regional inequalities in romania. the authors’ conclusion is that the growth pole strategy is a “good example of the europeanisation process” (p. 188) but general guidelines and principles of european spatial planning documents should have been adopted in a more critical way, taking national peculiarities into account. in chapter 9, zsuzsanna pósfai and csaba jelinek discuss the effects of hungarian housing policies on socio-spatial polarisation for the post-2000 period. here, the reader is introduced to the dual character of post-socialist hungarian housing policy: each policy introduced after 1990 either supported relatively welloff middle classes, officially providing equal access for everyone (‘liberal’ elements of hungarian housing policy), or served to cater to the housing needs of the least affluent people (‘socialist’ elements). although the currently dominant liberal housing policies are considered geography-blind by many, the authors demonstrate that these policies have considerable spatial effects and they reproduce pre-existing socio-spatial inequalities. their main argument is that hungarian liberal housing policies serve to channel financial resources towards better-off middleclass households, while marginalising low-income households. therefore, public policies contribute to the social and spatial polarisation of hungarian society. increasing financialisation and the new housing schemes (together with the current economic upturn) have led to the rocketing of property prices, particularly in urban centres, while housing markets in many rural and underdeveloped areas have been left without considerable external resources. the third part of the book focuses on micro-scale strategies adopted by regional and local actors – e.g. individuals, enterprises, communities—to cope with the effects of polarisation. chapter 10 (aura moldovan) discusses the demographic and economic challenges faced by romanian rural communities (sălaj/szilágy county), with special attention to selective out-migration. in particular, moldovan scrutinises why people choose migration as a strategy to cope with the negative consequences of peripherality, and how out-migration influences local political leaders and their development strategies. from this chapter, it turns out that the group of outmigrants is not homogeneous and many of them are still attached to their place of origin after making a living elsewhere. the most important lesson from this chapter may be that selective out-migration increases the dependency of the affected communities on eu support and thus local leaders are often pushed to adopt special application strategies to accumulate financial resources. in chapter 11, sorin cebotari and melinda mihály present two development projects implemented in peripheral communities in hungary and romania. it is showed that officially both projects are community initiatives but due to the extreme low level of civic activity in these areas, they are practically initiated and managed by the local mayors. the authors’ conclusion is that broader public participation in local projects would be a key step towards the empowerment of such communities and could be an antidote to peripheralisation. therefore, the concept of community and the role of local communities in development need to be revisited, and new policymaking mechanisms should be developed, involving regional and local actors. in chapter 12, martin graffenberger scrutinises the innovation strategies of two low-technology enterprises located in peripheral estonian and german regions. the main question addressed by graffenberger is how intra-firm capacities and network relationships can counterbalance the unfavourable effects of peripherality. based on these two cases, the author argues that for enterprises operating in peripheral regions, a two-folded strategy might be fruitful: on the one hand, building multiple and diverse internal capacities (e.g. diversifying production portfolio; technological absorption), on the other hand, establishing multi-scale external cooperation (with local, regional, national and international partners). in chapter 13, bianka plüschke-altof and martiene grootens investigates the role of local actors’ agency, using the concepts of leadership and place-making as analytical lenses. though the authors agree that image building may function as a possible solution to challenges of regional polarisation, they also empha408 book review section – book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (4) 405–415. 405–415. sise the limitations of such strategies: the idealisation and responsibilisation of local leadership can turn into the blaming and scapegoating of those who are less willing or able to participate. in addition, agencybased approaches may draw the attention from the structural conditions of peripheralisation. finally, the authors emphasise the responsibility of researchers in the discursive re-making of peripheries, and they recommend a more dynamic and processual understanding of place and periphery. in the last part of the book, the main results of the preceding chapters are summarised and recommendations for policy makers and researchers are provided. first, garri raagmaa, erika nagy, franziska görmar and thilo lang discuss the main contributions of the book in six points: (1) the regional policy paradox in the eu (i.e. growing regional polarisation despite financial support for less-developed regions); (2) the recent administrative (re-)centralisation trends in eastern europe; (3) globalisation and regional industrial restructuring causing further polarisation, in which cee developed to a semi-periphery, specialised in labour-intensive activities; (4) the mechanisms that produce inequalities; (5) the production of inequalities through social practices and discourses; and (6) methodological considerations and issues related to researchers’ positionality. in the last chapter, sorin cebotari, tomas hanell and thilo lang formulates policy recommendations for eu, national and regional/local actors. these point to (1) the need to place spatial justice into the centre of eu cohesion policy; (2) the involvement of regional and local actors in policy making; (3) the role of national-level governments to participate in establishing support infrastructure at lower territorial levels; (4) the significance of fostering human capital at the local level (e.g. by allocating resources for training in eu-funded projects); (5) the ways of how policy making and programming should be promoted at the local level. to conclude the review, the volume “regional and local development in times of polarisation. re-thinking spatial policies in europe” undoubtedly holds a great scientific value. uneven development and regional polarisation are multi-scalar and complex processes and the editors of the book successfully tried to grasp this complexity. their efforts are mirrored by the diversity of the studies in terms of the scale of analysis (from the european to the local/micro), the applied methods (e.g. content analysis, qualitative interviews, computer-assisted text analysis – cata, statistical methods) and the actors involved in the research (e.g. eu policy makers, entrepreneurs, local political leaders). they not only discuss the symptoms and impacts of regional polarisation but also engage with the reasons and the power relations and political structures behind, making a step forward to understand contemporary capitalism and transform it to a more progressive one. nowadays, it is especially important to think about such issues, seeing the signs of the possible next economic recession (e.g. brexit, slowdown of the german economy, the usa-china trade war), and considering the preliminary policies of the eu for the 2021–2027 period (among which innovation and competitiveness will probably remain key elements). therefore, i wholeheartedly recommend this book, not only for scholars in the fields of regional development and policy, spatial planning and geography, but for all those who want to better understand the spatial dynamics of contemporary europe. acknowledgements: this book review has been made with the support of the hungarian national research, development and innovation office (nkfi) grant number k124938. szabolcs fabula1 r e f e r e n c e s european commission 2017. competitiveness in low-income and low-growth regions: the lagging regions report. available at: https://ec.europa.eu/ regional_policy/sources/docgener/studies/pdf/ lagging_regions%20report_en.pdf (last accessed: 05.09.2019). european union 2012. consolidated version of the treaty on the functioning of the european union. available at https://eur-lex.europa.eu/eli/treaty/tfeu_2012/oj (last accessed: 05.09.2019) harvey, d. 1973. social justice and the city. oxford, blackwell. soja, e. 2010. seeking spatial justice. minneapolis, university of minnesota press. 1 department of economic and social geography, institute of geography and earth sciences, university of szeged. e-mail: fabula.szabolcs@geo.u-szeged.hu. 0_tartalom.indd 71 kocsis, k., rudenko, l. and schweitzer, f. (eds.): ukraine in maps. institute of geography national academy of sciences of ukraine, geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences. kyiv–budapest, 2008. 147 p. the second volume of a series prepared in the geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences (gri has) focuses on an east european state, ukraine. the fi rst member of the series presented south eastern europe (2005, 2007) whereas the third book will introduce hungary as it were to give the public a foretaste of a new edition of the national atlas of the country. this series of publication is aimed at presenting a comprehensive overview of regions and countries in english richly illustrated by maps. the volumes might have an importance for geographers, be informative for experts in foreign aff airs and politicians, and they are also to serve business, especially fi rms with intentions to invest in the regions and countries in concern. the launch of the series (and the fact that already the third volume is in preparation) is clear evidence that research of the foreign countries and territories have a fi rm place in academic institutions including the gri has. studies on areas beyond the national boundaries is going to have an increasing strategic importance making classic regional geography face new challenges at the same time promoting its revival. ukraine in maps is a publication accomplished by adaptation of the aspects of classic geographical description to the contemporary conditions in ukraine and purposed for general orientation. it means that it is not the new achievements of the scientifi c research that have been placed in the focus, instead the volume off ers essential knowledge for the broad audience in the form of an atlas: maps with textual comments. a high level outward appearance is at par with similar publications in the west and might have a place on the bookshelf along with standard atlases. the volume is a product of cooperation between two workshops in geography: institute of geography of the national academy of sciences of ukraine and gri has. beside the publication of the book this collaboration has made a substantial contribution to the development of links and deepened scientifi c relations in geography. preparations, editing and fi nalization required exchange of experts i.e. study trips to kiev and budapest. in the wake of ukraine in maps new publications came into being and cooperations were initiated so joint activities have proven to be a good start. the actuality and novelty of the pictorial textbook is that it is a pioneer edition, since no similar publication was hitherto issued on ukraine either in hungary or abroad. certainly there was a previous att empt (e.g. ukraine. industry and investment activity) but beside map inscriptions it contained only very short explanations in english. a new national atlas of ukraine (nau, 2008) is a rather prestigious volume but only map titles appear in that language. another specifi c feature of the joint hungarian-ukrainian album is its approach stemming from confers of hungarian geographers with the ukrainian colleagues, consequently it contains both external and internal refl ections. the work is subdivided into three parts and further into eleven chapters. a short historical overview is followed by the analyses of natural environment and social conditions; they form the background behind the state of economy which is in the focus of the book. an introduction into the national economy of ukraine might rely on eager interest of the reader; this is why such an emphasis has been put on this topic. 77 maps and 21 tables are accompanied with the explanatory notes. part of the maps was constructed by ukrainian geographers but the hungarian contribution is signifi cant as well. the latt er maps as a rule are of illustrative in character, striking and easy to survey. they are chiefl y associated with human geographical phenomena, such as ethnic 72 composition, languages, population change, incomes, urbanization and also appear in the chapter on agriculture. for some fi gures the spatial patt erns are shown by raion instead of the oblast level, which is a pioneer undertaking; similar maps of detailed resolution does not even appear in the new nau. the diff erences between the approaches represented by the ukrainian and hungarian schools of geography are clearly discernible in the chapter on economy which praises the eff orts made overwhelmingly by the ukrainian party. these maps oft en require long analyses and less interpretable at fi rst glance because they reveal intricate spatial structures relating to e.g. privatization, gross value added (gva) or foreign direct investment (fdi). ukrainian human geography is dominated by industrial geography still based on the spatial distribution of productive forces, epitomized in a heavily descriptive chapter. factors putt ing the country in an international context as its transit position with a special reference to the pipelines in hydrocarbon transport were mainly presented by the hungarian experts. the introductory chapter is aimed at positioning ukraine in europe. beyond the classic aspects such as geographical sett ing, territorial extension, borders, administrative divisions, an assessment of the economy is presented in european context with an emphasis on aspirations of the country to the integration in the eu. participation of ukraine in tacis programme is also referred to. a short outline of the country’s historical evolution also allows a brief insight in ethnogenesis of the ukrainians. it is supported by a spectacular map series depicting the change in statehood on the territory what is now ukraine during the past more than one thousand years, initially in kievan rus, then within the polish-lithuanian union, later in the ott oman empire then under the russian czarism and more recently in the soviet union. natural conditions are addressed to a relatively minor extent in the album. nevertheless aft er tackling topography and geological structure it is the soils, followed by solid mineral fuels (coal, peat) and metal ores (iron, manganese, chrome, nickel) of utmost economic signifi cance that are introduced in detail. there is an extensive description of climatic conditions which have a key importance for the country with high agroecological potential. following landscape types and physical-geographical divisions the ecological situation comes to the fore. a general assessment made by the ukrainian geographers is accompanied by a map of air pollution and by another one of the chernobyl aft ermath. social conditions start to be displayed with population: ethnicities, languages and religions. along with the actual patt erns this chapter presents an analysis of changes during the 20th century and shows (eastern and western) diasporas of the ukrainians. chapter on the demographic features along with population patt erns and change also include level of education, economic activity and unemployment. these characteristics are shown on raion level as well. the chapter on the sett lement system focuses on the urban network; rural ukraine (in spite of its high relevance) has a regrett ably subordinate part to play in this account. beyond the historical development size categories and urban functions are described. urban population is outlined on raion level too. the most extensive chapter deals with the national economy. apart from the general characteristics (privatization, gva, investment including fdi) if focuses on the power industry and infrastructure as a strategic sector. most of the pipelines transporting liquid and gaseous hydrocarbons cross ukraine and the country also is a zone of encounter between the european and russian electric power systems. further the chapter describes machinery engineering, chemicals and food industries with long traditions but nowadays suff ering from a sharp decline. farming has a particular importance and summarized in a special chapter. agricultural production, structures and ownership patt erns are presented along with crop cultivation and livestock breeding. 73 there are three chapters left to depict transport and telecommunications, r&d, recreational potential and tourism turnover. beside the characteristics of transport performance and traffi c volume (public roads, railways, pipelines, waterways) a separate map shows international transport corridors. wired and wireless systems of telecommunication, cellular network and mobile phone services are described. the chapter on tourism lists places worth to visit by categories such as natural att ractions (forests, watersides, mountains, mineral springs including medicinal waters) and cultural heritage (e.g. monasteries, unesco world heritage sites). tourism infrastructure and the international tourist fl ow are also presented within this increasingly important sector of economy. the volume is a worthwhile undertaking to complete the literature on the geography of ukraine available in english. its comprehensive and versatile approach brings the reader closer to the understanding internal structures and conditions of ukraine. the album can be recommended for study in general orientation and in a starting phase of any research. dávid karácsonyi 6_book reviews.indd 189book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 189–195.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.67.2.6 hungarian geographical bulletin 67 2018 (2) b o o k r e v i e w s e c t i o n floodplains are usually treated subordinate to channels in geomorphological and environmental research. this book brings a wealth of arguments for the joint presentation of river channels and their floodplains. (in hungary, where morphological floodplains make up almost two-thirds of the territory, this approach should be just natural.) from a geomorphological aspect, the importance of floodplain connectivity is underlined throughout. in the biogeochemical section we read, for instance, that the densities of zooplankton and aquatic macroinvertebrates are much (15 and 30 times, respectively) higher in backwaters or floodplain lakes than in the main danube channel. it can be anticipated from the background of authors that the comparison of floodplain definitions will be followed by the presentation of the geomorphic processes which shape floodplains. the distinction between braided and anastomosing channel types (often rather vague in literature) is clearly drawn here: braided channels are divided by unstable midchannel bars, while anastomosing channels by fairly stable, vegetated islands. throughout the book the modern concept is adhered to that vegetation growth is a principal agent of the geomorphic evolution of floodplains. floodplain erosion during floods is another important issue in fluvial geomorphology. the authors point out that it is equally possibly associated with scour at the site where floodwater breaches the natural levee and further away on splay deposits. much more space is devoted, however, to the other side of the coin, i.e. how geomorphology influences floodplain ecology. although numerous arguments are cited for the importance of this control, the reviewer feels that the ecological classification of wetlands (into eupotamon, parapotamon etc.) could have been better integrated with that of floodplain landforms. on the other hand, some of the main topics of the book (floodplain connectivity, the duration and frequency of floods, predictability of peak flows) appear in this chapter and related to biogeochemical processes such as nutrient retention. the main idea is that floods (not only the major floods but a series of moderate inundations, too) create a landscape mosaic, a dynamically changing pattern of wetlands with constant properties, which ensure high levels of biodiversity (shifting habitat mosaic concept). the hydrarch succession is directed towards landscape homogeneity, but floods reset the stage of this succession and maintain a heterogeneous floodplain pattern. the basic conceptual frameworks of river/floodplain ecology (the river continuum concept, the flood pulse concept, the riverine productivity model) are described, assessed and the need for their integration is pointed out. a crucial issue concerns the turnover of nutrients between the river and the floodplain water bodies. some observations indicate that local autochtonous sources supply abundant and easily available nutrients. floodplain forests with trees of rapid growth rate, well adapted to inundation (like cottonwood), contribute to carbon cycling. recent findings, however, point to the role of algae in sustaining the floodplain food web. floating algal mats in standing water (well-known from the danube delta) as well as floodplain soils and sediments are important carbon reservoirs. fish species are classified according to their use of the floodplain opperman, j.j., moyle, p.b., larsen, e.w., florsheim, j.l. and manfree, a.d.: floodplains: processes and management for ecosystem services. oakland, university of california press, 2017. 258 p. 190 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 189–197. and for most of the classes (for floodplain spawners, floodplain foragers and pond fishes) both permanent wetlands and seasonal floodplains are vital habitats. the importance of floodplains is measured by the provision of ecosystem services by them. the main services described in the book are sediment and nutrient (mostly nitrogen and phosphorus) storage, carbon sequestration in soil and vegetation, groundwater recharge (drought mitigation), fish productivity due to variable habitats, recreation (hunting, fishing, bird watching), the maintenance of biodiversity and allowing some agricultural activities (on condition that they are compatible with inundation). unfortunately, little mention is made of the scientific assessment of water-based ecosystem services (see e.g. martin-ortega, j. et al. 2015). the first part focused on natural processes, while the second acknowledges that the overwhelming majority of the world’s rivers and floodplains are heavily transformed by human society. the book uses the term ‘novel ecosystem’ for these modified conditions. ample evidence is cited for the homogenisation of flow regimes which leads to homogenised aquatic flora and fauna (generalist species becoming more and more abundant) as well as microbial life. in addition, the loss of floodplain connectivity can slow down, but in some cases speeds up the spreading of alien species. novel ecosystem requires a new approach to restoration, which is called by the authors ‘reconciliation’, because management should reconcile competing demands for land and water. the emphasis here is improving the provision of ecosystem services and resilience through active management. this compromising approach means that human impact is not excluded from the floodplain and even alien (but non-invasive) species are tolerated to some extent. (think of the debate about the benefits and risks of black locust in the hungarian floodplains.) the next chapters of the book focus on flood management (the term preferred to ‘flood control’), where traditional structural techniques of flood hazard reduction are presented and criticised. instead, ‘green infrastructure’ solutions are proposed which can be integrated with ‘soft engineering’ techniques. it is emphasised that the flood hazard should be viewed in the river-basin perspective: floodwater retention upstream of sites with high flood hazard has to have priority. in addition, in certain case structural solutions (levee setback, floodways only inundated during high floods, flood by-passes) are to be considered. in spite of the similarity in their main hydrological properties, they are very different from each other. this means that general conclusions for their restoration/rehabilitation are rather risky to draw. consequently, authors had decided to present floodplain management strategies on case studies. the case studies include the room for the river project in the netherlands, the danube restoration in bavaria, the ebro river in spain, the mississippi floodways (the new madrid and atchafalaya floodway system), the napa river in california and the murray-darling river system in australia. naturally, the book would have profited from the analysis of some other rehabilitation projects outside the united states, for instance, from australia (referring to the works of gary brierley and kirstie fryirs) and france (based on papers by hervé piégay). this would have reduced the bias to us rivers. instead, a detailed study of the flood risk in the central valley of california follows and allows authors to assess the benefits of the floodplain reconciliation model proposed by them. the conclusions summarise the basic principles of floodplain management which are assumed to be valid worldwide. for the maintenance of novel floodplain ecosystems, too, inundations allowed by floodplain connectivity, are inevitably necessary. floods predictable in timing are needed for geomorphic and biological diversity. flood-risk management should be designed with the entire drainage basin in site and a flexible comprise of the combination of both structural and non-structural measures. the message engineers can learn from the geomorphologist and ecologist authors of the book is that with careful floodplain management it is possible to reconcile human interests and environmental values. dénes lóczy1 r e f e r e n c e martin-ortega, j., ferrier, r.c., gordon, i.j., khan, s. eds. 2015. water ecosystem services: a global perspective. cambridge, cambridge university press. 1 department of physical and environmental geography, institute of geography and earth sciences, university of pécs, pécs, hungary. e-mail: loczyd@gamma.ttk.pte.hu. maloutas, th. and fujita, k. (eds): residential segregation in comparative perspective 63 l i t e r a t u r e hungarian geographical bulletin 62 (1) (2013) pp. 63–67. maloutas, th. and fujita, k. (eds): residential segregation in comparative perspective. making sense of contextual diversity. city and society series, ashgate, farnham, uk, 2012. 329 p. the main question of this book is whether globalization has increased the spatial segregation in our cities, and if it has, in which respect. focusing on the last 30–40 years, the authors investigate 11 metropolises worldwide in order to analyze the infl uencing factors of residential segregation. the case studies describing a latin-american, six european, and four asian cities give 11 diff erent answers to the original question. (though the us cities are oft en cited as a classic case of segregation, no north-american metropolis was included in the volume.) on the basis of this rich overview of the diff erent urban experiences in social and spatial segregation patt erns and rationales, the editor maloutas, th. claims that not just globalization is responsible for segregation. one of the main conclusions is that there is a strong need for a model reflecting contextual diversity in the study of urban residential segregation. the model developed by fujita, k. emphasizes the relevance of social equality and spatial segregation and it pays special att ention to the relation between them. the cities discussed in the volume are divided into fi ve groups according to the degree of segregation and inequality. the forces which have an impact on residential segregation and institutions and either intensify or counteract social inequality are scrutinized in each group. three cities (beijing, istanbul and sao paolo) belong to the fi rst group in which spatial segregation is combined with high social inequality. the case of beij ing shows that the role of the state, namely the centralized distribution of dwellings, contributes to massive spatial segregation (which already 64 existed in the past). in beij ing education, jobs and social services are available only for the registered inhabitants, while the migrants from rural areas (i.e. fl oating population) who live in the peripheral areas are very much excluded. logan, j. l. and li, l. the authors of the study on beij ing argue that inequality is maintained by the chinese bureaucracy and not by market economy or globalization. the level of segregation in istanbul has not declined over the last few decades, only the characters of the segregated groups have changed: the classic cleavage between the muslim and non-muslim groups shift ed toward a split between the high and the low income groups in the modern turkey. since the non-muslim population has disappeared, the migrants from rural areas have become the segregated low income groups living in squatt ers on the periphery of the city. as the author argues, segregation in istanbul is maintained by state clientelism. the property rights remain informal, the patron-client relations overthrow the ineff ective laws and rules. eventually, slum clearance programs give a chance to the population of squatt ers to move to middle class quarters, but only a very small part of them can participate in these programs, the majority remains in place as ta an-kok, t. claims. sao paolo as a typical latin-american metropolis is traditionally highly segregated: the urban poor live in the periphery, the middle and the higher classes in the center and in the gated communities. the democratic changes in the 1990s broadened the availability of health institutions, but did not result in signifi cant improvements in other segments like education, housing, jobs, etc. according to marques, e., the separation of social classes is maintained by the patron-client relations; neither democratization nor global process have changed it. those cases are similar to the classic american patt ern, but there is also a major diff erence: in the united states the welfare system exists and public services are available for everyone at a low level. the second group consists of two cities: the moderately separated but highly unequal paris and budapest. in paris, the traditional diff erences between the high status and the working-class quarters have narrowed due to the process of gentrifi cation since the 1980s. as préteceille, e. argues, paris is far from completely segregated and most of its quarters are rather mixed. nevertheless, there are some low status areas inhabited by groups of migrants which make a challenge. the welfare state is not eff ective enough to solve their problems despite the reforms and anti-discrimination programs. the public rental system keeps low income groups in the cheap districts where services and jobs are oft en not available, thus the inequality is reproduced. in budapest segregation did not start with the change of regime, it existed well before the socialist time and its basic patt erns are inherited from the 19th century. according to kovács, z., the housing privatization and the radical transformation of the local public administration resulted in signifi cant changes in the socio-spatial structure and increased the level of residential segregation in the city. copenhagen, the only city which belongs to the third group, is separated but equal. similarly to paris, traditional low and high status quarters have co-existed here for centuries. the welfare state itself also contributes to the preservation of the traditional segregation patt ern through fi nancing the social rental dwellings. however, due to the highly developed welfare system, the spatial separation is not combined with social inequality as andersen, h.t. claims. in the danish capital, public services and the highly developed education lower the level of segregation. the coordinated capitalism and the welfare state can protect the most vulnerable social groups, even if the spatial segregation exists because of the concentration of social dwellings. the fourth group is the opposite of the previous model; it consists of non-separated but unequal cities, hong kong, athens and madrid, according to yip, n., hong kong inherited its city structure from the colonial past. the substantial public housing sector att racts people 65 not only from the lower class, but also from the middle and higher strata. this explains why the diff erent social classes are spatially so mixed (except for the narrow upper-class) in the whole city. the lack of spatial segregation does not mean that diff erences between the social groups do not exist or are insignifi cant. the availability of the services is unequal what is true for the mediterranean cities, as well. in athens, the low level of spatial segregation is the result of the increasing social mobility combined with low spatial mobility. the explanation of the latt er is the mediterranean family-centered welfare model and the high rate of home ownership. the construction of new residential areas all over the city also makes the neighbourhoods mixed. the segregation has also declined in madrid where the economic growth and the real estate boom have shaped the city more mixed over the last two decades. similarly to athens, the young upwardly mobile groups have sett led close to their parents in the working class neighbourhoods in compliance with the south european family-centered welfare model. the increasing international migration also has an anti-segregation impact: the newcomers live in mixed quarters due to the lack of social housing as domínguez, m. et al. concluded. the last group of cities includes two asian metropolises (taipei and tokyo) where the level of spatial and social segregation is very low. the case of the taiwanese capital represents the infl uence of urban policies on segregation. urban regeneration projects like the construction of a new governmental district, the renovation of old neighbourhoods have turned taipei into a multi-pole metropolis and they have had a considerable eff ect on social mix in the city. besides urban planning and policy, the high and increasing proportion of the middle class is another important explanatory factor which is an outcome of the government’s economic policy, the state support to the small business networks. those who cannot aff ord to live in taipei city usually move to the periphery or other towns, as wang, c-h. and li, c-h. claim. in tokyo, the developmental state is also an important factor, its institutions like the compressed wage system, the companies functioning as communities keep the segregation at a low level. the urban structure of tokyo has also been formed by the real estate booms and busts over the last decades; the central districts have become a very high valued area. the equality in tokyo means that there is no correlation between the land value and the occupation groups. according to authors (fujita, k and hill, r.c.), all the quarters are socially integrated, the education and the services are available for all. the studies of eleven diff erent cities do not support the central hypothesis that globalization results in similar urban development and segregation patt ern all over the world. they rather suggest that the role of the institutions, local and national politics, regionalism have remained important. the basic patt erns of segregation are relatively stable everywhere despite the changes which have occurred in the economy and society over the last few decades. balázs szabó 89book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 81–91. in 2020, the rapid spread of the covid-19 pandemic made painfully evident the highs and lows of global interconnectedness for each inhabitant of the planet. new words such as lockdowns, home confinement, and social distancing were introduced to our tourism vocabulary in this annus horribilis for the industry. the collection of studies edited by dallen j. timothy on globalisation and tourism is antecedent to the pandemic and reveals to be an essential reading on the myriad of relations and impacts intertwined in and around tourism and on the sources of possible future challenges. this edited volume is the fourth title belonging to the elgar series on ‘handbooks on globalisation.’ prior topics in the series include agriculture, development, and migration. the aim of the handbook series is to “provide an international and comprehensive overview of the debates and research positions in each key area of interest” (p. i). this volume on tourism, in fact, provides an extensive review of the meanings, implications and roles of tourism from a global perspective. the focus of the volume is to “examine the ways in which tourism functions as a stimulator of, and conduit for, globalisation” (p. iii) by crediting tourism for being one of the most powerful engines to drive globalisation. such power, as claimed in the volume, should be accompanied by responsibility, ethics, planning and good management. the handbook is divided into six sections, which are equally balanced since they contain three to five chapters each. the illustration of the volume is not particularly rich, the volume lists only 14 figures, and five out of the nine tables are included in chapter 14 on global population dynamics. infographics and maps would have been explicative to make global processes and implications for tourism visible. subjects of particular interest to the readers of hungarian geographical bulletin discussed in the volume are human mobility and the concept of home, geopolitics and security, cultural globalisation and transnational cultural routes, and the fluid meaning of place and placelessness. the volume argues that the meanings of borderlines, transition zones, cores and peripheries, virtual and cyber spaces evolve and change according to the role those cover in tourism. a general overview of globalisation and tourism is offered in the introduction written by the editor and built on a succinct historic perspective on human mobility. section 1 focusses on globalisation, its meanings and processes, and features four essays. in chapter 2, larry dwyer and nevenka čavlek explore the role of multinational corporations (mncs) and underline the change in the geographical perspective of mns’ capital investments shifting from north america and europe to china and india. the authors discuss the impacts that mncs generate in host countries. in more, the role of stakeholders such as tourism operators and tourists themselves is addressed in the context of mns investments. in host countries, although profit-led interests of mncs generate income and employment, corporations can induce negative social and environmental impacts and impoverish local communities. tourism operators must acknowledge that the global marketplace allows mncs to create vertically integrated businesses and handle mass tourism movements, while small and medium enterprises can only compete in niche markets. chapter 3 by stephen wearing, matthew mcdonald, greig taylor and tzach ronen discusses the economic ideology of neoliberalism which has driven the global tourism industry for the past decades. the wide range of negative impacts of neoliberalism (free open market policies generating environmental, social and health damages) is addressed. the authors identify a solution in putting local communities in charge, delegating them the task to handle the enormous damage done in destinations. to reflect on neoliberalism, it must be doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.70.1.8 hungarian geographical bulletin 70 2021 (1) timothy, d.j. (ed.): handbook of globalisation and tourism. cheltenham–northampton, edward elgar, 2019. 341 p. 90 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 81–91. noted here, that the covid-19 pandemic disrupted these neoliberal market mechanisms. as ioannides, d. and gyimóthy, s. (2020) argue, “the crisis has brought us to a fork in the road – giving us the perfect opportunity to select a new direction and move forward by adopting a more sustainable path” (p. 624). local economic development and planning are the topics discussed in chapter 4 by christian m. rogerson from the university of johannesburg, south africa. cities in the global north often leverage on the visitor economy and tourism to reposition themselves via place-based economic development. this trend has a parallel in the global south, where new leisure spaces, ‘the infrastructure of play’ (p. 49), are built despite the different capabilities and capacities to implement sound planning strategies. section 2 gathers three essays on human mobility. the first one from hall, amore and arvanitis critically analyses the globalising force of human mobilities by introducing the concept of metagovernance and raises concern about the macro issues of contemporary tourism. the authors call for a new form of tourism mobility governance to enhance sustainability, though the approach and steps needed to implement it are left for future research. allan m. williams claims in chapter 6 on migration, tourism and globalisation that the importance of distance and proximity has been accentuated by globalisation and has driven visiting friends and relatives (vfr) tourism. section 3 entitled ‘geopolitics, security and conflict’ includes six essays. hazel tucker from the university of otago reflects on the tourism legacies of colonialism starting from colonial core-periphery relationships and concluding with counter-narratives offered by tourism. in chapter 9, dallen j. timothy examines the role of tourism in the creation and development of multinational alliances. chapter 10 entitled ‘biological invasion, biosecurity, tourism and globalisation’ by michael c. hall is particularly timely and of outmost significance. hall’s analysis reveals how nature-based tourism is both directly and indirectly connected to the spread of pathogens in remote areas. but most of all, this chapter raises concerns about individual, national and transnational responsibilities related to the long-term cost of biological invasions in new/old environments. in chapter 11 by bruce prideaux, the impact of terrorism on global tourism is approached by three perspectives: terrorism as a risk, its impact on tourism, and possible responses. prideaux claims that tourism destinations that elaborate crisis management strategies must take into account the importance of managing fake news and its widespread consequences. wantanee suntikul provides an overview on war heritage tourism and memorial in chapter 12 on tourism and war. she discusses the popularity of visiting battlefields of real-time war sites and guided tours like the ‘assad tour’ in syria. the phenomenon is not new, in 1854 in the crimean war tourists followed closely the siege of sevastopol (irimiás, a. 2014). recently, mass and social media have played a pivotal role to amplify the spectacle of real-time war tourism. in chapter 13 entitled ‘tourism, peace and global stability,’ the cultural geographer alon gelbman explains how sport and heritage tourism have a symbolic role in developing peaceful relations between countries in conflict. section 4 deals with the topic of population and environmental challenges and draws on four essays. richard sharpley investigates the implications of population dynamics on global tourism focussing on the management of resources from a neo-malthusian perspective and addressing new trends like the so-called silver-haired tourism. chapter 15 by will stovall, james higham, and janet stephenson on the anthropogenic climate change and tourism, highlights the negative impacts of the global aviation industry by addressing the shortfalls of outdated governance measures and mitigation strategies. the authors believe that the only way to meet the sustainability goals is a collective commitment to reduce gas emissions. brent w. ritchie and yawei jiang in chapter 16 entitled ‘tourism, globalisation, and natural disasters’ focus on the developing countries and regions, where ecosystems are particularly vulnerable. the authors urge for taking a global perspective in research on tourism disaster management rather than employing case studies. the implementation of transnational disaster governance and global collaboration is identified as essential to tourism disaster management. the covid-19 pandemic made crystal clear that no countries can be safe and prosperous without a transnational common understanding of sustainability. chapter 17 written by colleagues from the university of botswana and from the okavango research institute analyses the impacts of global tourism on ecosystem management. in particular, the authors express serious concerns about the exploitation and degradation of resources and ecosystems. current corporate responsibility strategies fail to provide a sustainable approach to mitigate ecosystem damage and to improve local residents’ living standards, let alone wellbeing. section 5 ‘innovation and technology’ includes five essays. in chapter 18, mike peters and françois vellas investigate the interdependencies between globalisation and innovation, keeping in mind the geographical differences and the peculiarities of community versus corporate-oriented destinations. the authors call for further research on the growth strategies of small and medium-sized enterprises (smes). in central eastern european countries, the topic of internationalisation and the role of innovation in tourism smes is less studied although it is of key relevance in sustainable tourism management. chapter 19, written by david t. duval and john macilree, a former advisor of the new zealand treasury and ministry of transport, is an exquisite contribution on 91book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 81–91. the assessment of transport innovation by addressing the issues of technology, commerce and policy. the authors claim that technological innovation should go hand in hand with new regulatory and policy approaches to support regional development. claudia tom dieck and dai-in han reflect on the links between tourism and augmented reality from the cocreation and value creation perspective in chapter 20. in chapter 21, marianna sigala investigates the radical influence of social media on the tourism experience and tourist behaviour. the chapter provides a balanced perspective on the positive and negative impacts of social media networks on tourism. sigala also questions whether tourists honestly rely on user generated content when consumers are well aware of the illusory travel visuals and fake nature of selfies. chapter 22 by kevin hannam concludes section 5. hannam calls for an interdisciplinary analysis of mobility and the development of smart cities. section 6 is entitled ‘cultural issues and contemporary mobility trends’ and includes five essays dealing with topics such as religious tourism, pop culture tourism, volunteer, medical and last chance tourism. each chapter is delivered by an international expert of the topic. daniel h. olsen critically addresses in chapter 23 the managerial issues linked to spirituality and pilgrimage in our globalised world. in chapter 24, sue beeton provides an overview of the issues, trends and implications of pop culture (movies, music, fashion, tv-series etc.) on tourism, with a focus on tourists. jacob henry, a cultural geographer and a former volunteer tourist, along with mary mostafanezhad from the university of hawaii deliver chapter 25 entitled ‘the geopolitics of volunteer tourism.’ the authors claim that critical geopolitics (feminist/everyday, environmental, and imperial) offer the approach to understand the transnational and humanitarian interactions in popular forms of volunteer tourism such as teaching, conservation, and infrastructure. i think that in central and eastern european countries we could benefit by employing the feminist approach. in hungary, some neglected and underdeveloped regions see the intervention of elite volunteer domestic tourists, and the feminist approach would provide insights to the ‘spatialized imaginary of aspiration.’ chapter 26 by john connell discusses medical mobility and tourism with a focus on ‘reverse globalisation’ that countries of the global south turn to be medical tourism destinations. the rapid rise of medical tourism, for its fragile and fluid nature, challenges its management in asian countries. to conclude the global excursus of tourism, chapter 27 by harvey lemelin and paul whipp fills a caveat about the consequences of inefficient, ill-managed and short-sighted planning and business strategies. it is imperative that the great barrier reef in australia or the glaciers of new zealand should not turn to be ‘last chance tourism destinations.’ chapter 28 is the concluding one by dallen j. timothy on the historic roots and future paths of globalisation and tourism. the editor claims for new approaches in considering the implications of technological innovation, changing mobility paradigms and cultural globalisation. he advises that not only hyperconnected destinations but ‘placeless spaces’ also need to be drawn on the map of global tourism. to conclude this review, i think the strong and meticulous editorship makes the book a solid composition and a goldmine for references. each chapter adopts a global perspective and issues are considered for their widespread economic, social, environmental and human implications. the volume is not only another advocate for sustainable tourism. rather it provides a critical and clear statement on the positive and negative impacts of global tourism and on the absolute need of collaboration, social and individual responsibility. the covid-19 pandemic has shown how fragile the tourism industry is. in the mediterranean regions, criminal organisations are already active to purchase tourism resorts, hotels and small and medium-sized enterprises. as the volume claims, transnational governance and policy should be more rapid and efficient to tackle problems and issues, as any issue has global consequences. every chapter concludes with some practical and managerial implications, although these were rarely based on cutting-edge research, rather included some general recommendations on sustainable tourism. this is not the weakness of the volume, but the weakness of academia. more research involving stakeholders like local residents, policy-makers, industry representatives, smes etc. is paramount to explore new paths in globalisation and tourism. this edited volume is a highly recommended source for policy-makers, academics, undergraduate and postgraduate students, volunteer, pop culture and instagram tourists. acknowledgement: project no tkp2020-nka-02 has been implemented with the support provided from the national research, development and innovation fund of hungary, financed under the research excellence program funding scheme. anna irimiás1 r e f e r e n c e s ioannides, d. and gyimóthy, s. 2020. the covid-19 crisis as an opportunity for escaping the unsustainable global tourism path. tourism geographies 22. (3): 624−632. irimiás, a. 2014. review on ‘tourism and war’ by butler, r. & suntikul, w. (eds.). routledge (taylor & francis group) london and new york, 2013. tourism management 42. 260–261. 1 corvinus university of budapest, budapest, hungary. e-mail: anna.irimias@uni-corvinus.hu 7_book reviews.indd 102 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 93–101.chronicle – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 102–103. c h r o n i c l e in memoriam györgy várallyay (1935–2018) on 2nd of december 2018 hungarian soil science lost one of its most prominent and best-known representatives, györgy várallyay, agricultural engineer, soil scientist, university professor, ordinary member of the hungarian academy of sciences, holder of the széchenyi prize. remembering his contributions to earth and environmental sciences, his passing can be regarded a major loss to those disciplines, too. following the example of his father, the agrochemist györgy várallyay sr. (1900–1954), györgy várallyay jr. began his studies at the agricultural university of gödöllő (now: szent istván university) in 1952. with a degree as agricultural engineer, he found a job at the department of soil science of the national institute for quality analysis in agriculture (ommi) in 1957. in 1960 he became research fellow at the department of utilization of alkali soils of the research institute for soils science and agrochemistry (rissac), hungarian academy of sciences. this is the institute to which he remained faithful throughout his career. with his scientific results on the processes of the evolution of salt-affected soils, he contributed to the assessment of the environmental impacts of the tisza ii irrigation system and to the prevention of alkalisation of soils in the extensive areas where the irrigation scheme modified water availability and groundwater tables. he defended his university doctor’s dissertation at the university of agriculture in gödöllő in 1964 and received the candidate of agricultural sciences degree in 1968 for his investigations of salt accumulation continued for the soils of the danube valley. returning from a scholarship in the netherlands, his interests turned towards soil physics and soil water management. in team work he elaborated up-to-date standards for soil physical and water management analyses, which were published as directives by the ministry of food and agriculture in 1978. he encouraged and supported the agrotopo project, coordinated by the rissac, which was aimed at the compilation of a detailed soil database and mapping for hungary at 1:100,000 scale. in 1976 he was appointed head of the department of soil sciences and in 1981 director of the whole institute, which position he held for 26 years. his investigations focused on soil hydrology and his academic career continued with the following degrees: the doctor of agricultural sciences in 1988, corresponding (1993) and ordinary member (1998) of the hungarian academy of sciences, where he was the leader of various professional commissions. at the international level, he was member of the international union of soil science and president of its commission vi between 1982 and 1986, as well as president of the hungarian soil science society between 1990 and 1999. as university professor he was active in gödöllő, debrecen and budapest. he also was titular professor at the university of west hungary and the university of debrecen. listening to his enjoyable lectures, many students came to like soil science and soil hydrology – generally considered boring subjects by non-professionals. he spoke russian at medium and english at high level and his language skills helped him build international contacts. utilising his experience in the study of alkali soils in hungary, he worked in yemen and in 1977 lectured in egypt, at the ain shams university of cairo, a huge institution of higher education, which has 170,000 students at 14 faculties now. in 2005 he retired as head of the department of soil science, a unit of higher education which operated within the institutional frame of the rissac. as part of his international recognition, professor várallyay became member of the slovakian academy of agricultural sciences. he assisted in launching the academic career of numerous young scientists as editor-in-chief of the renowned professional journal agrokémia és talajtan [agrochemistry and soil science]. in addition, for long years he was on the editorial boards of other journals in hungary and abroad (hidrológiai közlöny, acta agronomica, geoderma, international agrophysics, land degradation and rehabilitation, soil technology), too. over his almost six decades of acedemic career, györgy várallyay published more than 550 scientific papers and – partly with co-authors – 23 books, cited more than 2,200 times worldwide. he actively influenced hungarian environmental policy as member of the national board for environmental protection. in 1997 he was decorated with the medium cross, order of merit of the hungarian republic, and in 2004 with the széchenyi prize. some of his thoughts on soil fertility, degradation and water management will always resound in the ears of all who read his works and listened to his lectures, which were based on a collection of hundreds of transparencies. each of them presented some of the intricate interactions among soil characteristics in very clear form. for instance, the properties which 103book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 93–101.chronicle – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 102–103. control soil resilience were shown in flow charts. he called the soil a reactor and transformer which integrates the combined influences of other natural resources and fulfills the ecological requirements of living organisms. for this reason, he always showed deep interest in the achievements of disciplines closely related to soil science, including physical geography and environmental sciences. he regularly visited the biannual conferences of landscape ecology and held interesting lectures there. focusing on his favourite field of research, soil water budget, he emphasised the significance of soils for humankind – as we say today, in the provision of ecosystem services. he held that water storage is of special significance in the carpathian basin, an increasingly water dependent region under the conditions of global climate change. in recent decades he studied the impacts of extreme weather conditions on soils. he researched to what extent – through their high buffering capacity – soils can moderate environmental stresses. he was deeply worried about soil degradation processes (desiccation, alkalisation, acidification, erosion, compaction etc.) of both natural and anthropogenic origin. among the mapping projects he took part in the preparation of the world map of soil degradation stands out. on every forum he called for soil conservation and warned against the over-exploitation of the soil, a fundamental natural resource, a gene pool, part of the world heritage of humanity. his co-workers and students and, in fact, everybody who knew him personally will keep his infinite wisdom and cheerful, grandfather-like personality in good remembrance. dénes lóczy 419book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (4) 419–421.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.69.4.6 hungarian geographical bulletin 69 2020 (4) b o o k r e v i e w s e c t i o n bobic, n.: balkanization and global politics: remaking cities and architecture. london, routledge. 2019. 228 p. the balkans form a distinctive unit in people’s mental maps, often based on the area’s stereotypical sociocultural characteristic. depending on the context, the word ‘balkanic’ can either have negative (fragmentation, division, instability) or positive connotations (inclusivity, coexistence, heterogenity), and all of these can be tied to the conditions (perceived from a western perspective) of the territory during the turmoils of 20th century geopolitics. these forces led to violent destruction and reconstruction that left a tremendous mark on the physical and cultural landscape of the area, making the region understandable only through the discourses of balkanism and balkanisation. balkanization and global politics examines and critically engages with these narratives in an urban and architectural form. the author is an architect by trade who also teaches architecture as a lecturer at the university of portsmouth. published as a part of the „routledge studies in urbanism and the city” series in april 2019, the book is a continuation of her research presented in her dissertation written at the university of sydney, with four segments published earlier (bobic, n. 2012, 2014, 2015, 2017), all of which she expanded upon for this manuscript. according to the preface, the most important expansion is the discourse analysis of balkanism and balkanisation which is detailed in the first two chapters. balkanism, with reference to, and contrasted with, edward said’s orientalism (1978), emerged from the position of the region between the imaginary west and east, without being necessarily occidental or oriental enough to fit into either category. this term, coined by maria todorova (1997), refers to a mode of identification when facing this problem of liminality. balkanisation started with the events after the withdrawal of the ottoman empire from the peninsula in the 19th century and with subsequent aspirations for forming ethnically homogenous nation states in its place. the resulting geopolitical fragmentation became synonymous with the area (hence the name of the term), which in a more metaphorical sense refers to the way of solving a large heterogenic unit’s problems by breaking it up into smaller, controllable homogenic parts. this makes it applicable to other scales as well, shifting the meaning of the term with it. one common way of this is creating enclaves of immigrants on the city periphery to maintain order and clear power relations – urban heterotopias (shane, d. 1995). despite encompassing processes stemming from the same context, these two terms have an important difference in their stance toward global dichotomies: while balkanism is grounded in a transitory and liminal space, the goal of balkanisation is to reorder and remake for the sake of a special form of westernisation. from another perspective, this book is about the concept most frequently termed as urbicide, which “refers to the intentional attempt to erase or destroy a city or cities for political purposes” (graham, s. and gregory, d. 2009, 794). this line of thought, that arose in the 1970s from the work of architectural critic ada louise huxtable (1970), later popularised for social sciences by marshall berman (1996), criticises the perceived consensus of planners about the necessity to modernise cities. the term gained a new dimension during the yugoslav wars. it was used by architect and former mayor of belgrade, bogdan bogdanović, referring to the bombing of croatian cities by the jna (yugoslav people’s army), comparing the destruction of unesco world heritage site dubrovnik to “a madman who throws acid in a beautiful woman’s face and promises her a beautiful face in return” (bogdanović, b. 1995, 53, quoted by bobic, 420 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (4) 419–421. n. 2019, 58). the difference in this mode of urbicide lies in its methods – instead of hiding the political motives behind the veil of planning, it is conducted through raw military violence. the author succeeds in interdisciplinarity with her writing, speaking the language of social science, addressing themes, using methods and subscribing to theories not unusual for ethnical, political or cultural geographers and urbanists. bobic’s topics transcend a number of scales, ranging from international context of the geopolitics of balkanisation, but also diving into case studies of a couple of buildings, a level which only in recent decades started to be included in geographical imagination. after the introduction and the setting of the theoretical framework in chapter 1, chapter 2 continues with an extensive discourse analysis of balkanism and balkanisation, highlighting the differing uses and interpretations across a variety of disciplines ranging from architecture through planning to sociology. here bobic uses a two-pronged approach through a global and a local lens simultaneously to emphasise the flexibility and mobility of the term. chapter 3 leads us to the detailed story of the yugoslav wars in the 1990s, from the perspective of the parts of a dissolving country being systematically destroyed and rebuilt to assert control. this is the section that more explicitly deals with the topic of urbicide and its consequences, with vukovar and dubrovnik in croatia, and sarajevo and mostar in bosnia-herzegovina examined in detail. i would like to mention the clever (and geographically pleasing) title choice of these sections: first the author describes the wartime desctruction calling it “dislocating the countries.” then, after she establishes remaking as falsifying history, we read about the chosen cities’ efforts of remembering under the title “locating the countries.” bobic introduces a new face of the concept of balkanism in chapter 4. it can also be understood as “a process by which certain acts of violence are normalised and/or ennobled as humanitarian, while others are constructed as acts of deep-seated barbarism” (bobic, n. 2019, 89). following this line of thought, she explores the coercive nature of balkanisation during and after the first humanitarian air intervention (1999 operation allied force). examples are provided as archtitectural and landscape changes from belgrade. the discussion of violence continues in the next chapter moving on to less direct, sudden or visible forms of it. these constricting acts of humanitarianism, the contradictions and excess of balkanism in kosovo, the uranium radiation and the remaining undetected bombs had even heavier, long-lasting consequences in some cases than the war itself, yet these were reported in western media in a positive light. the penultimate chapter introduces a belgrade case study on how intertwining levels of fragmentation can have different outcomes when entangled with deliberate gentrification in an urban setting, raising questions about the responsibility of planning in effectively desocialising, de-romanising and homogenising a city catering to the needs of a wealthy minority. the ideas raised throughout the book are summarised and reflected upon in the last chapter, where the author concludes that balkanisation is a far more complex set of processes than its usual definitions would suggest, and that the liminality of balkanism predetermines its fluidity and mobility both geographically and conceptually. this conclusion prompts a peak outside of the balkans as well, providing recent examples of these processes from other parts of the world. brexit signified a possible start of balkanisation inside the eu, and with smaller ethnically homogenous enclaves like catalonia, northern italy, szeklerland or scotland (as a special case of brexit), looking to expand their current level of autonomy, the process might bear new countries in the future as well, populist politicians are certainly looking to exploit the associated feelings of “power in homogeneity” like they did before. the last paragraphs explain how the migration crisis (and international migration in general for decades) effected the balkans and the world’s ongoing forms of balkanisation on all scales from local planning to global geopolitics, with the area being in the traditional transit zone for (mostly) middle eastern immigrants travelling to western europe. bobic’s book deals with subjects that i find deeply geographical and its critical tone resonates well with that. it provides a detailed analysis of the concepts of balkanism and balkanisation and contains several illuminating case studies from the intersections of urbanism, planning and architecture. therefore, i believe it would be a good introductory text even for geographers approaching the topic for the first time, but at the same time it also proves useful for academics researching the balkans for decades. botond palaczki1 r e f e r e n c e s berman, m. 1996. falling towers: city life after urbicide. in geography and identity. ed.: crow, d., washington dc, maisonneuve press. 172–192. bobic, n. 2012. belgrade in formation(s): dobrovic’s generalstab complex. fabrications 21. (1): 6–27. bobic, n. 2014. new belgrade after 1999: spatial violence as de-socialisation, de-romanisation, and de-historisation. architectural theory review 19. (3): 355–375. 1 institute for sociology, centre for social sciences, elkh, budapest, hungary. e-mail: palaczki.botond@tk.mta.hu. 421book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (4) 419–421. bobic, n. 2015. war machine: media and technology during operation allied force. fabrications 25. (3): 398–416. bobic, n. 2017. belgrade (de)void of identity: politics of time, politics of control, politics of difference. cultural dynamics 29. (1–2): 3–22. bogdanović, b. 1995. the city and death. in balkan blues: writing out of yugoslavia. ed.: labon, j., evanston, northwestern university press. 37–74. graham, s. and gregory, d. 2009. urbicide. in the dictionary of human geography. eds.: gregory, d., johnston, r., pratt, g., watts, m. and whatmore, s., malden, blackwell. huxtable, a.l. 1970. will they ever finish bruckner boulevard? berkeley, university of california press. said, e. w. 1978. orientalism. new york, pantheon books. shane, d. 1995. balkanization and the postmodern city. in mortal city. ed.: lang, p., new york, princeton architectural press. 154–169. todorova, m. 1997. imagining the balkans. new york, oxford university press. competitiveness of the hungarian regions 33 hungarian geographical bulletin 2009. vol. 58. no 1. pp. 33–48. competitiveness of the hungarian regions györgy enyedi1 abstract the present paper explores the competitiveness of the hungarian counties (nuts iii) and regions (nuts ii) in two dimensions: in national scale and in european comparison. competitiveness has been expressed by three interrelated economic parameters: a) per capita gdp; b) labor productivity; and c) employment rate. the paper concludes that regions in hungary have reached three diff erent stages of economic development. a) budapest metropolitan region (bmr) is a foremost growth pole of the country. it is a real knowledge based and innovation generating economic region. b) north-western hungary is in the stage of investment led development having a knowledge user economy without generating it locally. c) northern and eastern hungary is in neo-fordist stage of economic development, where economic restructuring just started; under-employment and rural crisis are widespread, with an exception of some larger cities. in eu accession countries, bmr is a most competitive region, second only to prague agglomeration, whereas eastern and northern regions of hungary have a weak position economically. keywords: competitiveness, regional inequalities, comparison of eu regions introduction during the last few years both research and economic policy making have shown an eager interest for regional competitiveness. “competitiveness“ has become the magic world for explaining or planning economic success for micro-economic (enterprise) and macro-economic (national) levels since long, although there have been hot debates about the content and measurement methods and one could not easily apply them while analyzing regional competitiveness. even the defi nition of “region“ is problematic; and, certainly, regional competitiveness is not a simple sum of competitiveness of fi rms, located in a given region, or a fraction of national competitiveness. growing interest in europe for regional – and urban – competitiveness may be explained by the strength of the sub-national territorial units in the eu cohesion policy. mitigation of regional inequalities has been one of the most ¹ professor emeritus, centre for regional studies, hungarian academy of sciences, pécs, hungary. e-mail: enyedi@rkk.hu 34 important goals of the policy of the community from the very beginning. there is a general consensus, that regional leveling may be served best by the improvement of competitiveness of less developed regions. nevertheless, a number of questions are still open. even the notion of regional competitiveness has been denied by an important author (krugman, p. 1994), whereas the goals and the conditions of the competitiveness and its measurement have had diff erent (even divergent) explanations (porter, m.e. 1998). the problem is alive for hungary, as well as for the other accession countries, aft er they entered into the european union (eu). although the country’s economy was relatively open even within state socialist system2, regions competed rather for state subsidies, than improved productivity or export capacity of their economy. this practice has changed only slowly during the transition period. presently, hungarian regions entered fully into the market competition, at least within the eu, and their competitiveness has become crucial. this paper has three parts. in the fi rst part an att empt is made to defi ne the content and the measurement methods of regional competitiveness as it has been treated and used in our research. the second part describes the elements of competitiveness of the hungarian regions. in the third part this competitiveness is summarized on country and eu levels, with an outlook for the future development. defi nition and measurement methods of regional competitiveness during the last decades, competitiveness has become the panacea for backwardness, regional inequalities, for declining economic performances. although the repetition of fashionable terms may have exaggeration, there is no doubt that – as a consequence of globalization – all sort of economic units, from an individual fi rm to transnational integrations of countries, compete with each other for markets, capital goods, innovations, qualifi ed manpower etc. the ultimate goal may simply be economic growth, or rising profi ts or improvement of the general well-being of a given country, region, or city. global competition has produced growing inequalities so far, since prerequisites for the success in this competition show strong geographical disparities. it has also produced a few spectacular catching-up successes e.g. in south eastern and eastern asia. consequently, in the spirit of neo-liberal economics, the advice for lagging countries, regions or marginal people voices: be competitive. ² in 1968, a profound economic reform abolished the central planning directives and introduced a number of market elements into the economy. nevertheless, the overwhelming size of state ownership in economy, the state interventions in price formation and investment had made this market an imitated one kornai, j. 1992). 35 regional policies are intended to enhance regional competitiveness (e.g. by infrastructure development), whereas social policies are purposed to develop competitiveness of persons (e.g. by continuous education). there is no general consensus about what regional competitiveness means. the european commission interprets the term the following way: [competitiveness means] the ability to produce goods and services which meet the test of international markets, while at the same time maintaining high and sustainable levels of income or, more generally, the ability (of regions) to generate, while being exposed to external competition, relatively high income and employment levels… (european commission, 1999. p. 4). lengyel, i. quotes the european competitiveness report (lengyel, i. 2004 p. 326): “competitiveness… is understood to mean a sustained rise in standard of living a nation and as low level of involuntary unemployment as possible.“ it is conspicuous how social solidarity is deeply embedded in european mentality. when “competitiveness” did replace “leveling” in regional policy, it suggested that the welfare state is over. still, the defi nition of competitiveness contains welfare elements. the nostalgia for egalitarianism is especially strong in postcommunist societies where sudden switch to the market economy made social security fragile (horváth, g. 1999). some authors – krugman, p. (1996) being their emblematic fi gure – refuse to adopt competitiveness (originally applied for fi rms, on microeconomic level) on national or regional scale. he argues that no analogy could be made between a nation (region) and a fi rm. firstly: an unsuccessful fi rm will go out of business, what is never to happen with a country (or region). secondly: success of a fi rm will oft en be at the expense of another one, whereas competition between countries might be mutually advantageous. porter, m.e. who has been the most frequently cited in writings about competitive advantages, suggests that the best measure of competitiveness is productivity. “the competitiveness, then, is measured by productivity“ (porter, m.e.–ketels, c.h.m. 2003, p. 7 cited by gardiner, b.–martin, r.– tyler, p. 2004). as it is assumed by the author of the present study, this view restricts competitiveness to the market of goods whereas there are fi rms (regions) competing for tourists, capital investments, for att racting foreign students to their universities, etc. it means that competitiveness cannot be measured by a single fi gure or factor; there are diff erent goals to compete for. certainly, speaking about regional competitiveness is a sort of simplifi cation. a region is not a competing unit – it is the fi rms located and institutions operating in the regions that take part directly in competition. there are unsuccessful fi rms in a prosperous region, as well as poor schools in a rich city. the term “competitive region“ means that the region has a number of local factors favourable for successes of fi rms and institutions. there is a long list for such factors from developed infrastructure to skilled manpower, from 36 modern (at present knowledge-based) sectors to traditional and specifi c skills, from innovation capacity to fl exible specialization etc. competitiveness is not just an economic term, but it is a socio-cultural concept as well. competitiveness has a meaning of comparison. a competitive region should off er comparative advantages for its fi rms or institutions (or for its inhabitants). in order to make comparison, elements of competition should be quantifi ed: competitiveness should be measured on regional level. it is not a simple task: one should select the directly measurable elements (many important social factors are not quantifi able, e.g. handicraft traditions), and even these measurable elements should have comparable data for all the territorial units and all the years in investigation. evidently, a more detailed data set was made available for measuring regional competitiveness within hungary, and a basic one for making international comparison. first we shall focus on analyzing the process of regional diff erentiation within the country; then we shall compare the competitiveness of hungarian regions to the eu-15 regions.3 the territorial unit of our analysis will be the county, the sub-national territorial unit of public administration (nuts-iii). hungary has 19 counties + budapest; they have a long traditions (like voivodeships in poland) and their territory has remained unchanged during the socialist period – the only exception among former communist countries. hungary has 7 nuts-ii regions, mostly for the purpose of eu regional statistics, more recently, as territorial units for the 2007–2013 development planning – but these regions have neither elected government units, nor fi nancial resources of their own. presently, aft er many aborted programs of territorial reforms in public administration, these nut-ii regions are rather units for central budget redistribution, and their institutions (e.g. regional development agencies) are those delegated from the central government. the advantage of the use of counties instead of nuts ii regions is that their analysis provides a more detailed geographical picture of competitiveness. competitiveness will be expressed by three interrelated economic parameters of the region: per capita gdp; labour productivity; employment rate. these indices fi t in the eu defi nition for competitiveness, quoted above. this is a simplifi ed approach about competitiveness, but its elements have appropriate data and make the substantial comparison of diff erent territorial units possible. for a more sophisticated model of competitiveness (the pyramide model) see lengyel, i. 2004. ³ the use of eu-15 average in comparison is justifi ed by the fact that most of the data refer to 2001; and the catching up to the average of the eu-15 has been the target of the economic policy since 1990. – – – 37 competitiveness of hungarian counties i: basic elements per capita gdp is a most suitable parameter to characterize economic output and growth, the performance of a given county. in hungary, the gdp has been recorded on county level since 1996. the last data available at the time of our research were from 2001. thus, these fi ve years were compared; incidentally, these fi ve years represent a distinct period in our post-communist economic history.4 the gdp was calculated on purchasing power parity (ppp). all of the counties produced growth between 1996 and 2001. growth was especially dynamic in a group of seven counties (including bmr). they produced a clear catching up with the eu (see table 1, fig. 1), their growth being much faster than the eu-15 average. even slowest counties have produced the eu average (even though they were not able to improve disadvantageous position). these seven counties form an explicit geographical cluster: six of them are located along the budapest–vienna and budapest–balaton axes. budapest experienced the most spectacular growth: the capital city is the only international metropolis of the country. the city has proven to be a strong att raction ⁴ 1990–1993 was a period of rapid collapse of the state economy (with a 30% drop in gdp); 1993–1995 were the years of overall privatization and a substantial economic restructuring, whereas in 1996 a spectacular growth started, having slowed down aft er 2001. fig. 1. per capita gdp as percentage of eu–15 average (2001) 38 for transnational corporations, and it has had a leading role in r&d and high level business services since long. per capita gdp made up 86% of the eu-15 average in 1996 and it rose to 108% by 2001. the second most developed county produced but 63% of the eu-15 average. consequently, budapest and a few developed counties have played an outstanding role in economic growth of hungary. the less developed counties showed a distinct geographical clustering, too: with two exceptions all they are located either in northern hungary (in a region what suff ered most from the decline of the traditional heavy industry) or on the alföld (eastern hungary), a traditional rural area. the east/west divide of the country survived and became more accentuated. the poorest counties reach but 30% of the eu-15 average in per capita gdp. the six-year period of the rapid growth examined saw increasing regional inequalities. some developed counties grew faster, while backward table 1. per capita gdp by counties and nuts ii regions compared to the average of eu–15 county, region 1996 2001 changes 2001/1996 city of budapest pest central hungary fejér komárom-esztergom veszprém central transdanubia győr-moson-sopron vas zala western transdanubia baranya somogy tolna southern transdanubia borsod-abaúj-zemplén heves nógrád northern hungary hajdú-bihar jász-nagykun-szolnok szabolcs-szatmár-bereg northern great plain bács-kiskun békés csongrád southern great plain hungary 86 34 68 48 42 38 43 52 51 44 49 36 35 42 37 33 34 27 32 36 35 28 33 35 36 43 38 47 108 44 84 54 49 44 49 63 53 45 55 40 36 44 40 34 40 30 35 39 37 30 35 36 35 43 38 53 +22 +10 +16 +6 +7 +6 +6 +11 +2 +1 +6 +4 +1 +2 +3 +1 +6 +3 +3 +3 +2 +2 +2 +1 -1 0 0 +6 source: lengyel i. (2003, 311 p.). 39 areas kept falling behind. budapest is out of comparison: the bmr represents another category than the rest of the country. as far as the counties are concerned: the most developed one has a per capita gdp 2.8 times higher than the less developed one in 2001 (there was a 2.6-fold diff erence in 1996). the gap is widening between the most developed and handicapped counties; moreover, due to eu membership a further growth of disparities is expected. most probably, the developed counties will be able to benefi t from eu structural or cohesion fund resources more than less developed ones will. (enyedi gy. 2004). also, less developed rural counties in east hungary will suff er strongly from market competition within eu, because of their poor economic performance. rural policy aft er the systemic change has been full of improvizations, it has had more welfare character instead of economic rationality and has tried to satisfy the alternating interest of diff erent pressure groups. „regional levelling” has been a favourite slogan of diff erent political parties in the period of political campaigns; but no government could diminish regional diff erences in standard of living while the gap is widening in competitiveness. productivity, the economic output calculated for a working hour, or the gdp per active population represents another important element of competitiveness. active population means those persons between age of 15 and 64 years who are employed, sole proprietors, cooperative members, entrepreneurs or (in case of agriculture) helping family members. it is worthwhile to distinguish between the output (gdp) per total population and per active earners. high productivity is a fundamental element of competitiveness and a long-term growth. one could produce growth in the case of low productivity and a massive employment of cheap labour (this is the case in developing countries and this was the case at the time of hasty “socialist” industrialization during the 1950s and 1960s). this sort of development supposes low-standard technology and traditional economic structure – both an absolute handicap in present-day european competition. in hungary, the productivity has improved quite impressively, due to rapid economic restructuring and technology transfer, and a drop in employment rate. not surprisingly, regional inequalities have a similar spatial patt ern than that of per capita gdp, but they are less polarized (fig. 2). in 2001, the productivity value (i.e. gdp/ active population) in the eminent county was 1.7 times higher than in the least eff ective one (in 1996 there was a 1.5-fold diff erence). over the period in concern productivity improved by 31% in hungary, led by the most developed counties (bmr: 48%, győr-moson-sopron county: 46%) thus the gap was widening between the leading counties and the rest of the country. at the same time, in this ”rest of the country” some levelling trends could be detected: there were counties in western hungary where progress had slowed down, while some backward areas were able to improve their position in ranking. 40 finally, employment rate is the third basic element of regional productivity. central statistical offi ce has calculated the employment rate on the 15–64 years age group. employment rate in hungary is one of the lowest in europe. unemployment rate is not particularly high – around 6%, which remained stable during the past years – but there are many people in active age being outside of the labour market. besides general tendencies – e.g. aging population, growing number of university students – it is the exceptional fast economic restructuring and privatization in post-socialist hungary that may explain this situation. employees of the collapsing state owned heavy industry and mining were off ered early retirement, because they had no chance (over 40) to be retrained or to fi nd new employment. so many people escaped unemployment by disability retirement. although middle aged males have had poor state of health, indeed, massive disability retirement used to be an – offi cially never declared – form of social aid. in the less developed counties, the share of disability pensioners of the active age (under 64) population is over 10%, whereas in western hungary is around 5%. another explaining factor of under-employment is the way of land re-privatization in agriculture in the early 1990s. it was a rather complicated process with the fi nal outcome of an excessively fragmented patt ern of land ownership. a part of the old-new owners (most of them left agriculture during the decades of the state socialist system) simply let their land to rent by fig. 2. geographical diff erences in productivity (gdp/active population), 2001. (country average = 100) 41 larger farms and they subsist on the rent, without having any registered occupation. finally, in certain sectors illegal and non-registered employment is also important, either in the widespread black economy in general, or in the most developed north-western region in particular, where there is an extensive commuting of workers from slovakia.5 employment rate has improved in every county between 1996 and 2002, but in most of them it had been a slow process. regional inequalities have been rather stable as less developed counties did not succeed to enlarge job opportunities. the impressive per capita gdp growth was due to the improved productivity – good news to the economists – but it was not accompanied by a tangible enlargement of employment – bad news for social policy. despite the decline in the number of the total population, hungarian labour economy has not yet recovered from the consequences of over-employment in the state socialist system and of the collapse of the state economic sector during the transitional crisis. the geographical patt ern is as usual: the north-west of hungary excels in high employment rates (56–57% of the active age group), whereas the northeast represents another extreme (40–42 %, fig. 3). ⁵ building industry is the largest employer of the „black” manpower: to a great extent they are immigrants – fi rst of all from romania – without working permit. commuters from slovakia are legal, but they are not registered in hungarian population statistics, thus they are not calculated in employment rate either. fig. 3. employment rate (employed population in percentage of active age i.e. 16–64 – year population) 2002 42 competitiveness of hungarian counties ii: infl uencing factors lengyel, i. (2003) in his excellent monography presents a detailed analysis about diff erent factors that infl uence regional competitiveness. he explains that the fi ndings of the analysis of key factors – namely that the remarkably improving economic performance of hungary is practically due to 4–5 counties out of the 206 – “have an ex-post character, they measure competitiveness, but they do not explain which are the factors to defi ne the level of and changes in competitiveness“ (lengyel, i. 2003 p. 329). also he analyzed fi ve other factors suitable to explain the regional diff erences in competitiveness. based on his analysis four infl uencing factors are to be discussed. they are as follows: (1) capital investment att raction both from abroad and other regions. in hungary, foreign capital investment has played a decisive role in economic restructuring. two-thirds of these investments was directed to the bmr.7 these investments are present in the high-tech, r&d, banking and in high level business sectors etc. in north-west hungary, manufacturing industry was the main target for foreign direct investment (fdi). in the less developed regions foreign capital was mostly invested in public utilities (electricity, gas, sewage supply). these sectors have no multiplying eff ect on local economy, thus they do not stimulate economic growth. (2) infrastructure and human resources. with regard to competitiveness infrastructure has a very broad meaning: accessibility of motorways in physical sense and internet availability in terms of information are perhaps the most important features. bulk of fdi has fl owed to establishments located along the budapest–vienna motorway. the network of international motorways is focused on budapest, they off er a fast connection to northern italy (via croatia) and to the west balkans, but they have not yet reached the ukranian border. there is a low pc supply and inadequate internet accessibility in the households of the contry, with budapest being the only exception. internet fees are too high for being aff orded by an average household. the concentration of modern infrastructure is even higher in the bmr than that of economic activity. concerning human resources, our interest is reduced on measurable elements, mostly on education and age structure. the quality of human resources is very much infl uenced by “soft “ features like traditions, business culture, work ethics etc. which are essential factors in more detailed regional studies – but they are not quantifi able the same way as economic or demographic factors. as far as the level of education is concerned, its geographical patt ern does not follow the well known north-west/ north-east dichotomy. the position of budapest is absolutely privileged: one quarter of the population over 25 years has a degree of higher education: the ⁶ 19 counties and the bmr. ⁷ in reality, this share is smaller, but no data available concerning outsourcing by tncs located in budapest (including geographical distribution of the outsourced activities). 43 second highest value is its half (12.5%) in csongrád county located in the less developed southern part of the alföld. budapest has a post-industrial, metropolitan economic structure with a large labour market for highly qualifi ed persons. there are no important diff erences in the level of education between the counties: economy of the most developed ones (in term of per capita gdp) is based on manufacturing industry with a relatively low demand on cadres with fi nished higher education; at the same time, less developed regions east of the tisza river traditionally have good schools and universities. because of the low geographical mobility human resources are under-utilized in eastern hungary – perhaps providing reserve for the future development. the geography of aging has its own spatial patt ern, which does not follow the traditional west/east divide. the aging index (i.e. percentage population over 64 or elder of that under 14) is far the highest in budapest; at the same time the outer zone of the bmr has the second youngest population in the country (fig. 4). it means that budapest follows the demographic patt ern of the cities in developed countries: suburbs house young and middle aged families with children, whereas the city centre is sett led by young professionals without children and by elderly people. the presence of a large group of young, educated, partly multinational professionals is an important asset of the city’s booming economy. at the same time, most of the aged population live among fragile life conditions, because of the devaluation of the retirement pensions since the 1990s. during the communist era, aged persons had no opportunity fig. 4. the aging index, 2002 44 to save for their aft er-retirement life and now in many cases high age means poverty and marginality, a drop-out from the middle class. aging is present in some less developed counties as well, but rather in the south and not in the east of the country. less developed counties have a relatively sizable rural population, what is aged in most cases because of the earlier out-migration of young population. the northeast (comprising the most backward rural areas) shows a young age structure, because of the relatively high proportion of roma population. romas traditionally have a higher fertility rate, than the hungarian population, and their life expentancy is lower. (3) research and development it is not surprising that this sector, the primary factor to promote innovations and competitiveness in a knowledge-based economy, is concentrated in budapest. two thirds of the employees of the r&d sector work in the capital city: the otherwise developed north-eastern counties have a rather low research potential. in 2002, almost 90% of the patents registered abroad were produced in budapest research institutions and laboratories. outside budapest, there are few developed r&d “islands“ mostly related to the best universities (at debrecen and szeged). these r&d centres have but a limited impact upon the development of their regions: the universities have no full faculties of technologies, and hungarian enterprises which operate in these less developed regions are not innovation oriented. one of the drawbacks of the hungarian r&d sector is that the major part of its scarce fi nancing8 comes from the state budget. hungarian enterprises have business policy for a short perspective: tncs which dominate the economic scene have their research units abroad – with the exception of some favourable cases. in sum: bmr is the only sizable centre of r&d in the country. (4) small and medium sized enterprises (sms). there are only few hungarian tncs, e.g. mol, the petroleum company, or otp bank. they have built up a central european network, but most of the enterprises in hungarian ownership belong to the category of small and medium sized ones.9 their fi nancial capital and export activities are concentrated at budapest; otherwise the geographical distribution has a rather uniform pattern. smes operate mostly in local markets, they do not contribute tangibly to the competitiveness of their region. nevertheless, their role in employment is quite important: in the less developed counties they provide jobs for a combined 60–70% of the workforce in the production and production services sectors. hungarian economy has a dual character: the rapid penetration of tncs modernized the hungarian economy rapidly. they produce over 70% of export, but their decision-making centres are evidently outside of hungary, and their employment capacity is relatively low. at the same time the sme sector being dominated by hungarian capital is less innovative, and its long-term prospects ⁸ expenditures for r&d amounted to a mere 1.3% of the gdp in 2002. ⁹ because of the geographical proximity, austrian and german smes also operate in hungary. 45 in the present structure are ambiguous, even though they have a considerable weight in employment, especially in the less developed regions. although the relationship between these two sectors – due to the expanding outsourcing of tncs – is strengthening, they are still but loosely linked. summary (1) competitiveness within the european union. there is a certain gap within the european union between former members and accession countries. on country level, portugal, the less competitive country in eu–15 is headed only by cyprus; malta and slovenia are on the same level as portugal. they are followed by the czech republic and hungary. closing the gap seems to be a diffi cult and long term task, especially if taking into consideration that new member countries could reach just the fragment of fi nancial sources that were earlier available for the mediterranean half-periphery. on nuts 2 level, budapest metropolitan area is on the top of the accession countries, together with prague, cyprus and bratislava. all the other hungarian nuts 2 regions are among the average of the accession countries except north-west hungary (8th among regions of the new member states). even though there has always been a concern about regional inequalities within hungary, these diff erences are not striking in european comparison. competitiveness of the bmr is close to the eu average, north-west hungary has a relatively favourable position among new member countries, but all the other hungarian regions have a weak competitiveness. (2) competitiveness within hungary. geographical diff erences in competitiveness were analyzed earlier. very probably they show more than higher or lower degrees of competitiveness. actually, three diff erent stages of development are present in hungary (enyedi gy. 2000; lengyel, i. 2003). a) bmr is a prominent growth pole for the country. it is developing into a real knowledge-based and innovation generating economic region: there is an important r&d sector including research units of tncs; a number of regional (central european, in some case european) company headquarters are located here; high level business services are widespread. b) north-western counties are in the stage of investment led development; their economy uses knowledge without generating it locally. there are a number of newly developed plants in manufacturing and high-tech industry, invested mostly by tncs, but they are not yet fi rmly rooted into local economy. further development – i.e. switch into the knowledge producing phase depends on how outsourcing will be able to integrate new investments into regional economy, and how the weak r&d sector will be strengthened. central and south-west transdanubian counties have the same character, in an incipient, less developed form. a and b types are more or less integrated into the european urban/economic networks in various respects 46 (fi nancial, transport, production, social values etc). budapest and its region had presented a higher stage of urban/economic development during the whole period of modern urbanization than the rest of the country. c) northern and eastern hungary comprising 12 counties altogether form the “third“ hungary located east of the danube. they are in neo-fordist stage of economic development, when economic restructuring just started and there is a certain hope that newly att racted investments in manufacturing industry would be able to solve the problem of under-employment and the rural crisis. evidently, this huge area – half of the country’s territory – is not homogeneous; larger university towns – debrecen, miskolc, szeged – form a couple of islands of modernity. they have a limited spill-over eff ect upon their regions: they rather produce knowledge that will be used in the more advanced regions (fig. 5). (3) competitiveness of regions: future trends. geographical diff erences in economic competitiveness of hungarian regions have been shaped for long and within the state boundaries of the country. in 1972, research institute of central planning board calculated the per capita gdp by counties. the geographical distribution of the most and less developed counties – and the difference between them – practically was the same than 30 years later. (the only important diff erence was due to the decline of the mining and heavy industry in northern hungary.) whenever a new economic or technological stage fig. 5. stages of regional development. – a = knowledge-based stage; b = investment led stage; a + b = integrated into global networks; c1 = signs of catching up; c2 = neo-fordist stage, local economy; d = modern „islands”, transborderties 47 of development started to spread from the european core area towards the semi-periphery, it was always budapest urban region the fi rst and north-west hungary the second of the regions to adapt innovation and to extend it to the rest of the country. aft er 1989, international infl uence became much stronger, as a consequence of the dissolution of the state socialist system and that of the advancement of globalization: but the geographical picture has not changed. as it is assumed by the author, eu membership of hungary may change this long lasting tendency for two reasons. a) hungarian regions became a part of the united european market, thus they are forced to compete with all the european regions, without the slightest possibility for state protectionism. hungary shall learn in the near future, how competitive advantages within the country may be converted onto european scale. most probably, competitiveness of budapest is not in danger what may further strengthen the advantage of the capital city region. b) in a longer run, transboundary cooperation may lead to the formation of international regions. this may aff ect the whole regional structure of the country substantially for out of the 19 counties 15 have state border. the relatively small country (93,000 km2 – the size of portugal) has seven neighboring states. five of them – austria, romania, slovakia, slovenia and romania – are eu members, and croatia will hopefully join the union in the near future. there are potentially good opportunities for the formation of transnational regions (a closer integration, than the present day euroregions) what may put less developed northern and eastern hungarian counties into a more favourable position than they have today. cities in eastern hungary could acquire gateway functions towards south eastern europe which may speed up their post-industrial development. hungarian economy was hit rather seriously by the present global economic crisis. budget defi cit and foreign indebtedness allow but a limited opportunity for government fi nancial intervention to stimulate market demands. the high share of tncs in industrial and fi nancial sectors means that fundamental decisions on the level of enterprises are taken abroad. at the time of writing of this paper, nobody could tell how long this crisis is to last, how and when the recovery will begin. maybe the content of competitiveness shall be modifi ed and neo-liberal economic policy revised. most probably, the crisis will enhance regional inequalities as the recovery will start in the most advanced regions and we can expect a longer crisis in backward regions. references enyedi gy. 2000. globalizáció és a magyar területi fejlődés. (globalization and the hungarian regional development.) – tér és társadalom vol. 14. no. 1. pp. 1–10. enyedi gy. 2004. processes of regional development in hungary. – in: the region, enyedi, g.–tózsa, i. (eds). akademiai kiadó, budapest, pp. 21–35. 48 european commission 1999. sixth periodic report on the social and economic situation of regions in the eu. european commission, brussels. gardiner, b.–martin, r.–tyler, p. 2004. competitiveness, productivity and economic growth across the european regions. regional studies, vol. 38. pp. 1045–1067. horváth, g. 1999. changing hungarian regional policy and accession to the european union. european urban and regional studies, vol. 6. no. 2. pp. 166–177. kornai, j. 1992. the socialist system. – the political economy of communism. oxford university press, oxford. krugman, p. 1994. competitiveness: a dangerous obsession. foreign aff airs, vol. 73. pp. 28–44. krugman, p. 1996. pop internationalism. – mit press, cambridge ma. lengyel i. 2003. verseny és területi fejlődés. (competition and regional development.) – jate press, szeged. lengyel, i. 2004. the pyramid model: enhancing regional competitiveness in hungary. acta oeconomica, vol. 54. pp. 323–342. porter, m.e. 1998. on competition. harvard business school press, boston. porter, m.e.–ketels, c.h.m. 2003. uk competitiveness: moving to the next stage. economical paper 3, department of trade and industry, london. the impact of tourism on subjective quality of life among hungarian population 121 hungarian geographical bulletin 2009. vol. 58. no 2. pp. 121–136. the impact of tourism on subjective quality of life among hungarian population gábor michalkó1–kornélia kiss2–balázs kovács3–judit sulyok3 abstract nowadays the clarifi cation of the issues concerning subjective quality of life (qol) enjoys a priority both in the dialogue between academic workshops and in political quarters responsible for the general state of society. the researchers – let them be the representatives of philosophy, psychology, sociology, geography or economics – are keen on fi nding the paths towards the sources of happiness, the ways to achieve subjective well-being, whilst the politicians are eager to trace what could be done in this sense by the power. there has been a wealth of literature on the relationship between the achievement of overall life satisfaction and sustainability of political power, notwithstanding only minor emphasis was put on the travelling behaviour of population as a factor of qol and, consequently, of happiness. the governments of bourgeois democracies tend to cherish the sources of happiness stemming from leisure time spending – driven not so much by the desire to extend their power in time, rather prompted by moral responsibility for the well-being of society. writings on the ways how policies might promote leisure time spending with travelling are many, but it is hardly known how these eff orts have been able to infl uence subjective qol. in hungary, the national tourism development strategy (2005–2013) att ributes paramount importance to travelling of hungarian population as one of the means to increase qol – an eff ort unique even in international comparison. to att ain the objectives formulated in this document, and in order to yield a profi t for the society, the tourism unit of ministry of local government and regional development (now ministry of local government), together with the hungarian national tourist offi ce and geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences had requested the hungarian central statistical offi ce to perform a survey on the happiness markers related to travelling behaviour of the country’s population. this survey by questionnaires conducted in 11,500 households in the year 2007 has surfaced relationships between tourism and qol hardly acknowledged heretofore. putt ing the results of the survey considered representative with reference to the adult (18+) population of hungary in the context of hungarian and international literature, the present study provides an assessment of the tables of the data referring to the diff erent variables. a special emphasis is addressed to the general linkage between travels and overall life satisfaction and to the components of happiness off ered by travelling. keywords: tourism, quality of life, happiness, welfare, well-being, life satisfaction 1 geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences, budaörsi út 45., 1112 budapest, hungary. e-mail: michalko@iif.hu 2 hungarian national tourist offi ce, bartók béla út 103–115., 1115 budapest, hungary. e-mail: kissk@itt hon.hukissk@itt hon.hu 3 hungarian national tourist offi ce, bartók béla út 103–115., 1115 budapest, hungary 122 introduction the fact that changing one’s usual environment helps to satisfy physical needs more eff ectively, namely relaxation and nutrition outside of the everyday space ensures a more intense regeneration, is among the well-known thesis of tourism sciences (puczkó, l.–rátz, t. 1998; michalkó, g. 2007). but, generally the participation in travelling, or the concrete eff ect of a trip on the individual’s happiness, is a less known issue. the theoretical outcomes of such an analysis result in a valuable knowledge not only for the social sciences, but also for the political sphere, as recognizing the importance of the population’s quality of life is one of the criteria for modern government (bianchi, m. 2007). european union institutions emphasise that focusing on quality of life is the responsibility of the government in power (at the time of this study 413 documents of the eu operative legislation4 include the term ’quality of life’). in hungary, almost 100 laws or decrees include the term ’quality of life’ in its text. the new hungary development plan (nhdp)5 adopted in 2006 refers to the national tourism development strategy (ntds) as a ’benefi cial’ sector document. the ntds is a strongly quality of life oriented strategy. all these point out that tourism has passed the one-sided focus of its economic and regional development function, because by now the hungarian politicians have recognized the importance of its social role. nevertheless, exploitation of the opportunities regarding development of quality of life still needs substantial research focusing on the cohesion of travelling and happiness. although studies focusing on quality of life date back for a long time also in hungary (hankiss, e.–manchin, gy. 1976), academic tourism professionals has begun to recognize its opportunities only at the beginning of the 21st century (kovács, b.–michalkó, g.–horkay, n. 2007; michalkó, g.–lőrincz, k. 2007). besides the lack of the theoretical background, the one-sided statistical data collection, namely the demand/turnover oriented approach limited the launch of such a study. as of 2004, the results of the survey about the travelling habits of the hungarian population conducted by the hungarian central statistical offi ce (hcso) provided more information about the relationship between tourism and quality of life. as a result of the interest from the political sphere and the academic circles, the cohesion between the travelling habits and the happiness in connection with it was analysed for the fi st time in 2007 where the sample was representative to the hungarian adult (18+) population. the hcso included a short questionnaire in the 2007 data collection, developed by a professional team included the tourism unit of ministry of local government and regional development (now ministry of local government), 4 htt p://eur-lex.europa.eu/ download: 6 march 2008. 5 1103/2006. (x. 30.) government order about the adoption of the new hungary development plan. 123 the hungarian national tourist offi ce and the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences. the questions intended to trace the relationship between tourism and quality of life from three diff erent aspects: fi rstly travelling as source of happiness, secondly eff ect of travelling to the quality of life, and thirdly subjective refl ection at the destination. the present study is a pioneer initiative in hungary, it intends to analyse the correlation between travelling and happiness using a representative sample. this allows to point out the eff ect of household’s size, education, age, income level and travelling habits/participation in tourism on the subjective qol. this paper does not include the role of tourism at the destination, namely its local eff ects. eff ect of tourism on the subjective quality of life although wealth, position in the power hierarchy and the social status are the charismatic symbols of happiness in the developed world, the psychology considers the control over the consciousness as the base for the individual’s quality of life, henceforward (csíkszentmihályi, m. 2001). first of all, it is up to the individual how to appreciate the life, whether to feel satisfaction or not, so happiness derives from internal harmony. csíkszentmihályi, m. (2001:77) points out in his fl ow analyses that ’in order to improve our life, we should improve our experiences’. tourism is a typical activity where travellers experience a so called fl ow. this means they become active in leading their deeds, their feeling becomes a milestone of the experience. the perfect experience originated from the objective, preparation, energy input and concentration can be relieved during other trips which are expressed by the defi nition of life satisfaction, as veenhoven, r. (2003) puts, it leads to the awareness of happiness. as tourism trips lead far away from spaces of everyday life, the exclusion of the factors disturbing consciousness and of everyday life impulses contributes to the relaxation, to the participation in the activity or to re-experiencing it. the fl ow experience fulfi lled by travelling can be reached both by leisure and business tourism. meanwhile leisure tourists seek the empirical experiences in connection with the desired att raction, in the case of business trips, the fulfi lment of professional success generates the fl ow itself reached on the way to it. travelling needs a comprehensive preparation including defi ning the motivation, choosing the destination, ensuring the expenditure and organization (mäser, b.–weiermair, k. 1998; bieger, t.–laesser, ch. 2004). this allows defi ning tourism as a fl ow stimulating activity. the experience of standing before a worldwide known painting far from home fulfi lling thereby a dream, or chatt ing aft er one’s presentation at an international conference, all these need a signifi cant input. therefore the achievement induces happy 124 moments. these moments, alone themselves or together as a trip, can lead to life satisfaction. although tourism has been dedicated a core role in studies aimed at quality of life (csíkszentmihályi, m. 1998; neal, j. et al. 1999), academics has paid less att ention to the eff ects of spending leisure time by travelling. the reason behind this can be explained by the late recognition of the correlation between tourism and life satisfaction among academics, as at the beginning of the studies on subjective quality of life, travelling was not included among the measured factors of value hierarchy (neal, j. et al. 2007; royo, m. 2007). in qol studies starting in the 1960–70s, tourism had no separate image, although the number of international tourist arrivals reached 100 million by that time (wto 2003). freedom, the acquitt ance of work limitations naturally had a key role in diff erent satisfaction models, but travelling became a signifi cant segment of leisure time spending only later on. its function was not so characteristic like today when the number of international tourist arrivals converges to one billion (neal, j. et al. 2004). the role of tourism in life satisfaction studies is highlighted by the fact that the internationally most acknowledged expert in happiness studies, ruut veenhoven’s reference database contains only one study6 dealing with tourism. meanwhile since the beginning of the 1990s, international bibliography has referred continuously to studies dealing with diff erent aspects of the correlation between tourism and the subjective qol (dobos, j.–jeffres, l. 1993; richards, g. 1999). the same cannot be said about the hungarian professionals who ignored the topic. this is mainly due to the fact that basic research of life satisfaction in hungary belongs to the competence of sociology which pays less att ention to tourism. meanwhile the ’hungarostudy’ research series of maria kopp tries to approach qol as complex as possible, it hardly recognises the eff ect of tourism to the increase of happiness. this can be explained by the study’s orientation towards health sciences (kopp, m.–pikó, b. 2006). although tourism has got no lead in any international research on qol, the factors which are monitored in most of the life satisfaction studies, are strongly interrelated with travelling (fekete, zs. 2006; brülde, b. 2007). in rahman’s model, health, family, friends and work are in the focus, all of them – even to a diff erent extent – are important motivations for travelling (kovács, b.–michalkó, g.–horkay, n. 2007). all these lead to health tourism, vfr (visiting friends and relatives) or business tourism. in order to preserve health, to maintain social relationships, to be successful in the professional life/work, people oft en leave their usual place of living, so travelling contributes to life satisfaction. according to the results of the research led by ágnes utasi (2006), more elements of the subjective well-being, as one of the att ributes of quality 6 htt p://worlddatabaseofh appiness.eur.nl download: 8 march 2008. 125 life, can be linked to tourism. although individual surveys do not highlight the role of travelling in forming social and transcendent relations, according the program’s hypotheses, travelling has a signifi cant role in developing safety satisfaction factors like familiar relationships, public life or religion. approaching from the point of view of the bibliography analysing subjective qol, well-being materialised in travelling can be observed both in the activity itself, so in the satisfaction of the motivation and in the everyday life’s infl uence (perdue, r. et al. 1999; jurowski, c.–brown, d. 2001; gilbert, d.–abdullah, j. 2002). for most of the travellers, tourism is a useful and pleasant activity as it generates agreeable episodes of leisure time spending. travelling is good. considering that travelling has a motivation, and that the traveller prepares the trip himself or with the help of a professional travel organizer, tourism is mostly a successful activity. so, besides gett ing away from the everyday environment, self-justifi cation, pleasure generated by the satisfaction of needs, tourism mobility also includes the usefulness, as travelling proceeds have their benefi ts in everyday life (e.g. education/new knowledge, new relationships, physical relaxation etc.). the measurement of subjective quality of life is one of the most diffi cult areas of social sciences (babbie, e. 1999). the commission of the political sphere motivates researchers to ’bomb’ the society with surveys using diff erent scales of satisfaction, in spite of acknowledging the methodological diffi culties of the topic (ferreri-carbonell, a.–frij ters, p. 2004; gebauer gy. 2007). meanwhile some professionals intend to approach subjective qol by so called substitute (proxy) indicators, most of the academics agree that one cannot judge one’s well-being based on an outsider’s observation (hegedűs, r. 2001; szabó, l. 2003). participation in tourism is a typical example for the acknowledgement of a gap in using a substitute indicator. namely, travelling to a funeral of a relative living in the countryside does not increase quality of life, so the number of trips taken cannot lead to conclusions about one’s wellbeing. even though there are researchers who question the feasibility of the measurement of happiness (griffin, j. 2007), it does have a place among social indicators if the monitoring of the subjective qol presumes the norms, takes into account the temporal comparability, and includes substantive questions (lengyel, l. 2002). compared with general happiness research, the studies aimed at the correlation between tourism and subjective qol have not enriched much the bibliography about the methodology. in most cases, att itudes toward travelling, correlation between tourism activities and satisfaction and monitoring of tourism’s eff ect to one’s life are in the focus of analysis about tourism mobility and happiness (pomfret, g. 2006; andereck, k. et al. 2007). and, in none of the studies has been included a survey representative to the population of a country. 126 role of hungarian population’s travelling in happiness generation participation of the hungarian population in tourism travelling is part of leisure time culture of the hungarian population, tourism can be defi ned as part of the life both among people grown-up/socialised in the kádár-system/socialism and among the generation following them (czeglédi, j. 1982; lengyel, l. 1988, 2004). commissioned by the hungarian national tourist offi ce, the research group in m.á.s.t. (market and public opinion poll company) has been carrying out survey about the travelling habits of the hungarian population as of 2003. using the same methodology since then, it enables comparison between time-series, and the 1,000 persons sample is representative to the adult (18+ years old) hungarian population by place of residence, gender and age. according to the research results, the hungarian population actively participates both in domestic and outbound tourism. between 2003 and 2006, 61–72% of the households had taken a oneday trip, meanwhile 61–62% was the share of households taking an overnight trip. reasons for non-travelling are mainly economic situation, health concerns and lack of time (m.á.s.t. 2007). the tourism motivation, and the activities generated by it come to life in relaxation, in visiting friends and relatives and in beach/waterside tourism, namely they appear on the physiological level and on the level of social relations of the hierarchy by maslow, a. as the satisfaction of the basic and the growing needs also play a role in life satisfaction (maslow, a. 2003), gett ing out of the everyday environment by travelling can contribute to the increase of happiness of the hungarian population. this leads to the conclusion that people who travel are happier than non-travellers. methodology in line with the national tourism development strategy (2005–2013) and in order to fulfi l the policy’s requirements regarding quality of life, the tourism unit of ministry of local government and regional development (now ministry of local government), together with the hungarian national tourist offi ce and the geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences defi ned the issues seeking the primary correlation between tourism and life satisfaction7. aft er consulting the international and available in hungary literature, three themes had been highlighted: fi rstly general life satisfaction, 7 parallel, the tourism unit of the ministry of local government began to develop the tourismspecifi c life satisfaction index (in hungarian témi). in order to monitor the theoretical frameworks and to develop the methodology, it has commissioned the preparation of an internationally pioneer study to a consortium led by company xellum ltd. 127 secondly the role of travelling in happiness generation, thirdly tourism as an activity infl uencing economic, social and natural environment. the questions defi ned by the expert team were included in the survey about the travelling habits of the hungarian population conducted by the hungarian central statistical offi ce. the results of the survey conducted in 11,500 households in 2007 are representative to the hungarian adult (18+) population. in this paper, the general life satisfaction and the symbiosis of travelling is analysed by household’s size, age, education, income level and participation in tourism/number of trips taken. results travelling as a factor of happiness the analysis of the hungarian population’s life satisfaction shows a general average of a more positive than unconcerned state of 3.32 (1 to 5 scale where 1 is not happy at all, 5 is very happy) (table 1). happiness is infl uenced signifi cantly by age, education, income level, and participation in tourism, meanwhile household’s size has a limited eff ect. the bigger the household is, the happier is the individual. the happiness value is 2.88 in single households, 3.50 in households with 4 persons, meanwhile in households with 5 or more persons, the happiness value is somehow lower (3.47). the value of life satisfaction shows a signifi cant decrease with the age of the respondent. meanwhile happiness value is 3.67 among the 18–24 years old, the same value is 2.89 among 65+ years old people. also education has an important role in life satisfaction. respondents without primary education are much less happier (2.84) than people with a degree (3.86). polarization regarding income level shows the biggest diff erence in happiness value. meanwhile people who consider their income level very low have a happiness value of 2.80, people in the highest income category have a value of 3.93 (hungarian population proves the controversial axiom that money does not make happy, as money has proved to be of primary importance in the evaluation of life satisfaction). also travelling contributes to life satisfaction. the more trips are taken, the happier is the individual. those who did not take any trip in 2007, enjoy a happiness value of 3.05, meanwhile the same ratio is 3.73 among those who had taken at least 4 trips during the period in concern. although the hungarian population is actively involved both in domestic and outbound tourism, the interviewees rated the importance of travelling in their own life at 2.53 on average (1 to 5 scale where 1 = no role at all, 5 = very important role) (table 1). thus a conclusion could be drawn that tourism mobility does not play an especially important part in the value hierarchy of 128 table 1. image of happiness among the hungarian population, 2007 (n=11,500) factor life satisfaction* role of travelling in satisfaction** role of travelling in life*** household’s size 1 person 2 persons 3 persons 4 persons 5+ persons 2.85 3.22 3.42 3.50 3.47 3.14 3.38 3.55 3.69 3.49 2.07 2.41 2.66 2.82 2.48 age 18–24 25–44 45–64 65+ 3.67 3.55 3.20 2.89 3.86 3.66 3.41 3.01 2.99 2.79 2.48 1.87 education no education primary secondary degree 2.84 3.02 3.43 3.68 2.94 3.21 3.58 3.78 1.70 2.05 2.68 3.15 income level very low low average high very high 2.80 3.14 3.50 3.79 3.93 3.16 3.34 3.60 3.79 3.85 1.88 2.23 2.79 3.28 3.63 number of trips no trip 1–3 trips 4+ trips total 3.05 3.58 3.73 3.32 3.20 3.73 3.88 3.47 1.91 3.14 3.41 2.53 * question: generally, how happy do you consider yourself? ** question: in your opinion, how does travelling infl uence one’s happiness when one can aff ord to travel freely? *** question: what role does travelling play in your life? source: hcso the hungarian society. at the same time the household’s size, age, education, income level, and the participation in tourism are relevant factors when talking about the importance of tourism mobility. the larger the household is, the more important is the role of travelling, but comparing households with 4 persons (2.82) with bigger (5+) households we can see a drop in this value (2.48). in line with ageing, travelling is dedicated less importance: meanwhile among the 18–24 years old respondents the value is 2.99, 65+ years old respondents rate the importance of travelling at 1.87 on an average. also higher education seems to allow for the increased importance of travelling, whereas the least educated people show a much lower rate (1.70) 129 than the average. also the evaluation of income level increases parallel with the importance of travelling. interviewees with the lowest income gave a rate of 1.88 on an average, meanwhile among those with the highest income the same ratio is 3.63, namely the latt er group assigns maximum importance to tourism. those who had taken no trips during the studied period, are also aware of the importance of tourism mobility, their average rate of 1.91 is based on the previous travelling experience. naturally, tourism mobility was appreciated much higher (3.41) by those interviewees who had taken 4 or more trips. the hungarian population bears witness to the closer relationship between tourism mobility and life satisfaction when thinking about travelling as a source of happiness (table 1). the adult population gives a higher rate for travelling as a source of happiness (3.47) than for life satisfaction in general (3.32). taking into account the demographic factors, only respondents with high or very high income level show a similar or a somewhat lower (-0.08) rate of travelling as a source of happiness than general life satisfaction. the maximum positive anomaly was registered among the respondents with very low income (+0.36), the single households (+0.29) and among the 45–64 years old interviewees (+0.21). with regard to the eff ect of travelling on happiness, the household’s size, education, income level and tourism mobility shows a parallel ratio, meanwhile the age is in inverse ratio to it. for the households with 1 to 4 persons, the importance of tourism mobility as a source of happiness is in line with the education, income level and participation in tourism in 2007 (in the case of households with 5 or more persons, the evaluation of travelling as a source of happiness is lower than in the smaller ones). the older the respondent is, the lower is the importance of travelling as a source of happiness. in this respect the youngest respondents gave the highest rates, whereas the oldest interviewees assigned the lowest rates. travelling as a factor of value hierarchy the expenditure structure of the households highlights the qualitative and quantitative dimensions of need satisfaction. the realized expenditure is not in correlation with the evaluation of the importance of the given need, as the income level of the households is also infl uenced by diff erent circumstances, that are diffi cult to defi ne (e.g. illness, heritage), besides the classical income and expenditure factors like education, age, place of residence etc. so, when examining life satisfaction, it is much more approved to focus on the image of needs, rather than the volume of the expenditure on their satisfaction. the hungarian society’s satisfaction based on gárdonyi’s ’we are poor, but we are alive’ philosophy dates back to the ’fridge socialism’ in kádár’s hungary (lengyel, l. 1988., 2004., 1988). the conversion to capitalism and the 130 table 2. importance of selected material goods in the life of hungarian population, 2007 (n=11,500) fa ct or /g oo d s d om es ti c tr ip o ut bo un d tr ip h ea lt h, pr ev en ti on c ul tu ra l a ct iv it y (c in em a, th ea th er , ex hi bi ti on e tc .) h ou si ng /h om e e le ct ro ni c eq ui pm en t c lo th in g b uy in g ne w / ch an gi ng c ar education no education primary secondary degree 2.10 2.49 3.23 3.65 1.52 1.89 2.57 3.20 3.60 3.66 3.86 4.06 1.76 2.09 2.84 3.46 2.87 3.26 3.71 3.82 2.46 2.99 3.46 3.48 2.24 2.63 3.10 3.16 1.44 1.85 2.43 2.61 income level very low low average high very high total 2.40 2.74 3.31 3.61 3.76 3.03 1.79 2.12 2.67 3.32 3.50 2.42 3.62 3.77 3.88 4.05 3.62 3.82 2.04 2.38 2.93 3.35 3.44 2.67 3.25 3.41 3.72 3.77 4.06 3.56 2.96 3.09 3.47 3.57 3.85 3.28 2.73 2.71 3.09 3.30 3.20 2.93 1.75 1.95 2.50 2.80 2.99 2.24 source: hcso emerging consumer society aft er the transition in 1989 resulted in electronic equipment, cultural goods, travelling abroad, but also health and prevention services topping the value hierarchy of the hungarian population. besides the decreasing consumer structure of the impoverished social stratifi cation, the diversifi cation of material factors infl uencing life satisfaction can be observed until today. regarding the factors included in the study, health and prevention is at the top of the value hierarchy of the hungarian adult population (table 2). it is followed by the housing/home, and the electronic devices. on a scale of 1 to 5 (where 1 = not important at all, and 5 = very important) health and prevention has an importance of 3.82, meanwhile buying new/changing car is the least important (2.24) for the respondents. travelling is not among the essential values in the life of the hungarian population. domestic trip (3.03) is well behind health and prevention (3.82), housing/home (3.56) and electronic equipment (3.28). travelling abroad (2.42) is even less important than clothing (2.93) or cultural activities (2.67). as the study has a focus on tourism, the factors are highlighted where domestic and outbound trips showed the maximum value diff erence between the att ributes. the importance of domestic trip is infl uenced mostly by the education. for the domestic trips, average rates by respondents without any 131 education (2.10) and by respondents with a degree (3.65) showed a much bigger diff erence than regarding household’s size, age or income level. the same is in the case of the outbound trips where income level generates the biggest diff erence in the value. meanwhile respondents with a very low income gave a value of 1.79 for the importance of outbound trips the same ratio is 3.50 among the respondents with a very high income. for people with secondary education or a degree as well as for people with high or very high income, domestic and outbound trips are of greater importance than the average. 2.3.3. travelling as a functional activity with the fact taken for granted that travelling has a vital role in the satisfaction of human needs, trips with diff erent motivations can infl uence life satisfaction. for example, having a disease healed during a trip, fulfi llment of dreams and wishes outside of the daily environment, meeting/visiting friends and relatives, or a simple physical, spiritual or mental refreshment can contribute to the increase of subjective quality of life. tourism mobility of the hungarian adult population is mostly dominated by visiting friends and relatives, i.e. maintaining human relationships (table 3). on a scale of 1 to 5 (where 1 = not important at all, 5 = very important), relations with friends and relatives living far away has an importance of 3.84. this is followed by the regeneration, i.e. recreation of one’s working capacity (3.68). as travelling is also a joyful activity, a lot of respondents are keen to re-experience it over and over; they travel for the sake of enjoyment. this function of tourism mobility is much more valued (3.44) than health and prevention (2.83). generally speaking, travelling has the least importance in relation to success feeling of the individual (2.67). when the att ributes with the diff erent functions of travelling are analysed with regard to the role and importance of tourism mobility, it is household’s size and age that mainly infl uence the health and prevention functions of taking a trip. education is an important determining factor in relation to the regeneration function meanwhile income level has a signifi cant role at reexperiencing travelling or taking another trip. the number of trips strengthens the relationships with friends and relatives resulting in an increasing diff erence between the att ributes. health and prevention mark the biggest diff erence (+0.33) in the case of households with two (3.00) and fi ve or more (2.67) persons. regarding the age of the respondents, also health and prevention diff erentiate the most: meanwhile 18–24 years old respondents value it 2.31, the same ratio is 3.15 among 65+ year old respondents which shows a diff erence of +0.84. education has an outstanding role regarding relaxation, regeneration as the diff erence between respondents without education (2.91) 132 table 3. functions of travelling among the hungarian population, 2007 (n=11,500) factor health, prevention success feeling reexperience of travelling human relations regeneration household’s size 1 person 2 persons 3 persons 4 persons 5+ persons 2.99 3.00 2.78 2.74 2.67 2.73 2.63 2.69 2.72 2.59 3.38 3.38 3.43 3.52 3.42 3.75 3.79 3.88 3.90 3.83 3.53 3.56 3.74 3.83 3.61 age 18–24 25–44 45–64 65+ 2.31 2.74 3.05 3.15 2.65 2.74 2.69 2.39 3.67 3.53 3.38 3.02 3.79 3.91 3.83 3.71 3.65 3.85 3.66 3.19 education no education primary secondary degree 2.75 2.62 2.85 3.03 2.32 2.43 2.70 2.89 3.08 3.13 3.48 3.70 3.79 3.71 3.85 3.98 2.91 3.36 3.74 3.94 income level very low low average high very high 2.60 2.76 2.86 3.07 2.90 2.42 2.55 2.71 2.98 3.03 3.05 3.31 3.52 3.66 3.94 3.73 3.77 3.89 3.83 4.13 3.33 3.52 3.76 3.99 3.91 number of trips no trip 1–3 trips 4+ trips total 2.61 2.93 3.02 2.83 2.52 2.70 2.86 2.67 3.10 3.57 3.75 3.44 3.52 3.93 4.21 3.84 3.36 3.86 3.86 3.68 source: hcso and ones with a degree (3.94) is +1.03. income level determines the tourism mobility, namely repeated travelling is valued much more by respondents with high income (3.94) than by interviewees with a very low income (3.05) which means a diff erence of +0.89. the number of trips has the most infl uence with regard to the relationship with friends and relatives, respondents who had taken no trips in 2007 has a value of 3.52 which is much lower (+0.69) than the value among the respondents taking 4 or more trips (4.21). analysing the att ributes from the reverse aspect, the importance of travelling shows similar results as stated above. health and prevention is the least valued/determining function among the 18–24 years old (3.07) cohort and it is valued the highest among respondents with a high income (3.07). 133 success is the least important for interviewed with no education (2.32) and the most important for respondents with a high income (3.03). re-travelling has the smallest role among 65+ years old, meanwhile the biggest role among individuals with very high income (3.94). maintaining the relationship with relatives, the biggest diff erence can be seen between respondents taking no trip in 2007 (3.52) and the ones taking 4 or more trips (4.21). the regeneration function of travelling shows the biggest gap between respondents without education (2.91) and respondents with a high income (3.94). 3. conclusions thinking about happiness dates back to aristotle’s times, buts its wider interpretation has been assisted and shaped by recent social-economic changes. the rise of living standards, an easy availability of goods and services, and the growing freedom motivate politicians to initiate the development of intelligence concerning research inquiring about happiness. accepting veenhoven’s hypothesis, according to which happiness is the refl ection of life satisfaction and the materialisation of subjective quality of life, more att ention is paid to the exploration of the characteristic features of happiness, and to the way how to reach it. because of the transdisciplinary character of happiness studies and due to the complexity of life, the spectrum of such studies increases continuously. and so, also tourism as one of the most dynamically developing leisure sector plays an ever more important role in the studies on happiness. in hungary, research activities aimed at the correlation between tourism and the subjective qol has begun in line with the realisation of the national tourism development strategy (2005–2013). the main outcomes of the basic research which is representative to the hungarian adult population can be summarized in the followings. tourism mobility contributes to life satisfaction, as travellers have proven to be happier than non-travellers. among the factors defi ning tourism demand, this is mostly on a par with the role of personal incomes being discretionary in increasing happiness. the higher the individual’s income is, the happier he/she is. since discretionary income is a basic condition for travelling, richer people travel more frequently what makes them happier. although two thirds of the hungarian households participate in tourism, travelling does not have a key role in life. it has been found that younger, more educated people and persons with a higher income devote more att ention to travelling/the role of tourism. this is mainly explained by the extensive types of motivation, and by the more successful socialisation. even if travelling does not play a determining role in the life of the hungarian population, defi ning it as a factor of happiness results in a value 134 above the average satisfaction level. only respondents with high and with very high income valued tourism as factor of happiness at an average rate or at a rate lower than that. hungarian adults who are satisfi ed with their tourism mobility think that travelling can make them happier, meanwhile completion itself highlights that travelling is not the key for happiness. travelling cannot be defi ned as one of the most important issues in life. similarly to other hungarian and international studies, health and prevention is in the focus when talking about most important things in life (this fact shows a confi dence in developing health tourism). the fact that domestic tourism is valued more than travelling abroad, can be explained by the fi nancial limitations of the population. travelling primarily serves maintaining and strengthening social relations. taking into account that studies on the travelling habits of the hungarian population as a rule qualify visiting friend and relatives (vfr) among the most important motivation, it is not surprising that making relationship with friends and relatives closer also defi nes the function of tourism mobility. meanwhile health is the most important in life, this is not refl ected when the function of tourism is discussed. probably the high price level of health and wellness tourism keeps back the population 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(4.) pp. 437–457. wto 2003. compendium of tourism statistics. – madrid: wto. 193book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 189–197.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.70.2.8 hungarian geographical bulletin 70 2021 (2) the concept of ‘affect’ has influenced research in everyday geography for over two decades. affect is often used as almost a synonym to emotion in geography, but other times, more-than-representational-theorists in particular (thrift, n. 2008) emphasise the embodied, spatial, more immediate, even tactile and notonly-human experience that makes affect different from emotion (davidson, j. et al. 2005; pile, s. 2010; fabók, m. and berki m. 2018). however, apart from a few examples, when affect was mentioned (czirfusz, m. 2014), geographers in hungary have not engaged with this concept. this is one of the reasons it is particularly exciting to hold this book edited by györke and bülgözdi, professors of literature, english and american studies and cultural studies – hopefully inspiring more geographers too to engage with ‘affect’ and its relation to space. throughout its twelve chapters, this book, a variety of literary and filmic works produced in central and eastern europe and in the anglophone world are analysed, focusing on the relationship between geographies and affect, while ‘translocality’ provides with and extra conceptual frame. drawing on brickell, k. and datta, a. (2011), györke and bülgözdi chose ‘translocality’ as an analytical compass to “overcome the blind spots of popular theories of globalization and transnationalism; it ‘emerged from a concern over the disembedded understanding of transnational networks’” (p. 23). moving beyond the elusiveness of nation states and globalisation as well as the dichotomies they often lead to (i.e. core-periphery / east–west discourses), the use of translocality in this volume enabled the analysis to happen on an everyday scale, while also considering geopolitical processes. at the same time, it also enabled contributors to “re-think the significance” of the central and eastern european region; “in other words, the volume investigates the significance of localities and subjectivities within the context of global flows” (p. 4). the book starts with a helpful introduction by the editors, ágnes györke and imola bülgözdi, that sets the agenda of the book – as summarised above –, followed by 12 chapters structured into 5 sections. among others, this book features the works of scholars of the university of debrecen, and it is the result of a collaboration between thirteen scholars, eight of whom have been members of the gender, translocality and the city research group. in part 1 (edgy feelings: translocality, trauma, and disengagement) the contributors focus on pieces that are capable of “surpassing personal emotion and creating a transpersonal affective community” (p. 10). through the analysis of two contemporary new york novels, vermeulen, p. highlights the “the power of literary affect to cut across the borders between established constituencies and groups (and even individuals)” (p. 22), and localities. in his analysis of open city and 10:04 he explains the differences between affect and emotion by highlighting that emotion is more codifiable. using these two novels he showcases literary strategies that generate unruly affective dynamics, and mobilise unpredictable affects that move beyond personal emotions, through impersonal affect to transpersonal community (vermeulen, p., chapter 1, p. 26). in the following chapter, we see a similar process through a theatrical performance based on the memories of éva fahidi, a holocaust survivor, aiding our learning about what it means to performatively create an affect-based community. the act and the observer’s affect rely on the uniqueness of a theatre as a context for story-telling – in terms time and space – that is reinforced by piano music and a dancer. “theatre performances can function as media to stage traumas for a twofold reason. first, trauma can be defined as a kind of memory written into the body [as assmann 2012 argues], and second, trauma, just like the space itself, is györke, á. and bülgözdi, i. (eds.): geographies of affect in contemporary literature and visual culture: central europe and the west. leiden, brill, 2020. 234 p. 194 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 189–197. of an extra-temporal nature” (takács, m., chapter 2, p. 36). lisa robertson’s experimental poetry in her volume occasional work and seven walks from the office for soft architecture explores urban space in vancouver “as resonating with an array of affects that are not owned and are often historical, yet call for change” (pálinkás, k., chapter 3, p. 54). part 2 (east-central europe as a translocal space: gendering the “periphery”) has been particularly interesting for me with its gendered analysis of the city and attention to private-public relations from late-state-socialism until contemporary central and east european urban spaces. the private-public, budapest-countryside, inside-outside relations, borders and boundaries are the spatial-affective dimensions of the documentary and feature-films analysed by the authors in this section. kalmár’s chapter focuses on non-hegemonic masculinities in – what he names – retreat films: taxidermia (2006), delta (2008), and land of storms (2014). in these hungarian retreat films, where identity politics plays a central role, the disappointed male protagonists return to their home country with “disillusionment about their formal dreams about the urban, hyper-modern lifestyle associated with the west” (p. 71). the imagined dichotomous relations are well illustrated in the chapter. the return to the “othered” eastern european context means to leave behind a more public sphere associated with masculinity, also leading to a crisis of identity (kalmár, gy., chapter 4). continuing with the perspective of four women in four movies – fagyöngyök (mistletoes, 1978), családi tűzfészek (family fire-trap, 1979), panelkapcsolat (the prefab people, 1982), and falfúró (wall driller, 1985) –, another genre, named “housing movies”, is conceptualised. győri argues, by drawing on the concept of architectural patriarchy, that contrary to the socialist promise of an equal society, pronatalist policies along with high-rise blocks, in fact, fed into gender inequality. as he writes “the collaboration between the paternalistic and the patriarchal regimes, most evident in the subordination of welfare policies to national economic considerations that privilege male control and ensure female subordination in the home” (győri, zs., chapter 5, p. 95). in queer sex and the city – affective places of queerness in contemporary hungarian cinema, feldmann contrasts mainstream depictions of queer spaces – where “shame” is the emphasised affect in relation to queer spaces – and more productive, queer historiographic documentaries, in which a sense of belonging is emphasised that leads to a more fulfilled queer spatial experience. the chapter focuses on state-socialist and post-socialist budapest (feldmann, f., chapter 6). part 3 (translocality, border thinking and restlessness), moving away from the central and east european context, also unfolds affects evoked on the borderlands, this time in the united states and iran. translocality is a bodily experience for the migrating protagonists of these chapters who bear traces of local and global histories. the chapter by bülgözdi unfolds ‘fascination’ as the main affect that defines translocal experience of the southern african american migrant arriving to harlem during the 1920s in the novel by toni morrison. as explained contradictory emotions are aroused by this specific urban context that also have a strong identity forming power for the lead character, defined by race, gender, fear and spatial experience (bülgözdi, i., chapter 7). in the following chapter, kőrösi discusses marjane satrapi’s persepolis books. while hard to compare, in the autobiographical graphic novel, the iranian female protagonist’s act of moving to vienna is also characterised by disappointment in the west and by a struggle with hegemonic masculinity. but unlike the male characters of chapter 4, marjane’s experience and double critique (of her two homes) – kőrösi argues – is defined by oppressive patriarchal regimes both in the islamic state and western europe as well as her racialised experience in the later (kőrösi, m., chapter 8). part 4 (translocality and transgression) also has a major focus on border-crossing and moving across borders to worlds that often seem more different than they are. combining surreal with realistic fictions the heroes of these stories blur boundaries through wondering across realms and places, creating alternative meanings of home. drawn upon an array of critical theorists, geographers, feminists, and litterateur, the chapter by kérchy draws on the ethos of alice in wonderland by lewis carroll while analysing its contemporary reinterpretation by china miéville un lun dun (“unlondon”), placed in the nonsensical mirror version of london, mostly constructed from the trash discarded by londoners. this ethos is characterised by the recycles and critique of the idea of the “lost little girl.” kérchy also highlights the way wondering and wandering of alice challenges masculine geographical discourses, arguing that “alice’s journey has nothing to do with the masculine appropriation of space, it lacks a conquistador’s colonizing intent, it never aims to reach a final destination, nor does it give account of a teleological development” (kérchy, a., chapter 9, p. 167). the next chapter, entitled translocations of desire: urban topographies of love in chimamanda adichie’s americanah, tells a love story of a nigerian couple, whose blackness, migration, border-crossing, relocation, displacement and home-making result in new spatial and affective experiences (leetsch, j., chapter 10). part 5 (criminal affects: crime and the city) focuses on the classical themes of fear and crime in the city with the analysis of a noir novel and detective series. both the novel and the series are explained as stories subverting the original, hegemonic approach of the genre having ethnic minority and female characters as their protagonists and by shifting towards a more affective exploration as opposed to the ‘masculine ra195book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (2) 189–197. tionality’ traditionally associated with the genre. the chapter by bényei discusses patrick neate’s novel the city of tiny lights, where again, an alternative london – this time turned into a war zone – provides the scenery, this time for the investigations of the black british war veteran and private detective. the plot is defined by the relationship between local, urban every day and the geopolitics of colonialism. according to the analysis, these overarching translocal agendas are embedded in the spatial experience of the “main characters, whose affective maps, coloured by guilt, fear, and nostalgia, provide alternative visions of the city” (bényei, t., chapter 11, p. 14). the chapter inventing history: katalin baráth’s middlebrow detective series, tells a different type of detective story of a female protagonist, veron dávid, an accidental detective. her struggles due to her gender, class, and rural background, while travelling across early 20th century austro-hungarian monarchy, took her on a “quest to carve out a place for herself as a woman and a detective” (hudácskó, b., chapter 12, p. 222). i believe that the volume geographies of affect in contemporary literature and visual culture: central europe and the west contributes to a better understanding of the very complex concept of ‘affect’ – and not only for the central/eastern european reader, and not only in this specific context. it highlights the role of space in literary and filmic contexts – where it is often subordinated to time –, promoting a richer, more tactile, and more affective experience, when consuming these literary and filmic works. i would like to make just one generic critique that is due to the book’s emphasis on space and geography. i believe that some of the studies would have benefitted from a further geographical literature. nevertheless, this book is visibly inspired by, and engages with geographers and space theorists such as doreen massey, henri lefebvre, edward soja, liz bondi, gillian rose and rachel pain and theories such as the production of space and thoughts on the relationship between space and place. finally, i would very much recommend this truly interdisciplinary book in particular for all the space theorists and geographers with a hope that it will inspire more researchers in hungary to incorporate affect and the concept of translocality in their research combining it with geographical scholarly literature, space theories, and empirical methodologies leading to new, interdisciplinary approaches to knowledge production. mirjam sági1 1 institute for regional studies, centre for economic and regional studies, eötvös loránd research network, békéscsaba, hungary. e-mail: sagi.mirjam@krtk.hu r e f e r e n c e s brickell, k. and datta, a. 2011. translocal geographies: spaces, places, connections. farnham, ashgate. czirfusz, m. 2014. érzelmek a gazdaságföldrajzban: fodor ferenc vitája a földrajzi közleményekben. in földrajz és földtudomány az eötvös collegiumban. ed. győri, r., budapest, elte eötvös józsef collegium, 143–161. davidson, j., bondi, l. and smith, m. 2005. emotional geographies. aldershot, ashgate. fabók, m. and berki, m. 2018. új materialista relacionális térelméletek: a reprezentáción túl, a szövevények hálójában. in kortárs térelméletek keletközép-európai kontextusban. ed. faragó, l, budapest, dialóg campus, 325–348. pile, s. 2010. emotions and affect in recent human geography. transactions of the institute of british geographers 35. (1): 5–20. thrift, n. j. 2008. non-representational theory: space, politics, affect. london, routledge. gerhard, u., hoelscher, m. and wilson, d. (eds.): inequalities in creative cities: issues, approaches, 273book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (3) 265–276. creativity has become a central issue in urban development since richard florida (2002) published his book entitled “the rise of the creative class”. as knowledge and information have become more and more important in developed societies, policymakers are increasingly focusing on investments in technology intensive industries and aim to attract and retain highly skilled labour. according to florida, creativity is the main driving force of the contemporary urban economies, and the most important source of growth and competitiveness. education, research, arts, cultural and creative industries are all parts of the creative industries which take the place of the traditional industries such as car manufacturing, textile industry etc. florida claims that this changing economic landscape has led to the emergence of the so-called creative class – people whose work centres around creating new ideas, services or goods. for him, cities should attract these people, since they create, operate and attract innovative enterprises, thus, become facilitators of economic growth and urban restructuring. as florida argues, the creative class seeks vibrant cultural scenes which are parts of the ‘creative milieu’. in order to become more competitive, cities have to focus on the creation of this milieu – through urban revitalisation programmes, organising colourful events, provision of non-traditional office spaces, tax policies and new urban regulations in relation to transport and entrepreneurship. as a result, new visual urban frontiers and images are produced to constitute the brand of the creative city (colomb, c. 2012). florida’s book has become seminal for not only researchers, but policy makers as well; cities started to analyse their creative potential and centred their development measures and aims around creativity (hague, e. 2016). thus, the book served as a kind of ‘blueprint’ for urban development at the beginning of 21st century. even international organisations adopted the idea of the creative city. the european union green paper entitled “unlocking the potential of cultural and creative industries” portrays creativity as a basis of innovation and economic growth (european commission 2010). however, as empirical analyses (van winden, w. et al. 2007) show, the effects of knowledge-based economies can be variegated in space – still, actions and investments in relation to the creative city often follow very similar patterns. the book entitled “inequalities in creative cities: issues, approaches, comparisons” focuses on the ambiguities of creative city agenda, which were criticised by several authors from various aspects. this volume offers a comparative analysis of the contradictions, presenting the connection between the urban policies focusing on creativity and inequalities within societies, thus, providing empirical insights for the previous critiques. there are several important literature antecedents of this edited volume which often served as starting points and theoretical bases for the authors. for example, the distinction, or the link, between creative, cultural and knowledge-based industries is not elaborated clearly in florida’s work. furthermore, questions arise regarding the adaptability of creative city and creative class concepts outside of north america. are these concepts applicable in other contexts as well? the different cultures within europe and the lower level of labour mobility compared to north america create different environment, in which the hyper-mobility of creative workforce can hardly manifest itself (van winden, w. et al. 2007; martinbrelot, h. et al. 2010). the notion of the creative class has received several critiques as well. for example, the conceptualisation of class seems to be problematic. the broad definition of creative class leaves doubts about its empirical applicability (krätke, s. 2010). gerhard, u., hoelscher, m. and wilson, d. (eds.): inequalities in creative cities: issues, approaches, comparisons. new york, palgrave macmillan, 2017. 270 p. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.66.3.8 hungarian geographical bulletin 66 2017 (3) 274 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (3) 265–276. the members of this supposed class have different positions in society with different resources, interests, political values and attitudes (markusen, a. 2006). other critiques highlight that the creative city and creative class arguments centre around certain types of people – this is also highlighted by the contributors of “inequalities in creative cities: issues, approaches, comparisons”. as a result, urban policies can produce enclaves for urban elites and create new forms of segregation and exclusion (peck, j. 2005). these policies leave only a supporting role for the majority of society, assuming that in the end, creativity-led strategies would be automatically beneficial for everyone – but this ‘rising tide raises all boats’ logic is not justified by the empirical findings (leslie, d. and catungal, j.p. 2012). creative workers are often criticised for pushing out the long-term residents from certain neighbourhoods and pioneering gentrification (vivant, e. 2013). the cases of cleveland, montpellier or groningen presented in the volume support this assumption. furthermore, the racial and gender aspects are often neglected in the creative city. it seems that the discourse is quite progressive, since the supposed new creative class is not determined by gender or race, and as florida writes, everyone is creative in some way – thus, anyone can become a member of the creative class. in theory, diversity is highlighted as a crucial resource for cities – but as the case of heidelberg in this reviewed volume shows, the creative class itself can be quite homogenous. this supports those claims made by earlier researches that beyond the diversity discourses, creative class discourses champion a certain type of person. besides being creative and talented, they have to be fit, flexible, independent and adaptive. furthermore, the discourses simplify and neglect inequalities which are based on gender, race or nationality (parker, p. 2008), but as the case of delhi presents in this book, patriarchal policy can still be strong in the creative city. florida’s theory is linked to human capital theories, therefore it assumes that the labour market is a neutral arbiter and operates objectively and fairly, what downplays the significance of structural elements, power relations and other factors (leslie, d. and catungal, j.p. 2012). as the contributors of the reviewed book also demonstrate convincingly, the creative city discourse also has strong connections to neoliberalism. this kind of discourse focuses on individuals, and inequalities are often explained as individual failures, e.g. cities or people are in disadvantaged position because they are not creative enough. the idea of the creative class fits to the logic of neoliberal urban policies which follow entrepreneurial agendas, emphasise the importance of competition, promote consumption and favour less regulation and intervention from local and national governments (leslie, d. and catungal, j.p. 2012). to sum up the above, although it seems that being creative is the solution for urban development challenges, the concept and agenda of go-creative cities are ambiguous and the downsides of such agendas should be explored. as the editors state in the introduction, so far we have little knowledge on how the creative city agenda affects urban demographics, urban land-use and socioeconomic processes. the book aims to overcome this gap by analysing various forms and sources of inequalities in creative cities. in addition, the authors assume that creative city policies may increase inequalities – and even create new forms of inequalities. moreover, as their results show, the creativity argument is often used to legitimise social differences. thus, the analysis of old and new forms of inequalities in cities where knowledge-based industries are in the centre of urban policy is a crucial task in order to have a deeper understanding of contemporary urban societies. the main focus of the book is on ‘ordinary’ cities, which can be justified by two arguments. the first one is that these cities are often neglected in urban researches, which tend to focus on global cities and capital cities. this is especially true for the creative city literature (pratt, a. and hutton, t. 2013). the other is that middle-sized university cities (e.g. heidelberg) or cities going through economic restructuring after the decline of traditional industries (e.g. cleveland) often find the creative city agenda very appealing when forming their development policies. ordinary cities are in a particular position since they are interfaces of various processes, structures, functions and spatial forms, thus, offering unique opportunities for analysis (as the city of cachoeira does in this book). the volume consists of three major parts. the first part presents the theoretical background starting from the notion of creativity and the cultural economy to approaches to inequalities. the editors, ulrike gerhard, michael hoelscher and david wilson, introduce the main topic and the rationale of the book. after the introductory chapter, tom hutton overviews the concepts of culture, creativity and the cultural economy as well as how their role has changed in the past decades. he distinguishes the most important analytical domains of urban cultural economies which are crucial issues for future analyses. he also presents the labour aspects of the cultural economy. ferenc gyuris presents the key approaches to and narratives of urban inequalities, emphasising the deeply political nature of such discourses. as he stresses, studies on inequality should include the political instead of employing naturalising attitudes. the second part elaborates the topic through empirical case studies from the global north, focusing on different dimensions of inequalities. gender, race, housing and class related inequalities are all presented in this part, and the questions that arise 275book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (3) 265–276. in relation to social justice and urban restructuring are also discussed. these case studies demonstrate the connection between earlier, neoliberal growth machine policies and contemporary creativity agendas. by adopting these policies, cities are not passive receivers of globalised ideas, but as justin beaumont and zemiattin yildiz emphasise in chapter 8 using the notion of policy topologies, they are contributors to them. their approach is built on actor-network theory and highlights the significance of human and non-human actors in the flow, creation and adoption of creative city agendas. furthermore, all of the contributors of the volume underline that urban inequalities not only persist in the creative city, but they are systematically and constantly being re-made. several chapters emphasise the importance of visions in the city. urban design, architecture, vibrant public spaces have crucial role in establishing or enhancing the creative image. the tools of this image (re)creation vary from new tram lines to neighbourhood regeneration and public space redevelopment and regulation. the contradictory role of diversity or knowledge is also an important issue in many cities as gerhard and hoelscher demonstrate through the case of heidelberg, germany. strategies often have a quite narrow understanding of knowledge and education, thus, equal opportunities mainly appear only in the narratives, but they are not manifest in practice. while the second part is focusing on ‘western’ cities, the third part aims to expand our knowledge by presenting case studies from brazil and india. wendel henrique baumgartner and eberhard rothfuss analyse the interaction between urban and rural spaces in cachoeira, brazil. as they emphasise, urbanisation processes of the global south are still ‘unfinished’, what results in the mixing of urbanity and rurality. as a result, these cities are getting integrated into the global flows on the one hand, while preserving their connections to the local countryside on the other. brazil, as one of the most unequal nations, is an ideal country for the implementation of creative city agendas, thus, interpreting inequalities as natural elements of society. in chapter 10, christiane brosius presents the ambiguities related to the mobility and access to work and consumption possibilities of women in delhi, india. because of economic development and the opening up of education possibilities, women have increasing chance to become members of the creative class. the representation of women in popular culture is changing and new gender models are emerging (e.g. that of the single, independent woman), but there are tensions between traditional social expectations and the new roles. as the authors state in this chapter, delhi as a world class city should foster their inclusion and acceptance and should provide equal rights. meanwhile, the fear and vulnerability of women are often neglected by decision makers, so the idea of an inclusive city cannot be implemented. the new spaces of delhi reinforce patriarchal urban planning and politics. the volume is closed with a conclusion chapter, in which the editors highlight the most important messages of the book. they emphasise the importance of narratives which are transnationally produced and circulated. the narratives of creativity centred strategies transform cities along neoliberal principles. therefore, they have significant role in legitimising and creating a gramscian ‘common sense’, in which the aims and measures of urban development are indisputable. to sum up, the book is an extremely valuable contribution to the creative city discourse. it is a theoretically informed and empirically grounded collection of papers with comparative focus. hence, the volume moves beyond a mere description of ambiguities about the creative city. as the editors emphasise in the conclusion, cities are connected through various flows (e.g. migration, the flow of commodities, ideas etc.), thus, they share common visions and ideas – let those be go-creative, sustainability or smart growth. the book demonstrates the role of different institutional and cultural settings as well as diverse trajectories in the adaptation and implementation of creative city policies, and how these policies maintain and create various forms of inequality and exclusion. this collection of contributions bears a special significance for eastern and central european countries, where due to the economic restructuring process after the regime change make the new, ‘creative’ ideas of development appealing for decision-makers. these ideas are often seen as indispensable measures for rapid economic development and catching up. despite critiques regarding the importance of the context and doubts about adoptability, many cities in the region focus their policies around the creative economy and the creative class. therefore, the cases presented in the book offer valuable insights for decision-makers in post-socialist countries. the case of cleveland or glasgow can be useful for cities going through economic restructuring or decline, while the chapter focusing on delhi offers insights for capital cities which aim to enhance their international significance. the examples of heidelberg and oxford provide important experiences for medium-sized university towns, where creativity and knowledge constitute the most important source of development. as the most important message of the book suggests, inequalities can increase during creativity-led urban development, since investors and policymakers privilege certain social groups and locations in the city. hence, adopting this policy cannot solve quickly existing economic and social problems. moreover, it can create new inequalities and tensions, and might even reinforce the existing ones. but the creative city narrative, although as powerful as it is, is not determined to end up in the same de276 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (3) 265–276. velopment path in every context. whereas it has clear connections with neoliberalism, creativity can open up new, progressive and less elitist ways of urban development as well. according to vivant, e. (2013) creativity should be considered as the ability to find alternative means in order to tackle precariousness in contemporary urban societies. thus, the go-creative agenda offers not only challenges but possibilities as well. to take advantage of these possibilities, one should gain a better understanding of the contradictions of creative city politics – and this volume is an important step towards fulfilling this goal. lajos boros11 r e f e r e n c e s colomb, c. 2012. pushing the urban frontier: temporary uses of space, city marketing, and the creative city discourse in 2000s berlin. journal of urban affairs 34. (2): 131–152. european commission 2010. green paper: unlocking the potential of cultural and creative industries. brussels, european commission. florida, r. 2002. the rise of the creative class and how it’s transforming work, leisure, community and everyday life. new york, basic books. hague, e. 2016. creative cities. in the international encyclopedia of geography: people, the earth, environment and technology. eds.: richardson, d., castree, n., goodchild, m.f., kobayashi, a., liu, w. and marston, r.a., chichester–hoboken, wiley, 1–2. krätke, s. 2010. ‘creative cities’ and the rise of the dealer class: a critique of richard florida’s approach to urban theory. international journal of urban and regional research 34. (4): 835–853. leslie, d. and catungal, j.p. 2012. social justice and the creative city. geography compass 6. (3): 111–122. markusen, a. 2006. urban development and the politics of the creative class: evidence from artists. environment and planning a 38. (10): 1921–1940. martin-brelot, h., grossetti, m., eckert, d., gritsai, o. and kovács, z. 2010. the spatial mobility of the ‘creative class’: a european perspective. international journal of urban and regional research 34. (4): 854–870. mclean, h. 2014. digging into the creative city: a feminist critique. antipode 46. (3): 669–690. parker, p. 2008. beyond the class act: gender and race in the ‘creative city’ discourse. in gender in an urban world. ed.: desena, j. n., bingley, emerald publishing, 201–232. peck, j. 2005. struggling with the creative class. international journal of urban and regional research 29. (4): 740–770. pratt, a. and hutton, t. 2013. reconceptualising the relationship between the creative economy and the city: learning from the financial crisis. cities 33. 86–95. van winden, w., van den berg, l. and pol, p. 2007. european cities in the knowledge economy: towards a typology. urban studies 44. (3): 525–549. vivant, e. 2013. creatives in the city: urban contradictions of the creative city. city, culture and society 4. (2): 57–63. 1 department of economic and social geography, university of szeged, szeged, hungary. e-mail: borosl@geo.u-szeged.hu 21ilyés, cs. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 21–37.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.71.1.2 hungarian geographical bulletin 71 2022 (1) 21–37. introduction extreme weather conditions influence the hydrological cycle (szűcs, p. et al. 2015). the observed effects are varied (jakab, g. et al. 2019). in the measurement-based hydro-meteorological datasets both periodic as well as stochastic components can be observed. teleconnections can influence the local weather conditions over large physical distances. in spite of the huge amount of available monitoring data, the patterns and periodicities, especially the latter, are still unsolved problems in hydrology (böschl, g. et al. 2019). the hydrological cycle is defined as the circulation and flow of water on earth. as previously written (ipcc 2012): „the cycle in which water evaporates from the oceans and the land surface is carried over the earth in atmospheric circulation as water vapour, condenses to form clouds, precipitates again as rain or snow, is intercepted by trees and vegetation, provides runoff on the land surface, infiltrates into soils, recharges groundwater, and/or discharges into streams and flows out into the oceans, and ultimately evaporates again from the oceans or land surface. the various systems involved in the appearance of climatic cycles and oscillations in carpathian basin precipitation data csaba i ly és 1, péter szűcs1 and endre t u r a i 2 abstract a number of climatic cycles and teleconnections are known on the earth. by definition, the cycles can have a periodic effect on the global climate, while teleconnections can influence the weather at large distances. at the same time, it is overwhelmingly assumed that the hydrological cycle is permanently intensifying all over the world. in this study, we determine and quantify some connections among these climatic cycles and precipitation data from across hungary. by using cross-correlation and cross-spectral analysis, the connections of the climatic patterns and oscillations with the precipitation of different hungarian areas have been defined. we used the 1950–2010 timeframe in order to be able to detect effects of several climatic patterns, such as the el niño-southern oscillation (enso), the arctic oscillation (ao), the north atlantic oscillation (nao), the pacific/north american teleconnection pattern (pna) and the atlantic multidecadal oscillation (amo) on the rainfall events of the carpathian basin. data from four different precipitation measurement sites and oscillation indexes from several databases were used. the results help to understand the patterns and regularities of the precipitation, which is the major source of natural groundwater recharge, and a handy tool for future groundwater management measures. because of the defined connections, any changes in these teleconnections will probably influence the future utilization of the hungarian groundwater resources. keywords: hydrological cycle, climatic anomaly, precipitation, groundwater recharge, oscillations received october 2021, accepted february 2022. 1 institute of environmental management, faculty of earth science and engineering, university of miskolc; mta-me geoengineering research group, h-3515 miskolc, egyetemváros, hungary. e-mails: hgilyes@ uni-miskolc.hu, hgszucs@uni-miskolc.hu 2 institute of geophysics and geoinformatics, faculty of earth science and engineering, university of miskolc. egyetemváros, h-3515 miskolc, hungary. e-mail: gfturai@uni-miskolc.hu ilyés, cs. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 21–37.22 hydrological cycle are usually referred to as hydrological systems.” one of the hypothetical consequences of the common scientific consensus of the climate change is that specific humidity increases with rising temperatures, and increased evaporation is associated with more precipitation. it is normal to be expected that there will be approximately 3.8 percent more precipitation per additional degree of temperature. this hypothetical phenomenon is called the intensification or “acceleration” of the hydrological cycle (del genio, a. et al. 1991). huntington, t. (2006) provided the first experimental support for the hypothesis. the study concluded, despite a number of uncertainties, that the behaviour of most hydrological variables is consistent with the assumed intensification of the hydrological cycle. the study (huntington, t. 2006) was supported by others with additional data sets, to the extent that the intensification of the hydrological cycle has become almost universally accepted. however, in a comprehensive analysis, (koutsoyiannis, d. 2020) refuted the claims about one-way trends in the elements of the hydrological cycle. instead of monotonous tendencies, he showed all kinds of fluctuations in the hydrological cycle (from strengthening to weakening and vice versa), and in the 21st century, he showed the prevalence of weakening. a oneway trend was observed only in the increase in groundwater use, which leads to a small increase in sea level on a global scale. the peculiarities of (koutsoyiannis, d. 2020)’s approach are as follows: (1) he ignored what the models indicate for the future; (2) he used the longest possible time series available instead of shorter, selected periods; (3) he did not focus on certain limited areas (because it is a common experience that a hydrological indicator that becomes more intense in one place may simultaneously weaken in another); (4) he used a well-defined, transparent processing method; (5) he embraced the aristotle principle “it is the mark of educated man to look for precision in each class of things just so far as the nature of the subject admits”, which also has the necessary consequence that (huntington, t. 2006) the estimated 2 percent increase in precipitation for the entire 20th century is below the error of definition. the very first test point of the hypothesis of accelerating the hydrological cycle would normally be to test claims for an increase in atmospheric water vapor content itself. long data sets (radiosonde measurements) are available from the troposphere alone; surface gps, solar photometer and satellite data used to measure integrated water vapor of the atmosphere (iwv) go back too short a period of time. the question, of course, is how much definitional certainty the aristotelian principle allows. according to the proponents of the intensification of the hydrological cycle, global warming can cause more uneven rainfall distribution, more devastating storms, torrential rains and unexpected flash floods, regardless of changes in atmospheric water vapour content (szöllősi-nagy, a. 2018). the hypothesis of accelerating the hydrological cycle becomes so complex and untraceable that it is less and less possible to check their truthfulness based on feyman’s scientific method (feynman, r. 1964). in feynman‘s interpretation we could address this by easily saying that such hypotheses are no longer scientific. the situation is even more complicated: it is quite likely that the arguments needed for an exact refutation may be lost in the aristotelian swamp. on the one hand, it is necessary to analyse the most accurate and longest time period available in a local, regional and global context (e.g. ilyés, c. et al. 2016) from hungary), and on the other hand, it is necessary to analyze the indepth theoretical studies on the characteristics of natural time series. the main objective of this paper is to determine how various global climatic cycles and oscillations can influence the local precipitation, thus, all the other components of the hydrological cycle in the carpathian basin. sustainable utilization of groundwater resources in hungary groundwater resources play a major role in hungary’s drinking water supply system. 23ilyés, cs. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 21–37. hydrogeologists have a responsible role in safeguarding the groundwater resources and managing their sustainable utilization in quantitative and qualitative terms (szűcs, p. et al. 2013). during the past few years hydrogeologist experts had to face numerous global or local environmental challenges that may have significant effect on environmental elements, especially on groundwater (kohán, b. and szalai, j. 2014). the natural replenishment of groundwater resources is a key factor concerning the future aspects of sustainable utilization (szűcs, p. et al. 2015). the demand for groundwater resources is continuously increasing in hungary as well as all over the world. besides the drinking water supply, thermal water production is also significant in hungary, which also underlines the importance of sustainability issues (buday, t. et al. 2015). extreme weather conditions can affect some components of the hydrological cycle, e.g. groundwater replenishment or natural recharge (fehér, z.z. and rakonczai, j. 2019). patterns and periodicities patterns and periodicities, especially the latter, have been still unsolved problems in hydrology (böschl, g. et al. 2019). the pattern approach is relatively new. looking back to the history, the weather predictability was based, from the beginning, on various – either observed or just assumed – periodicities. examples: indian and chinese traditional calendars, based on a 60-year cycle known in the indian tradition as the brihaspati (“jupiter”) cycle, the biblical fourteen-year periodicity (genesis 41: 18–30), and english folklore (“there is no debt so surely met as wet to dry and dry to wet”). below we provide insight into the documented history of the periodicities. a brief history of periodicity studies a solar-weather connection was raised by meldrum, c. (1873), followed by much discussion. (marvin, c.f. 1921) introduced the term “periodocrite”, in order to be able to separate obscure and hidden periodicities. the mechanism of world-weather was found exceedingly complex (w. w. b. 1920). even some bibliography collections were made on the possible influence of weather on crops. c. e. p. b. (1925) found a 28-month periodicity in weather and solar phenomena. (abbot, c.g. 1939) discovered a 23-year periodicity. priston, w.r. (1939) corrected it to 274 months and confirmed the existence of the quasi-biannual periodicity of 27 months. atmospheric processes take place through spatial waves (i.e. patterns) and/or of temporal periods as units (zhang, j-c. 1981). in this paper, a 10 years cyclicity in yearly rainfall values in beijing was revealed. in burroughs, w.j. (1992), the history of cycle-searching was summarized, and a mathematical treatment was provided, illustrated with plenty of examples. an insight into extra-terrestrial aspects, including celestial mechanics, was given, too. it was assumed (c. e. p. b. 1925) that if there is no plausible physical earthbound process, the cause should be looked for outside earth. moreover, perturbations propagate downwards from high in the stratosphere. due to satellite observations, significant oscillations (patterns and periods) were (and have been) found, having regional or global weather and climate impacts. various climate indices were defined, and a number of teleconnections were revealed. below we provide a brief summary of the most significant ones. a brief summary on oscillations the southern oscillation index (soi) is one of the world most important climate indices. it is a common measurement of the el niño/la nina (enso) teleconnection (power, s.b. and kociuba, g. 2011), and is a standardized index based on the observed sea level pressure differences between tahiti and darwin, australia (psl 2020). during the el niño event, the soi tends to be negative, and the changes ilyés, cs. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 21–37.24 in the enso drive major changes in rainfall, agricultural production and river flow all across the world (power, s.b. and kociuba, g. 2011). enso typically lasts from 6 to 18 months (chen, s. et al. 2020), with a 2–7-year cycle (kuss, a.j.m. and gurdak, j.j. 2014). the atlantic multidecadal oscillation (amo), believed to be caused by the north atlantic thermohaline circulation, is defined by the sea surface temperature (sst) anomaly over the atlantic from 0˚n to 70˚n (enfield, d. et al. 2001), characterized by a 50–70-year period (dijkstra, h.a. et al. 2006). its effect on the climate of europe was examined in the uk (knight, j. et al. 2006) and in romania (ionita, m. et al. 2012), as well as several other areas around the atlantic (folland, c. et al. 2001; knight, j. et al. 2005). the north atlantic oscillation – along with the amo – is the most important phenomenon influencing the weather variability over europe (ionita, m. et al. 2012; dvoryaninov, g.s. et al. 2016), with the periodicity of 3–6 years (kuss, a.j.m. and gurdak, j.j. 2014). the nao index is defined as the difference of the normalized sea-level pressure at the azores and iceland (mokhov, i. and smirnov, d. 2006) at inter-annual and inter-decadal time scales. the changes in circulation associated with changes in the nao index are determined from the difference in sea-level pressure (slp) between winters with an index value greater than 1.0 and those with an index value less than -1.0 (hurrel, j. 1995). the arctic oscillation (ao) is defined as an opposing pattern of pressures between the arctic and northern mid-latitudes (chen, s. et al. 2020). when the pressure is high in the arctic, it tends to be low in the northern latitudes. that is called a negative phase, while the opposite is called a positive phase. when positive, it causes a wetter weather in alaska, scotland and scandinavia, and a drier weather in the us and mediterranean. if reversed, it brings stormy weather to the more temperate climates (mokhov, i. and smirnov, d. 2006). the pacific/north american teleconnection pattern (pna) is one of the most recognized, influential climate patterns in the northern hemisphere mid-latitudes beyond the tropics. it consists of anomalies in the geopotential height fields (typically at 700 or 500 mb) observed over the western and eastern united states. it varies from intra-seasonal (2–90 days) to inter-annual time scales (2–20 years) (allan, a.m. and hostetler, s.w. 2014). the pna influences the climate in autumn and winter in the whole northern hemisphere (soulard, n. and lin, h. 2017). the relationship of these teleconnections was also thoroughly examined, with the relation of the enso and the amo (mokhov, i. and smirnov, d. 2016), and the pna (song, j. et al. 2009), while all of the major teleconnections were found to have a relation with the enso. the nao (mokhov, i. and smirnov, d. 2006) and the ao (chen, s. et al. 2020) are also closely linked to each other (rogers, j. and mchugh, m. 2002), and the connection between the pna and the nao was also investigated (soulard, n. and lin, h. 2017). a clear interconnection among them was detailed by lüdecke, h-j. et al. (2021) while investigating african rainfall. connection with regional hydrological data the global and regional effects on precipitation and groundwater levels have been examined thoroughly across the globe. the influence of nao on temperature and precipitation is a widely studied subject (hurrel, j. 1995; slonosky, v. and yiou, p. 2001). the global effect of enso, as examined in (sun, x. et al. 2015), varies substantially by seasons, and the extreme precipitation is only affected by one phase, and is asymmetric in most of europe. in the us, it was found that the enso has a significant effect in case of precipitation and groundwater level fluctuations, with the higher frequency climate models showing greater enso effect (velasco, e.m. et al. 2017). other results indicate that the groundwater levels are partially controlled by interannual to multidecadal climate variability, and enso has a greater effect than nao or amo (kuss, a.j.m. and gurdak, j.j. 2014). in canada, the 25ilyés, cs. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 21–37. effects of enso and nao on streamflow and precipitation were examined, and the results show that a positive phase reflected drier conditions, with lower amount of precipitation, whereas the negative phase reflected wetter conditions, and higher amount of streamflow (nalley, d. et al. 2019). concerning european groundwater well data, it was found, that there are significant correlations between nao, amo and enso (liesch, t. and wunsch, a. 2019). the average coherence for amo is higher than for nao, while it was the highest for enso, meaning a larger influence (lüdecke, h-j. et al. 2021). also, several year-long periods were calculated, namely, periods of: 4 and 13–14 for nao; 15, 23–25 and 60–80 for amo; and 2–5, 15–18, 31 and 56 for enso (liesch, t. and wunsch, a. 2019). in the case of ao, in the positive phase, higher pressure at mid-latitudes drives ocean storms farther north, while changes in the circulation pattern bring drier conditions to the mediterranean (thompson, d.w.j. and wallace, j.m. 1998). it is known that the winters of 2009–2010 and 2015–2016 were affected by the nao (seager, r. et al. 2010). according to (domonkos, p. 2003), the winter precipitation in hungary decreases significantly when the nao index increases. (matyasovszky, i. 2003) showed a nonlinear relationship between the climate of hungary and the enso. periodicities in stochastic time series, such as precipitation, were also examined, with several local, regional deterministic components defined in rainfall data covering 110 years (ilyés, c. et al. 2017). in the study annual, monthly and daily precipitation time series were calculated using spectral analysis to find deterministic patterns in them. with this method several regional/countywide periods were defined. detailed studies revealed further local cyclic parameters (ilyés, c. et al. 2018). with this research the main objective was to find connections between these climatic patterns and the periods defined before, in order to better understand the main factors behind the periodicity of the precipitation in central europe. these atmospheric oscillations vary in their time scales and locations, and the impacts on local precipitation is complex. in this research paper a correlation and spectral analysis were used for determining the nature of the connection. methods and materials to implement the investigation, the precipitation data were downloaded from the hungarian meteorological service’s online database (hms 2019), containing 5 different monitoring sites, over the timescale of 1950–2010. as the calculations require equidistant sampling, the monitoring site szeged needed to be dropped from one of the calculations due to missing data in the 1940s. the collected precipitation data resembles the climatic patterns of the carpathian basin, as seen in figure 1. budapest is located at the banks of the danube river, in the middle of the basin, while szombathely lies at the foothills of the alps mountain range. the debrecen monitoring site represents the hungarian great plain and the eastern part of the basin, while the climate of the southwestern monitoring site, pécs, is somewhat influenced by the mediterranean. the szeged monitoring site represents the southern area of the basin, with the smallest annual rainfall and the warmest climate. for the calculations, monthly precipitation data were used, with an equidistant onemonth sampling rate. fig. 1. the location of the monitoring sites in hungary ilyés, cs. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 21–37.26 the climatic data of the patterns and oscillations were collected from several opensource databases. the amo data come from the physical sciences laboratory at noaa (psl 2020), while the ao, nao, pna and soi data were downloaded from the national centres for environmental information at noaa (ncei 2020). the data has the january 1950 – december 2010 time frame in the cases of ao, pna, nao, and january 1951 – december 2010 in the case of soi, while the amo data are available from january 1901. the method for examining a linear connection uses the following expressions to obtain the coefficients for correlation and cross-spectral analysis results. these methods were used to examine the connection between precipitation and karst water levels in several studies (padilla, a. and pulidobosch, a. 1995; darabos, e. 2018) and the relation between teleconnections and streamflow (pekarova, p. and pekar, j. 2007). assume two discrete time series (xt, and yt), with n samples in each series. the cross-correlation function r obtained with the two series is not symmetrical, where k = 0, 1, 2, … m, the shift of the two series. where where x and ӯ are the averages of the two series of xt and yt. the t significance level of the calculated time lag can be examined with the following equation (mt18 2019): where n is the number of samples, and k is the time lag. if t is smaller than the calculated cross-correlation value, it has a significance level (α) of approximately 5 percent. because of the asymmetrical cross-correlation function, the spectral-density function must be expressed with a complex number: where i represents √–1, the αxy(f) and the φxy(f) are the values of the cross-amplitude in the phase functions with f frequency, in details: where the cross-spectrum,ψxy(f) and the quadrate spectrum, лxy (f) are: where dk is the weighting function which is necessary to overcome the distortion caused by the two coefficients yxy(f), and lxy(f). for the calculations a custom-made python software was developed, featuring the equations (gh 2020). results and discussion our hypothesis was that the teleconnections mentioned above have a mathematically calculable effect on the rainfall events of the carpathian basin. a few important 27ilyés, cs. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 21–37. teleconnections were chosen to represent a major part of the earth. our hypothesis for the direction of the connection was that the xt teleconnection – calculated with its respective index – influences the precipitation time series yt measured at five different monitoring sites. the teleconnections are happening on a global scale, and in most cases, they represent climatic patterns far away from central europe. that means that instead of high correlation coefficients, only minor but calculable effects are expected. amo effects on precipitation in the carpathian basin in the case of the amo, a longer time interval was available, so precipitation data from the monitoring point of szeged was not used because of missing values. the atlantic multidecadal oscillation seems to have an immediate effect on the precipitation data of the carpathian basin. in figure 2, the maximum value is at around the 0-month mark for most monitoring sites. a clear one-year cycle is present, too. although the correlation coefficient is not larger than 0.1, a clear connection can be identified in the graph. in figure 3 a strong maximum amplitude is visible at frequency 0.083, corresponding to a time period of 1 year. there is another maximum value at a frequency of 0.021, corresponding to a period of 4 years. the other cyclic components are much less intense. the results for szombathely differ from those for three other ones. the reason for that is probably the slightly different precipitation pattern of szombathely, detected in differences in the case of deterministic components calculated with spectral analysis of the same rainfall data (ilyés, c. et al. 2017). fig. 2. cross-correlation between amo and the precipitation of the carpathian basin ilyés, cs. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 21–37.28 ao effects on precipitation in the carpathian basin in the case of the arctic oscillation, most of the correlation coefficient has a negative peak at the 0 month mark, but at 37 month a positive peak can be detected, as seen in figure 4. the negative significant peak may suggest that the direction of the effect is reverse, that is, the precipitation and the arctic oscillation have a negative linear connection, which would mean that an increase in ao causes a decrease in the amount of precipitation. an alternative, less probable explanation could be that the local time lag for the carpathian basin is 37 months. similar to the case of amo, for the monitoring site of szombathely somewhat different results can be seen. as for the cross-spectral analysis, there are clear patterns of periodicity. a strong one-year long cycle can be detected from the data, with maximum amplitude values at frequency 0.083, as well as a half-year long one (at frequency 0.166). the 6-month long periodicity has a larger amplitude than the 12-month long one, meaning a stronger cyclic pattern. other major cycles are the 36, 7.7 and 9 month long ones, as shown in figure 5. nao effects on precipitation in the carpathian basin for the north-atlantic oscillation data, the 1950–2010 time interval was used. the crosscorrelation coefficients (figure 6) are again very low, but the connection can clearly be seen. as in the case of the ao, the direction of the effect is the opposite of what would have been guessed: for the correlation coefficient values of each of the five monitoring sites significant negative peaks with a larger than 0.1 amplitude were obtained at the 0 month mark. that refers to a negative linear connection. in figure 6, a great volatility can also be seen, with no clear sign of periodicity. in the case of increasing nao, precipitation in the carpathian basin seems to decrease. fig. 3. cross-amplitudes of amo and precipitation of the carpathian basin 29ilyés, cs. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 21–37. fig. 5. cross-amplitudes of ao and precipitation of the carpathian basin fig. 4. cross-correlation between ao and the precipitation of the carpathian basin ilyés, cs. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 21–37.30 the cross-spectral analysis (figure 7) also shows irregular or random maximum values. nevertheless, there are some similarities among the 5 cross-amplitude datasets. in four of the time series, a 3-year long cycle (at frequency 0.027) is seen, besides the one-year period (frequency 0.083), and the 6-month long one (frequency 0.166). a 8.3-month long period (frequency 0.12), and 4.9–5.1 month long periods (frequency 0.19–0.2) also occur. szombathely again delivers an outlier result, because of a stronger local influence in its rainfall events. pna effects on precipitation in the carpathian basin the pacific/north american teleconnection influences the climate patterns in the northern hemisphere mid-latitudes beyond the tropics. as had been assumed, it does not have a significant effect on the precipitation of the carpathian basin. the figure of the cross-correlation values (figure 8) is the most volatile one. time lag cannot be calculated, as the correlation coefficients have no common peaks. the results of the cross-spectral analysis are shown in figure 8. a few local cycles are seen, with some similarities: three of the monitoring stations showed a 12–13.5 month long cycle (frequency 0.08), as well as a 36-month long one (frequency 0.027). from the data a 6.5–7.2 month long period and a 5.6–6 month long period were calculated. as seen in figure 9, the data are too volatile to let one estimate a connection. the correlation coefficients are very low, and the effect on precipitation is negligible. soi effects on precipitation in the carpathian basin the southern oscillation is the most wellknown teleconnection index, measuring the fig. 6. cross-correlation between nao and the precipitation of the carpathian basin 31ilyés, cs. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 21–37. fig. 7. cross-amplitudes of nao and precipitation of the carpathian basin fig. 8. cross-correlation between pna and the precipitation of the carpathian basin ilyés, cs. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 21–37.32 intensity of the el niño or la nina effects in the pacific. the cross-correlation calculations show inconclusive results, with low coefficients, although 3 of the 5 monitoring stations show a minimum value at 22-month time lag. according to figure 10, neither a clear linear relation nor any periodicity is visible. the cross-spectral analysis shows some similarities among the 5 monitoring sites. as seen in figure 11, for most of the monitoring sites, there is a 1-year long period (frequency 0.083). data for 3 sites seems to have a 4.5-year long period (frequency 0.018), and a 1.9–2.2 year long period (frequency 0.04), with a 5.4 and 2.5 month long cycle in them. other periods were defined locally with 9–10 periods in each dataset, respectively. from all these results it is clearly seen that the teleconnections have a minimal, but calculable effect on the precipitation patterns of the carpathian basin. most of the studied climatic patterns showed some periodicity when compared to the precipitation time series. the teleconnections not far from central europe have an immediate effect on the rainfall events, while the pacific/north atlantic, and the southern oscillation index data showed no clear relationship. events happening in the pacific area have minimal effect on this side of the planet. it is important to keep in mind that teleconnections are interconnected. the pna has been found to be strongly influenced by the el niño-southern oscillation (enso) phenomenon, which itself is measured by the soi. the soi and pna results have similarities in case of the cross-spectral analysis. in both calculations 4.5, 1.5–1.8, 1.1–1.2 year long periods were defined, along with the one and half year long period, which was calculated from all of the parameters. the ao, nao and pna datasets had a 3 year long period, too. the ao and nao data also show similarities, with the 3.0, 1.1–1.2, and 0.69 year-long cycles in both of them. fig. 9. cross-amplitudes of pna and precipitation of the carpathian basin 33ilyés, cs. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 21–37. fig. 10. cross-correlation between soi and the precipitation of the carpathian basin fig. 11. cross-amplitudes of soi and precipitation of the carpathian basin ilyés, cs. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 21–37.34 all the examined datasets have 0.69–0.71 and 1.1–1.2 year-long periodic components. in previous research (ilyés, c. et al. 2017), the cyclic components of these precipitation datasets were examined with spectral analysis, based on the fast-fourier transformation, with several deterministic components defined in them. some of the cycles can be interpreted using the results of the present cross-spectral calculations. the 3 and 4–4.5 year-long periodicities with large amplitudes had been previously discovered using spectral analysis on annual precipitation data (ilyés, c. et al. 2017). the connection between the enso and nao, and some meteorological parameters in hungary, had been investigated previously, and a clear relation was found for both indices (pongrácz, r. 2003). the main reason for the calculated results can be that the connection is not linear in case of these distant patterns. similar investigations (pekarova, p. and pekar, j. 2007) had been carried out for streamflow fluctuations in a neighbouring country (slovakia). the effects of several teleconnections were calculated with the streamflow of two rivers in the country. because of the different time intervals of the measurements, the longer periods couldn’t be calculated for both of the research projects, but in the case of the ao and nao, the ca. 3 year-long cycles were also determined along with the 2.25 year-long period from the ao data, meaning similarities can be found in the patterns of these data. conclusions in the present study, relationships are detected between ao, nao, pna, soi, amo and precipitation cycles at five monitoring sites in the carpathian basin. with the applied method of cross-correlation and crossspectral analysis, the correlation coefficient and deterministic components are revealed from the investigated datasets. the results show that a minimal but calculable relation can be defined for climatic patterns taking place in the northern hemisphere, such as ao, nao and amo, although the method cannot quantify the connections with patterns from distant regions, such as soi and pna. the relationships for these climatic phenomena (ao, nao and amo) are quite immediate (table 1) and can be connected to periods previously defined from the precipitations of the carpathian basin (ilyés, c. et al. 2017). several cycles, reported in previous studies, can be explained via teleconnections of these climatic patterns (ilyés, c. et al. 2018). the results also show similarities to other results from central europe (pekarova, p. and pekar, j. 2007), and to a very recent cloud-pattern analysis (sfica, l. et al. 2021). table 1. summary of the findings relative to time lag, direction, and major detected cycles climatic phenomena time lag direction major cycles amo ~0 positive 1; 4 years ao 0 negative 0.5; 0.6; 1; 3 years nao 0 negative 1; 3 years; 8.3; 4.9 month pna no clear linear connection detected soi with the calculated correlation and cyclic components, a clear interdependence has been revealed in the case of the carpathian basin rainfall events. as we have found, any change in the studied distant climatic patterns will have some precipitation effect in the carpathian basin, thus, affecting the recharge or natural replenishment of its groundwater aquifers. the obtained results highlight the importance of sustainability issues in the future utilization of groundwater resources. for the future, a complex wavelet coherence or partial wavelet analysis with groundwater levels and streamflow data can help to better evaluate the nature of the defined connections of the oscillations and the hydrological cycle in central europe. acknowledgements: the research was carried out at the university of miskolc both as part of the “more efficient exploitation and use of subsurface resources” project implemented in the framework of the thematic 35ilyés, cs. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 21–37. excellence program funded by the ministry of innovation and technology of hungary (grant contract reg. nr.: nkfih-846-8/2019) and the project titled as “developments aimed at increasing social benefits deriving from more efficient exploitation and utilization of domestic subsurface natural resources” supported by the ministry of innovation and technology of hungary from the national research, development and innovation fund in line with the grant contract issued by the national research, development and innovation office (grant contract reg. nr.: tkp-17-1/paly-2020). r e f e r e n c e s abbot, c.g. 1939. solar variation and the weather. nature 143. 705–709. allan, a.m. and hostetler, s.w. 2014. analysis of the present and future winter pacific-north american teleconnection in the echam5 global and regcm3 regional climate models. climate dynamics 42. 1671–1682. böschl, g. et al. 2019. twenty-three unsolved problems in 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(9): 1297–1300. velasco, e.m., gurdak, j.j., dickinson, j.e., ferré, t.p.a. and corona, c.r. 2017. interannual to multidecadal climate forcings on groundwater resources of the u.s. west coast. journal of hydrology: regional studies 11. 250–265. w. w. b. 1920. periodicity in weather and crops. nature 105. 370–371. zhang, j.-c. 1981. the periodicity and predicability of climate. journal of the meteorological society of japan 60. 274–280. ilyés, cs. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 21–37.38 hungarian geographical bulletin vol 71 issue 1 (2022) cs. ilyés p. szűcs e. turai: appearance of climatic cycles and oscillations in carpathian basin precipitation data lenzholzer, s.: weather in the city: how design shapes the urban climate 198 lenzholzer, s.: weather in the city: how design shapes the urban climate. rott erdam, nai010 publishers, 2015. 224 p. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.65.2.10 hungarian geographical bulletin 65 2016 (2) the author, sanda lenzholzer, had two clear and conscious goals with this book, to close the gap between the area of meteorology and urban design, and to do so while reaching for a wider audience but still maintaining scientifi c background. the volume was writt en by an architect who has a hands-on knowledge on the practical considerations of the planning and construction of buildings. her interesting aspect is that she does not consider the weather as a stress factor on built structures but as a stress factor on the people living in and around the buildings. the work was previously published in dutch, and in its time, it gained a lot of media att ention. later on, the author was persuaded into rewriting it for an international audience in english, resulting in this volume. judging by the contents, it was a worthy decision. most books on urban climate and weather have a special topic regarding extreme weather events, e.g. storm water management or heatwaves. one can also fi nd works about specifi c technologies such as the green roofs, or using renewable energy technologies in buildings. some other studies are about mitigation of, or adaptation to, climate change or about the vulnerability of city systems and residents to climate change. however, a collection of weather eff ects on cities and urban neighbourhoods is lacking, especially the one understandable for people outside the scientifi c community. this book is a perfect choice for all, including policymakers, who wish to understand the need for urban meteorology and conscious urban planning. the volume is easy to read, but at the same time, it requires some natural scientifi c interest. the focus of the book goes from large-scale to micro-scale. it has to be noted that the features included in the volume pertain mostly to cities with temperate climate. the fi rst chapter is a general introduction to how we experience the physical and psychological factors of urban microclimate. of all the physical factors, special emphasis is put on the role of temperature and wind. though other factors are noted as well, the clearly important eff ects of solar radiation, relative humidity and ventilation are the key issues throughout the book. in the fi rst chapter, where the impact of heat stress and wind nuisance on residents and on their activities is considered, we get a glimpse of the mind of an architect. the second chapter breaks down into units that present each factor determining the urban climate from a more scientifi c point of view. the radiation eff ect is not only shown as a heat source but also as how the altitude angle of the sun aff ects incoming radiation and shadowing. also from an architectural perspective, the thermal properties (refl ection, heat storage and conductivity) of building materials are introduced. naturally, from radiation the author proceeds to temperature and to the urban heat island eff ect, but does not go into details about the latt er, since that is the main target in most studies. these issues are followed by the description of the wind eff ect. this is a more detailed part of the chapter and contains a lot of interesting fi ndings based on measurements and modelling. perhaps the most interesting topic is, from at least a meteorologist’s point of view, the formation of typical wind patt erns in the urban environment. the author shows how the direction, height and width ratio of a slab-like building aff ects wind direction and speed, and how they create wind tunnels, downwashes and windbreaks around the buildings, which have a great eff ect on pedestrians and on their day-to-day behaviour. especially in this part of the book, the fi gures are most helpful. since the phrasing aims for a wide readership, the author omits some physical explanations, but the fi gures can be further discussed, e.g. in university classes with background knowledge on fl uid dynamics. 199book review – book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (2) 198–199.hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (2) 198–199. this chapter also discusses the perception of buildings from a thermal comfort view as well. the third chapter tackles the question of mapping and categorisation methods of physical properties of a city, from a microclimate forming perspective, e.g. heat emission or wind nuisance. by creating such maps, urban climate related problematic areas can be identifi ed in a city. one presented method is the determination of diff erent ‘climatope’ areas – urban areas with typical microclimatic characteristics (e.g. parks, garden cities, and commercial districts). the other method is the creation of urban maps based on in-situ and satellite measurements. the shortest chapter of the book (chapter 4) introduces general methods that can be implemented in city planning in order to reduce the adverse eff ect of cities on weather. it shows general methods to reduce heat stress, creating ventilation between and within districts, and their possible implementation in planning practices. the fi ft h chapter is about mapping the microclimate at a building scale. analyses of physical microclimate experience are introduced using shadow simulations, educated guesses about wind patt erns, wind tunnel tests, computational fl uid dynamic simulations and combined versions of observation and simulations. in addition, the method of mapping the psychological aspects of microclimate experience based on interviews and the observation of the behaviour of residents is presented. the sixth chapter embraces half of the content of the entire volume, it is also the most practical part, containing information on special urban designs. these range from diff erent techniques for shadowing through building materials to the positioning of buildings. in order to avoid a simple enumeration, these architectural designs are grouped along their capacity to infl uence sun and shade, refl ection, emissivity and heat conductivity, and evaporation, to slow or avoid wind, to improve ventilation, to protect against precipitation and to consider psychological aspects of microclimate experience. for each design the author provides general description and refers to issues of eff ectiveness, advantages and disadvantages, construction problems, costs and maintenance fees. the general description explains the theoretical background and purpose of each design, and employs informative photographs or schemes. the description of the eff ectiveness, advantages and disadvantages of a given design is usually short but straightforward and critical. cost estimates are only approximate ones, as the market value depends on the availability of a construction material and on general economic conditions. at the end of the book, a table summarises the goals and target location of each architectural design. the topics, illustrations and descriptions make one wonder about their own urban environment. aft er reading the book, i oft en fi nd myself looking at buildings from a climate responsive design point of view and i can even recognise the drawbacks of certain architectural designs, though i have no such background. one can also use the design examples to improve the comfort of their own home. the book itself has an up-to-date look, with a paperback cover. the high quality fi gures are both informative and simple, not overpowered by design. the fi gures are understandable for the general audience, but they can be employed even in higher education. photographs are mostly real life illustrations. interestingly, the pages are colour coded based on which climatic factors they mostly concern, what can help the readers in fi nding what they are looking for. since all the topics in the book are relevant to temperate climates, every aspect is valid and can be used in the central european region, from the theoretical background to the architectural designs. the price of the book also indicates that the aim is not to provide a comprehensive, physical equation based, urban planning content, but to reach a wider, even non-academic audience. at a mere price of 30€ the book is a bargain for all interested readers. hajnalka breuer1 1 eötvös loránd university, budapest. e-mail: bhajni@nimbus.elte.hu gullyor sheet erosion? a case study at catchment scale 151 hungarian geographical bulletin 2009. vol. 58. no 3. pp. 151–161. gullyor sheet erosion? a case study at catchment scale gergely jakab1, balázs madarász1, zoltán szalai1 abstract soils have become an increasingly important natural resource especially in an agricultural land such as hungary. in addition to this sedimentation and eutrophycation pose a high risk for the landscape. to protect soil fertility and to maintain the good quality of freshwater resources it is necessary to clarify the connection between sheet and gully erosion. the aim of this paper is to present an analysis on erosion and sedimentation in a hilly watershed, i.e. in the tetves catchment, hungary. at the outlet of the basin a sediment reservoir can be found which has been fi lled up completely. the authors made an att empt to determine the origin of the sediment by investigating it in the reservoir. more topsoil underlines the role of sheet erosion in the catchment, while more subsoil in the reservoir means considerable gully erosion activity. six sampling sites were appointed along the reservoir. at each point samples were taken as a collection of seven borings. each profi le was divided into horizons and altogether 32 samples were investigated. humus content and caesium-137 activity have been used as tracers of the topsoil. gully erosion activity has been investigated in the whole catchment during three years (1968, 1984, and 2004) using maps, air photos and fi eld survey. approximately half of the deposited sediments came from the subsoil layer. this fact proves the key role of gully erosion in the catchment. in addition the results show that the activity of gully erosion has a yearly fl uctuation on one hand and a 5–10 years periodicity on the other. in general early springtime caused low volume topsoil to have been deposited in the reservoir and during the periods of thunderstorms (late summer) a high volume of subsoil was eroded and delivered beyond the limits of the basin. this periodicity can be seen in the stripped profi le of the reservoir. according to both gully development and sedimentation, the most active period of subsoil sediment transportation occurred in the catchment between 1984 and 1995. based on the investigations it can be estimated that roughly 10% of the soil eroded by gullies leaves the catchment while the rest is sedimented inside. keywords: gully erosion, sheet erosion, sediment delivery, sediment reservoir, caesium-137. introduction sediment deposition is part of the soil erosion process, although most of the investigations focus on soil loss. sedimentation can be as dangerous as soil erosion from the point of view of agronomy and ecology. investigating soil erosion on catchment scale it is very 1 geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences, h-1112 budaörsi út 45. budapest hungary. e-mail: jakabg@mtafk i.hu 152 important to know the quantity of the eroded soil and its part that sedimented nearby. in general the largest portion of soil loss is deposited at the bott om of the slopes and only a few percent leaves the catchment. according to fitzpatrick, e.a. (1986) soil loss delivered by sheet erosion can take small distances, while the sediment delivered by gully erosion oft en reaches the streams. in many cases gullies are not the sources of soil loss but as channels they can transport the sediment out of the catchment (wischmeier, w.h. 1977). the ratio between gully and sheet erosion in a catchment can vary within wide ranges. the usle (wischmeier, w. h.–smith, d.d., 1978) absolutely neglects linear erosion. according to de vente, j.–poesen, j. (2005) sediment sinks are of less importance in basins dominated by bank erosion. in other words gullies can increase the volume of sediment yield remarkably (kertész, á. 1984, 2004a,b). during heavy rainstorms the majority of the sediment leaving the catchment originates from linear erosion features, but the ratio can vary with time (chaplot, v. et al., 2005). generally speaking climatic conditions can determine the ratio between gully and sheet erosion kertész, á. 2006). moreover considerable transformation in land use can cause changes in gully development as well (gábris, gy. et al. 2003). the aim of this paper is to identify the 30 years sediment yield at the outlet of the catchment, to determine the volume of soil erosion in the basin and to distinguish between sediment from the surface (the uppermost 20 cm) and sediments from lower horizons. temporal regime of erosion processes can be fi xed with continuous investigations of both the development of gullies in the basin and the fi lling up of the reservoir. . materials and methods the catchment area of the tetves stream is about 120 km2 and it belongs to the southern subcatchment of lake balaton, hungary. several soil erosion (kertész, á. et al., 2001, 2003; jakab, g. et al., 2005, 2006) and landscape (tóth, a.–szalai, z. 2007) studies have been made in the tetves valley. the detailed description of the study site can be found elsewhere (madarász, b. et al. 2003; jakab, g. 2008a), in this paragraph only the related information is shown. to retain the eroded sediment a reservoir was constructed in 1970 with an area of 13 ha and capacity of 95,300 m3. although by 2000 the reservoir was completely fi lled up the stream is still fl owing through. beside the reservoir some fi shponds can be found, which gain water also from the stream just above the reservoir. the fi ll of the ponds is possible only at high or mean water levels of the stream. in general the early springtime is the period of fi lling the ponds, because this is the time of the yearly fl ood. the sediment reservoir as well as the fi shpond contains the deposited soil loss of the catchment. eroding and delivering of the subsurface parts of the profi le are related to linear (gully) erosion, while the surface can be destroyed due to both linear and sheet erosion (fitzpatrick, e.a. 1986). to reach the primary aim of the research an adequate method was needed that helps to make a diff erence between sediments of surface (topsoil) and subsurface (subsoil) origin. the fi rst possibility is to distinguish according to the organic matt er content. 153 this method can give additional information from the sedimented profi le but because of the undefi ned borders between the groups it is not suitable for calculation. another way is to use the particle size distribution of the sediments to fi nd out the origin of the horizons. this method is based on the relatively homogeneous particle size distribution of the parent material (sandy loess) of the catchment. the expected results of this method are also only informative. the third method uses the caesium-137 isotope as a tracer of the surface soil. panin, a.v. et al. (2001) have used this method to investigate the soil loss related to linear and sheet erosion. the method based on the measurement of cs-137 isotope gives rapid results and well demonstrates the dimension and spatial distribution of the erosion and sedimentation processes (bouhlassa s. et al., 1995), although it is less accurate than the conventional methods (wicherek, s.p.–bernard, c. 1995). this isotope is artifi cial and its presence in the environment is the result of nuclear weapon tests and accidents. the direct source of soil contamination is fallout. as the cs-137 isotope reaches the surface it makes very strong complexes with clay minerals and with organic matt er (mabit, l.–bernard, c. 1998). since cs-137 is an alkali metal cation, its behaviour is quite similar as phosphorus, although phosphorus has remarkably shorter radius (killham, k. 2001). that is why this isotope cannot be leached as a solved material. the contamination under average hungarian conditions and in undisturbed soil profi les does not exceed the 25–30 cm depth (szerbin, p. et al., 1999). the migration along the profi le is possible only with the help of the clay minerals (chappell, a. et al., 1998). in an undisturbed profi le the total activity of the isotope decreases exponentially downwards from the surface (porto, p. et al. 2001). if one does not fi nd any activity concentration in the top of the profi le it means that this profi le is eroded. the presence of cs-137 activity in deeper horizons means deposition of topsoil on the top of the original profi le (govers, g. et al. 1996; lu, x.x.–higgitt, d.l. 2000, 2001). sampling should be done by layers of the profi le and requires particular att ention (connor, d.m. et al., 1997). the volume of the fallout was determined by using the reference profi les of szerbin, p. et al. (1999) and csepinszky, b. (2003). along the axis of the reservoir six sampling points were established representing the whole deposited mass. at each point samples were taken as a collection of 7 borings. each profi le was divided into horizons and altogether 32 samples were investigated (jakab, g. 2008c). in addition to this the fi shpond was also sampled (photo 1). gully erosion activity has been investigated in the whole catchment during three years (1968, 1984, and 2004) using maps, air photos and fi eld survey (jakab, g. et al. 2006). 154 results during the fi eld survey in 2004 altogether 140 gullies were identifi ed and mapped. within this group of gullies only 85 were present in 1968 and 115 existed in 1984. changes in total length of these gullies in time can be seen in table 1. before 1984 the increase in gully length was relatively slow while aft er 1984 the average gully increased with almost double velocity (fig. 2). during the research period (34 years) the total length of the gullies increased almost by 60%. before 1984 the growth of the shortest (<50 m) gullies was typical, while aft er 1984 gullies longer than 450 m were the most important components of length increase. probably the most important reason for the diff erence is the concentration of arable plots in the 1980s. later another very important cause could be the failure of the abandoned ditches due to the fi eld reprivatisation. photo 1. sampling points in the reservoir table 1. changes in gully length in time years 1970 1984* 2004 total gully length (km) cummulative length (%) average increase (m year-1) 29.9 100 – 36.7 123 173 47.1 158 519 * air photos of 1984 do not cover the whole catchment area, there is a lack of data on 15 gullies. for these gullies data of the year 2004 were applied. 155 both processes have had a remarkable eff ect on increase of uncontrolled, concentrated surface runoff . detailed results on this part of the study can be found in jakab, g. et al. (2005) and jakab, g. (2008b). during the lifetime of the reservoir (1970–2000) the volume of the fi lling-up was 95,300 m3. the fi ltering eff ect was more eff ective because of the high biomass production. in case of this wetland the annual production is about 2 kg m-2 (begon, m. et al., 1996), with a bulk density of 1.0 g cm-1. such kind of riparian ecosystems highly aff ects the physical and chemical properties of the sediment (szalai, z. 2007; szalai, z.–németh, t. 2008). this means 7,800 m3 organic matt er sedimentation during 30 years. the other 87,500 m3 were fi lled up with sediments delivered from the catchment. the average bulk density of the undisturbed sediments in the reservoir is 1.3 g cm-1. this means 113,750 t net soil loss during 30 years. from the point of view of areas of potential soil erosion in the catchment, the specifi c annual erosion rate is 0.8 t ha-1. this value is based on a very rough estimation, but it may demonstrate the tendency and order of magnitude. it is very important to note that this sediment volume left the catchment. according to kirkby, m.j.–morgan, r.p.c (1980) the net soil loss is only a very small part of the total soil movement, there might be much higher erosion activity within the catchment. fig. 2. gully distribution according to their length in 1968, 1984, and 2004. note: vertical scale is logarithmic 156 in the sampled profi les of the reservoir layers of several cms could be found (photo 3). this kind of stripped design was typical of the whole reservoir. the sediment reaching the reservoir was classifi ed according to time and not to the distance from the inlet. the diff erent organic matt er content and particle size distribution in these layers are not the result of the inside processes in the reservoir, but the result of the diff erent sediment delivery processes in the catchment. probably below a precipitation amount and/or intensity threshold value gullies only deliver sediments originating from sheet erosion. above these threshold values gullies become sediment sources as well and transport a large amount of parent material into the sediment reservoir. these precipitations lead to the formation of subsoil layers (loess, without organic matt er) in the reservoir profi les. in the fi shpond the thickness of the contaminated sediment layer is less than 20 cm, therefore this is the maximum value of the deposition from the catchment during the last 50 years. because of the regular distribution (table 2) there is no mixing or redistribution in the sediment layers. the pond is older than 100 photo 3. sediment layers in the sediment reservoir 157 fig. 2. gully distribution according to their length in 1968 1984, and 2004 sampling point depth (cm) activity (bq kg-1) st. dev activity (bq m-2) fish pond 0–5 5–10 10–15 15–20 20–60 peat total 159.4 152.98 82.49 5.57 0.2 0.2 – 2.9 3.4 5.6 7.1 – – – 10,361.48 9,944.25 5,362.36 362.07 – – 26,030.16 s1 0–20 20–40 40–60 60–80 80–100 total 25.0 46.4 9.2 3.8 2.8 – 0.5 0.7 0.3 0.2 0.2 – – – – – – 11,674 s2 0–20 20–40 40–60 60–80 80–100 total 23.5 30.9 34.4 12.4 7.3 – 0.5 0.5 0.5 0.3 0.3 – – – – – – 12,615 s3 0–10 10–20 20–30 30–40 40–50 50–60 total 26.6 103.0 24.7 11.1 7.7 3.8 – 0.6 0.7 0.4 0.3 0.2 0.1 – – – – – – – 15,773 s4 0–20 20–40 40–60 total 46.8 14 9.2 – 2 0.5 0.4 – – – – 16,492 s5 0–25 25–50 50–80 80–110 total 30.2 3.3 0.48 0.07 – – 1.6 0.2 0.11 0.06 – – – – – – – 10,756 s6 0–12 12–24 24–36 tota 53.2 1.35 17.9 – 1.8 0.1 0.4 – – – – 8,412 note: vertical scale is logarithmic. 158 years, the contaminated layer is thinner than 20 cm, consequently the pond has a very limited sediment input from the catchment, although the activity of the contaminated layer is more than three times higher than the fallout. the investigated points in the reservoir have more or less the same order of activity as the fi shpond has. the important diff erence in is the thickness of the contaminated layer. in the reservoir activity was detected also in the 110 cm deep layer. it is assumed that the whole contaminated layer in the fi shpond is part of the sediment from the catchment and not the result of the fi sh breeding. in this case, because of the similar area of the pond and the reservoir, the sediment volume is roughly 130 cm m-2 and therefore sediments of the pond and of the reservoir belong together (table 3). the fi shpond was constructed before the start of the fallout that is why the volume of the fallout (7,900 bq kg-1) is not originated from the catchment. because of the same reason the volumes of the reservoir should be decreased as well. originally the contamination did not leach below 20 cm. according to our model calculations, if the whole sediment was of topsoil origin, than the total activity of the 130 cm is 6.5 times higher than that of the fallout (51,350 bq m-2). smaller volumes mean that the sediment contains subsoil, without cs-137 activity, as a consequence of gully erosion (table 3). using the cs-137 technique it can be concluded that minimum 50% of the sediment at the outlet of the catchment originates from layers below 20 cm of the soil profi les of the catchment. the lower parts of an in situ profi le are eroded by gully erosion, which refers to an important role of linear erosion in this case. according to former investigations (jakab g. et al. 2005) 1,198,268 m3 material has been moved in the tetves catchment due to gully erosion. this amount was eroded since the formation of the investigated gullies. to suppose the direct link between the increase of gully length and soil loss it can be table 3. measured and modelled activities at the sampling points sampling points fallout activity i. activity ii. activity iii. model topsoil bq m-2 20 cm-1 bq m -2 110 cm-1 bq m-2 130 cm-1 % s1 s2 s3 s4 s5 s6 7,900 7,900 7,900 7,900 7,900 7,900 11,674 12,615 15,773 16,492 10,756 8,412 5,674 6,615 9,773 10,492 4,756 2,412 23,774 24,715 27,873 28,592 22,856 20,512 51,350 51,350 51,350 51,350 51,350 15,800 0.46 0.48 0.54 0.56 0.45 1.30 activity ii = measured value – fallout on the reservoir (~6,000 bq); activity iii = activity ii + value of the fi shpond; topsoil = the uppermost 20 cm of the profi le). 159 concluded that during the investigated period (34 years) ca. 435,086 m3 soil was eroded by gully erosion. one part of the sediment was deposited on the gully’s fan, and another part was sedimented on the valley bott om and the rest reached the stream and was deposited in the sediment reservoir. comparing the sediment volume in the reservoir with soil loss volume coming from the gullies over the 34 year period it can be stated that about 10% of the soil eroded by gullies reached the outlet of the catchment. presuming uniform soil erosion and sediment transport this means 1,287 m3 year-1 from a catchment of 120 km2 which is a potential danger for lake balaton. this amount is only the result of gully erosion and the same amount was eroded by sheet erosion. conclusions according to our measurements the majority of soil loss is eroded by sheet erosion in the catchment, but this type of sediment generally does not leave the catchment. the sediments that leave the basin, contain more subsoil, approximately 50% in this case. this fact underlines the role of gully erosion as sediment source and not only as transport channel in the catchment. in addition to this the results show that the activity of gully erosion has a yearly fl uctuation on one hand and a 5–10 years periodicity on the other. in general early spring low volume topsoil sediments will be deposited in the reservoir and during the periods of thunderstorms (late summer) a large amount of subsoil is eroded and delivered beyond the limits of the basin. this periodicity can be seen in the stripped profi le of the reservoir. according to both gully development and sedimentation, the most active period of “subsoil” sediment transportation occurred between 1984 and 1995 in the catchment. it is important to decide whether sheet or gully erosion should be controlled to gain the most benefi t. both processes cause damage, control is therefore necessary. the question is effi ciency and cost return. nowadays soil protection has less importance both in policy and in practice in hungary but in the long run it is necessary to concentrate on soil conservation. for eff ectivity reasons it is evident that gully erosion control has primary importance. it is not only the source of the sediment but has a key role in transporting soil eroded by sheet erosion. the best way to stop gully erosion is reforestation of the gully because under forest there is no soil erosion, says the average hungarian farmer. it could be true in case of sheet erosion, but not in case of gully erosion. it is evident that erosion control (reduction of surface runoff ) has to begin in the catchment of the gully fi rst; the neighbouring area of the gully is of secondary importance. 160 references begon, m.–harper, j.l.–townsend, c.r. 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(1–4): pp. 141–151. wischmeier w.h. 1977. soil erodibility by rainfall and runoff . – in: bergsma, a. 1996. grafi sch service centrum, wageningen. terminology for soil erosion and conservation. 25 p. wischmeier w.h.–smith, d.d. 1978. predicting rainfall erosion losses: a guide to conservation planning. – usda agricultural handbook 537, us government printing offi ce, washington, d.c. 58 p. transformation of the built environment in petržalka pre-fabricated housing estate 83 hungarian geographical bulletin 62 (1) (2013) 83–89. transformation of the built environment in petržalka pre-fabricated housing estate pavel šuška and linda stasíková1 abstract the last two decades have brought signifi cant changes into pre-fabricated housing estates built during the era of state-socialism. in the 1990´s an active discussion about “humanisation“ of the biggest pre-fabricated housing estate – petržalka in the city of bratislava – started. petržalka´s monofunctionality, its dependency on the city centre and at the same time its segregation from other parts of the city were heavily criticised. in our paper certain aspects of the housing estate´s post-socialist transformation are analysed in the context of wider intra-urban changes triggered by the new production of built environment. this transformation is manifested mainly in the construction of new residential and commercial real estates. the dynamics of that is highly infl uenced by the political and economic changes taking place at state level. in case of new residential investments, the densifi cation of the existing built-up structure took place. in contrast, heavy concentration of commercial buildings can be observed along the key transport corridors of supra-local (regional and international) importance. keywords: built environment, pre-fabricated housing estate, transformation, petržalka, bratislava introduction erecting large housing estates of pre-fabricated, standardized block of fl ats was an important element of the societal transformation during state-socialism. transforming the pre-war society with strong agrarian-rural features was a large-scale modernisation project which involved, among others, the development of (heavy) industry and the transfer of a signifi cant portion of the slovak population into growing urban centres where predominantly panel housing estates were developed. between 1950 and 1990 in central and eastern europe 14 million and in the territory of former ussr 66 million fl ats were built. in the late 1980´s in 1 institute of geography, slovak academy of sciences, štefánikova 49, 814 73 bratislava, slovak republic. e-mail: geogsusk@savba.sk, geogstas@savba.sk 84 czechoslovakia one third of the total population lived in the blocks of fl ats mentioned above (temelová, j. et al. 2011). the diff erent level of industrialisation and urbanisation in pre-socialist era and the equalisation/homogenisation project pursued by the socialist czechoslovakia were the main reasons why most new development projects were located in the less developed slovak part of the country. even bratislava, the biggest pre-war urban centre, needed enormous investments in both residential and industrial sectors in order to reach the level of second ranked cities in the czech lands. thus, in the late 1980´s almost 80% of the residents of the slovak capital sett led in pre-fabricated housing estates of which petržalka was the biggest one with almost 140 thousands inhabitants (not only in slovakia but in central europe as well) (moravčíková, h. et al. 2011). soon aft er the collapse of state-socialism, pre-fabricated housing estates, once the pride of the spectacular project of socialist urbanisation and modernisation, were perceived as a problem. functional homogeneity and the strong dependency on the city centre (only basic amenities and services were located there apart from the residential function) were oft en accompanied by spatial segregation from other parts of the towns. in the early 1990´s authorities, professionals, and the general public were all preoccupied by discussing the possible ways of humanisation of pre-fabricated housing estates (szelényi, i. 1996; enyedi, gy. 1998). at the beginning there was no agreement to what extent this should involve the improvement of diff erent negatively perceived aspects of residential areas; rather complex revitalisation was expected (šlachta, š. 2009). however, it soon became clear that anything happening on the pre-fabricated housing estates would be of more spontaneous nature, more selective and it would be driven by profi t interest rather than the realisation of clear intentions and plans. att empts to specify and refi ne analytical methods helping to understand processes of urban transformation have been undertaken by several authors within the fi eld of urban geography. particularly infl uential, among others, contributions writt en by l. sýkora (2001), in which basic processes were defi ned. here, rehabilitation and regeneration are understood as a positive (in contrast to decline or stagnation) transformation of built environment while the existing morphology is preserved. in contrast wider intra-urban transformations may involve demolition and redevelopment which have not always been perceived as positive (ira, v. 2003). present paper addresses this wider intra-urban change caused by new built environment in petržalka pre-fabricated housing estate. the early history of petržalka housing estate the housing estate of petržalka was designed to follow the typical modernist architectural style which was tackled with criticism by the contemporary ex85 perts in czechoslovakia, although those voices were repressed (moravčíková, h. et al. 2006; moravčíková, h. 2012). applying pre-fabricated concrete blocks, off ered the opportunity to provide a uniform dwelling to everybody regardless profession or social status. as moravčíková, h. (2012) points out: owning a fl at in a pre-fabricated block of fl ats became a symbol of personal success for many people those days in spite of the already mentioned criticism related to the inappropriate design or the negligence of. aft er erecting the fi rst block of fl ats in bratislava in 1955, the construction activities spread all over the city, though the quarter of petržalka was intentionally left out. on 15 june 1966 the board of the national committ ee launched a tender for the ideological purport study for the southern district of the city of bratislava (gross, k. 1969). eighty-four proposals of 19 countries were evaluated; eventually the jury did not award the fi rst and the second prize. instead, 5 third prizes, 6 premiums and 10 honorary distinctions (idem) were granted. the project of petržalka was not prepared in haste, on the contrary, a thorough elaboration of studies evoked the impression of an “ideal place amidst greenery developed along the romantic arms of the river danube” (budaj, j. et al. 1987, p. 39). the individual quarters were supposed to be self-contained and multifunctional but simultaneously organically communicating. the islands of houses were to be four to eight-storeys with full amenities. the central axis was oriented towards the castle of bratislava, a dominant landmark, which “optically and emotionally integrates the city” (budaj, j. et al. 1987, p. 40). however, the construction of the housing estate had started before the evaluation of the tender due to the impatience of local authorities. territorialplanning study was not applied in a consistent way (moravčíková, h., 2012), instead spontaneous constructions started in 1973 (čapová, m. et al. 1995). as a consequence of all those factors, a special urban structure developed in petržalka. regarding the spatial distribution and functions, petržalka is a type of “belt city” lying along the basic north-south axis cut by the secondary axis of a loosened urban fabric. a central axis and a central integrating core are missing. as a result, today’s petržalka is lacking a single centre with a town hall and the accompanying conveniences and accommodated transport. the residential zone consists of three large quarters: háje, dvory and lúky (aft er čapová, m. et al. 1995). each quarter has a particular urban and spatial composition: the tall buildings in háje are facing the sunny southern side. the characteristic conception of dvory is to maintain closed space between the blocks; and the composition of lúky is based on a meander-like arrangement of blocks of fl ats (čapová, m. et al. 1995). viewed from bratislava, petržalka is a monolith wall void of natural and functional dominants (budaj, j. et al. 1987). the same authors also de86 nounced the poor quality of fl ats quite early: the bad sound-insulating properties of the pre-fabricated panels, doors and sanitary units allowing the noise penetration of lift s, piping, neighbouring fl ats and road traffi c; inadequate entrance and common spaces (fractured hallways, complicated access to fl ats) – eventually expensive options of refurbishment (budaj, j. et al. 1987). in terms of architecture, moravčíková, h. et al. (2006) discredited the oversize of petržalka, its monotony, monofunction, the exclusion from the city and the existing functional dependence on it. mládek, j. et al. (1998) reported about the absence of a central axis and a core of the whole urban structure which made impossible for the architects to draw a thorough transport plan in that quarter. the absence of a natural centre gives rise to social problems; there are no defi nite meeting points, a place for cultural events while the insuffi ciently and unevenly distributed amenities are also problematic (budaj, j. et al. 1987). changing structures within the housing estate the last two decades of the profound socio-economic changes have transformed the life of post-socialist slovakia in many respects (sýkora, l. and bouzarovski, s. 2012). bratislava, which is the capital and the primary urban centre in slovakia, has been particularly exposed to the pressure of new transformative relations and those shift s have not left untouched the built environment either (kovács, z. 1999; tosics, i. 2005; sailer-fliege, u. 1999). for bratislava those changes eventually2 brought a signifi cant development stimulus which materialised in an unprecedented construction boom of the past decade. bratislava with its hinterland can be considered as the winner of the transition period among the regions of slovakia, at least in terms of ability to att ract capital investment and economic development activities3. the most signifi cant changes in the built environment occur mainly through new constructions, especially residential and commercial real estate investments and the developments in transportation infrastructure. the general dynamics of residential investments in bratislava and petržalka have been aff ected by the fact that the city represents the most important urban and economic centre of slovakia (šuška, p. 2012). the growing interest in real estate investments have also materialised in petržalka (figure 1) where new 2 generally, in slovakia there was a sort of delay of many social transformations due to the postponed economic and political integration. therefore, suburbanisation processes, the commercialisation of certain parts of mono-functional areas, socio-spatial stratifi cation and separation, the building boom and the real estate buble – all appeared much later than those in the neighbouring post-socialist metropolis. 3 which does not mean that there are no loosers in the transition in petržalka. 87 fig. 1. production of residential built environment in the districts of bratislava. urban districts: 1 = staré mesto; 2 = podunajské biskupice; 3 = ružinov; 4 = vrakuňa; 5 = nové mesto; 6 = rača; 7 = vajnory; 8 = devín; 9 = devínska nová ves; 10 = dúbravka; 11 = karlova ves; 12 = lamač; 13 = záhorská bystrica; 14 = čunovo; 15 = jarovce; 16 = petržalka; 17 = rusovce dwellings scatt ered all over the territory contributing to the intensifi cation of the existing urban fabric. here the densifi cation of existing structures was the dominant process aft er 1990. while in the city centre new developments and extended building processes have been taking place, in petržalka functional diversifi cation including the creation of urban-centre-like spaces was postponed and the central parts of the housing estate remained underdeveloped in terms of commercial function (figure 2). numerous factors contributed to that defi ciency: the disregard of original development plans of the socialist era, the market-driven spontaneity in the location of the new dwelling projects (šlachta, š. 2009, p. 13) and the long-term suspension of the intraurban rail transport system. especially, the latt er means a serious impediment as the intraurban rail transport system is not only crucial in terms of the housing estate connection with the city, but the planned route is also supposed to become the central axis where the concentration of business activities, services and amenities may evolve and thus it can serve as a genuine central zone of the housing estate. 88 conclusion the last twenty years have witnessed signifi cant transformations in pre-fabricated housing estates built during the state-socialist period. many of the original, encoded problems have been removed, but others persisted or even deepened. additionally, due to the post-socialist transformation, new problems appeared. in terms of physical transformation of intra-urban structures, virtually all building initiatives, with the exception of transport infrastructure, have been pursued by private investors. the market logic of investment in the built environment does not always meet the needs of complex humanization of environment. the delay of key public investments (i.e. construction of roads and intra-urban trains, which would improve petržalka’s effi cient transport links with the city and would also serve as an important socio-spatial integration area of the estate), remains cardinal problem. references budaj, j. et al. 1987. bratislava nahlas (out of bratislava). bratislava, szopk. čapová, m., bellová, e., hájek, m., jurášová, o., kováčová, a., martvoňová, e., sládeková, z. and vargová, k. 1995. petržalka – mestská časť bratislavy (petržalka – urban part of bratislava). harmanec, vojenský kartografi cký ústav š.p. enyedi, gy. 1998. transformation in central european postsocialist cities. in social change and urban restructuring in central europe. ed. enyedi, gy. budapest, akadémiai kiadó, 9–34. fig. 2. production of commercial built environment in town districts of bratislava 89 gross, k. 1969. medzinárodná urbanistická súťaž bratislava – petržalka (international urbanistic tender bratislava – petržalka). bratislava, vydavateľstvo slovenského fondu výtvarných umení. ira, v. 2003. the changing intra-urban structure of the bratislava city and its perception. geografi cký časopis 55. (2): 91–107. kovács, z. 1999. cities from state-socialism to global capitalism: an introduction. geojournal 49. 1–6. mládek, j., kovalovská, v. and chovancová, j. 1998. petržalka – demografi cké, najmä migračné špecifi ká mladej urbánnej štruktúry (petržalka – demographic, mostly migratory characteristics of young urban structures). geografi cký časopis 50. (2): 109–137. moravčíková, h. 2012. concentrated responses to the issue of pre-fabricated mass housing ensembles, bratislava, 1950–1995. in mass housing east–west: international conference proceedings. edinburgh, eahn, docomomo international, edinburgh college of art, university of edinburgh, 2012. moravčíková, h., dulla, m., haberlandová, k., topoľčanská, m. and doricová, s. 2006. architektonické a urbanistické aspekty panelovej výstavby v bratislave (architectonic and urban aspects of panel construction in bratislava). urbanismus a územní rozvoj 9. (1): 3–8. moravčíková, h., topolčanská, m., szalay, p., dulla, m., ščepánová, s. and toscherová, s. 2011. bratislava: atlas of mass housing. bratislava, slovart. available: <htt p://sites. ace.ed.ac.uk/docomomoiscul/publications/e-proceedings-4/>. sailer-fliege, u. 1999. characteristics of post-socialist urban transformation in east central europe. geojournal 49. 7–16. šlachta, š. 2009. premeny bratislavských sídlisk po roku 1990 (changes of housing estates in bratislava aft er 1990). urbanita 1. (1): 12–15. šuška, p. 2012. produkcia vybudovaného prostredia v postsocialistickej bratislave: podmienky, dynamika a územný prejav (production of the built environment in the postsocialist city of bratislava: conditions, dynamics and spatial manifestation). geografi cký časopis 64. (2): 155–179. sýkora, l. 2001. klasifi kace změn v prostorové struktuře postkomunistických měst. (”classifi cation of changes in the spatial structure of postcommunist cities”) folia geographica 4. 194–204. sýkora, l. and bouzarovski, s. 2012. multiple transformations: conceptualising the postcommunist urban transition (classifi cation of changes in the spatial structure of postcommunist cities). urban studies 49. (1): 43–60. szelényi, i. 1996. cities under socialism – and aft er. in cities aft er socialism. urban and regional change and confl ict in post-socialist societies. eds. andrusz, g., harloe, m. and szelényi, i. oxford, blackwell publishers, 286–317. temelová, j., novák, j., ouředníček, m. and puldová, p. 2011. housing estates in the czech republic aft er socialism: various trajectories and inner diff erentiation. urban studies 48. (9): 1811–1834. tosics, i. 2005. city development in central and eastern europe since 1990: the impact of internal forces. in transformation of cities in central and eastern europe: towards globalization. eds. hamilton, f.e.i., dimitrovska-andrews, k. and pichlermilanovic, n. tokyo–new york–paris, united nations university press, 44–78. << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.7 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 /colorconversionstrategy /cmyk /dothumbnails false /embedallfonts true /embedopentype false /parseiccprofilesincomments true /embedjoboptions 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice 2_stryjakiewicz.indd 223stachowiak, k. and stryjakiewicz, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 223–237.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.67.3.2 hungarian geographical bulletin 67 2018 (3) 223–237. introduction core-periphery relations can be useful in explaining some processes taking place in creative economy. creative industries are currently under a global shift (flew, t. 2013). it means they spread outside the core and they play an increasingly important role especially in so-called semi-peripheries. semiperipheral countries contribute to the production and export of a variety of goods, including cultural and creative goods (undp/ unctad 2010; undp, unesco 2013). they are marked by above average cultural producers, as exemplified by argentina, china, india, brazil, mexico, indonesia, and iran, but also smaller countries such as poland, czech republic and other east-central european countries (undp/unctad 2010). not only semi-peripheral countries contribute to increasingly globalised creative economy, but creative industries have become substantial part of the local and regional development in those countries. many studies have pointed out the role of creative industries in post-socialist transformation of central and european countries (švob-đokić, n. 2005; egedy, t. and kovács, z. 2009; stryjakiewicz, t. and męczyński, m. 2010; rumpel, p. et al. 2010; slach, o. et al. 2013; musterd, s. and kovács, z. 2013; stryjakiewicz, t. et al. 2013, 2014; chapain, c. and stryjakiewicz, t. 2017). our paper tries to build on that research output and extend the existing knowledge by exploring how core-periphery relations matter for globalising creative industries. we will present this role using the case of european film industry (with a focus on post-socialist countries of central and eastern europe). the paper is structured as follows. first, we will indicate the role of peripheries and semi-peripheries in the global value chain of creative industries. it will serve as a de1 adam mickiewicz university, institute of socio-economic geography and spatial management, krygowskiego 10, 61-680 poznań, poland. e-mails: krst@amu.edu.pl, tadek@amu.edu.pl the rise of film production locations and specialised film services in european semi-peripheries krzysztof s ta c h o w i a k 1 and tadeusz s t r y j a k i e w i c z 1 abstract the research on a creative economy has been gaining momentum globally in the recent years, but the associated concepts such as the cultural economy, the creative class, creative cities and so on, have typically been urban or national in orientation. there is evidence showing that many important developments in creative industries take place now in almost all parts of the globe. one of the creative industries which may serve as a vivid example of the complex interplay between the global core and the local periphery is film industry. the paper aims to discuss rise of film production locations and specialised film services in european global semiperipheries. globalisation of film industry involves the expansion of production away from the established and globally recognised centres, such as hollywood or western europe. while some researchers refer to this development as a ‘runaway production’, this paper examines it through a broader look to core-periphery relations and points out their implications and consequences from the perspective of european countries (with a focus on post-socialist countries of east central europe). keywords: creative industries, film industry, film services, core-periphery, semi-periphery, europe stachowiak, k. and stryjakiewicz, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 223–237.224 parture point to show the global shift in one the most internationalised among all creative industries, notably the film industry. we will then analyse three main aspects of contemporary global landscape in film industry: the global spread of film production infrastructure, such as film studios, the rise of international collaboration in film production, and the emergence of cost-cutting incentives, or policies intended to attract international film production. the paper is an attempt of synthesis of current knowledge and existing knowledge, using some data on film industry to illustrate the main arguments. therefore, a multimethod approach was used, mixing qualitative and quantitative data on current processes in film industry. the role of peripheries and semi-peripheries in the global value chain of creative industries the value chain in the creative economy can be divided into two main parts related to the generation and capture of values. basically, we can say that value production corresponds to production processes, while value capture is related to distribution and consumption. each of these stages requires various resources and competences: creativity, knowledge or skills (santagata, w. 2010). this chain is schematically presented in figure 1. the curve on the graph shows what added value brings in the individual stage of the value chain. these approximate values were determined by the reconstruction of value chains in various creative industries, which had been analysed by many researchers. they include, among others, publishing industry (at kearney 2010), film (finney, a. 2010; kehoe, k. and mateer, j. 2015), music (meisel, j.b. and sullivan, t.s. 2002), video games (kerr, a. 2006), performing arts (brecknock, r. 2004; walmsley, b. 2011), and media (doyle, g. 2002; falkheimer, j. and jansson, a. 2006). in addition, a number of value chain analyses referring to the creative sector as a whole was taken into account (hearn, g. et al. 2007; bakhshi, h. and mcvittie, e. 2009; santagata, w. 2010; pwc 2011; walmsley, b. 2011; lampel, j. and germain, o. 2016). the process of value creation begins with (1) the conceptual phase, which starts with the idea for a creative good (such as film, song, or video game) and ends with the development of a project on how the good should look at the end. santagata, w. (2010, 15–18) argues that the conceptual phase is preceded by the selection process of creators and that it is actually the first stage of the entire value chain. when the concept is accepted, the second stage begins; it is related to (2) financial and organizational work. this stage is aimed at determining the profitability of a given venture, as well as financing possibilities. not all ideas or products have a chance for commercial success. at this stage, therefore, the assessment of the possibility of marketability of a given product occurs. the knowledge is a key competence here, especially knowledge of the particular market or the specificity of the industry. the next stage is (3) pre-production, that is preparatory work. the production of creative goods, especially complex ones, is often expensive (e.g. recording in a professional music studio, or making films outdoors), therefore its proper preparation is to ensure the rationalization of expenses. the business knowledge regarding the organization of creative ventures as well as knowledge of legal issues are also crucial here. as this phase also includes preparation for the creative work with other people, social skills and networks are important at this stage. proper production of a given good is the next phase (4), during which the good is created is created song, advertisement, film, video game, theatrical performance. the production of each of these goods is different from each other, because their specificity is different. nevertheless, the production of each of them requires a great deal of creativity, artistic and literary knowledge and skills in a given field of art or other activity. each of the creative professions (singer, painter, sculptor, architect, advertising specialist, fashion designer, screenwriter, etc.) has a specific 225stachowiak, k. and stryjakiewicz, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 223–237. combination of competences – skills and knowledge, whose creative use leads to the creation of the original good. the next link in the value chain is (5) postproduction. it occurs mainly in industries that produce complex creative goods. this is the stage in which this good must be “pieced together” from the parts produced at the production stage. in the case of audio-visual industries, this is the period after the end of the photos and sound recordings and lasts until the emission copies of the film are made. in the music industry, it refers to works after recording, related to sound processing and the preparation of a model version of the album. in publishing, it includes, for example, the correction or preparation of a book cover. it is a stage requiring large amounts of knowledge, skills and competence. for example, in the production of a film at this stage, special effects are created, which in highbudget films, using advanced technologies, are often the main aesthetic value of the film. hence, in such cases it is the stage with the highest added value, which is reflected in the amount of expenditures on post-production activities (in the case of many blockbuster film post-production accounted for around 25% of the film budget). the finished good is then prepared for release on the market. this stage therefore applies to (6) promotional activities and advertising when the product brand is shaped, its identity is carried out and advertising campaigns are implemented. fig. 1. value chain in creative industries and the role of core-periphery location. – location: c = core: developed countries, global cities, traditional centres of cultural production; sp = semi-peripheries: developed or developing countries, emerging centres of cultural production; p = peripheries: developing countries, local centres of cultural production; multi = dispersed location in multiple places. core competencies: c = creativity (very important); c = creativity (moderately important); k = knowledge (very important); k = knowledge (moderately important); s = skills (very important); s = (moderately important). source: own elaboration based on alcácer, j. (2006), kerr, a. (2006), hearn, g. et al. (2007), mudambi, r. (2008), bakhshi, h. and mcvittie, e. (2009), finney, a. (2010), santagata, w. (2010), pwc (2011), walmsley, b. (2011), kehoe, k. and mateer, j. (2015), lampel, j. and germain, o. (2016), stachowiak, k. (2017) c c r&d, innovations, design, commercialisation development v calue reation v calue apture financing p -re production production p -ost production marketing distribution exposition consumption production marketing, advertising, specialised logistics, after-sales services value added stagelocation core competencies creative industries knowledgeintensive industries c k c/sp cks sp/p cks sp cks c ck multi k multi k multi ks stachowiak, k. and stryjakiewicz, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 223–237.226 promotion and advertising start the process of value capture. (7) the distribution of goods ensures that they reach the largest group of consumers. part of it is often (8) exposition, which refers to making creative goods available to consumers. due to its importance in creative activities, it is recognized as a separate link in the value chain, although it often runs parallel to consumption. a basis for the distinction of the exhibition phase is the role of the recipient’s contact with the good or its creator. the vernissage, the premiere of a film, a book or art in the theatre, but also an ordinary exhibition of paintings in the gallery, a film screening or a concert of music are important elements of contact between the good and the audience. in this phase, there are also contacts between creators and audiences. the examples of activities included in the exposure phase are cinema activities in the film industry and activities related to the organization of concerts in the music industry. in both cases these activities are considered as separate market segments (respectively film and music). the final link in the value chain is (9) consumption. advanced forms of consumption of creative goods, in particular prosumption, interfere with creative processes, thus indirectly (and sometimes even directly) contribute to the creation of values. value chains of creative activities are now spatially disaggregated (cf. mudambi, r. 2008), therefore issues related to the location of individual links in the value chain are of great importance. along with the added value curve for creative industries, figure 1 presents, as a reference, a similar curve developed by mudambi, r. (2008) for high-tech industries. the value added curve is u-shaped, which results from the fact that the initial links of the value chain of such products as computers, smartphones, consumer electronics, are created by research and development or engineering design that bring a lot of added value. the production of such goods consists in the production of components and assembly in special factories, most often performed according to a strict procedure designed in the initial stages. the added value is therefore relatively small. the places of such production are most often factories in china, taiwan or south korea. then the finished product is sold, which is accompanied by advertising and promotional campaigns, after-sales services and logistics, so the added value increases again. the case of creative industries is somewhat different. as it can be seen in figure 1, the stages with the highest value added in the creative industries are production and post-production. those are also the stages requiring skills, creativity and knowledge. therefore, outsourcing production in the creative industries is not necessarily related to routine and low-skilled job. many of production and post-production activities are taking place outside of the core locations. in the mid-nineties the u.s. national research council published a report convergence of computing, communications, and entertainment (nrc 1995). the report formulated a significant forecast (nrc 1995, 14): established entertainment centres (i.e. los angeles, new york) are no longer secure in their hegemony. in the next few decades, they will find that the dominance associated with physical concentrations of specialists, facilities, and mystique will be subject to profound change in the developing digital convergence matrix. location independent communities, improving microprocessor-based production tools and methods, and the rapid dissemination of many skills in expanding world markets, all undermine centrality. just as “detroit” is a metaphor, so it will be with “hollywood” also. this prediction has worked fairly quickly, at least with regard to hollywood. employment only in the film industry in los angeles and its surrounding areas fell in the period 1999–2002 from 155,000 down to 130,000, which is about 15 per cent (scott, a.j. and pope, n.e. 2007). the number of films produced in the los angeles region also fell, and in subsequent years the crisis deepened (walls, w.d. and mckenzie, j. 2012; christopherson, s. 2013). the film production has moved to new locations in canada, mostly to british columbia, which was dubbed as hollywood north 227stachowiak, k. and stryjakiewicz, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 223–237. (gasher, m. 2002). many other locations have emerged as satellite productions for global film network. these include south africa, new zealand, china, south korea, czech republic, romania or bulgaria (elmer, g. and gasher, m. 2005; christopherson, s. 2006; lukinbeal, c. 2006; johnson-yale, c. 2008; wasko, j. and erickson, m. 2008). while hollywood is increasingly outsourcing of feature film and television production to foreign countries, the peripheral and semiperipheral locations harbour “runaway production”. lukinbeal, c. (2006) analyses such a case of american production in romania and notes that it relates to two key issues: economics and geographic realism. where economics relates to keeping the cost of production down, geographic realism plays a role in determining the suitability of a location for a narrative. all locational decisions relating to film production deal both with geographic realism and economics. lukinbeal, c. (2006) observes that in the end economics trumps geographic realism and foreign locational choices are determined by attitude that “a tree is a tree”. moreover, it is worth to note that the global trade in cultural products has become far more de-centred at the advent of 21st century (undp/unctad 2010). sinclair, j. et al. (1996) identified the importance of geolinguistic regions and geo-cultural regions as sites of audio-visual trade. the success of latin american telenovelas with audiences in the spanishand portuguese-speaking worlds, hong kong produced “canto-pop” and action or martial arts films in chinesespeaking media markets, and australian serial dramas or “soaps” in english-speaking markets, are commonly cited examples of “indigenization” or “hybridization” of global cultural forms, that have considerable appeal in regional submarkets. in his work on media capitals, curtin, m. (2003, 2007, 2015) observed that while hollywood remains the global exemplar, very significant sites of film and television production aimed at international markets can be identified in cities as diverse as mumbai, hong kong, seoul, cairo, beijing, prague, miami and lagos. global shift in the film industry due to rapid digitalisation, both production and distribution of creative goods have been altered and became globalised. this changed the dynamics of many industries, influencing also the places where those activities are located and contributing to their specialisation. a good example of a creative industry undergoing global shift is the film industry. it is organised around various stages in the production chain: a preparatory stage (preproduction), shooting (production) and post-production. some researchers also add the stages of the distribution of a film and its exhibition. while traditionally almost the entire chain of film production used to be concentrated in a single place (e.g. in hollywood), today a growing number of stages are introduced in a variety of locations (walls, w.d. and mckenzie, j. 2012; mirrlees, t. 2013). in fact, the film production has recently emerged as a global production network. the term ‘global’ does not necessarily imply that such a network actually spans the entire world; rather, it suggests that it is geographically extensive and functionally integrated across national boundaries. as such, globalisation of the film industry involves the expansion of production away from its established centres, whether to other countries or to other locations within the same country. this has been reinforced by recent trends in the film industry, like cross-border film production or the rise of production networks through international co-production initiatives, which affect established production locations (dahlström, m. and hermelin, b. 2007). some groups, notably from the us film industry, refer to this development as a “runaway production” (elmer, g. and gasher, m. 2005; lukinbeal, c. 2006; wasko, j. and erickson, m. 2008; johnson-yale, c. 2008). while it is now generally agreed that the film industry is turning into a global network, there is a dispute among scholars on whether the nodes of this network tend to become less important than the linkages (wasko, j. and erickson, m. 2008). nevertheless, stachowiak, k. and stryjakiewicz, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 223–237.228 the majority of film production industries is concentrated in a relatively small number of specialised places called film or media clusters (karlsson, c. and picard, r.g. 2011). this is illustrated by figure 2, where film and media sub-sectors tend to be one of the most fig. 2. concentration of cultural and creative industries in europe. note: due to data availability 129 regions in 17 countries are included: austria, belgium, cyprus, denmark, estonia, finland, france, germany, ireland, italy, luxembourg, latvia, lithuania, portugal, slovenia, sweden, switzerland. source: power, d. (2011, 28), modified. 229stachowiak, k. and stryjakiewicz, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 223–237. concentrated cultural and creative industries in europe. coe, n.m. (2015) argues that film production has recently emerged as a global production network. a new landscape of the global film industry includes: (1) the global spread of film production infrastructure, such as film studios and film clusters, along with the emergence of satellite production centres, (2) the rise of international collaboration in film production, and (3) the emergence of cost-cutting incentives, or policies intended to attract international film production. the case of the film industry shows that the location pattern of creative enterprises depends in particular on the branch of industry they belong, and on whether their activity is divided into stages in the production chain. we will elaborate on those three aspects of contemporary global film industry, focusing on central and eastern european countries considered as semi-peripheries. we want to show the dual nature of the processes involved: globalisation has created a variety of opportunities for film industries in these countries, but on the other hand they are still struggling to fully utilise all those possibilities. film studios as nodes of a global production network and their emergence outside the core individual value chains or production circuits are, themselves, enmeshed in broader production networks of interand intra-firm relationships, that is relationships between and inside firms. such networks are, in reality, extremely complex structures with intricate links – horizontal, vertical, diagonal – forming multidimensional, multi-layered frameworks of economic activity (coe, n.m. and yeung, h.w-c. 2015; dicken, p. 2015). in addition, global production networks (gpns) are not simply technical–economic mechanisms through which the production, distribution and consumption of goods and services occur. they are „simultaneously economic and political phenomena (…), organizational fields in which actors struggle over the construction of economic relationships, governance structures, institutional rules and norms and discursive frames (…). gpns thus exist within the ‘transnational space’ that is constituted and structured by transnational elites, institutions, ideologies” (levy, d.l. 2008, 944). film studios are part of the global media landscape and can be thought as nodes of global film and media production networks. the actions of, and the interactions between, the five actor-centred networks shown in figure 3 – transnational media corporations, states and regions, creative workers, audiences, film studios – shape the changing geographical configuration of the global creative economy through their differential involvement in production circuits and networks. film studios oriented primarily to international production are parts of a mobile, fluid, slippery international production ecology shaped by broader industrial trends, such as: (a) international production levels, (b) the relative importance of particular markets, (c) the prominence of coproduction as an industrial norm, (d) the tendency toward agglomeration and the creation of multinational media corporations at one end of the scale and their interaction with a growing number of small firms at the other, and (f) the adjusted role and objectives of state and national government and of media policies (goldsmith, b. and o’regan, t. 2005). but the studios where much of this production takes place are also parts of a local, regional, or national production ecology or cultural sector, rooted fig. 3. major actor-centred networks in the global film production. source: adapted from dicken, p. (2015, 58) transnational media corporations states, regions or cities film studios inputs transformation distribution consumption creative workers consumers (audiences) audiovisual production process stachowiak, k. and stryjakiewicz, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 223–237.230 or embedded in a place, featuring as employers or workplaces, as physical presences or landmarks in the built environment, as well as economic drivers. while we can trace the expansion of a competitive market for international production, we must acknowledge that it is always to some degree linked to the local production ecology of particular cities, regions, and countries. studios seem to encourage the simultaneous existence of parallel and convergent dynamics. while some infrastructure developments, such as the studios built in central and eastern european countries, do focus to large extent on international production, understanding the contemporary studio complex as a part of film policy involves seeing it as a vehicle with the potential to bring the local and the international into a productive relationship. indeed, there is an implicit and sometimes explicit assumption that “international production” will “cross-subsidize” domestic capacity in some way, through technological renovation, skills development, or some other mechanism (moran, a. 1996). late 20th century and early 21st century have witnessed a global spread of film production infrastructure, such as film studios and film clusters, along with the emergence of satellite production centres. stachowiak, k. (2018) have mapped and analysed 275 film studios from around the world (outside the us) which are part of a newly emerged international film production network. this mapping exercise has shown that the number of new film studios has increased significantly in the last decades (figure 4). research carried out by stachowiak, k. (2018) also shows, that many new establishments have more diversified capacity. they serve not only as production facilities, but also as post-production studios or pre-production services. in some cases, they can offer a coverage of almost whole value chain. table 1 presents the number of film studios by number of services offers (corresponding to value chain stages: pre-production, production or post-production). for example, a studio with two services offered can cover two out of three stages. results shows that over a half of film studios in europe and south america offers at least two services (usually production and post-production), what makes the more competitive on a global market. these include new establishment mostly in central and eastern europe: poland, czech republic, bulgaria, moldova, ukraine as well as in turkey. international collaboration in european film industry co-productions are or great importance for international feature film production. historically, co-productions firstly rose to prominence in the 1950s and 1960s, with us studios trying to take advantage of subsidies in europe through co-production fig. 4. number of researched film studios focusing on international production by their establishment date (n = 275). source: stachowiak, k. (2018). table 1. film studios* by number of services offered as per cent of all studios in the region, 2016 region number of services offered one two three total africa south america north america** australia asia europe together 53.8 50.0 55.4 66.7 59.3 42.6 54.2 30.8 41.7 21.5 16.7 31.4 41.0 31.3 15.4 8.3 20.0 16.7 8.5 9.8 12.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 *n = 275 **excluding usa. source: stachowiak, k. 2018. 231stachowiak, k. and stryjakiewicz, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 223–237. structures (kanzler, m. et al. 2008). after the decline of the european film industry in the 1970s, co-productions were revived by european union legislation in the late 1980s and entered the second period of growth at the beginning of the 1990s. according to morawetz, n. et al. (2007) more than 30 per cent of all films in europe have been made as co-productions, although they are significantly more expensive than single firm productions, more complicated to execute, and do not necessarily enhance a project’s potential to gain international market success. it was mainly due to the fact that, faced with the continuing decline of the european film industry, many european governments decided to revive co-productions in the late 1980s, bringing co-production agreements in line with the european economic community’s (eec) “open market” philosophy and allowing director, writer, cast or crew to come from any (then) eec country. in the context of the burgeoning home video market and increased foreign sales, “co-production became a buzz-word on the tips of virtually every european independent producer’s tongue” (finney, a. 1996, 91). growth of co-production was further encouraged in the mid-1990s with the ratification of the european convention on cinematographic co-production (jäckel, a. 2003). in force since 1994, the agreement is a legal umbrella under which the 38 signature members of the council of europe can co-produce freely with each other. the convention has largely rendered bi-lateral treaties between signatory countries in europe obsolete. the relative ease (in comparison to previous decades) with which projects can be set up legally as co-productions under the convention has certainly contributed, at least in part, to the continuous growth of co-productions in the last decade. another important institution that has facilitated coproductions in europe is eurimages, the council of europe’s fund for the co-production, distribution and exhibition of european cinematographic works. set up in 1988/89, eurimages has 37 member states (2017) and has financially supported more than 1,100 films since its inception. although criticized for being bureaucratic and having an elitist bias, jäckel, a. (2003) states that eurimages has greatly expanded the range and diversity of film projects (mainly though co-productions) in europe over the past decade. the co-productions framework in europe along with globalisation of the film industry became an opportunity for “cinemas in transition”, especially after 1989 (portuges, c. and hames, p. 2013). despite a relatively small market potential as compared to countries with established film industries (such as the uk, france, italy, spain), east central european cinematographies are trying to increase international collaboration. tables 2a and 2b present the number of national films produced in european countries against coproductions. for each country a ratio of coproductions (both major or minor) to national films was calculated to show the relative significance of international collaboration. it can be observed that many film industries of central and eastern european countries, especially smaller ones such as slovakia or less developed such as bulgaria and romania, have tried to capture the international production (table 2a). their co-production-to-national film ratios were higher than in established film industries such as french or german (table 2b). geographical distribution and supporting measures for film production in europe geographical distribution of the film industry is uneven. the “big five” comprises most of this industry in the eu, namely france, germany, italy, united kingdom (uk) and spain. these five countries account for as much as 80 per cent of the film industry in europe (katsarova, i. 2014b). they enjoy more continuous film sector growth, investment in film projects, movie theatre popularity, and foreign market interest than the rest of europe. however, when assessing the overall situation of the eu film industry, it is necessary to distinguish between these stachowiak, k. and stryjakiewicz, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 223–237.232 five giants and the rest of european countries whose film industries are much weaker in terms of competitive position and capacity. in this respect, it is convenient to divide the overall european film market using the kanzler’s grouping system (kanzler, m. et al. 2008), which splits it up into four regions, the big five, the rest of western europe, scandinavia, and central and eastern europe. the biggest film service customers in europe are the big six american studios, warner bros., the walt disney company, paramount pictures, 20th century fox, universal studios, and sony pictures entertainment. american film projects that have received big six funding, on average, have budgets exceeding 85 million euro, while the eu average is 11 million eur for uk films, 5 million eur for germany and france, and just 300,000 eur for film projects in such countries as estonia and hungary (katsarova, i. 2014a). thus, with money this vast at stake, it is easier to understand why countries are competing for foreign film production. therefore, film tax incentives can be identified as one of the key government strategic tools of investment promotion, which have now become crucial for attracting film table 2a. number of feature films and international collaboration in film production, 2003–2016 films a) east central european cinematographies 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 bulgaria national films major co-production minor co-production co-prod. / national, % 2 1 1 1.00 3 2 3 1.67 8 2 3 0.63 9 3 3 0.67 10 3 6 0.90 4 1 2 0.75 11 0 4 0.36 6 1 3 0.67 6 2 1 0.50 5 1 2 0.60 0 4 0 – 2 1 0 0.50 10 2 5 0.70 6 5 7 2.00 czech republic national films major co-production minor co-production co-prod. / national, % 10 4 3 0.70 19 1 1 0.11 17 4 6 0.59 28 1 6 0.25 18 5 0 0.28 18 5 4 0.50 21 8 4 0.57 16 4 5 0.56 21 4 0 0.19 23 5 4 0.39 19 8 2 0.53 21 8 6 0.67 20 7 9 0.80 24 17 7 1.00 hungary national films major co-production minor co-production co-prod. / national, % 19 1 1 0.11 19 4 3 0.37 17 1 8 0.53 37 9 0 0.24 26 1 1 0.08 25 1 4 0.20 22 1 4 0.23 26 1 9 0.38 38 2 4 0.16 26 0 1 0.04 27 2 3 0.19 11 1 3 0.36 13 2 3 0.38 15 3 1 0.27 poland national films major co-production minor co-production co-prod. / national, % 18 1 1 0.11 17 0 3 0.18 19 2 2 0.21 24 1 2 0.13 24 2 8 0.42 28 4 8 0.43 31 7 4 0.35 38 4 2 0.16 24 3 8 0.46 28 4 10 0.50 19 3 3 0.32 30 4 3 0.23 28 4 3 0.25 39 1 6 0.18 romania national films major co-production minor co-production co-prod. / national, % 4 1 13 3.50 9 2 10 1.33 9 2 9 1.22 14 2 2 0.29 11 0 3 0.27 7 6 1 1.00 11 3 2 0.45 9 6 4 1.11 9 5 5 1.11 10 8 2 1.00 16 7 3 0.63 27 3 7 0.37 27 8 1 0.33 27 7 7 0.52 slovakia national films major co-production minor co-production co-prod. / national, % 1 3 4 7.00 2 0 1 0.50 2 1 4 2.50 0 1 2 – 5 2 3 1.00 1 3 3 6.00 1 5 7 12.00 1 1 2 3.00 2 3 3 3.00 7 1 5 0.86 3 4 7 3.67 4 3 3 1.50 5 5 5 2.00 2 4 8 6.00 source: author’s elaboration based on world film market trends 2008, 2013, 2017. 233stachowiak, k. and stryjakiewicz, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 223–237. projects fleeing the usa (olsberg, j. and barnes, a. 2014; meloni, g. et al. 2015). this promotion mechanism often runs parallel to state support, such as cash rebates, grants or fee-free locations (luther, w. 2010). state support is often available only to citizens of particular country. meanwhile, foreign operators can take advantage of cinema tax relief just by fulfilling the condition of spending most of the aid received in that country. so americans, fleeing the already very expensive hollywood and looking for space to make their film projects, happen always pay attention to three things: the geographical location required by the plot, the opportunity to assemble an experienced local team, and lower production costs. in this case, visser, g. (2014) even claims that securing financing can be considered the heart of the film industry. it is therefore not surprising that since 2014 there were 15 countries in europe alone (uk, france, germany, hungary, lithuania, ireland, belgium, croatia, czech republic, malta, iceland, poland, serbia, romania, and bulgaria) offering financial schemes for film projects (olsberg, j. and barnes, a. 2014). in the majority of eu countries there are clearly defined incentive systems and tax reliefs supporting both the development of domestic film industry and increasing the attractiveness of those countries for foreign film producers. in the eu since 2000, included as part of the european audio-visual strategy, these systems play an increasingly important role in shaping the development of national cinematographies and co-production. as of the end of 2014, there were 26 different types of tax incentives for audio-visual production in 15 european countries, including five in france alone. seven of them were introduced in the last four years. in 2014, the new tax incentive systems were introduced by the netherlands, lithuania, macedonia and slovakia (olsberg, j. and barnes, a. 2014, 23–26). tax incentives introduced in 2010 in the czech republic and recently in croatia brought an immediate dynamic increase in film production expenditure (in the latter table 2b. number of feature films and international collaboration in film production, 2003–2016 films b) established cinematographies 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 denmark national films major co-production minor co-production co-prod. / national, % 12 4 3 0.58 12 1 1 0.17 17 4 6 0.59 28 1 6 0.25 18 5 0 0.28 14 6 6 0.86 14 7 7 1.00 16 8 7 0.94 16 3 6 0.56 12 6 9 1.25 13 9 9 1.38 14 7 7 1.00 14 9 8 1.21 15 8 8 1.07 italy national films major co-production minor co-production co-prod. / national, % 97 13 7 0.21 97 18 23 0.42 70 13 15 0.40 90 12 15 0.30 93 16 14 0.32 128 18 9 0.21 101 14 18 0.32 115 14 13 0.23 132 14 9 0.17 109 19 16 0.32 114 14 7 0.18 150 14 7 0.14 126 22 5 0.21 142 23 7 0.21 germany national films major co-production minor co-production co-prod. / national, % 54 26 n/a 0.48 60 27 n/a 0.45 60 18 25 0.72 78 20 24 0.56 78 15 29 0.56 81 15 29 0.54 87 42 20 0.71 61 23 35 0.95 63 29 31 0.95 86 32 36 0.79 79 38 37 0.95 84 22 43 0.77 76 24 45 0.91 82 41 43 1.02 france national films major co-production minor co-production co-prod. / national, % 105 78 29 1.02 130 37 36 0.56 126 61 53 0.90 127 37 39 0.60 133 52 43 0.71 145 51 44 0.66 137 45 48 0.68 143 60 58 0.83 152 55 65 0.79 116 55 42 0.84 122 50 38 0.72 124 44 37 0.65 126 66 47 0.90 125 55 44 0.79 source: author’s elaboration based on world film market trends (2008, 2013, 2017). stachowiak, k. and stryjakiewicz, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 223–237.234 country by almost 200 per cent a year after the introduction) (olsberg, j. and barnes, a. 2014, 34). tax incentives that support film production are also in force in belgium, ireland, iceland, luxembourg, germany, romania, hungary, italy and the united kingdom. apart from tax incentives, eu countries use a wide range of support measures for audiovisual production. eu’s creative europe program financial plan assumes to allocate 800 million eur to support eu film projects. incidentally, the eu film subsidy is only a supplementary source of funding for eu members in addition to the independent national film support mechanisms. it should be noted that depending on the local film support rules and the film project category a national funding mechanism is usually limited to 50 or 75 per cent of the total budget of a film project. in total, europe provides around 3 billion eur annually for industry support (european commission 2013). this funding comes from over 600 national, regional and local programmes. the money is to provide conditions for the dynamic development and consolidation of the audio-visual industry through the creation of production enterprises with a solid foundation and a sustainable resource of human skills and experience. with this support, the eu has become one of the largest producers of films in the world. the eu cinema industry produced 1,299 feature films in 2012 compared to 817 in the us (2011), or 1,255 in india (2011). in 2012, europe counted 933.3 million cinema admissions. over one million people are employed in the audio-visual sector in the european union (european commission 2013). the support measures mentioned in this paragraph help retain over 373,000 workplaces and sustain 91,000 companies in the eu (katsarova, i. 2014a). conclusions globalisation processes and technological change (digitalisation) have created a global film industry and accelerated global competition. local film industries are forced to undertake necessary reforms if they want to compete successfully. otherwise they will not be able to attract investment and also lose their talents. due to historical circumstances and the relatively small local markets, the periphery and semi-periphery, such as most eastern and central european countries, have film industries dependent on public subsidies. they subsidise some of the production expenses of domestic producers or are used to attract foreign investment in the form of contract or location shooting. inward subsidies and other incentives have often been discussed in connection with possible trade distortions and competition between locations that offer the highest level of incentives. however, financial incentives alone without the development of the complementary human resources and related infrastructures are not sufficient to yield local benefits except of short term ones (oecd 2008). for productions that are outsourced to more peripheral locations, arguably the greatest level of economic spin-off is obtained when studio and post-production facilities can be found in these locations too. in order to keep up with structural changes in the global film industry, the semi-periphery has been adapted by increasing international collaboration, establishing new film studios or modernising old ones, and creating incentives aiming at international investors. however, the eu research reveals that the film industry in the central and eastern european region is not entrepreneurial enough. solutions as co-production, encouraged financially by european subsidies, are used to increase international collaboration. a general analysis of the region reveals that more and more countries are producing cinematic output within international networks. it is worth to note that many of the abovementioned incentives are not offered by national governments. in north america, for example, both us states and canadian provinces have considerable independent tax-raising powers, and film and video producers can obtain tax incentives and other subsidies at local and regional levels 235stachowiak, k. and stryjakiewicz, t. hungarian 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(1): 13–34. walls, w.d. and mckenzie, j. 2012. the changing role of hollywood in the global movie market. journal of media economics 25. (4): 198–219. walmsley, b. ed. 2011. key issues in the arts and entertainment industry. oxford, goodfellow publishers. wasko, j. and erickson, m. eds. 2008. crossborder cultural production: economic runaway or globalisation? amherst, cambria press. world film market trends 2008, 2013, 2017. european audiovisual observatory, cannes, marché du film. stachowiak, k. and stryjakiewicz, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 223–237.238 uysal, m., perdue, r. and sirgy, m.j. eds.: handbook of tourism and quality-of-life research. enhancing the lives of tourists and residents of host communities. 221 l i t e r a t u r e hungarian geographical bulletin 62 (2) (2013) pp. 221–225. uysal, m., perdue, r. and sirgy, m.j. eds.: handbook of tourism and quality-oflife research. enhancing the lives of tourists and residents of host communities. dordrecht, springer, 2012, 702 p. over the last two decades, it has become obvious for both tourism researchers and practitioners that tourism may have a major impact on the quality of life (qol) of all those involved: local communities, including those employed in tourism, are aff ected by the way tourism services and facilities are being developed in their destination, while tourists’ perceived quality of life is infl uenced by their travel experiences. although certain types of tourism products such as medical tourism, or emerging social phenomena such residential tourism, have higher than average impact on travellers’ qol, the editors of the handbook clearly aimed to provide the widest possible overview of all kinds of implications travel and tourism on residents and tourists’ quality of life. although the topic has become relatively well-represented in tourism studies in many countries, the handbook is the fi rst international reference book in the fi eld, bringing together much of the current research on the topic to help practitioners use well-being performance measures in their decision making processes and aid academic researchers further develop their future research programmes. the handbook has two main goals: to provide a platform for scholars to explore the linkage between tourism activities and qol of tourists, residents and workforce employed in the tourism industry, and to initiate new directions of research in this field. the 38-chapter volume is divided into three parts: a comprehensive discussion of the complex relationship of tourism and qol is followed by papers relating to travellers/tourists, and studies relating to the residents of host communities. the multidisciplinary volume covers the complex relationship of economic, social, environmental, health and qol aspects using a holistic approach. the foreword written by jafar jafari is based on the theme “a nice place to live is a nice place to visit”. 222 this is a notion that has been widely embraced by tourism researchers in hungary as well, from the classic work of lengyel, m. ‘a general theory of tourism’ (1992) to the recent studies of michalkó, g. and rátz, t. a destination that delivers poor quality of life to its residents cannot off er high quality tourism experience; in contrast, a satisfi ed community att racts visitors who will enjoy an experience provided by satisfi ed service personnel, leading to improved quality of life of all stakeholders. consequently, a destination that focuses on the happiness of their residents has a bett er chance to increase the expenditure of tourists who are searching for high-quality experiences that can only be based on local, community-based hospitality. since it is not possible to discuss every chapter of the conceptually rich and well-structured volume within the framework of this review, the topics considered as the most relevant for a hungarian scholarly audience are highlighted. chapter 2 by philip r. pearce reviews various relationships that occur in diff erent tourism contexts, and discusses the infl uences of these interactions on the experiences and the well-being of tourists. both the relationships that tourists have in large groups and those taking place in small, specialist travel parties are considered, including travel relationships for backpackers, volunteers, the disabled, single travellers, female travellers and gay men. the qol implications explored by the author include positive travel benefi ts such as improving skills and character strengths or building an emotional preparedness to be receptive to others. chapter 3 by sebastian filep focuses on the linkages of tourism and positive psychology, a growing global research fi eld of psychology, with relatively under-explored applications in tourism. the author highlights three linkages: positive psychology research on happiness and its use in measuring and conceptualising happy, satisfying tourist experiences; positive psychology character strengths and their potential to contribute to tourism education values; and positive psychology research on humour and its ability to promote productive working environments in tourism. some key challenges for the future development of tourism and positive psychology research are also discussed, including the challenge to connect with health, i.e. to integrate physical health indicators and subjective benefi ts of tourism. the need to reach out and learn from other disciplines, to employ a wider range of research methods and to accept and embrace non-western perspectives is also emphasised by the author. chapter 7 by janne liburd, pierre benckendorff and jack carlsen analyzes the contribution that tourism development makes to qol. in contrast to the more common community perception-based impact studies, the authors use an importance-performance analysis (ipa) to understand how economic, social, and environmental impacts of tourism are manifested and how tourism is contributing to qol and overall life satisfaction. it is concluded that tourism has the potential to contribute to enhance qol through economic benefi ts, but this can be at the expense of social equity, cultural identity, and environmental sustainability. chapter 12 by daniel r. williams and norman mcintyre is based on the theory that the twin processes of lifestyle mobilities and place affi nities are inseparable and essential to the understanding of quality of life. in today’s globalised world where many people are empowered to actively circulate among many places, the quality of life of various stakeholders is aff ected by tourists’ and other lifestyle migrants’ mobility and activities, creating confl icted and contested places. the authors raise a series of thought-provoking questions about the interactions among place, mobility and globalisation, their impact on the ways in which places are created and experienced through tourism, and the relationship of these processes to qol issues. 223 chapter 15 by lászló puczkó and melanie smith examine the relationship between tourism and qol from a demand perspective, based on the analysis of tourists’ motivations for and perceptions of travel, and the role of travel in their lives. the authors raise various questions concerning the relationship between qol and satisfaction, or the permanent or temporary nature of well-being or happiness related to travel. in addition, the chapter assesses the applicability of rahman, t. et al.’s (2005) ‘qol domains model’ to tourism, resulting in a more comprehensive conceptual framework of the tourism-qol linkage. chapter 17 by sara dolnicar, katie lazarevski and venkata yanamandram reviews the literature of travel motivation and quality of life with the aim to understand the extent to which vacations contribute to diff erent travellers’ qol, taking into consideration the diff erences of people’s travel motivations at various stages of their travel career or at diff erent stages of their lives. based on a thorough analysis of the available literature, the chapter proposes a conceptual framework that integrates the notions of qol and travel motivations in a tourism context. chapter 24 by gianna moscardo is based on the ‘full world’ model of constanza, r. (2008) in which, in contrast with the classic economic approach, the qol of individuals and the well-being of communities is dependent on benefi ts derived from diff erent forms of capital, including, among others, social capital. the author analyses in detail how tourism can aff ect the social capital of the host population, and examines the ways how tourism development can be used to actively build social capital. chapter 25 by muzaff er uysal, eunju woo and manisha singal reviews the connection between the tourism area life cycle (talc) model and its impacts on the qol of the host community. tourist experiences take place in physical sett ings as a result of interaction between demand and supply factors which change over time, resulting in destinations going through cycles of development, infl uencing the nature of their att ractiveness. places as destinations experience diff erent phases of evolution, and each cycle aff ect the qol of stakeholders in the destination, in terms of both intangible and tangible benefi ts that are brought about by tourism activities. in addition to presenting valuable theoretical concepts and empirical research fi ndings, the authors of the handbook also formulate research questions in order to stimulate further studies in the fi eld of qol and tourism. due to its comprehensive coverage, the volume may be recommended both for researchers representing tourism studies, social geography or social sciences in general, and for local and regional decision-makers searching for a deeper understanding of the potential impacts of tourism development on local communities’ qol. tamara rátz references constanza, r. 2008. stewardship for a „full” world. current history 107. (705): 30–35. rahman, t., mittelhammer, r.c. and wandschneider, p. 2005. measuring the quality of life across countries. a sensitivity analysis of well-being indices. helsinki, wider. 4. molnar e. et al.indd 137molnár, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 137–155.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.69.2.4 hungarian geographical bulletin 69 2020 (2) 137–155. introduction it is expected that the “fourth industrial revolution” based on the combined application of various key-innovations, the so called cyberphysical systems (cps) will drastically transform current production networks and thus the geography of industry (boston consulting group, 2015). such changes may affect deeply the automotive industry that became an important sector of the east-central european economies over the last three decades. countries relying on foreign direct investments, following an export-oriented growth model and treating the automotive industry as a strategic sector have increasingly significant roles in the international production networks of the sector (schamp, e.w. 2005; pavlínek, p. et al. 2017). in certain countries vehicle production has a great impact even on the spatial structure of manufacturing industry and in this way, for example in hungary, it has an important role in shaping spatial economic inequalities (kiss, é. 2010; lengyel, i. and varga, a. 2018). as a result, the future of the automotive industry is also the question of general modernization and regional development. although the innovations of the fourth although the innovations of the fourth industrial revolution are already present in industrial revolution are already present in hungary, the volume of changes is hard to hungary, the volume of changes is hard to estimate due to the lack of comprehensive estimate due to the lack of comprehensive analyses. furthermore, the boundaries of analyses. furthermore, the boundaries of industry 4.0 are flexible: technological innova-industry 4.0 are flexible: technological innovations occur not as the result of an overwhelm-tions occur not as the result of an overwhelming revolutionary transformation, but rather ing revolutionary transformation, but rather 1 university of debrecen, h-4032 debrecen, egyetem tér 1. hungary. e-mails: molnar.erno@science.unideb.hu, kozma.gabor@science.unideb.hu, mesmark94@gmail.com 2 geographical institute, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences. h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út. 45. hungary; university of sopron, faculty of economics, h-9400 sopron, erzsébet u. 9. hungary. e-mail: kiss.eva@csfk.mta.hu upgrading and the geography of the hungarian automotive industry in the context of the fourth industrial revolution ernő m o l n ár 1, gábor k o z m a 1, márk m és z ár o s 1 and éva k i s s 2 abstract the present study focuses on the geographical investigation of the automotive industry in hungary that has been integrated into the global production networks as a relevant sector of the reindustrialization in eastcentral europe. the aim of the paper is to reveal the dominant spatial trends in this sector since the economic crisis of 2008, and how these are connected to the issue of upgrading influenced also by digitalization. the analysis is primarily based on the official industrial employment data however other secondary sources are also used. it has been stated that the growth of the hungarian automotive industry showing to the direction of geographical concentration and expansion is accompanied by the regional stability of the sector. quality indicators expressing upgrading indicate correlation with the spatiality of car factories and tier 1 suppliers carrying out more complex activities, but a more significant functional upgrading is only realised in the capital city with increasingly research-development focused profile. results suggest only moderate upgrading despite the gradual adaptation of industry 4.0 technologies. keywords: industry 4.0, upgrading, automotive industry, geography, hungary. received november 2019, accepted april 2020. molnár, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 137–155.138 as the part of a gradual evolutionary process; as the part of a gradual evolutionary process; their rationally selective adaptation depend-their rationally selective adaptation depending on company demands and possibilities is ing on company demands and possibilities is typical (typical (szalavetz, a. szalavetz, a. 2016;2016; nagy, cs. nagy, cs. et alet al.. 2020). the effects of the transformation are 2020). the effects of the transformation are clear primarily in the increase of the produc-clear primarily in the increase of the production efficiency – related mostly to automation tion efficiency – related mostly to automation – in the hungarian automotive industry that – in the hungarian automotive industry that has predominantly a production function has predominantly a production function ((losonci, d. losonci, d. et alet al. . 2019; 2019; szalavetz, a. szalavetz, a. 2019). 2019). nevertheless, certain innovations (modelling, nevertheless, certain innovations (modelling, simulation, uniform company software) help simulation, uniform company software) help to establish functions beyond production, to to establish functions beyond production, to share certain tasks with the centre and to spe-share certain tasks with the centre and to specialize to partial tasks in some fields relevant cialize to partial tasks in some fields relevant from digitalization point of view (from digitalization point of view (szalavetz, szalavetz, a. a. and and somosi, s. somosi, s. 2019).2019). at this point industry 4.0 connects to the at this point industry 4.0 connects to the research of upgrading. in the case of semi-research of upgrading. in the case of semiperiphery economies like hungary, up-periphery economies like hungary, upgrading – which means higher local value grading – which means higher local value added – would be especially important in the added – would be especially important in the change of position in the international pro-change of position in the international production networks. this could be achieved by duction networks. this could be achieved by increasing the production efficiency, chang-increasing the production efficiency, changing product structures and the functions in ing product structures and the functions in the production networks or by shifting to-the production networks or by shifting towards more promising industries and value wards more promising industries and value chains (chains (humphrey, j. humphrey, j. and and schmitz, h.schmitz, h. 2002; 2002; kaplinsky, r. kaplinsky, r. 2013). according to the global 2013). according to the global production network theory upgrading is es-production network theory upgrading is essential to avoid exclusion from the produc-sential to avoid exclusion from the production networks due to the increase of expenses tion networks due to the increase of expenses (by keeping low cost-capability ratios) trig-(by keeping low cost-capability ratios) triggered by going beyond the role of cheap gered by going beyond the role of cheap producer (producer (yeung, h.w. yeung, h.w. and and coe, n.m. coe, n.m. 2015).2015). the role of the “fourth industrial revolu-the role of the “fourth industrial revolution” shall not be regarded absolute, either tion” shall not be regarded absolute, either from the future of the automotive industry from the future of the automotive industry or from the point of view of the upgrad-or from the point of view of the upgrading perspectives of east-central european ing perspectives of east-central european economies. the geography of this sector is economies. the geography of this sector is also greatly influenced by new products (e.g. also greatly influenced by new products (e.g. electric, autonomous and connected cars, car electric, autonomous and connected cars, car sharing) and business models. these will in-sharing) and business models. these will influence not only the structure of value chains fluence not only the structure of value chains but also – depending on the involvement of but also – depending on the involvement of info-communication companies playing an info-communication companies playing an increasingly important role in the innova-increasingly important role in the innovations of the automotive sector – who leads tions of the automotive sector – who leads these networks (these networks (peters, speters, s. . et alet al. . 2016;2016; yin, y yin, y. . et alet al.. 2018). apart from the technology and 2018). apart from the technology and the products, changes in trade regulations the products, changes in trade regulations determining production organization and determining production organization and stricter environmental protection specifica-stricter environmental protection specifications influencing product development are tions influencing product development are also important factors (also important factors (dicken, p. dicken, p. 2011).2011). the present study focuses on the geograph-the present study focuses on the geographical investigation of the automotive industry ical investigation of the automotive industry in hungary. the dominant regional trends in hungary. the dominant regional trends since the economic crisis of 2008 are studied since the economic crisis of 2008 are studied and their relationship with the process of up-and their relationship with the process of upgrading influenced by digitalization as well. grading influenced by digitalization as well. the study can be divided into four major the study can be divided into four major structural units. in the first unit – based on structural units. in the first unit – based on the relevant literature background – the spa-the relevant literature background – the spatial structure of the automotive industry, its tial structure of the automotive industry, its characteristics in east-central europe and in characteristics in east-central europe and in hungary, and the relevant correlations with hungary, and the relevant correlations with the fourth industrial revolution and upgrad-the fourth industrial revolution and upgrading are discussed. the second unit presents ing are discussed. the second unit presents the database and methods of the empirical the database and methods of the empirical investigation in detail. regional data are investigation in detail. regional data are analysed in the third structural unit and the analysed in the third structural unit and the obtained results are interpreted in the fourth obtained results are interpreted in the fourth unit. the main contribution of this paper to unit. the main contribution of this paper to the economic geography literature is that it the economic geography literature is that it reveals the connection between the way of reveals the connection between the way of participation in the international production participation in the international production networks and the geography of the automo-networks and the geography of the automotive industry on case of hungary. tive industry on case of hungary. the geography of automotive industry reflecting industry 4.0 and upgrading the automotive industry has a specific “nested structure” (sturgeon, t. et al. 2008). car companies and the major suppliers work mainly at a global scale while their production systems are organised either regionally or at the level of national economies. this phenomenon is the result of the different product preference of regional markets, logistical reasons and political pressure due to the “sensitivity” of the sector expecting cars assembled locally to use preferably locally manufactured parts. those elements 139molnár, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 137–155. of the production networks that prefer cost efficiency move to the so called integrated peripheries (pavlínek, p. 2018) where they target regions close to the centre (e.g. the core regions of the eu) in both geographical and cultural sense offering appropriate infrastructural background and relatively welltrained labour. in this way, they can enjoy the closeness of markets and the possibility of favourable cost-value production (barta, gy. 2012; domański, b. et al. 2013). beside this tendency, the formation of local beside this tendency, the formation of local clusters within the above regional production clusters within the above regional production systems can be observed. as platform con-systems can be observed. as platform concepts aiming for the partial standardization cepts aiming for the partial standardization of products for different markets and econo-of products for different markets and economies of scale become widespread car produc-mies of scale become widespread car producers require their suppliers to follow them to ers require their suppliers to follow them to new markets (new markets (humphrey, j. humphrey, j. andand memedovic, memedovic, o. o. 2003). geographical closeness is especially 2003). geographical closeness is especially advantageous for the manufacturers of large, advantageous for the manufacturers of large, heavy and model specific parts, not only heavy and model specific parts, not only saving logistic costs but facilitating just-in-saving logistic costs but facilitating just-intime supply and more flexible responses to time supply and more flexible responses to customer demand. spatial concentration is customer demand. spatial concentration is made even stronger by the modularization made even stronger by the modularization of production (of production (túry, g. túry, g. 2017). in the course 2017). in the course of modularization, the car is assembled using of modularization, the car is assembled using pre-assembled modules making the estab-pre-assembled modules making the establishment of pre-assembly plants and supplier lishment of pre-assembly plants and supplier parks next to the automobile factories. as parks next to the automobile factories. as suppliers are also interested in the develop-suppliers are also interested in the development of component parts and modules, they ment of component parts and modules, they move next to automobile factories because move next to automobile factories because direct communication between them is pos-direct communication between them is possible in this way in the course of joint devel-sible in this way in the course of joint developments (opments (sturgeon, t. sturgeon, t. et alet al. . 2008).2008). the above regional and local site selection the above regional and local site selection strategies resulted in the development of an strategies resulted in the development of an automotive agglomeration (automotive agglomeration (grosz, a. grosz, a. 20062006; ; pavlínek, p. pavlínek, p. et al.et al. 2009) identified in east-2009) identified in eastcentral europe extending over the neigh-central europe extending over the neighbouring areas of czechia, slovakia, poland bouring areas of czechia, slovakia, poland and hungary crossing the borders of national and hungary crossing the borders of national economies. this concentration of the auto-economies. this concentration of the automotive industry can be explained by – apart motive industry can be explained by – apart from the already discussed factors – histori-from the already discussed factors – historical traditions (cal traditions (hardi, t. hardi, t. 2012), multistage 2012), multistage investments of car companies enterinvestments of car companies entering the ing the region after the regime change and gradually region after the regime change and gradually increasing degree of intra-regional division increasing degree of intra-regional division of labour (of labour (molnár, e. molnár, e. et al. et al. 2015). although 2015). although the recent economic crisis had its effects on the recent economic crisis had its effects on the automotive industry of the region (the automotive industry of the region (kiss, kiss, é. é. 2012), its position – despite the partial re-2012), its position – despite the partial relocation of the more labour-intensive activi-location of the more labour-intensive activities – strengthened (ties – strengthened (pavlínek, ppavlínek, p. . et alet al.. 2017). 2017). upgrading in the east-central european upgrading in the east-central european automotive industry also had its role in automotive industry also had its role in achieving this better position. however, the achieving this better position. however, the realisation of this upgrading seems to be – realisation of this upgrading seems to be – regarding especially the functional elements regarding especially the functional elements – limited (– limited (jürgens, u. jürgens, u. and and krzywdzinski, m. krzywdzinski, m. 20112011; éltető, a. ; éltető, a. et al.et al. 20152015; pavlínek, p. ; pavlínek, p. 2018).2018). according to certain scenarios, the “fourth according to certain scenarios, the “fourth industrial revolution” may question the role industrial revolution” may question the role of the east-central european region in the of the east-central european region in the international production networks. while ex-international production networks. while experience so far does not justify negative ex-perience so far does not justify negative expectations, analysts see the state of “the calm pectations, analysts see the state of “the calm before the storm” in the situation (before the storm” in the situation (szalavetz, szalavetz, a. a. and and somosi, s. somosi, s. 2019). despite the effects of 2019). despite the effects of industry 4.0 innovations on upgrading the industry 4.0 innovations on upgrading the gap between value production by foreign par-gap between value production by foreign parent companies and that by local subsidiaries ent companies and that by local subsidiaries does not seem to be reduced (does not seem to be reduced (szalavetz, a. szalavetz, a. 2019). this supports the suspicion that tech-2019). this supports the suspicion that technological innovations cement core-periphery nological innovations cement core-periphery relations (relations (lengyel, i. lengyel, i. et alet al.. 2016).2016). analyses focus very little on the local ef-analyses focus very little on the local effects of industry 4.0. however, there is a fects of industry 4.0. however, there is a suggestion that the adaptation of innova-suggestion that the adaptation of innovations is influenced by the dual character of tions is influenced by the dual character of the hungarian industry. certain industries the hungarian industry. certain industries (including automotive manufacturing), (including automotive manufacturing), large companies and businesses with foreign large companies and businesses with foreign ownership (i.e. actors with better resource ownership (i.e. actors with better resource supply) are ahead in the process. their un-supply) are ahead in the process. their unequal spatial distribution also influences equal spatial distribution also influences the geography of the adaptation of innova-the geography of the adaptation of innovations in hungary (tions in hungary (nick, g. nick, g. et alet al.. 2019). the 2019). the applications of new technologies take place applications of new technologies take place gradually and this means primarily the de-gradually and this means primarily the development of existing capacities instead of velopment of existing capacities instead of building new factories (building new factories (szalavetz, a.szalavetz, a. 2016). 2016). finally, according to some opinions, industry finally, according to some opinions, industry 4.0 appreciates locally available competent 4.0 appreciates locally available competent suppliers: in changing circumstances not for-suppliers: in changing circumstances not formolnár, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 137–155.140 eign investments bring a technological catch-eign investments bring a technological catchup, but the technological catch-up of local up, but the technological catch-up of local businesses generates foreign investments businesses generates foreign investments ((szalavetz, a. szalavetz, a. and and somosi, s. somosi, s. 2019). these 2019). these ideas indicate the important role of quality ideas indicate the important role of quality location choice factors that are difficult to location choice factors that are difficult to reproduce and of local or regional clusters reproduce and of local or regional clusters with a significant history even in the age of with a significant history even in the age of industry 4.0.industry 4.0. the role of local clusters in upgrading is the role of local clusters in upgrading is explained by the idea of “dynamic strategic explained by the idea of “dynamic strategic coupling” in the global production network coupling” in the global production network concept. according to this, the development concept. according to this, the development of a region is the result of successful global – of a region is the result of successful global – local interactions influenced at a local scale local interactions influenced at a local scale by the concentration of knowledge, abilities by the concentration of knowledge, abilities and experience in the industry (economies and experience in the industry (economies of scale), and by co-operation and learning of scale), and by co-operation and learning possibilities (economies of scope) (possibilities (economies of scope) (coe, n.m. coe, n.m. andand hess, m. hess, m. 2011). the regional institutional 2011). the regional institutional background is important in the coupling pro-background is important in the coupling process and it can be regarded as the derivate cess and it can be regarded as the derivate of national and supranational actors that is of national and supranational actors that is specific to the location. institutes can steer up-specific to the location. institutes can steer upgrading forward with strengthening local fac-grading forward with strengthening local factors while local factors showing greater com-tors while local factors showing greater complementarity with the demands of companies plementarity with the demands of companies controlling production networks strengthen controlling production networks strengthen the position of regional institutes against glob-the position of regional institutes against global actors (al actors (coe, n.m. coe, n.m. et alet al. . 2004). accordingly, 2004). accordingly, the east-central european automotive cluster the east-central european automotive cluster presented earlier – based on local synergies presented earlier – based on local synergies – has relatively advantageous chances for up-– has relatively advantageous chances for upgrading (grading (pavlínek, p. pavlínek, p. et al.et al. 2009).2009). the analysis of the relationship between the analysis of the relationship between spatial concentrations and upgrading occurs spatial concentrations and upgrading occurs in several papers on automotive industry. in in several papers on automotive industry. in the case of the supplier network of the czech the case of the supplier network of the czech skoda, for example, simultaneous spatial ex-skoda, for example, simultaneous spatial expansion and concentration were observed. pansion and concentration were observed. while low cost and excessive labour are of-while low cost and excessive labour are offered in the periphery, quality location fac-fered in the periphery, quality location factors dominate in the traditional core areas. tors dominate in the traditional core areas. the development of spatial concentrations the development of spatial concentrations is driven by increasing interdependence of is driven by increasing interdependence of automobile factories and suppliers due to automobile factories and suppliers due to modularization, just-in-time organisation of modularization, just-in-time organisation of supply, reducing logistic costs and service supply, reducing logistic costs and service requirements for the products that can be sat-requirements for the products that can be satisfied easier from closer areas (isfied easier from closer areas (pavlínek, p. pavlínek, p. andand janák, l. janák, l. 2007). according to experience 2007). according to experience from poland, the embedding of automobile from poland, the embedding of automobile manufacturers and their shift towards prod-manufacturers and their shift towards products with higher value added, i.e. upgrading ucts with higher value added, i.e. upgrading results in the rise of spatial agglomerations. results in the rise of spatial agglomerations. in the development of the largest concentra-in the development of the largest concentration in upper silesia, for example, histori-tion in upper silesia, for example, historical traditions, establishment of automobile cal traditions, establishment of automobile factories as focus points in the neighbouring factories as focus points in the neighbouring czech and slovakian regions, the concentra-czech and slovakian regions, the concentration of part factories, the local possibilities of tion of part factories, the local possibilities of research and development and higher edu-research and development and higher education together with the concentration of in-cation together with the concentration of industry and population all had a major role; dustry and population all had a major role; and they provided greater resistance for the and they provided greater resistance for the region at the time of the crisis (region at the time of the crisis (gwosdz, k. gwosdz, k. andand micek, g. micek, g. 2010; 2010; domański, b. domański, b. et alet al. . 2013).2013). the spatial structure of the hungarian au-the spatial structure of the hungarian automotive industry with no automobile man-tomotive industry with no automobile manufacturing traditions and supplier network ufacturing traditions and supplier network prior to the regime change (in contrast to the prior to the regime change (in contrast to the czech or polish examples) can be explained czech or polish examples) can be explained by the importance of geographical location by the importance of geographical location close to the western regions, industrial tra-close to the western regions, industrial traditions associated with commercial vehicle ditions associated with commercial vehicle production (skilled labour) and well-estab-production (skilled labour) and well-established infrastructure (motorways, industrial lished infrastructure (motorways, industrial parks) (parks) (barta, gy. barta, gy. 20022002; kiss, é. ; kiss, é. andand tiner, tiner, t. t. 2012). the retaining strength of industrial 2012). the retaining strength of industrial concentrations is suggested by the regional concentrations is suggested by the regional stability of the automotive industry and also stability of the automotive industry and also by its decreasing and increasing spatial con-by its decreasing and increasing spatial concentration at the time of growth and recession centration at the time of growth and recession respectively (respectively (molnár, e. molnár, e. 2013). the process 2013). the process of embedding – interpreted initially via the of embedding – interpreted initially via the development of the local supplier network development of the local supplier network and then in a much more complex way – re-and then in a much more complex way – received significant attention due to the domi-ceived significant attention due to the dominance of the greenfield investments of large nance of the greenfield investments of large foreign companies (foreign companies (sass, m. sass, m. and and szanyi, m. szanyi, m. 20042004; fekete, d. ; fekete, d. andand rechnitzer, j. rechnitzer, j. 2019). 2019). the relationship between embedding and the relationship between embedding and upgrading occur in the strategy of the major upgrading occur in the strategy of the major companies in the automotive industry estab-companies in the automotive industry established in hungary following the turn of the lished in hungary following the turn of the millennium that accelerate their embedding millennium that accelerate their embedding in order to create the local atmosphere re-in order to create the local atmosphere required for upgrading sooner (quired for upgrading sooner (józsa, v. józsa, v. 2019).2019). 141molnár, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 137–155. the automotive industry – due to its size the automotive industry – due to its size and extensive industrial connections – leaves and extensive industrial connections – leaves its mark on the geography of the entire its mark on the geography of the entire hungarian industry. microand macro-scale hungarian industry. microand macro-scale radical changes, the strong differentiation of radical changes, the strong differentiation of the spatial dynamics of the industry were in the spatial dynamics of the industry were in the background of the drastic transforma-the background of the drastic transformation at the time of the regime change (tion at the time of the regime change (kiss, kiss, é. é. 2002;2002; nemes nagy, j. nemes nagy, j. and and lőcsei, h. lőcsei, h. 2015). 2015). the dominance of the north-western part of the dominance of the north-western part of the country and that of the agglomeration the country and that of the agglomeration around the capital became general; how-around the capital became general; however, this seems to ease somewhat as a con-ever, this seems to ease somewhat as a consequence of the reindustrialization – partly sequence of the reindustrialization – partly due to automotive investments – of certain due to automotive investments – of certain counties in north hungary and the great counties in north hungary and the great plain after 2008 (plain after 2008 (barta, gy. barta, gy. 2002;2002; kiss, é. kiss, é. 2010; 2010; lux, g. lux, g. 2017).2017). the inclination of the automotive industry the inclination of the automotive industry to form clusters at the local level, the quality to form clusters at the local level, the quality factors of selecting site location associated factors of selecting site location associated with the spatial concentrations of the sector with the spatial concentrations of the sector and relevant upgrading (and industry 4.0), and relevant upgrading (and industry 4.0), and the experience that the geographical and the experience that the geographical transformations of the industry reflect the transformations of the industry reflect the structural changes of those involved form structural changes of those involved form the theoretical basis of the present spatial the theoretical basis of the present spatial research at the subnational level.research at the subnational level. database and methods industrial employment data necessary for the county level (nuts 3) analysis were provided by hungarian central statistical office. the 20 units (the capital city and 19 counties) allow only a general regional analysis, but no more detailed time series data are available. it has to be noted that, although the interpretation of counties as industrial geographical units always raises questions, the use of county data has a well-established practice. officially, counties are classified into seven regions (nuts 2 level) in hungary. but, in this study the regional division of counties follows the historical traditions of hungarian industry and the location choice of the automotive firms. employment data were chosen primarily employment data were chosen primarily because they are suitable for structural analy-because they are suitable for structural analyses. linking the geography of the automotive ses. linking the geography of the automotive industry to the issue of upgrading influenced industry to the issue of upgrading influenced by industry 4.0 makes it necessary to focus by industry 4.0 makes it necessary to focus on indices reflecting structural changes. for on indices reflecting structural changes. for this the number of non-manual workers and this the number of non-manual workers and average gross earnings of those working in average gross earnings of those working in the sector were used. a higher proportion of the sector were used. a higher proportion of non-manual workers suggest the lower signifi-non-manual workers suggest the lower significance of labour-intensive physical activities, cance of labour-intensive physical activities, increasing automation of production and also increasing automation of production and also the significant role of research and develop-the significant role of research and development, logistics and other strategic functions ment, logistics and other strategic functions beyond direct production (beyond direct production (szalavetz, a. szalavetz, a. andand somosi, s. somosi, s. 2019). as different activity structures 2019). as different activity structures may be behind the data on the employment may be behind the data on the employment of manual and non-manual workers, ratios of of manual and non-manual workers, ratios of average gross earnings relative to the national average gross earnings relative to the national industry and local economic average were also industry and local economic average were also analysed. it was presumed that the differenc-analysed. it was presumed that the differences of the indicator reflect not only the labour es of the indicator reflect not only the labour market differences of the counties but also the market differences of the counties but also the structure of automotive industrial activities. to structure of automotive industrial activities. to ground spatial research at the subnational level ground spatial research at the subnational level by investigating the effects of technological in-by investigating the effects of technological innovations on employment data is not without novations on employment data is not without history in hungary (history in hungary (tóth, i.jtóth, i.j. . et alet al.. 2016).2016). at the same time, a number of factors make at the same time, a number of factors make it difficult to accurately outline the spatial it difficult to accurately outline the spatial footprint of the automotive industry. one footprint of the automotive industry. one of the factors is that the activities classified of the factors is that the activities classified in the statistical category of motor vehicle in the statistical category of motor vehicle industry do not cover the entire automo-industry do not cover the entire automotive industry because of the wide range of tive industry because of the wide range of suppliers integrated into its value chains. suppliers integrated into its value chains. approximately there are 480 operating com-approximately there are 480 operating companies and more than 100,000 employees in panies and more than 100,000 employees in the motor vehicle industry, but according to the motor vehicle industry, but according to another source there is 900 companies and another source there is 900 companies and 175,000 employees (175,000 employees (mage mage 2020). the latter 2020). the latter numbers also include the automotive sup-numbers also include the automotive suppliers registered in other industries. at the pliers registered in other industries. at the same time, the aggregation of employment same time, the aggregation of employment data at the sector level makes it impossible data at the sector level makes it impossible to systematically filter out suppliers outside to systematically filter out suppliers outside the motor vehicle industry, therefore the the motor vehicle industry, therefore the present analysis was made using the smaller present analysis was made using the smaller data that could be clearly assigned to the au-data that could be clearly assigned to the automotive industry. as a result, the present tomotive industry. as a result, the present analysis can be applied primarily to the ‘up-analysis can be applied primarily to the ‘upmolnár, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 137–155.142 per regions’ of the supplier pyramids domi-per regions’ of the supplier pyramids dominated by transnational companies. however, nated by transnational companies. however, focusing on the structural changes, this lim-focusing on the structural changes, this limitation – due to the uneven distribution of itation – due to the uneven distribution of value-added in the supplier pyramid and value-added in the supplier pyramid and the producer-driven character of the value the producer-driven character of the value chain – can only slightly influence the valid-chain – can only slightly influence the validity of our findings. a characteristic feature ity of our findings. a characteristic feature of functional upgrading the development of of functional upgrading the development of local suppliers registered in other industries local suppliers registered in other industries remains partly hidden.remains partly hidden. another problem is the fact that the in-another problem is the fact that the industrial classification of companies con-dustrial classification of companies considered along value chains varies in time. sidered along value chains varies in time. consequently, there may be statistical rea-consequently, there may be statistical reasons – in addition to real developments – sons – in addition to real developments – for the increase and decrease in data. data for the increase and decrease in data. data register based on the headquarters of com-register based on the headquarters of companies has a similar effect, which assigns panies has a similar effect, which assigns the performance of companies present in the performance of companies present in some counties to the county designated as some counties to the county designated as headquarters, showing its role as more sig-headquarters, showing its role as more significant than it is. when analysing employ-nificant than it is. when analysing employment data, the fact that the employment of ment data, the fact that the employment of temporary workers offered by specialized temporary workers offered by specialized agencies became widespread in the studied agencies became widespread in the studied period has to be addressed. the automotive period has to be addressed. the automotive industry employed the greatest number of industry employed the greatest number of temporary workers – 16,900 people – in 2018 temporary workers – 16,900 people – in 2018 (pénzügyminisztérium 2019). in the light of (pénzügyminisztérium 2019). in the light of the sector’s statistics this not only means that the sector’s statistics this not only means that they do not contain a large portion of tem-they do not contain a large portion of temporary workers and the real significance of porary workers and the real significance of motor vehicle industry is underestimated, motor vehicle industry is underestimated, but also that in some counties temporary but also that in some counties temporary workers can also be the cause of reduced workers can also be the cause of reduced employment (not shrinking in fact) in auto-employment (not shrinking in fact) in automotive industry. since the ratio of temporary motive industry. since the ratio of temporary workers is higher among manual workers, workers is higher among manual workers, therefore this phenomenon also affects the therefore this phenomenon also affects the indicators of employment structure.indicators of employment structure. in order to identify dominant spatial in order to identify dominant spatial trends (concentration vs. expansion, dif-trends (concentration vs. expansion, differences in quantity and quality indices), ferences in quantity and quality indices), simple spatial inequality indices (concentra-simple spatial inequality indices (concentration index, hoover index) were also calcu-tion index, hoover index) were also calculated based on employment data. changes lated based on employment data. changes in centres of gravity were also examined. in in centres of gravity were also examined. in the analysis, employment data were com-the analysis, employment data were complemented with other secondary sources. plemented with other secondary sources. in addition to foreign trade statistics, the in addition to foreign trade statistics, the spatial data of economic organisations, data spatial data of economic organisations, data of investments supported by so called indi-of investments supported by so called individual government decision, annual reports vidual government decision, annual reports from certain companies and press releases from certain companies and press releases on businesses in the industry were utilized. on businesses in the industry were utilized. the timeframe for the research (2008–2018) the timeframe for the research (2008–2018) is optimal for comparison not only because is optimal for comparison not only because of the unchanged statistical framework of of the unchanged statistical framework of the industry, but it also enables the uniform the industry, but it also enables the uniform analysis of the economic crisis, the recovery analysis of the economic crisis, the recovery and then the new growth period together.and then the new growth period together. description of the spatial processes the long-term growth of employment in the motor vehicle industry in hungary has only been temporarily disrupted by the economic crisis. the number of people employed fell by 18 per cent from 2008 to 2009, only to increase again every year afterwards. pre-crisis conditions were restored roughly in 2013, but taken as a whole there was a 35 per cent increase between 2008 and 2018. although the county concentration of employment in the period of crisis and recovery was rather strengthened and then slightly weakened, the distribution of the automotive industry between regions is stable. the loss of significance of central hungary was offset by an increase in the share of three other regions. however, while in the first half of the period northern transdanubia was the winner of a moderate realignment, in recent years the share of northern hungary and the great plain could grow even at the expense of the former (table 1). the development trajectory of each county the development trajectory of each county is more colourful. between 2008 and 2013 is more colourful. between 2008 and 2013 half of the counties showed an increase in the half of the counties showed an increase in the employment of automotive industry while employment of automotive industry while between 2013 and 2018 17 of the 20 spatial between 2013 and 2018 17 of the 20 spatial units. however, in almost a third of the units. however, in almost a third of the counties – including komárom-esztergom counties – including komárom-esztergom and pest – employment in the sector in 2018 and pest – employment in the sector in 2018 did not come even close to the level of 2008. did not come even close to the level of 2008. apart from the rise of győr-moson-sopron, apart from the rise of győr-moson-sopron, the increasing number of counties with sig-the increasing number of counties with sig143molnár, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 137–155. nificant employment in automotive industry nificant employment in automotive industry can be observed. two of the newly emerging can be observed. two of the newly emerging counties are east of the danube: bács-kiskun counties are east of the danube: bács-kiskun and borsod-abaúj-zemplén, however, have and borsod-abaúj-zemplén, however, have an increasing ratio of employment in the au-an increasing ratio of employment in the automotive industry in their region tomotive industry in their region (figure 1 (figure 1 andand 2). 2). the change in the number of non-manual the change in the number of non-manual workers mostly followed the indicators of workers mostly followed the indicators of the total number of employees. the ratio of the total number of employees. the ratio of non-manual workers increased almost con-non-manual workers increased almost continuously and approached the average of the tinuously and approached the average of the manufacturing industry. the spatial concen-manufacturing industry. the spatial concentration of non-manual workers remained al-tration of non-manual workers remained always below the index calculated for the total ways below the index calculated for the total number of employees, while differences in the number of employees, while differences in the distribution of non-manual and manual work-distribution of non-manual and manual workers decreased. most non-manual workers are ers decreased. most non-manual workers are related to the automotive industry of győr-related to the automotive industry of győrmoson-sopron, fejér and the rapidly growing moson-sopron, fejér and the rapidly growing veszprém county. apart from the latter, only veszprém county. apart from the latter, only budapest and some eastern counties showed budapest and some eastern counties showed ratios of non-manual workers characteristi-ratios of non-manual workers characteristically above the national average (cally above the national average (table 2).table 2). in counties with the largest expansion of in counties with the largest expansion of employment in the automotive industry, the employment in the automotive industry, the ratio of non-manual workers increased only ratio of non-manual workers increased only slightly. this suggests that the growth of this slightly. this suggests that the growth of this sector remains mainly linked to the deploy-sector remains mainly linked to the deployment of production capacities requiring pri-ment of production capacities requiring primarily manual workers. labour hire regis-marily manual workers. labour hire registered not in the automotive industry may also tered not in the automotive industry may also contribute to the above trends. it also causes, contribute to the above trends. it also causes, on the one hand a more modest increase of on the one hand a more modest increase of employment in the automotive industry, and employment in the automotive industry, and on the other hand a higher ratio of non-man-on the other hand a higher ratio of non-manual workers. significant differences among the ual workers. significant differences among the counties indicate internal structural differenc-counties indicate internal structural differences in the sector. budapest pulled from the rest es in the sector. budapest pulled from the rest of the counties from 2017 to 2018, however, of the counties from 2017 to 2018, however, table 1. number and share of employees in the hungarian motor vehicle industry, 2008–2018 regions, counties 2008 2009 2013 2018 number % number % number % number % central hungary budapest pest northern transdanubia fejér győr-moson-sopron komárom-esztergom vas veszprém southern transdanubia baranya somogy tolna zala northern hungary borsod-abaúj-zemplén heves nógrád great plain bács-kiskun békés csongrád hajdú-bihar jász-nagykun-szolnok szabolcs-szatmár-bereg 11,562 2,468 9,094 45,411 11,069 14,701 9,764 5,364 4,513 2,711 891 202 539 1,079 9,433 3,457 5,120 856 7,615 2,477 1,929 392 218 754 1,845 15.1 3.2 11.9 59.2 14.4 19.2 12.7 7.0 5.9 3.5 1.2 0.3 0.7 1.4 12.3 4.5 6.7 1.1 9.9 3.2 2.5 0.5 0.3 1.0 2.4 9,153 2,178 6,975 37,891 9,319 12,607 7,756 4,724 3,485 2,132 626 242 399 865 7,765 3,099 3,930 736 5,992 1,967 1,525 298 191 708 1,303 14.5 3.5 11.1 60.2 14.8 20.0 12.3 7.5 5.5 3.4 1.0 0.4 0.6 1.4 12.3 4.9 6.2 1.2 9.5 3.1 2.4 0.5 0.3 1.1 2.1 8,332 1,652 6,680 46,593 8,307 20,028 5,990 6,536 5,732 3,350 980 304 741 1,325 8,328 5,768 2,338 222 7,457 5,358 128 143 210 905 713 11.3 2.2 9.0 62.9 11.2 27.0 8.1 8.8 7.7 4.5 1.3 0.4 1.0 1.8 11.2 7.8 3.2 0.3 10.1 7.2 0.2 0.2 0.3 1.2 1.0 9,557 2,709 6,848 64,695 10,811 25,279 8,245 8,974 11,386 3,748 1,189 239 1,002 1,318 14,139 9,237 4,055 847 11,384 9,142 210 205 286 958 583 9.2 2.6 6.6 62.5 10.4 24.4 8.0 8.7 11.0 3.6 1.1 0.2 1.0 1.3 13.7 8.9 3.9 0.8 11.0 8.8 0.2 0.2 0.3 0.9 0.6 hungary total 76,732 100.0 62,933 100.0 74,060 100.0 103,523 100.0 source: central statistical office, budapest, 2019. molnár, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 137–155.144 fig. 1. dynamics of the hungarian automotive industry by the number of employees between 2008 and 2013 and its state in 2013. source: data of central statistical office. fig. 2. dynamics of the hungarian automotive industry by the number of employees between 2013 and 2018 and its state in 2018. source: data of central statistical office. 145molnár, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 137–155. the increase in the rate of non-manual work-the increase in the rate of non-manual workers was accompanied by a sharp decline in ers was accompanied by a sharp decline in the number of people employed in the sector.the number of people employed in the sector. average gross earnings recorded in the average gross earnings recorded in the motor vehicle industry showed a significant motor vehicle industry showed a significant increase with values above the national aver-increase with values above the national average throughout the studied period. the spa-age throughout the studied period. the spatial concentration of gross earnings exceeded tial concentration of gross earnings exceeded that of the employees, while the differences that of the employees, while the differences in the spatial distribution of employed peo-in the spatial distribution of employed people and gross earnings decreased. counties ple and gross earnings decreased. counties are polarized: solely the front-runner győr-are polarized: solely the front-runner győrmoson-sopron performed always above the moson-sopron performed always above the industrial average. regarding the counties industrial average. regarding the counties with high employment growth, veszprém with high employment growth, veszprém was also able to achieve relative average was also able to achieve relative average gross earnings growth. although average gross earnings growth. although average gross earnings also depend on the local la-gross earnings also depend on the local labour market environment, it is notable that bour market environment, it is notable that the figures of counties outstanding from the the figures of counties outstanding from the national average of the motor vehicle indus-national average of the motor vehicle industry – with the exception of budapest – also try – with the exception of budapest – also showed the highest difference compared to showed the highest difference compared to local average earnings local average earnings (table 3).(table 3). as a summary, it can be concluded that, as a summary, it can be concluded that, between 2008 and 2018, on the one hand, between 2008 and 2018, on the one hand, the number of counties standing out in rela-the number of counties standing out in relation to at least one of the analysed indicators tion to at least one of the analysed indicators (share of non-manual workers, average gross (share of non-manual workers, average gross earnings) was reduced, and, on the other earnings) was reduced, and, on the other hand, showed greater overlap with the major hand, showed greater overlap with the major locations of the sector locations of the sector (figure 3 (figure 3 andand 4). 4). not only the industry as a whole, but also not only the industry as a whole, but also its qualitative indicators show increasing spa-its qualitative indicators show increasing spatial concentrations only during the period of tial concentrations only during the period of crisis and recovery, while differences in the crisis and recovery, while differences in the distribution of qualitative and quantitative distribution of qualitative and quantitative indicators decrease. as a consequence there indicators decrease. as a consequence there is a geographical convergence regarding the is a geographical convergence regarding the (quantity and) quality factors (quantity and) quality factors (figure 5 (figure 5 andand 6). 6). table 2. number and share of non-manual employees in the hungarian motor vehicle industry, 2008–2018 regions, counties 2008 2009 2013 2018 number % number % number % number % central hungary budapest pest northern transdanubia fejér győr-moson-sopron komárom-esztergom vas veszprém southern transdanubia baranya somogy tolna zala northern hungary borsod-abaúj-zemplén heves nógrád great plain bács-kiskun békés csongrád hajdú-bihar jász-nagykun-szolnok szabolcs-szatmár-bereg 1,822 509 1,313 8,176 2,016 2,937 1,323 930 970 359 155 35 72 97 2,332 840 1,254 238 1,516 657 433 49 47 169 161 15.8 20.6 14.4 18.0 18.2 20.0 13.5 17.3 21.5 13.2 17.4 17.3 13.4 9.0 24.7 24.3 24.5 27.8 19.9 26.5 22.4 12.5 21.6 22.4 8.7 1,647 498 1,149 7,713 1,843 2,723 1,378 896 873 316 131 34 59 92 2,109 835 1,054 220 1,352 554 390 38 47 171 152 18.0 22.9 16.5 20.4 19.8 216 17.8 19.0 25.1 14.8 20.9 14.0 14.8 10.6 27.2 26.9 26.8 29.9 22.6 28.2 25.6 12.8 24.6 24.2 11.7 1,779 464 1,315 10,804 2,150 4,236 1,500 1,323 1,595 502 177 49 138 138 2,061 1,276 731 54 1,860 1,413 42 37 47 196 125 21.4 28.1 19.7 23.2 25.9 21.2 25.0 20.2 27.8 15.0 18.1 16.1 18.6 10.4 24.7 22.1 31.3 24.3 24.9 26.4 32.8 25.9 22.4 21.7 17.5 2,987 1,294 1,693 16,433 3,085 5,867 2,379 1,970 3,132 600 204 24 192 180 3,805 2,337 1,314 154 2,831 2,317 66 53 68 223 104 31.3 47.8 24.7 25.4 28.5 23.2 28.9 22.0 27.5 16.0 17.2 10.0 19.2 13.7 26.9 25.3 32.4 18.2 24.9 25.3 31.4 25.9 23.8 23.3 17.8 hungary total 14,205 18.5 13,137 20.9 17,006 23.0 26,656 25.7 source: central statistical office, budapest, 2019. molnár, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 137–155.146 fig. 4. types of counties by share of non-manual workers and average gross earnings in the hungarian motor vehicle industry, 2018. source: data of central statistical office. table 3. average gross earnings of employees in the hungarian motor vehicle industry in percentage of the sector’s average and the average of the given area’s economy, 2008–2018 regions, counties 2008 2009 2013 2018 nas% gae% nas % gae% nas% gae% nas% gae% central hungary budapest pest northern transdanubia fejér győr-moson-sopron komárom-esztergom vas veszprém southern transdanubia baranya somogy tolna zala northern hungary borsod-abaúj-zemplén heves nógrád great plain bács-kiskun békés csongrád hajdú-bihar jász-nagykun-szolnok szabolcs-szatmár-bereg 92 103 89 106 84 126 109 112 85 58 74 60 59 44 106 84 124 84 83 112 77 56 62 96 51 82 85 108 128 98 145 126 146 112 75 91 82 74 61 136 109 149 116 112 154 108 73 81 134 71 91 105 88 107 83 132 105 104 94 56 71 60 58 43 101 83 118 79 84 113 78 55 63 95 55 83 89 108 132 102 156 123 140 128 76 93 86 74 61 135 113 146 115 119 161 114 73 84 140 81 85 75 87 108 85 126 98 102 101 58 65 60 63 51 91 85 109 60 93 99 85 72 65 82 76 89 75 119 144 112 156 125 146 150 90 100 95 88 82 142 138 149 103 151 156 148 110 101 133 132 95 108 90 107 88 123 97 100 102 62 66 64 62 58 88 84 100 62 93 97 70 74 66 86 61 100 107 123 137 112 148 123 135 141 93 101 96 84 92 132 132 135 100 144 142 118 107 100 131 108 hungary total 100 107 100 110 100 126 100 124 notes: nas% = in percentage of the sector’s (motor vehicle industry) average. gae% = in percentage of the average of the given area’s (county, region) economy. source: central statistical office, budapest, 2019. fig. 3. types of counties by share of non-manual workers and average gross earnings in the hungarian motor vehicle industry, 2008. source: data of central statistical office. 0 50 km high share of both indicators (share of non-manual worker above the national average, gross earnings above 90% of the national average) low share of both indicators high share of average gross earnings (above 90% of the national average) high share of employed non-manual workers (above the national average) 0 50 km high share of both indicators (share of non-manual worker above the national average, gross earnings above 90% of the national average) low share of both indicators high share of average gross earnings (above 90% of the national average) high share of employed non-manual workers (above the national average) 147molnár, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 137–155. according to our calculations the location according to our calculations the location of the centres of gravity of the studied indica-of the centres of gravity of the studied indicators is in the central part of transdanubia. the tors is in the central part of transdanubia. the indicators also show a typically westward indicators also show a typically westward shift between 2008 and 2018. the centres of shift between 2008 and 2018. the centres of gravity of non-manual employment can be gravity of non-manual employment can be found further east, while those of the gross found further east, while those of the gross earnings are further north-west compared to earnings are further north-west compared to the number of people employed the number of people employed (figure 7).(figure 7). the results declined that – despite the the results declined that – despite the strengthening of some eastern “bridgeheads” strengthening of some eastern “bridgeheads” – a significant eastern shift in the hungarian – a significant eastern shift in the hungarian automotive industry would have taken place. automotive industry would have taken place. the impact of budapest and some better-the impact of budapest and some betterperforming eastern counties on non-manual performing eastern counties on non-manual employment as well as the effect of northern employment as well as the effect of northern transdanubia showing higher average values transdanubia showing higher average values in the spatiality of earnings are also accentu-in the spatiality of earnings are also accentuated. the position of the centres of gravity also ated. the position of the centres of gravity also reflects the recurrence of the traditional north–reflects the recurrence of the traditional north– south differences of hungarian industry.south differences of hungarian industry. explanation of the spatial processes the geography of the hungarian motor vehicle industry reflects the location decision of foreign companies and – to a much lesser extent – the spatiality of the emerging domestic automotive industrial suppliers. 97 per cent of the turnover in the sector can be related to foreign-controlled companies, and this is well above the national average of 53 per cent and one of the highest in the manufacturing industry (ksh, 2016). the expansion of the employment in the automotive industry indicates that hungary remains an investment destination, and the negative expectations associated with the spread of industry 4.0 innovations do not appear to be confirmed during the studied period. automation has not caused a decrease: even if some of the workforce was liberated due to technological reasons, it is mostly redeployed within the firms in “headcount neutral transformation”, because capacity expansion is still common. the progress of automation is delayed partly, because foreign workers are employed in order to ease labour shortage (székely, s. 2019). the vast majority of the sector’s employ-the vast majority of the sector’s employment growth is attributable to some promi-ment growth is attributable to some prominent companies in five counties. these are nent companies in five counties. these are mostly foreign-owned subsidiaries estab-mostly foreign-owned subsidiaries established before 2008, whose multi-stage invest-lished before 2008, whose multi-stage investments play a decisive role in the stability of ments play a decisive role in the stability of the space structure of the hungarian auto-the space structure of the hungarian automotive industry motive industry (table 4).(table 4). however, the success of these subsidiaries however, the success of these subsidiaries in the competition for new investments can in the competition for new investments can only be partly explained by technologically-only be partly explained by technologicallybased improvements in cost-capability ratios based improvements in cost-capability ratios even in ideal cases. government support may even in ideal cases. government support may have also contributed to their success. the have also contributed to their success. the most spectacular example of new develop-most spectacular example of new developments on old sites is the functional upgrad-ments on old sites is the functional upgrading of audi’s factory, where the car assembly ing of audi’s factory, where the car assembly plant was transformed into a full car produc-plant was transformed into a full car production plant (including stamping plant, car body tion plant (including stamping plant, car body factory and paint shop) – with the relocation factory and paint shop) – with the relocation of activities from germany – employing thou-of activities from germany – employing thousands of people. the growth of a company sands of people. the growth of a company however was not always linked only to loca-however was not always linked only to locafig. 5. concentration indices of the analysed indicators. source: data of central statistical office. fig. 6. hoover indices of the qualitative indicators and the total number of employees. source: data of central statistical office. 0.10 0.11 0.12 0.13 0.14 0.15 0.16 0.17 2008 non-manual employees gross earnings of (full-time) employees employees 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 5.0 5.5 6.0 6.5 7.0 7.5 8.0 9.0 8.5 9.5 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 non-manual employees/total employees gross earnings of (full-time) employees/total employees molnár, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 137–155.148 fig. 7. changes in the centres of gravity regarding the studied indicators of the hungarian motor vehicle industry. source: data of central statistical office. tions within the priority counties. for exam-tions within the priority counties. for example, hundreds of employees were employed at ple, hundreds of employees were employed at the newly established and purchased sites (in the newly established and purchased sites (in the great plain) of smr automotive mirror the great plain) of smr automotive mirror technology headquartered in győr-moson-technology headquartered in győr-mosonsopron county and nearly 1,500 employees sopron county and nearly 1,500 employees were employed at the budapest unit of the were employed at the budapest unit of the continental subsidiary located in veszprém continental subsidiary located in veszprém county in 2018. in fact, data suggesting spatial county in 2018. in fact, data suggesting spatial concentrations mask geographical expansion concentrations mask geographical expansion in the case of northern transdanubian com-in the case of northern transdanubian companies operating in other regions too.panies operating in other regions too. iin the strengthening of the eastern bridge-n the strengthening of the eastern bridgeheads of the automotive industry the process heads of the automotive industry the process of expansion concentrated in space, with of expansion concentrated in space, with both quantitative and qualitative elements both quantitative and qualitative elements is realised. the location selection of the com-is realised. the location selection of the companies in the east is justified by the fact that panies in the east is justified by the fact that new investments with employment growth new investments with employment growth are increasingly constrained in northern are increasingly constrained in northern transdanubia due to the scarcity of human transdanubia due to the scarcity of human resources and, on the other hand, the develop-resources and, on the other hand, the development of transport and other infrastructure the ment of transport and other infrastructure the number of potential locations for investments number of potential locations for investments increase (increase (molnár, e. molnár, e. 2013). in borsod-abaúj-2013). in borsod-abaújzemplén and bács-kiskun counties, howev-zemplén and bács-kiskun counties, however, the concentrated presence of automotive er, the concentrated presence of automotive companies in the county seats (miskolc and companies in the county seats (miskolc and kecskemét) is not unprecedented. their ac-kecskemét) is not unprecedented. their accelerating embedding process, one of the most celerating embedding process, one of the most important fields of which (due to upgrading important fields of which (due to upgrading as well) is education supplying the human as well) is education supplying the human resources (resources (józsa, v. józsa, v. 2019), could hardly be 2019), could hardly be met without the infrastructure and industrial met without the infrastructure and industrial traditions of their cities. for this reason, it is traditions of their cities. for this reason, it is particularly true that for bács-kiskun county particularly true that for bács-kiskun county that its automotive industry is highly concen-that its automotive industry is highly concentrated in its county seat. the fact that daimler trated in its county seat. the fact that daimler chose kecskemét is not ground-breaking, con-chose kecskemét is not ground-breaking, considering that the city already had significant sidering that the city already had significant foreign capital (including the german auto-foreign capital (including the german automotive industry) at the turn of the millenni-motive industry) at the turn of the millennibicskebicske bicskebicske bicskebicske tabajdtabajd tabajdtabajd tabajdtabajd verebvereb verebvereb verebvereb vértessomlóvértessomló vértessomlóvértessomló vértessomlóvértessomló szárligetszárliget szárligetszárliget szárligetszárliget mórmór mórmór mórmór csákvárcsákvár csákvárcsákvár csákvárcsákvár gántgánt gántgánt gántgánt oroszlányoroszlány oroszlányoroszlány oroszlányoroszlány zámolyzámoly zámolyzámoly zámolyzámoly szárszár szárszár szárszár bokodbokod bokodbokod bokodbokod bodajkbodajk bodajkbodajk bodajkbodajk alcsútdobozalcsútdoboz alcsútdobozalcsútdoboz alcsútdobozalcsútdoboz óbarokóbarok óbarokóbarok óbarokóbarok csákberénycsákberény csákberénycsákberény csákberénycsákberény vértesacsavértesacsa vértesacsavértesacsa vértesacsavértesacsa pusztavámpusztavám pusztavámpusztavám pusztavámpusztavám felcsútfelcsút felcsútfelcsút felcsútfelcsút lovasberénylovasberény lovasberénylovasberény lovasberénylovasberény vértesboglárvértesboglár vértesboglárvértesboglár vértesboglárvértesboglár csókakőcsókakő csókakőcsókakő csókakőcsókakő várgesztesvárgesztes várgesztesvárgesztes várgesztesvárgesztes bodmérbodmér bodmérbodmér bodmérbodmér sörédsöréd sörédsöréd sörédsöréd újbarokújbarok újbarokújbarok újbarokújbarok 20082009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 number of employeesnumber of employees gross earnings of full-time employeesgross earnings of full-time employees number of non-manual employeesnumber of non-manual employees 2008 2009 2010 2011 20122012 2013 2014 2015 20162016 2017 2018 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 20152015 2016 2017 2018 0 3 km 0 3 km 0 3 km 149molnár, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 137–155. um (um (marsa, a. marsa, a. 2002). this was induced by a 2002). this was induced by a number of factors, such as its central location number of factors, such as its central location close to the agglomeration of budapest, its close to the agglomeration of budapest, its transport capabilities and, consequently, the transport capabilities and, consequently, the proximity of european and local suppliers, as proximity of european and local suppliers, as well as its educational culture and technical well as its educational culture and technical higher education (higher education (vápár, j.vápár, j. 2013 2013; szemereyné ; szemereyné pataki, k. pataki, k. 2014).2014). the benefits of geographical proximity the benefits of geographical proximity and the exploitation of industrial agglomera-and the exploitation of industrial agglomeration indicate concentrated growth in space. tion indicate concentrated growth in space. suppliers located near car factories played a suppliers located near car factories played a significant role in the development of several significant role in the development of several industrial parks in northern transdanubia in industrial parks in northern transdanubia in the 2000s (the 2000s (molnár, e. molnár, e. 2013). a similar phe-2013). a similar phenomenon can be observed with mercedes in nomenon can be observed with mercedes in bács-kiskun county, where the german car bács-kiskun county, where the german car maker was followed by several companies maker was followed by several companies (e.g. brose, magna/antolin). the main driv-(e.g. brose, magna/antolin). the main driving force of the process is to reduce logistical ing force of the process is to reduce logistical costs and make deliveries flexible and safer. costs and make deliveries flexible and safer. geographical proximity is especially impor-geographical proximity is especially important for large, components difficult to trans-tant for large, components difficult to transport and also for just-in-time components. a port and also for just-in-time components. a good example is the factory “kirchhoff” estab-good example is the factory “kirchhoff” established close to the suzuki’s automobile factory lished close to the suzuki’s automobile factory in esztergom, for which it manufactures car in esztergom, for which it manufactures car body parts. like this is experienced at com-body parts. like this is experienced at companies (e.g. lear in győr, magyar toyo seat panies (e.g. lear in győr, magyar toyo seat in nyergesújfalu and adient in kecskemét) in nyergesújfalu and adient in kecskemét) producing seat modules near car factories.producing seat modules near car factories. geographical proximity can also cover rela-geographical proximity can also cover relationships that go far beyond local dimensions. tionships that go far beyond local dimensions. the experiences of a survey carried out by the experiences of a survey carried out by pricewaterhouse coopers (2018) on the final pricewaterhouse coopers (2018) on the final users of suppliers’ products also proved this. users of suppliers’ products also proved this. according to their study the final users of the according to their study the final users of the surveyed hungarian suppliers’ products are surveyed hungarian suppliers’ products are volkswagen in 61 per cent, audi in 56 per cent, volkswagen in 61 per cent, audi in 56 per cent, daimler in 51 per cent, bmw in 49 per cent, daimler in 51 per cent, bmw in 49 per cent, renault in 42 per cent, ford in 40 per cent, psa renault in 42 per cent, ford in 40 per cent, psa in 37 per cent and suzuki in 37 per cent. merely in 37 per cent and suzuki in 37 per cent. merely table 4. major companies in the hungarian automotive industry by the number of employees and county, 2008–2018 name of companies by counties year of foundation number of employees (ca.) change in employees in % of the county year of largest employment 2008 2018* győr-moson-sopron county audi hungaria motor ltd. / audi hungaria co. smr automotive mirror technology hungary lp. autoliv ltd. bos automotive products magyarország lp. rába futómű ltd. rába járműalkatrész ltd. – 1993 1993 1990 1992 1999 2001 14,701 5,939 788 942 681 1,415 987 25,279 12,726 2,549 2,198 1,128 666 598 100 64 17 12 4 –7 –4 – 2018 2018 2016 2018 2008 2008 vas county schaeffler savaria ltd. bpw hungária ltd. gm powertrain ltd. / opel szentgotthárd ltd. – 1996 1991 1990 5, 64 1 220 1 259 659 8,974 3 485 1 518 1 007 100 63 7 10 – 2018 2018 2017 veszprém county continental automotive hungary ltd. johnson controls / yanfeng hungary ltd. valeo auto-electric magyarország ltd. johnson controls / adient mezőlak ltd. poppe + potthoff hungária ltd. – 1990 2014 1998 2002 1996 4,513 1,127 –** 737 265 237 11,386 3,770 2,345 1,936 874 551 100 38 34 17 9 5 – 2018 2018 2018 2018 2018 borsod-abaúj-zemplén county robert bosch energy and body systems ltd. s.e.g.a. hungary ltd. joyson safety systems hungary ltd. – 2003 2016 2013 3,457 960 0 0 9,237 2,306 1,601 1,799 100 23 28 31 – 2015 2017 2018 bács-kiskun county mercedes benz manufacturing hungary ltd. knorr-bremse fékrendszerek ltd. bosal / acps automotive ltd. magna / antolin hungary ltd. – 2008 1989 2003 2010 2,477 0 890 154 0 9,142 4,281 1,011 935 604 100 64 2 12 9 – 2018 2018 2018 2018 *motor vehicle companies with at least 500 employees in 2018. **the factory of johnson controls at pápa existed in 2008 as a unit of the company’s subsidiary, thus its data is not involved in the data of veszprém county. source: county top 100 publications, ceginfo.hu, ministry of justice database of electronic reports. molnár, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 137–155.150 19 per cent of companies sell only in hungary, 19 per cent of companies sell only in hungary, and only 7 per cent of those surveyed deliv-and only 7 per cent of those surveyed delivered within 50 kilometres and just over 15 per ered within 50 kilometres and just over 15 per cent within 200 km (pricewaterhouse coopers, cent within 200 km (pricewaterhouse coopers, 2018). the positive impact of the automotive 2018). the positive impact of the automotive agglomeration in east-central europe on the agglomeration in east-central europe on the growth of the hungarian automotive indus-growth of the hungarian automotive industry is demonstrated, in addition to the above try is demonstrated, in addition to the above results, by that of slovakia, directly adjacent results, by that of slovakia, directly adjacent to the counties of northern transdanubia, be-to the counties of northern transdanubia, became the second largest market for engines and came the second largest market for engines and vehicle parts manufactured in hungary, but vehicle parts manufactured in hungary, but czechia, poland and austria are also ranked czechia, poland and austria are also ranked high high (table 5).(table 5). counties with good quality indicators are counties with good quality indicators are the plants of car manufacturers near the peak the plants of car manufacturers near the peak of the supplier pyramids and also those of of the supplier pyramids and also those of tier 1 suppliers engaged in more complex tier 1 suppliers engaged in more complex activities. in counties that performed well activities. in counties that performed well almost continuously (bács-kiskun, heves almost continuously (bács-kiskun, heves and veszprém) the influence of one or two and veszprém) the influence of one or two prominent tier 1 suppliers with significant prominent tier 1 suppliers with significant local value added can be recognised. these local value added can be recognised. these international companies were among the first international companies were among the first to arrive to hungary and largely built on lo-to arrive to hungary and largely built on local industrial traditions (knorr-bremse set-cal industrial traditions (knorr-bremse settled in kecskemét utilised the heritage of the tled in kecskemét utilised the heritage of the tool works, zf from eger based its activities tool works, zf from eger based its activities on the transmission plant of the csepel au-on the transmission plant of the csepel automobile factory, but former bakony works tomobile factory, but former bakony works also had a history motor vehicle parts pro-also had a history motor vehicle parts production in veszprém). significant functions duction in veszprém). significant functions apart from production can also be observed apart from production can also be observed in these companies: e.g. r&d (at continental in these companies: e.g. r&d (at continental and valeo in veszprém, at knorr-bremse in and valeo in veszprém, at knorr-bremse in kecskemét, at zf in eger) or it services (at kecskemét, at zf in eger) or it services (at zf in eger), often involving departments in zf in eger), often involving departments in budapest too. in addition to their increas-budapest too. in addition to their increasing non-manual worker employment rate, ing non-manual worker employment rate, which is significantly above the average of which is significantly above the average of the automotive industry, their relevant local the automotive industry, their relevant local supplier background should also be high-supplier background should also be highlighted (lighted (marsa, a.marsa, a. 2002; 2002; sass, msass, m. and. and szanyi, szanyi, m. m. 2004; 2004; józsa, v. józsa, v. 2019). not primarily the 2019). not primarily the car assembly plants, but these companies car assembly plants, but these companies producing greater local value added seem producing greater local value added seem to be the real success stories of the fdi-based to be the real success stories of the fdi-based hungarian automotive industry.hungarian automotive industry. the ratio of non-manual workers in the au-the ratio of non-manual workers in the automotive industry does not fully reflect the tomotive industry does not fully reflect the importance of non-production functions, as importance of non-production functions, as these activities may not be recorded for the these activities may not be recorded for the motor vehicle industry. the best example for motor vehicle industry. the best example for this is the r&d in the automotive industry this is the r&d in the automotive industry because many of companies (e.g. develop-because many of companies (e.g. development bases of tncs, hungarian engineering ment bases of tncs, hungarian engineering offices, higher education – research institu-offices, higher education – research institutions) taking part in it belong to the “official” tions) taking part in it belong to the “official” motor vehicle industry only in a small ratio. motor vehicle industry only in a small ratio. the r&d experts of the sector exist in great-the r&d experts of the sector exist in greater numbers in the regions of budapest and er numbers in the regions of budapest and győr. (the latter is the largest location of the győr. (the latter is the largest location of the hungarian motor vehicle industry.) several hungarian motor vehicle industry.) several prominent automotive companies registered prominent automotive companies registered in the field of engineering activities, techni-in the field of engineering activities, technical consulting, technical testing and analysis, cal consulting, technical testing and analysis, table 5. top 10 market of the export of hungarian motor vehicle industry, 2008–2018 country export,* million eur change 2008–2018, million eur share of all export of motor vehicle industry in 2018, %2008 2018 germany slovakia czechia spain united kingdom poland sweden austria mexico france 3,853 431 528 432 240 275 49 217 94 134 5,257 1,348 674 581 479 363 359 351 340 254 1,404 917 145 149 240 89 311 133 246 120 44.7 11.5 5.7 4.9 4.1 3.1 3.1 3.0 2.9 2.2 *internal combustion engines and their parts, and motor vehicle parts (current prices). source: international trade centre. 151molnár, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 137–155. and research and development (e.g. robert and research and development (e.g. robert bosch and thyssenkrupp components bosch and thyssenkrupp components technology or trigo quality support and technology or trigo quality support and edag) operate there. robert bosch, the edag) operate there. robert bosch, the largest unit of automotive r&d in hungary, largest unit of automotive r&d in hungary, originally established as a sales and logistic originally established as a sales and logistic centre, increased the number of its employ-centre, increased the number of its employees from nearly 600 to 3,000 between 2008 ees from nearly 600 to 3,000 between 2008 and 2018, and is now typically engaged in and 2018, and is now typically engaged in product and software development. based on product and software development. based on this, not only the role of budapest in research this, not only the role of budapest in research and development will be enhanced, but the and development will be enhanced, but the functions of győr-moson-sopron beyond functions of győr-moson-sopron beyond production will also be more visible.production will also be more visible. finally, supports granted on the basis of in-finally, supports granted on the basis of individual government decisions as part of the dividual government decisions as part of the investment promotion policy also influence investment promotion policy also influence the spatiality of the industry. on the basis of the spatiality of the industry. on the basis of data from ninety automotive investments reg-data from ninety automotive investments registered not only in the motor vehicle industry istered not only in the motor vehicle industry in the narrow sense after 2008, it can be seen in the narrow sense after 2008, it can be seen that, during the years of crisis and recovery, that, during the years of crisis and recovery, reduced investment has been concentrated in reduced investment has been concentrated in the old key areas of this sector the old key areas of this sector (table 6).(table 6). on the other hand, in contrast to the stabil-on the other hand, in contrast to the stability of the regional distribution of the sector ity of the regional distribution of the sector between 2008 and 2018 – with the realisation between 2008 and 2018 – with the realisation of ongoing investments – an eastward shift is of ongoing investments – an eastward shift is likely in the future. the largest growth in the likely in the future. the largest growth in the great plain can be expected in hajdú-bihar great plain can be expected in hajdú-bihar county, which has been virtually absent from county, which has been virtually absent from the map of the automotive industry, where, the map of the automotive industry, where, in addition to the bmw car assembly plant in addition to the bmw car assembly plant which is under construction and the attempt which is under construction and the attempt to establish local bus production, the con-to establish local bus production, the concentrated occurrence and capacity expansion centrated occurrence and capacity expansion of several suppliers (continental, schaeffler, of several suppliers (continental, schaeffler, thyssenkrupp) also play an important role thyssenkrupp) also play an important role in turning debrecen into a centre of the in turning debrecen into a centre of the hungarian motor vehicle industry (hungarian motor vehicle industry (molnár, molnár, e. e. and and kozma, g.kozma, g. 2018). 2018). conclusions the present study analysed the change in the geography of the significantly growing hungarian automotive industry in the decade since the latest economic crisis in 2008. the overall increase in employment indicates that hungary is still the target of capacity expansion. the spatially concentrated growth table 6. financial supports and expected new workplaces in the hungarian automotive industry by individual government decisions since 2008 regions, counties share of all supports, % share of all expected new workplaces, % 2009–2013 2014–2018 2009–2013 2014–2018 central hungary budapest pest northern transdanubia győr-moson-sopron vas komárom-esztergom fejér veszprém northern hungary borsod-abaúj-zemplén heves great plain bács-kiskun hajdú-bihar jász-nagykun-szolnok 13 7 6 87 45 16 6 20 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 2 1 1 35 12 0 12 3 8 28 8 18 35 12 10 8 27 13 14 68 31 12 7 17 0 0 0 0 5 5 0 0 3 0 3 37 11 0 12 3 10 27 11 14 33 8 7 9 hungary total, % hungary total in numbers 100 141,664* 100 621,766* 100 6,997 100 20,327 * in thousand eur at price in 2018. source: ministry of foreign affairs. molnár, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 137–155.152 expected from the upgrading in the international production networks and the increase in the quality of industrial concentrations have been only partially achieved. the result of processes towards both concentration and expansion is characterised, on the one hand, by the massive growth of certain counties in northern transdanubia and, on the other hand, by the expansion of the industry concentrated in one or two new counties. this results in stability in the distribution of the automotive industry between regions. in terms of quality indicators, there is typically a difference between significant and less important locations and (above all) in terms of budapest – outside budapest. the present analysis indicates a moderate upgrading mostly without strategic functions, defined by foreign subsidiaries, and an industry that is gradually and selectively adapting the innovations of the “fourth industrial revolution”. like other studies (gerőcs, t. and pinkasz, a. 2019; szalavetz, a. and somosi, s. 2019; mckinsey & company 2020), the present analysis obtained no proof of a spectacular shift in the productive role of hungary and in the grounds of its growth in automotive industrial networks. however, the example of the capital city points out that – in the case of appropriate local conditions – there is still some room for the implementation of functional upgrading, despite the dependent situation. however, based on the last year data a however, based on the last year data a trend change is emerging. after the maxi-trend change is emerging. after the maximum reached in the first quarter of 2019 – mum reached in the first quarter of 2019 – for the first time in three consecutive quar-for the first time in three consecutive quarters since the crisis – the number of people ters since the crisis – the number of people employed in the sector began to decrease, employed in the sector began to decrease, in almost all counties. in the background of in almost all counties. in the background of the events general global economic develop-the events general global economic developments and specific problems related to the ments and specific problems related to the competitiveness of the german automotive competitiveness of the german automotive industry can be found (industry can be found (haider, m.haider, m. 2020). the 2020). the large investment deferred in the second half large investment deferred in the second half of the year (mercedes 2of the year (mercedes 2ndnd phase in kecskemét) phase in kecskemét) also suggests this. although the relocation also suggests this. although the relocation of certain labour-intensive activities was of certain labour-intensive activities was observed during the 2008 crisis, structural observed during the 2008 crisis, structural constraints are now more pronounced in ad-constraints are now more pronounced in addition to economic fluctuations. efficiency dition to economic fluctuations. efficiency increase of production based on innovations increase of production based on innovations of industry 4.0 and the disruptive effects of of industry 4.0 and the disruptive effects of electromobility (reduced number of employ-electromobility (reduced number of employees in the hungarian economy specialized ees in the hungarian economy specialized partly on the production of internal combus-partly on the production of internal combustion engines due to the spread of electric mo-tion engines due to the spread of electric motors with less complexity) are mostly cited tors with less complexity) are mostly cited as explanations (as explanations (fabók, b. fabók, b. and and stubnya, b. stubnya, b. 2019). to these conjunctural and structural 2019). to these conjunctural and structural problems the negative effects of the corona-problems the negative effects of the coronavirus pandemic can also be added in 2020. virus pandemic can also be added in 2020. the decreasing demand for cars, the disinte-the decreasing demand for cars, the disintegration of supply chains and the protection gration of supply chains and the protection of employees can lead globally to the radical of employees can lead globally to the radical decrease of 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(1–2): 848–861. molnár, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 137–155.156 8_literature.indd 347literature – hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 345–353. in the international urban studies mainstream, there is a programmatic call for comparative urbanism recently propagated by prominent scholars including jennifer robinson, ananya roy or colin mcfarlane (earlier also articulated by chris pickvance, anthony d. king and others). in spite of this urge, however, relatively litt le emphasis has been placed on the empirical contributions to international urban comparativity to date. as an ambitious att empt to fi ll this gap, this book – edited by tiit tammaru, szymon marcińczak, maarten van ham and sako musterd – systematically analyses socio-economic segregation in/across several european capital cities; amsterdam, athens, budapest, london, madrid, oslo, prague, riga, stockholm, tallinn, vienna, vilnius, as well as in milan (the only exception not being a political capital, in contrast to what the title of the volume suggests). the introductory chapter of the book, authored by tiit tammaru, sako musterd, maarten van ham and szymon marcińczak provides a comprehensive and undoubtedly valuable literature review, as well as a detailed overview of methodological considerations. first and most importantly, by the central notion ‘socio-economic segregation’ (hereinaft er ses), the editors and the authors of the book understand the ‘residential segregation of population groups based on occupation and income’ (p. 2.). based on the literature review, four key structural factors have been identifi ed that are assumed to shape ses: globalisation, socio-economic inequalities, welfare regimes and housing systems (along with two additional occupational ones). as the indicator of globalisation, global city status was taken into account, based on the widely used typology of alpha, beta and gamma cities. the level of socio-economic inequalities was measured by the gini index, using statistical data obtained from eurostat. welfare regimes were classifi ed along gøsta esping-andersen’s three main categories (i.e. social democratic, corporatist and liberal), with the south european (or mediterranean) regime considered within the corporatist type. housing systems were categorised into jim kemeny’s typology of unitary and dual housing systems, with the south european system positioned in between the two. finally, the two additional occupational factors were measured by the share of higher occupations (managers and professionals) on the one hand, and by the share of lower occupations (unskilled workers) on the other. using a novel multi-factor approach based on these factors, a theoretical model was elaborated to predict and quantify the level of ses in the investigated cities. values 1 to 3 have been att ached to each of the six factors, creating the following ranking of hypothetical ses in the case study cities (from the most to the least segregated ones, with the higher scores representing higher levels of ses): london (16 out of the maximum 18 points); riga (15); madrid and vilnius (14); milan and tallinn (13); amsterdam (12); athens, budapest, oslo and stockholm (11); and fi nally prague and vienna (9). case studies are then featured in chapters 2 to 14, allowing readers for in-depth comparisons of the hypothetical and the actual levels of segregation in each city. importantly, and in order to move beyond the above-mentioned strict structural factors, in the case studies particular att ention has been paid to the unique characteristics of the place (i.e. to the genius loci), creating a certain kind of sensitivity towards diff erent geographical contexts and specifi c historical pathways. following a long tradition in segregation research, the authors’ analyses are primarily based on indices of dissimilarity (d) and segregation (is), mostly using statistical data from years 2000 and 2010 (or other census years close to these). concerning the geographical coverage of data collection, metropolitan regions were investigated in the case of amsterdam, tammaru, t. et al. (eds.): socio-economic segregation in european capital cities. east meets west. routledge, london–new york, 2015. 389 p. literature – hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 345–353.348 athens, london, madrid, oslo, stockholm and tallinn, whereas in the case of budapest, milan, prague, riga, vienna and vilnius, analyses covered only the administrative area of the cities. in the volume western european cities are represented by london, amsterdam and vienna. as a result of the analysis of occupational segregation in london (pp. 30–54.), david manley, ron johnston, kelvyn jones and dewi owen found that there are still sharp divisions and a growing spatial distance between the top and bott om socio-economic groups in the city. in the case of income segregation in amsterdam (pp. 55–79.), sako musterd and wouter van gent conclude that the segregation of the top and the bott om groups decreased in the 2000s (as the only exception among all analysed cities), presumably owing to the long tradition of a fairly equal income distribution in the netherlands. in contrast to amsterdam, however, vienna witnessed a signifi cant increase in the level of ses during the 2000s which might – according to gerhard hatz, josef kohlbacher and ursula reeger (pp. 80–109.) – be linked with new immigration. aft er the western european case studies, northern european cities are represented by stockholm and oslo. based on the investigation of segregation dynamics in stockholm (pp. 110–131.); roger andersson and anneli kährik argue that in spite of the long tradition of elaborating public policies aimed at creating a social mix within neighbourhoods, the public sector started to cut back on housing subsidies during the 1990s, resulting in a relatively high level of segregation in the swedish capital by the 2000s. as for oslo, economic segregation was analysed by terje wessel (pp. 132–155.) who found that the particularly generous norwegian welfare system is an important characteristic of the capital city above and beyond the strongly market-based housing system which allows the sustaining of rather high levels of equality. as the next group of cities, the southern european macro-region is represented by athens, milan and madrid. concerning the patt erns of socio-economic segregation in athens (pp. 156–185.), thomas maloutas concluded that despite the otherwise high levels of social inequality not only moderate levels and stable patt erns of ses can be observed in athens but even desegregation between certain occupational groups. as for socio-economic divisions in milan (pp. 186–213.), petros petsimeris and stefania rimoldi trace back post-1990 ses to two processes; fi rst, the self-segregation of business owners into the most exclusive areas of the city, and second, the purchase of apartments by working-class households under specifi c right-to-buy schemes and a later selling of these properties to more affl uent social groups. in the case of the processes of social change and segregation in madrid (pp. 214–237.), jesús leal and daniel sorando primarily found professionalisation and the residential entrapment of lower socio-economic groups behind the dramatic growth in the levels of segregation in the spanish capital. concerning eastern european cities featured in the book, a distinction is made between visegrad cities (represented by budapest and prague) and baltic capitals (riga, vilnius and tallinn). in the case of budapest, being one of the most segregated capital cities in eastern europe, zoltán kovács and balázs szabó (pp. 238–260.) found that it is still only moderately segregated by western standards; nevertheless, in spite of the more even geographical distribution of higher socio-economic groups (as a result of new housing developments), lower socio-economic groups became more segregated during the 2000s. quite similar results have been revealed in the prague case study (pp. 261–286.); martin ouředníček, lucie pospíšilová, petra špačková, zuzana kopecká and the recently passed away jakub novák concluded that the relatively low level of ses is mainly the consequence of the location of new forms of housing, as well as the infl ux of higher socio-economic groups into poorer (formerly working-class) neighbourhoods, oft en taking place in inner city areas. as for residential segregation in riga (pp. 287– 312.), a baltic capital where russian-speaking residents constitute more than half of the population, zaiga krišjāne, māris bērzi š and kalju kratovitš convincingly argue that the ethnic dimension is still far more important than socio-economic patt erns. the analysis of social inequalities and ses in vilnius – carried out by vytautas valatka, donatas burneika and rūta ubarevičienė (pp. 313–332.) – revealed that recent processes of gentrifi cation have led to an increase of mixed neighbourhoods in the inner city, similar to what happened in budapest and prague. as the last case study of the book, tiit tammaru, anneli kährik, kadi mägi, the late jakub novák and kadri leetmaa investigated socio-economic segregation in tallinn (pp. 333–357.). authors concluded that although the estonian capital was also characterised by mixed neighbourhoods in 2000, the residential relocation of higher socio-economic groups signifi cantly increased ses during the 2000s, transforming many earlier mixed neighbourhoods into more homogenous ones. on an overall level, tallinn witnessed the largest growth in socio-economic segregation among the case study cities in the period of the 2000s, becoming the most segregated eastern european city within the pool of research cities. in chapter 15, the main conclusions of the book are drawn by szymon marcińczak, sako musterd, maarten van ham and tiit tammaru (pp. 358–382.). in contrast to the theoretical ranking of the cities’ expected levels of ses (based on the multi-factor approach elaborated in the introductory chapter of the book), the case studies revealed a markedly diff erent ranking based on real data (again, from the most to the least segregated cities): madrid and milan; tallinn; london; 349literature – hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 345–353. stockholm; vienna; athens; amsterdam; budapest; riga; vilnius; prague; and oslo. finally, as the main conclusion of the book, even though european cities are still less segregated compared to those in the americas, africa or parts of eastern asia, almost all of the cities involved in the study were found to be more segregated than initially hypothesised (with the only exception of amsterdam). the spatial gap between the poor and the rich has been widening since the early 2000s; these changes are mostly driven by globalisation and the recent neoliberalisation of european cities, both in the case of welfare states and former socialist countries. moreover, as an alarming signal for policy-makers, the trend of rising inequalities and residential segregation does not appear to be changing anytime soon. márton berki the title geographies of knowledge and power was published by springer in july 2015. this is the seventh volume of the series "knowledge and space", launched in 2008 and dedicated to topics dealing with the production, application, spatial distribution and diff usion of knowledge. chief editor in charge of the series is peter meusburger from heidelberg university, whose work was this time supported by fellow editors derek gregory (university of british columbia, vancouver, canada) and laura suarsana (heidelberg university). the release is an outcome of the 7th interdisciplinary symposium on knowledge and space, held at heidelberg between 17 and 20 of june 2009. both the symposium and the book were supported by the klaus tschira foundation. the book focuses on the complex relations between knowledge, power and geographic space, and involves contributions from seventeen scholars with diff erent fi elds of inquiry therewith to investigate the issue at stake from multiple viewpoints. the large majority of the authors represent the fi eld of human geography, as do all three editors, whilst others come from various fi elds such as anthropology, scientifi c theology, assyriology and communication science. like many contemporary releases in human geography, the book largely builds on the theoretical fi ndings of michel foucault. the approach of this title is mostly based on the french philosopher’s dual concept of “power-knowledge” (pouvoir-savoir), by which he referred to the interconnectedness and mutual dependence of political rule and scientifi c knowledge in reinforcing and legitimating each other. the introductory chapter (chapter 1), in which the three editors lay the ground for the key notions of the book, is already set by a quote from foucault, suggesting that “knowledge and power are integrated with one another, and there is no point in dreaming of a time when knowledge will cease to depend on power” (foucault, m. 1980: 52. 1.). a basic argument of the book is that “power and knowledge depend on each other and incorporate each other; both have enabling and innovative eff ects. knowledge consolidates power, and power att racts and sometimes legitimates knowledge” (3.). though this issue has already been discussed by several authors throughout the last decades, the category of space, which is, according to foucault, “fundamental in any exercise of power” (foucault, m. 1984: 252. 4.), has remained relatively meusburger, p., gregory, d., suarsana, l. (eds.:) geographies of knowledge and power. springer, dordrecht, 2015, 347 p. 6_book reviews.indd 187doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.68.2.6 hungarian geographical bulletin 68 2019 (2) b o o k r e v i e w s e c t i o n harrison, j. and hoyler, m. (eds.): doing global urban research. london–thousand oaks–new delhi–singapore, sage, 2018. 264 p urban world occupies a small percentage of the surface of the earth but it is the area where the majority of the population and economic activities concentrate. according to “the new urban agenda” (un habitat, 2016), cities cover no more than 2 per cent of the total land area but host more than 54 per cent of population and contribute to around 70 per cent of the global gdp. at the same time, the urban world absorbs over 60 per cent of global energy resources and it generates more than 70 per cent of greenhouse gas emission and 70 per cent of global waste. it is no wonder, therefore, that urban research enjoys global interest. this popularity has led to the appearance of many related interdisciplinary publications, and nowadays it is extremely difficult to produce a book which contains original material and complements existing studies. yet, john harrison and michael hoyler as editors of the book have achieved this goal very well in my opinion. the volume contains 16 chapters by both emerging and established scholars, which represent different disciplines and attitudes toward urban research. the level and depth of the content varies, but each part follows the same structure. every chapter begins with an introduction outlining the authors’ motivations. section one helps then identify the key theories, ideas and concepts that are shaping this area of urban research. section two highlights some main challenges of contemporary research, both conceptual and practical. in section three, the authors focus on available analytical techniques. section four always provides a case study giving insight into research practice. finally, section five contains individual reflections from each author on their experience of doing global urban studies. i find the adoption of this structure in every chapter a good idea, because it makes easy to find the links between various parts of the book, even if they discuss different topics. the editors of the book provide an introduction in the first chapter (making sense of the global urban). they define the goals and main research questions of the volume and identify the most popular research topics in contemporary urban studies. as they underline, the main inspiration for writing this book were questions from students about how to conduct research on urbanisation around the globe. it turned out that the answer is not easy at all and there is not a single right solution. hence, they decided to examine more deeply planetary urbanisation, planetary suburbanisation and mega-regions. they found that new theories and concepts on global urban research have developed at far faster pace than empirical tools and analytical techniques. besides, there is a relative lack of works that give insight into the opportunities and challenges, tools, techniques and theories of global urban research. this book was created as an answer for the aforementioned needs. the second chapter by nikos katsikis discusses possible ways of visualizing the planetary urban. the author stresses that is very difficult to grasp the complexity of urbanisation, as long as it is based on, and constrained by, a particular conceptualisation of the urban world (e.g. morphology based approaches to urban agglomerations, such as cities, metropolises etc., which primarily focus on socio-spatial configuration [growth, expansion, economic and demographic performance] and their mutual relationship [networks, polycentric urban regions]). this 188 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 187–194. paradoxically leads, according to the author, to that the importance of relations between cities is widely recognised but poorly understood, and too much attention is paid to the ‘unproductive binarism’ (p. 13) of ‘urban’ and ‘rural’ worlds. the most important challenge is that researchers too often concentrate on a kind of ‘meta-geography’(p. 15–16), the conceptual pre-assumption that the urban can and should be delineated spatially. katsikis aptly underlines that the effort to find spatial boundaries becomes especially elusive for diffusion, the emerging polycentric structure of cities, and densification of infrastructural systems. the author also presents a few interesting examples of visualisation. i consider a promising idea to use density gradients to delineate urban areas, which one can determine by using a combination of particular thresholds developed from census statistics and remote sensing data. unfortunately, maps, which add a lot to the text, are printed black and white, and in my view some parts of them are not fully readable. the third chapter exploring the world city network by peter j. taylor and ben derudder relates to the internationally well-known research project conducted within the ‘globalisation and world cities group’ (gawc). despite the large number of studies employing this approach, i read the chapter with great interest, especially the part about challenges and techniques of research. the chapter presents the subject in a comprehensive way, so i also recommend it to students who are interested in doing world network research. chapter 4 (analysing cities and networks) by zachary p. neal also deals with city networks but, unlike in the previous chapter, its author more concentrates on relationships than attributes. neal analyses city networks from the perspective of urban transportation networks, and he is particularly interested in how airline transportation links cities to national and global networks. although this study may not seem to be a novel one at first sight, the author provides very strong arguments for the approach he presents, and he well illustrates its challenges and opportunities. chapter 5 (examining global urban policy mobilities) by cristina temenos and kevin ward differs significantly from the previous chapters as it concentrates on policy mobilities. it discusses two interrelated and overlapping notions. the one focuses on the mobility of policy and associated expertise and knowledge, whereas the second one concentrates on the actors and practices through which policy is rendered mobile and is travelling. the authors highlight four elements of urban policy mobility, which are related to the mobilisation of knowledge, people, materials and politics, and require different research techniques. as a case study, the authors describe a unique project examining the role of transnational advocacy networks in mobilising an alternative policy model (focusing on activism and public health and drug policies) in cities across the caribbean, europe and north america. the main focus of the study is the link between globally operating and interconnected social movements and policy change along with their local implementation, which brings a new perspective to global urban research. in chapter 6 (tracking the global urbanists), donald mcneill and andrea pollio are “tackling the apparently monolithic power of the global firm” (p. 81). their approach might be surprising for regarding technology firms as urbanists. typically, this term is applied to sectors with a direct interest in the creation of the built environment of cities, e.g. property developers, architects, engineers and urban designers. but the authors argue that one has to take into consideration much more actors today, including the economically most competitive ones, the software-driven firms. they focus on two companies, ibm and uber, scrutinising them as global urbanists which are trying to influence urban policies and markets worldwide. i found noticeable the authors’ survey about how apparently global actors ‘landed’ or got territorialised at different places, with different outcomes, and how they were acting experimentally and simultaneously, reviewing their centralised corporate strategies. chapters 7 and 8 address the very important concept of sustainable development. in chapter 7 (engaging with global urban governance) michele acuto underlines the increasing global importance of urban policymakers, which is reflected by the rise of what he calls global urban governance. acuto refers to the habitat iii conference in october 2016 in quito, ecuador, which turned the global public attention to cities as places where a global agenda for sustainable development can start. cities and networks, notably c40 cities climate leadership group (c40) and united cities and local governance (uclg), are on the front stage, with visible performances, commitments and interventions. they can be effective actors, taking part in the dynamics of global governance. in the next chapter on evaluating global urban sustainability, john lauermann suggests that cities and perhaps only cities can save the planet from an environmental catastrophe. he concentrates on cities that act as ‘urban laboratories’, spaces for testing new technologies and design practices to change urban socio-technical systems. in the ‘experimental city’, urban development projects can be used as spaces for innovation. the author employs as case study some cities that hosted the olympic games, where experimental architecture, smart urban management and a variety of technologies for minimising the environmental footprint can be introduced. chapter 9 (scrutinizing global mega-events) by christopher gaffney, sven daniel wolf and martin 189doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.68.2.6 hungarian geographical bulletin 68 2019 (2) müller describe how mega-events like the olympic games or the football world cup have become global urban forces. mega-events meant for many cities which hosted them forced (and fast) reshaping of both urban politics and the built environment. i enjoyed that authors recognise mega-events as global urban phenomena, but also that they reveal why mega-events come along with as many contradictions as globalisation itself. chapters 10, 11 and 12 discuss topics like gentrification, right to the city, and suburbanisation, which are not associated at first glance with global urban research. of course, gentrification and suburbanisation are global processes, but studies usually investigate them on the local level, not within a global urban research framework. chapter 10 (studying global gentrification) by hyun bang shin is a strong manifesto emphasising that despite business-oriented approaches which try to depict gentrification as a positive urban process, it remains a phenomenon that highlights the looting and destruction of homes and neighbourhoods in order to promote the interests of the rich and powerful. shin argues that gentrification research should have displacement along with its causes and consequences as its main focus, not only in the global north, but also in the global south. david wachsmuth takes a slightly different approach in chapter 11 (researching the global right to the city) along henri lefebvre’s well known concept on “right to the city” (lefebvre, h. 1968). wachsmuth stresses that the adjective ‘global’ can be used as a modifier of the right to the city. the concept is generally interpreted with regard to ‘local’ struggles over social reproduction and daily life. one has to understand the global right to the city, however, in the context of uneven spatial development: even ‘global’ processes take concrete forms in highly differentiated ways. the chapter provides a very interesting case study about the housing market in vancouver, where the spectrum of ‘right to the city’ kind of housing claims ranges from the right to shelter to the right to property ownership and to the right to property investment. in chapter 12 (constructing global suburbia, one critical theory at a time) roger keil concentrates on worldwide processes that involve a large variety of phenomena from gated communities to suburban high-rise hubs with integral suburban ways of life. chapters 13, 14 and 15 emphasise the need for ethnographic, long-term and historical research within global urban research. in chapter 13 (comparative ethnographic urban research) tim bunnell stresses the importance of ethnographical approaches in global urban research, for they can attach socio-cultural meanings and human experiences to the results of the burgeoning mix of research on urban studies. kathrine v. gough presents in chapter 14 (doing longitudinal urban research) why research conducted over a longer time period has remarkable advantages over short-range projects, and how they can increase the explanatory power of empirical analysis. gough takes an interesting case study of urban research in pereira, columbia, which very convincingly reveals the power of longitudinal studies. chapter 15 by marina dantas and emma hart (historical approaches to researching the global urban) underline the significance of taking an historical approach in research. i fully agree with the authors that a more sophisticated understanding of human history helps produce novel research findings not only on empires and nations, but also on supra-national communities and networks formed by trade and intellectual exchanges. historians recognise that the current process of globalisation has its own ‘idiosyncrasies’, mostly related to technological and financial development characteristic to the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. nonetheless, they reject the assumption that we live in an exceptional era of global connectivity, and highlight patterns in past global contexts that are similar to certain global phenomena of the present day. the last chapter (advancing global urban research) by the editors summarises the main findings of the book. it gives an overview of the most important research approaches presented in the book and reflections on them. in fact, the authors of the volume barely make any direct reference to central and eastern europe (for a few exceptions, see p. 44, for example). still, this book can be really useful for central and eastern european researchers, especially if they are seeking inspiration to scrutinise urban complexity in an increasingly globalised world. moreover, its studies are not only based on qualitative data, which are sometimes either not available or unreliable, but the authors use quantitative and mixed method approaches as well, which give more possibilities to integrate central and eastern europe perspectives, and the predominant research approaches and methods in the region, into global urban research. the volume is not an easy piece to review and as a reviewer i was a little disappointed at some points that the authors do not give me straight answers to the questions they put, so sometimes i felt confused and was wondering whether scholars are actually doing global urban research. however, after finishing reading the volume, i realised that i should not treat it as a ‘normal academic textbook’. the aim of the authors is not to suggest a single viable solution or to give a definite answer to every question, but rather to share with us different approaches and also to stimulate further questions. hence, this volume is a cohesive and conceptually rich interdisciplinary insight into the emerging field of global urban research. 190 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 187–194. it is a provocative guide about what has already been done and, which may be even more valuable, it also lets us better see what is possible in terms of scientific analysis. the book is a great reading for students and researchers who think about the urban, and research it, at the global scale. i recommend it especially to those who want to get inspiration and also to get involved in one of the many exciting research themes of global urban research. barbara jaczewska1 r e f e r e n c e s lefebvre, h. 1968. la droit à la ville. paris, anthropos. un habitat 2016. the new urban agenda. available at: http://habitat3.org/the-new-urban-agenda (accessed 23.05.2019) 1 faculty of geography and regional studies, university of warsaw, warsaw, poland. e-mail: bgibki@uw.edu.pl 81book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 81–91.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.70.1.6 hungarian geographical bulletin 70 2021 (1) b o o k r e v i e w s e c t i o n karácsonyi, d., taylor, a. and bird, d. (eds.): the demography of disasters: impacts for population and place. cham, springer, 2021. 268 p. the impact of disasters on the population can be considered in terms of community/city resilience to shocks and stresses, i.e. the ability to return to the previous state. however, there are more and more calls to look at disaster resilience not in terms of ‘bouncing back,’ but as everyday practices to cope with ongoing and changing everyday pressures (andres, l. and round, j. 2015). bouncing back after a disaster is not satisfactory at the community level, as some disaster-affected people do not want a return to ‘how things were,’ but desire changes addressing former inequalities and dysfunctions (vale, l.j. and campanella, t. 2005). moreover, resilience could be seen as a metaphor for change, not against change (deverteuil, g. and golubchikov, o. 2016). the key ideas of this volume fully meet these calls. the editors aim to conceptualise the demography–disaster nexus in a wider perspective, beyond the natural hazards’ ‘statistical’ impact on demography, in order to improve disaster policy and planning process. the volume contains 13 individual chapters, which highlight case studies from developed (japan, usa, australia, new zealand, sweden, island) and postsoviet (ukraine, russia) countries covering a variety of disasters (nuclear disaster, cyclone, hurricane, earthquake, volcanic eruption, wildfire, crop failure, mine fire, and heat-related stress and lifeline failure). in the introductory and concluding chapters (chapters 1 and 13), karácsonyi, d. and taylor, a. discuss paradigm shifts in the field of disaster studies which “is constantly emerging and reshaping” (p. 4), focusing on the demography–disaster interdependency in connection with disaster policies. the declared ambition to traverse the disaster–demography nexus from both ‘non-routineness’ (holistic) and ‘social embeddedness’ (vulnerability) perspectives (mcentire, d. 2013) is successfully implemented in this volume. in line with perry, r.w. (2007), the editors consider disaster as the intersection of extreme natural hazard with the vulnerable human population. they follow oliver-smith, a. (2009), arguing that different social groups can be differently exposed to risks and they can suffer differently from the same hazardous events. karácsonyi, d. and taylor, a. summarise seven intertwined disaster–demography subthemes. they justly note that this classification is subjective, and others may separate or merge some of the categories in different ways (p. 263). but this is unquestionably a great generalisation and a very helpful frame for further studies. this volume covers all distinguished approaches. however, it offers not a rigid ‘approach– case’ sequence, but diverse approaches rather overlap and get intertwined in every chapter. most of the chapters deals with the ‘disaster impacts on population’ approach, exploring death toll and the number of injured, post-disaster changes in population size and composition, migration responses, and health impacts. it has strong links to the non-routineness perspective and the holistic school. ‘migration and mass displacement’ authors are distinguished as a separate approach, apparently the most visible and aware one in disaster–demography studies. it is considered here as planning and survival strategies adopted by people and authorities facing disasters regardless their character and related issues–community destruction, loss of/search for social cohesion, conflicts with hosting communities. 82 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 81–91. studies of ‘demography as root cause’ are equally important in the disaster–demography nexus. it is linked to the ‘social embeddedness’ perspective and the vulnerability school. age, gender, ethnic and social class composition are investigated to assess the demographic impact in, and vulnerability of, disasterprone areas. and such influences are ambiguous. as the authors show, more disaster-vulnerable elderly people are the most likely to be post-disaster returners. in many cases it is not easy to separate mutual disaster–demography impacts. so, karácsonyi, d. and taylor, a. distinguish the ‘impact of and adaptation to climate change’ subtheme. thus, climate changeinduced migration can be both а problem and a solution. another approach related simultaneously to disaster root causes and consequences is ‘urbanisation and urban vulnerability’. on the one hand, growing urbanisation can lead to the concentration of population in hazard-prone urban areas and hence put more people at risk, including more vulnerable groups. but from another side, post-disaster processes display further population concentration in cities and towns as more equipped places to disaster risks. a lack of reliable data on the consequences of disasters has led to a search for substitution procedures to be used for disaster impact assessment, such as school enrolment or mobile phone location data presented in this volume. this enabled the authors to distinguish an ‘applied demography approach’ in disaster–demography studies. finally, the ‘spatial-geographical approach’ related to spatially uneven vulnerability and resilience runs through the entire book. two chapters in the volume are devoted to the worst nuclear disasters in chernobyl and fukushima. karácsonyi, d., hanaoka, k. and skryzhevska, y. (chapter 2) rely on the assumption of oliver-smith, a. (2013) that geographically and culturally distanced societies present analogous issues during similar disaster events. they argue that despite essentially different long-lasting demographic trends, differences in emergency measures (scales of decontamination works, accepted radiation thresholds or the approach to the organisation of permanent resettlement sites), both post-chernobyl and post-fukushima mass displacements caused much more significant demographic shifts than the radiation itself (p. 19). in both cases, the regional disaster impact resulted in a dramatic loss of population in the contaminated areas and a strong spatial shift towards urbanisation. although the chernobyl disaster did not change the general direction of regional population dynamics, it accelerated the negative demographic processes that, in combination with the outmigration and mass resettlement, resulted in “a huge hole in the demographic space of the region” (p. 31). interestingly, the main negative demographic impact of the nuclear disaster was not the high mortality or morbidity, but rather the distortion of everyday life, growing uncertainties and various hardships in the new environment for evacuees. i completely agree with the authors that the most significant lesson from their study is that a poorly planned mass displacement can cause a larger economic loss than the disaster itself. both case studies reflect power relations and the role of local community participation in disaster recovery management, in particular how and why affected communities were excluded from decision-making during the disaster recovery process (by okada, t., cholii, s., karácsonyi, d. and matsumoto, m. – chapter 11). in both cases, resettled people faced difficulties to integrate into their new local communities, despite support from local administrations. some interviewees and media platforms reported a different degree of tension between evacuees and host communities. while chernobyl evacuee suffered from the split, fragmentation or destroying of their community, fukushima evacuees established their neighbourhood councils at each temporary housing unit, which proved efficient while negotiating and working with authorities. this study demonstrates the importance of socio-political systems and financial capacity, but uncertainty is commonly identified as a major challenge at a local-scale recovery following the nuclear disasters. the authors emphasise that the community should play an active role in disaster recovery as a key driver, instead of remaining passive receivers of services and information provided by the authorities (p. 213). chapter 3 (by sharygin, e.) is aimed to understand the outcomes of wildfire disaster outmigration in california in a record fire season of 2017. the analysis focuses on impacts in sonoma county, where the fire displaced the greatest number of residents. the results of this study show the moderate scale and spatial extent of the displacement, while the majority of the displaced did not move far, mostly within the same county. as the wildfire hazard increases, the author emphasises increasing demand for reliable methods to estimate population impacts. in this way, sharygin, e. argues to use the ‘school enrolment proxy method’, based on the assumption that public education capturing data in a timely manner is more representative than other government programmes. indisputably, the bias effect can be expected. however, he suggests that these data offer a superior balance of timeliness, completeness, and representativeness compared to the alternatives (p. 61). in contrast to the dominating discussion on demography responses to disaster, nefedova, t. (chapter 4) offers to examine a converse relationship–demography as a cause of fire disaster. she suggests that human activities and forest legislation are root causes of forest fires around moscow – in particular, carefree, impunity, deliberate burning to hide deforestation. another root cause is the organisation of demographic space, especially the rapid rural depopulation of peripheral 83book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 81–91. areas and the suburbanisation in urban cores. it has led to a combination of several fire risk factors previously subsidised by the state, but now abandoned agricultural lands are covered with high dry grass, growing logging instead of agriculture specialisation, and seasonal accumulation and incineration of garbage produced by overcrowding ‘summurbanisers’ from the city. moreover, “the majority of peripheral villages are populated by old women and strongly drinking men” who are not capable of implementing even basic fire protection measures (p. 76). to trace the intensity of forest fires, nefedova, t. uses media analysis. although the media reports ‘digest’ is not quite full and reliable, it reflects general trends. such an approach is promising and needs further in-depth researches. chapter 5 (by carson, d.b., carson, d.a., axelsson, p., sköld, p. and sköld, g.) shifts the focus to sparsely populated areas and local conditions under which dramatic demographic responses to natural disasters occur. additionally, to the ‘eight ds’ explanation for sparsely populated areas development (carson, d.b. and carson, d.a. 2014), the authors introduce two new ‘ds’ which reflect a potentially disrupting or diverting impact of natural disasters on demographic development. two cases illustrate these impacts. the great deprivation crop failure in northern sweden during the 19th century caused temporary disruption in demographic development after which the pre-disaster pattern has resumed. contrary to that, the cyclone caused flooding in the northern territory of australia in 1998 led to longer lasting diversion to a new pattern clearly and substantially distinct from the pre-event state. the authors reveal both local urbanisation impact and consequences, when disaster impacts were less in higher urbanised areas, and affected areas became more urbanised after the disaster. the highlight, but also the weak point of this chapter, is the analysis of two case studies that occurred with an interval of more than a century in different parts of the world and had essentially different consequences. the authors’ passage on natural disaster events labelling ‘black swan’ is rather unspoken as they underline later that such attributing is difficult, precisely because of the dynamic nature of populations in sparsely populated areas. bird, d. and taylor, a. (chapter 7) investigate the single-industry town of morwell, australia, which suffered from the hazelwood mine fire disaster and, later, enterprise closure. they discuss demographic consequences of the disaster through the social capital concept, analysing cooperation among different groups of people and collective action to cope with the disaster impact. it was expected that the singleindustry character of the town could strengthen demographic and socio-economic decline. nevertheless, scholars revealed that the population size did not drop significantly, and the town showed a certain ‘stoicism and resilience’. the lower than anticipated impacts they partly explain by the historical diversity of jobs, changing population composition, and the uncertainty of the label ‘single-industry town’. however, the role of bonding and bridging social capital they see as another essential factor, when the population is collectively banded together around various community-led initiatives to produce a better future for their community (p. 147). zander, r.r., richerzhagen, c. and garnett, s.t. (chapter 8) explore migration intention as a strategy of adaptation to climate change. based on online survey results, they discuss the intention of people in different parts of australia to move from their current place of residence to cooler places because of heat stress, as well as the temporal and geographical frames of this mobility. they revealed that the intention to move because of heat stress was affected by location, gender and mobility experience. respondents living in the northern territories, and male and highly mobile people were more likely to intend to move because of heat stress. instead, income, having children, workload and age did not have a significant impact. the latter was especially unexpected. while more than a third of those wanting to move because of heat stress did not know where they would move to, the most of them would cross the boundary of states (p. 162). singh, e.a. (chapter 10) turns the attention of the readers to another side of disaster ‘compounded impacts’ showing through two case studies how natural hazards can cause lifeline infrastructure failure, which can become a disaster itself with demographic consequences. while extreme heat during the heat wave in south-eastern australia collapsed regionwide electricity and rail transportation systems, the eyjafjallajökull eruption in iceland caused the closure of the european airspace and broke the supply chains that rely on airfreight for just-in-time deliveries and exports of perishable goods. the latter highlights that natural hazard impacts are not always confined to geographical or political borders. the impact on demography is not so clear, though the author talks about a direct impact when lifeline failure caused excess mortality (particularly in elderly age groups) and depends on the time it takes for the lifeline to return to operation. singh, e.a. concludes that both responsible institutions and communities were “largely underprepared for an event of this magnitude” (p. 196). so, to improve urban-wide resilience to natural hazards, the author recommends improving communication, information sharing, collaboration and coordination between all stakeholders involved. king, d. and gurtner, y. (chapter 6) address post-disaster population decline and dislocation as an opportunity to re-appraise planning priorities, a chance to re-envision towns, cities or regions, to plan and manage them for ‘a different community’ (e.g. smaller, less dense, redesigned), and to produce a positive sense of place after the disaster for a sustainable future. the authors follow the idea of hollander, j.b. 84 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 81–91. et al. (2009) on paradigm shifts to proactively plan for shrinkage and ‘rightsizing’ (i.e. planning for a different size and composition of community). they study three locations that have lost population following recent disasters in the usa (new orleans), new zealand (christchurch) and australia (innisfail), damaged by a hurricane, earthquakes and cyclones, respectively. because population movement after disaster has not been homogenous spatially, temporally and socially, and all cases have local specifics, the disaster impact and planning responses are different in terms of death toll, migration outflow, return rate, urban population decline and peri-urbanisation. king, d. and gurtner, y. conclude that the quality and good design of the post-disaster community is far more important than its demographic impacts or recovery (p. 120). chapter 9 deals with the intersection between gender, disaster resilience, and the design of the built environment. barnes, j.l. discusses ‘a male bias’ in urban landscape and in disaster resilience when women and girls are often more marginalised and vulnerable to and after disasters, and tend to start off in worse conditions when a disaster occurs. starting with the conceptualisation of women’s disaster resilience, she delves into the questions of gender inequality covering women’s transportation inconveniencies, lower access to safe public spaces, ignorance of women’s specific health needs, and the lack of representation of women in leadership and decision-making roles. barnes, j.l. asserts that listening to women’s needs by including them into urban design processes can contribute to their disaster resilience. the analysis of individual case studies would significantly strengthen the author’s argumentation. murao, o. (chapter 12) shows that learning from past disaster recovery measures can be very useful to reduce disaster risks in the future. considering cities as an artificial environment, he asserts that serious safety weaknesses remain unrecognised until the city faces a disaster (p. 234). that is why murao, o. insists that past disasters and recoveries need to be examined carefully and the lessons learned have to be disseminated. based on his own research experience from post-disaster recovery processes in cities with different social backgrounds in taiwan, turkey and japan, the author discusses the effectiveness of urban recovery planning issues. one of his ideas is to represent the progress of recovery by creating “recovery curves” based on building construction data for the various building types. he shares experience in seeking collaborative relationships with local specialists, researchers, building good relationships with the local community and community hubs (such as restaurants in post-earthquake chi-chi, taiwan). the fascinating journey through the diversity of demography–disaster nexus studies makes the reader vulnerable to the desire to join this field of research. this volume is not organised into thematic sections, but it is not a problem, rather an advantage enabling free movement between the – thematically often interrelated – chapters. despite many cases and quite comprehensive studies, the reader does not get lost in the details. on the contrary, one can easy step between the chapters and in the end gets a great overview in the form of seven approaches. the impact of disasters on demography is obvious. but this volume often reveals unexpected sides and influences, as well as interlinks between places, communities, age groups, genders, and scales. hence, for those who seek to understand the complicated nature of the disaster–demography nexus, it is advised to pay attention to the collection the demography of disasters, impacts for population and place. kostyantyn mezentsev1 r e f e r e n c e s andres, l. and round, j. 2015. the role of ‘persistent resilience’ within everyday life and polity: households coping with marginality within the ‘big society’. environment and planning a: economy and space 47. (3): 676–690. carson, d.b. and carson, d.a. 2014. local economies of mobility in sparsely populated areas: cases from australia’s spine. journal of rural studies 36. 340–349. deverteuil, g. and golubchikov, o. 2016. can resilience be redeemed? city 20. (1): 143–151. hollander, j.b., pallagst, k., schwarz, t. and popper, f.j. 2009. planning shrinking cities. progress in planning 72. (4): 223–232. mcentire, d. 2013. understanding catastrophes. a discussion of causation, impacts, policy approaches, and organizational structures. in preparedness and response for catastrophic disasters. eds.: bissel, r., jensen, s. and feldman-jensen, s., london, new york, crc press, 27–44. oliver-smith, a. 2009. climate change and population displacement: disasters and diasporas in the twenty-first century. in anthropology and climate change: from encounters to actions. eds.: crate, s.a. and nuttal, m., walnut creek, left coast press, 116–138. perry, r.w. 2007. what is a disaster? in handbook of disaster research. eds.: rodriguez, h., quarantelli, e. and dynes, r., new york, springer, 1–15. vale, l.j. and campanella, t. 2005. the resilient city: how modern cities recover from disaster. new york, oxford university press. 1 department of economic and social geography, taras shevchenko national university of kyiv, ukraine. e-mail: mezentsev@knu.ua irodalom.indd 143 in memoriam academician sándor marosi on 5th july 2009 the hungarian and international geographical community lost one of its prominent personalities. professor sándor marosi, a highly rated researcher of the fi rst generation of physical geographers after world war ii, member of the hungarian academy of sciences (has) passed away in 81st year of his life. he was laid to eternal rest beside his beloved wife, who died ten years before. the lutheran funeral service in the new public cemetery in budapest on 23 july was attended by the family members, and also by illustrious representatives of the national community of geosciences, well-known personalities of the hungarian academy of sciences (has), national institutions of learning, including universities, professional and social oganizations and a large company of friends. farewell speaches were held by professors ferenc schweitzer, director of the geographical research institute of has, árpád papp-váry, president of the hungarian geographical society and szabolcs leél-őssy, president of the hungarian society for karst and speleological research. marosi came from a poor and big family living in a large village on the danube– tisza interfl uve, the heart region of hungary. he was born on 16 may 1929 in soltvadkert where he spent his childhood. in 1947 he passed fi nal examination in szilády áron reformed secondary grammar school in kiskunhalas and in the same year he was admitt ed to pázmány péter university in budapest where he received his diploma in 1952 as a teacher of geography and history. simultaneously he also studied geology. he was a disciple of famous tutors in geography (béla bulla, andor kéz, sándor láng), geology and of the paleontologist of world renown miklós kretzoi who all infl uenced his early development of a researcher. thanks to his talent and diligence sándor marosi was involved into research work as a student in the fi eld of hydrogeological mapping in sample areas of great hungarian plain (alföld). later his att ention was drawn primarily by physical geography, geology, geomorphology and landscape mapping where he achieved his fi rst results in academic research. between 1948 and 1951 several scientifi c research institutions have been reorganised or established by the ministry of religious aff airs and education in hungary. among them a geographical library and map archive started its activity in close co-operation with the institute of geography of the university and with the institute of history. later it was renamed into geographical research group and became incorporated into the hungarian academy of sciences (has), and in 1967 reorganised into the geographical research institute (gri) of has. between 1951 and 1954 the research group was headed by ferenc koch. among the founders of research group was sándor marosi whose scientifi c career started from that time. he has been a research worker from the very start and fi rst acted as scientifi c secretary of the institute (1968–1972), later he worked as deputy director (1973–1993) and 144 the right hand of professor márton pécsi, director of the institute between 1967 and 1990. in 1993 professor marosi was elected a corresponding member of the has, and in 2001 he became its regular member. he was also one of the founders and fi rst editor of földrajzi értesítő (geographical bulletin), the offi cial scientifi c periodical of the institute since 1952. from 1972 until 2002 he held the position of editor-in-chief of the journal. his research activity in the fi eld of landscape geography started in the 1950s in the mezőföld region (east transdanubia) and proceeded with studies on the southern shoreline of lake balaton. published with lászló ádám and jenő szilárd the physical geography of the mezőföld presented a detailed geological and geomorphological survey about the region investigated. he and his colleagues were pioneers in geomorphological mapping based on geological investigations in hungary. from the early 1960s sándor marosi studied the origin and formation of derasional valleys with diff erent genesis, then his att ention turned towards inner somogy region (part of transdanubian hills), its geomorphic evolution and morphological features. still in the early 1960’s, together with pál jakucs, he conducted detailed ecological and geoecological typological studies completed by microand topoclimatic measurements, botanic and pedological surveys. all these gave an impetus to complex geoecological investigations. from the end of this decade several dozens of type localities had been selected to carry out detailed agroecological survey and mapping (at 1:2,000 through 1:10,000 scales) which resulted in series of thematic maps furnished by explanatory notes. the working out the methodology of landscape analysis and evaluation elaborated together with jenő szilárd was a milestone in his oeuvre during the 1970s. it was a remarkable trend, followed by the relief analysis and complex evaluation of environment which involved the assessment of the environmental components by value ranking. as a result a remarkable contribution (landscape and environment) had been published in geographical bulletin (1981) where the most important aspects of the topic have been summarized. the evaluation of individual environmental (landscape) components or the assessment of their suitability for various purposes can be integrated into a complex landscape synthesis. the survey and evaluation of landscape potential as a summary of favourable or unfavourable nature endowments for cultivation was rendered as task and subject of the trend of landscape evaluation on the basis of the physical geographical factors. from this defi nition of landscape evaluation (expressed by marosi) it follows its being not merely a new trend within physical geography but a discipline within applied geography. thus, an economically and socially oriented and also ecologically centred landscape analysis and synthesis evolved in hungary which contributed to the german school of landscape ecology as early as in the beginning of the 1960’s. extending the notion ‘ecotop’ taken from landscape ecology to label a homogeneous territorial unit, it was suggested by marosi to introduce ‘ecopott yp’(an acronym for ‘ecological potential type’). in the spirit of this academic school a number of monograph series were published and also studies on macro-, meso and microregions released. marosi played a leading role in this process. under his editorship six volumes of a series entitled landscapes of hungary were issued. geological conditions, paleogeography, mineral resources were presented, geomorphic evolution and relief patt ern, climate, drainage, natural vegetation and soil cover were tackled in close relation to each other. he was an eager member of the editorial board of national atlas of hungary (published in 1989 by cartographia). for his outstanding editorial activities he was awarded by the széchenyi prize in 1990. a considerable editorial work of the inventory of 230 physical microregions (microlandscapes) of hungary was led by marosi, in co-operation with sándor somogyi. this more than 1,000 paged scientifi c book was published in two volumes in 1991 with the involvement of experts from outside and further authors from the institute. the inventory focused 145 on the natural components of primary importance. location, land use, relief, geological conditions, climate, natural and cultivated vegetation, soils and specifi c landscape properties were presented along with a summary of landscape typology and recommendations of usage. the concise descriptions are supplemented by data and quantitative parameters. the physical factors of the natural resources were treated here in a manner which allows the survey of their spatial distribution and calculation for larger areal units. this work provides an overview of systematised information for land use planning in this way promoting the consideration of natural potentials and resources in their optimal use. the data base of the inventory has created foundations for a larger data bank with options of computer storage and manipulation. as a mapping geographer marosi was the member of the expert teams that created the map of natural landscape divisions of hungary and the map of landscape types as a synthesis of landscape studies of diverse orientation and at diff erent scales. as a person respecting traditions and values he permanently took huge eff orts to secure hungarian geography as an element of “national sciences” against att acs from outer bodies or political sides. he was the member, and later secretary and chairman of the geographical scientifi c committ ee of the has, the member of the national board of science associations where became the chairman of the committ ee of geography and meteorology. his oeuvre contains nearly 30 books, 140 articles and book chapters, 25 guide books for excursions, dozens of thematic maps, and nearly hundred other publications (book reviews, chronicles etc.) it would require a separate paper to describe his activities in the hungarian geographical society, an institution he highly esteemed from 1952 to his death. he was elected president in 1993 and again in 1997. aft er fi nishing his second period in 2001 he became a honorary president of the society. he was a regular participant of annual conferences and fi eld trips of the society for decades. he did his best to maintain, enlarge and develop the operation of the society. for these achievements he won the lajos lóczy award in 1982. professor marosi was also the highly appreciated member of the hungarian geological society and the hungarian society for karst and speleological research. based on the life work outlined above it should be stated that academician sándor marosi was one of the most prominent representatives of the great generation of hungarian physical geographers and a leading personality of the domestic geography. his memory will be saved by the hungarian geographers. tibor tiner soil erodibility calculations based on different particle size distribution measurements 17centeri, cs. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 17–23. soil erodibility calculations based on diff erent particle size distribution measurements csaba centeri1, zoltán szalai2, gergely jakab2, károly barta3, andrea farsang3, szilárd szabó4 and zsolt bíró5 doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.64.1.2 hungarian geographical bulletin 64 2015 (1) 17–23. 1 department of nature conservation and landscape ecology, institute of environmental and landscape management, szent istván university, h-2100 gödöllő, páter k. u. 1. e-mail: centeri.csaba@kti.szie.hu 2 geographical institute, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences, has, h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mails: szalai.zoltan@csfk .mta.hu, jakab.gergely@csfk .mta.hu 3 department of physical geography and geoinfor-matics, university of szeged, h-6720 szeged, egyetem u. 2. e-mails: farsang@geo.u-szeged.hu, barta@geo.u-szeged.hu 4 department of physical geography and geoinfor-mation systems, debrecen university, h-4032 debrecen, egyetem tér 1. e-mail: szabo.szilard@science.unideb.hu 5 institute for wildlife conservation, szent istván university, h-2100, gödöllő, páter k. u. 1. e-mail: bzsolti@ns.vvt.gau.hu abstract in this study we focused on the factors aff ecting fi nal outputs of the usle (universal soil loss equation) model. in doing so, we conducted soil particle size measurements in diff erent institutions (university of debrecen, university of szeged and geographical institute, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences of the hungarian academy of sciences) with a variety of methodologies (laser, aerometer and pipett e methods) on various soil materials (sandy, loamy and clay). statistical analyses of the eight examined soil samples have been shown some signifi cant and some non-signifi cant diff erences among the particle size measurements. this paper is aimed at i) to ascertain whether these signifi cant diff erences in particle size measurements cause signifi cant diff erences in soil erodibility calculations; and ii) to assess the amount of soil loss calculated by these k factors. the results suggest that regardless of the relatively small percentage between the smallest and the greatest k factor values, the amount of soil loss can be fairly high, especially when erosion occurs on a longer or steeper slope. in the present case, when we compare simulations results, the amount of soil loss is more important than the diff erence in percentage between the minimum and maximum values. because the percentage of the diff erence can remain the same between the simulations, while the amount of soil loss increases way beyond soil loss tolerance limits. keywords: methods of particle size measurement, soil erodibility, usle introduction there has been a great deal of discussion about soils and their role in food production. perhaps most importantly, soil is the main natural element from where the majority of the food for the human population originates. this topic becomes especially prescient because numerous scientists have declared that soil is a fi nite resource (ángyán, centeri, cs. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 17–23.18 data and methods eight soil samples were chosen from seven different hungarian locations of various soils (figure 1). the samples represent a wide palett e of soil textures and soil structures. in some cases there were no signifi cant aggregating eff ects among the coarse particles. other samples had higher clay contents with additional inorganic and humus colloids that resulted in more resistant aggregates (i.e. samples from the bor, gfh and gah). three institutions participated in the measurements and three methods were used. the codifi cation of all information and basic geographical and other relevant parameters of the environment of the sample sites are available in table 1. measurements with the laser particle sizer analysett e 22 microtech method sample preparation was carried out without om (organic matt er) takeout using sodium table 1. codifi cation of samples, sample sites and participating institutes code name of the participating institute s d f university of szeged university of debrecen geographical institute, rcaes has code sample site information bor gah gfh szg tur kma fes gal börzsöny mountains, mountain top gyöngyöstarján (mátra mountains)* gyöngyöstarján (mátra mountains)** szentgyörgyvár (zala hills) tura (lowlands of hatvan) *** kiskunmajsa (sandy lowland) dabas (sandy lowland) galgahévíz (lowlands of hatvan) *** code method of measurement a l p p1 p2 areometer laser method pipett e method pipett e method, laboratory staff no. 1. (d) pipett e method, laboratory staff no. 2. (d) code replicates 1 2 replicate 1 replicate 2 *lower third, **upper third of the slope. ***along the galga stream j. 2001; centeri, cs. 2002; centeri, cs. et al. 2009, 2011, 2012; madarász, b. et al. 2012). therefore, understanding soil erosion in a more effi cient and comprehensive way has a furthermost importance. soil stands in the focal point of soil erosion researches whose aims are primarily to protect this valuable resource (kertész, á. 1993; szilassi, p. et al. 2006; bádonyi, k. et al. 2008; barczi, a. and joó, k. 2009; madarász, b. et al. 2011). when we are examining soil, it is done so from various points of view (merinó, a. et al. 2004; barczi, a. et al. 2009; pető, á. 2011; fonseca, f. et al. 2012; pető, á. 2013; kondrlová, e. et al. 2013). soil erosion modelling is a useful tool for predicting potential amounts of soil loss (rojas, r. et al. 2008; heng, b.c.p. et al. 2011; pradhan, b. et al. 2011). soil erosion models must be examined in situ to obtain as much appropriate data as possible (centeri, cs. 2002; centeri, cs. et. al. 2009, 2011, 2012). any additional data and research related to the increase of reliability of the models are most welcomed by model users (madarász, b. et al. 2012). soil particle size distribution is measured by various authors for various purposes (su, y.z. et al. 2004). in the present case, the soil erodibility factor is analysed based on the liability of measuring an important input parameter, namely, the particle size distribution. in the fi eld of soil science, there has recently been a growing number of physically-based soil erosion models created and their application is rapidly increasing. as the input need of such physical models is much larger than those of the empirical models, any research investigating the reliability of factors aff ecting the fi nal outputs of a model is valuable. this research illustrates many eff ects of particle size measurements methods on soil erodibility factors of the usle (universal soil loss equation) model. as particle size distribution is an important parameter for all other soil erosion models, these data can be used for other models as well (giovannini, g. 2001). 19centeri, cs. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 17–23. fig. 1. origin of the eight soil samples from seven locations, in hungary pyrophosphate in order to disperse the aggregates into elemental particles. 20 g of air dried soil was dispersed in 25 ml (0.5n) sodium pyrophosphate for 24 hours. the suspension was leached through a 500 μm sieve and measured in a diff ractometer laser particle sizer analysett e 22 (fritsch gmbh germany). the measuring range of the used unit (microtec) was 0.1–670 μm. the coarse fractions (>500 μm) were determined by sieving. the measuring unit of “analysett e 22” contains a helium-neon laser below 5 mw and a wavelength of 655 nm. a fourier lens then gathered the diff racted beams onto the detector. the apparatus uses the mie-theory (mie, g. 1908) to calculate grain-sizes from the intensity of the diff racted laser light. the results were classifi ed into 102 size classes. one measurement was an average of 180 scans of the sample therefore no repetitions were applied. determination of particle size distribution with the köhn-pipett e method measurements were carried out according to buzás, i. (1993), using the hungarian patent of particle size distribution (msz-08-02051978). the method needs soil sample preparation (i.e. organic matt er removed with h2o2, sieved with ø = 0.2 mm mesh size). a mortar was applied with water and continuous rubbing. the fi nest fractions were poured into a sedimentation vessel. this procedure was repeated until there were no fi ne particles in the mortar in which the whole sample was then washed into the vessel. the suspension was fi lled up to 1,000 ml with distilled water and 10 ml 0.2 m sodium-oxalate was added to prevent coagulation. the sett ling time was calculated at 10 cm below the surface. finally, aft er the fi nest (<0.001 mm) fraction had sett led, the pipett ed centeri, cs. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 17–23.20 samples were dried at 105 °c to determine their weight. soils’ particle size classes were expressed in percentage. determination of particle size distribution with the aerometer method this method is based on stokes’ law. suspension is made from a 20–60 g sample. the moisture of the original sample is determined with gravimetry. to prevent coagulation, 0.5–1 g sodium-pyrophosphate is added to the suspension and then it is fi lled to 1,000 cm3 with distilled water. the density of soil suspension measured at 30 s intervals for 24 hours by an aerometer (msz 14043/3: 1979; buzás, i. 1993). calculation of soil erodibility values soil erodibility has been calculated with the following equation according to schwertmann, u. et al. (1987): k = 2.77 · m1.14 · 10-6 · (12–os) + 0.043 · (a–2) + + 0.033 · (4–d) where m = (particle fraction between 0.063 mm and 0.002 mm [%] + particle fraction between 0.1 mm and 0.063 mm [%]) × (particle fraction between 0.063 mm and 0.002 mm [%] + particle fraction between 2.0 mm and 0.063 mm [%]) os is the percentage content of organic substance (if os > 4%, os = 4%); a = aggregate category; d = category of permeability. in this case, a = 2 (soil aggregates are between 1–2 mm) and d = 3 (infi ltration rate is between 10–40 cm·day-1) (schwertmann, u. et al. 1987). parametrization of the usle model we used usle model to check whether the soil erodibility values calculated with the measured particle size distributions in diff erent institutions with diff erent methodologies have an eff ect on the amount of soil loss. the following parameters were in the calculation: r factor = 1,300 (mj mm ha-1 h-1 y-1), ls = 3.5, c = 0.5 and p = 1. research fi ndings results of k factor calculations with usle methodology based on the particle size distribution measurements from 3 institutions (university of debrecen, university of szeged and geographical institute, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences of the hungarian academy of sciences), using 3 methods (laser, pipett e and aerometer). the resulting k factor calculations are shown in figure 2. fig. 2. results of k factor calculations with usle methodology including all 3 applied methods (laser, pipett e and aerometer) 21centeri, cs. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 17–23. the calculated k factors (figure 2) were used to calculate the amount of soil loss with the usle model. the results of these calculations are in table 2. based on the maximum and minimum values of soil loss calculations, the diff erence between these two values have been expressed in table 3 below. this table shows the diff erences where the basis was the minimum value, so the percentage is expressing the diff erence of the maximum value compared to the minimum value (i.e. 6.1% means that the max. value is 6.1% higher than the min. value). the statistical ana-lyses proved that there were no diff erences in the measurements of the particle size distribution in case of kma. the differences between the amounts of soil loss calculated with the measured particle size classes resulted in very small (0.4%) diff erence bet-ween the smallest and the greatest amount of soil loss. the highest diff erence of the measured values was 6.1 percent, which can also be regarded as fairly low. however, if we take into account the soil loss and not the percentage. we have to state that the amount of soil loss with the given parameterization is quite great, exceeding 70 t-1 ha-1 y-1. in the case, soil loss simulations on longer or steeper slopes, the diff erence between the smallest and the greatest amount of soil loss can grow to threefold. therefore, this is a factor that must be considered as a tremendous increase in the amount of soil loss. conclusion the analyses of the eff ects of particle size measurements methods proved that there can be considerable diff erences among the calculated soil losses if we use diff erent partable 2. amount of soil losses calculated with the diff erent k factors in using the results of the particle size distributions measured with diff erent methods site code values soil loss, t -1 ha-1 y-1 site code values soil loss, t-1 ha-1 y-1 bor minimum maximum mean 76.2 81.0 78.9 tur minimum maximum mean 80.2 83.4 81.3 gah minimum maximum mean 77.4 81.9 79.8 kma minimum maximum mean 75.4 75.8 75.4 gfh minimum maximum mean 78.9 81.9 79.9 fes minimum maximum mean 79.1 82.2 80.6 szg minimum maximum mean 81.2 83.7 82.3 gal minimum maximum mean 82.8 85.5 84.4 table 3. diff erences in the amount of soil losses calculated with the diff erent k factors by using the results of the particle size distributions measured with diff erent methods site code valuesmax vs.valuesmin, % site code valuesmax vs.valuesmin, % bor gah gfh szg 6.1 5.7 3.7 3.0 tur kma fes gal 3.9 0.4 3.9 3.2 centeri, cs. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 17–23.22 ticle size measurement methods to assess the soil erodibility factor and use these factors in the usle model to calculate the amount of soil losses. we therefore conclude that, the method of particle size measurement do have an eff ect on soil erodibility factors and thus, also on the amount of the calculated soil losses, regardless of the fact that in this study there were no analyses of signifi cance on the soil erodibility and soil loss calculations. references ángyán, j. 2001. az európai agrármodell, a magyar útkeresés és a környezetgazdálkodás (the european agrarian-model, hungarian road finding and agri-environmental management). budapest, agroinform kiadóház, 308 p. bádonyi, k., madarász, b., kertész, á. and csepinszky, b. 2008. talajművelési módok és a talajerózió kapcsolatának vizsgálata zalai mintaterületen (study of the relationship between tillage methods and soil erosion on an experimental site in zala county). földrajzi értesítő / hungarian geographical bulletin 57. (1–2 ): 147–167. barczi, a. and joó, k. 2009. the role of kurgans in the palaeopedological and palaeoecological reconstruction of the hungarian great plain. zeitschrift für geomorphologie supplementbaende 53. (1): 131–137. barczi, a., golyeva, a.a. and pető, á. 2009. palaeoenvironmental reconstruction of hungarian kurgans on the basis of the examination of paleosoils and phytolith analysis. quaternary international 193. (1–2): 49–60. buzás, i. 1993. a talajfizikai, vízgazdálkodási és ásványtani vizsgálata (physical, hidrological and mineralogy analyses of soils). in talajés agrokémiai vizsgálati módszerkönyv 1. ed.: buzás, i., budapest, inda 4231 publishing, 37–42. centeri, cs. 2002. a talajerodálhatóság terepi mérése és hatása a talajvédő vetésforgó kiválasztására (measuring soil erodibility on the field and its eff ects on soil protecting crop rotation). növénytermelés 51. (2): 211–222. centeri, cs., akác, a. and jakab, g. 2012. land use change and soil degradation in a nature protected area of east-central europe. in land use: planning, regulations, and environment. eds.: aubrecht, c., sergio freire, s. and steinnocherpp, k. new york, nova science publisher, 211–241. centeri, cs., herczeg, e., vona, m., balázs, k. and penksza, k. 2009. the eff ects of land-use change on plant-soil-erosion relations, nyereg hill, hungary. journal of plant nutrition and soil science 172. (4): 586–592. centeri, cs., kristóf, d., evelpidou, n., vassilopoulos, a., giotitsas, i. and varvarigos, g. 2011. soil erosion risk and sediment transport within paros island, greece. in soil erosion: causes, processes and eff ects. ed.: fournier, a.j., new york, nova science publisher, 219–234. fonseca, f., de figueiredo, t. and bompastor ramos, m.a. 2012. carbon storage in the mediterranean upland shrub communities of montesinho natural park, northeast of portugal. agroforestry systems 86. (3): 463–475. giovannini, g., vallejo, r., lucchesi, s., bautista, s., ciompi, s. and llovet, j. 2001. eff ects of land use and eventual fi re on soil erodibility in dry mediterranean conditions. forest ecology and management 147. 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(1): 45–64. 23centeri, cs. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 17–23. pető, á. 2013. studying modern soil profi les of different landscape zones in hungary: an att empt to establish a soil-phytolith identification key. quaternary international 287. 149–161. pradhan, b., chaudhari, a., adinarayana, j. and buchroithner, m.f. 2011. soil erosion assessment and its correlation with landslide events using remote sensing data and gis: a case study at penang island, malaysia. environmental monitoring and assessment 184. (2): 715–727. rojas, r., velleux, m., julien, p.y. and johnson, b.e. 2008. grid scale effects on watershed soil erosion models. journal of hydrologic engineering 13. 793–802. schwertmann, u., vogl, w., kainz, m., auerswald, k. and martin, m. 1987. bodenerosion durch wasser. stutt gart, ulmer, 64 p. su, y.z., zhao, h.l., zhao, w.z. and zhang, t.h. 2004. fractal features of soil particle size distribution and the implication for indicating desertifi cation. geoderma 122. (1): 43–49. szilassi, p., jordan, g., van rompaey, a. and csillag, g. 2006. impacts of historical land use changes on erosion and agricultural soil properties in the kali basin at lake balaton, hungary. catena 68. (3): 96–108. centeri, cs. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 17–23.24 this is a collection of maps that visually introduces the changing ethnic patt erns of the ethnically, religiously, culturally unique and diverse carpathian basin and its neighbourhood, the carpatho-pannonian area. the hungarian and english volume consist of three structural units. on the main map, pie charts depict the ethnic structure of the sett lements in proportion to the population based on census data et the millennium. in the supplementary maps, changes of the ethnic structure can be seen at nine dates (in 1495, 1784, 1880, 1910, 1930, 1941, 1960, 1990 and 2001). the third unit of the work is the accompanying text, which outlines the ethnic trends of the past fi ve hundred years in the studied area. the antecedent of this publication is the „series of ethnic maps” published by the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences from the middle of the 1990’s, which displayed each of the regions of the carpathian basin (in order of publication: transylvania, slovakia, transcarpathia, pannonian croatia, vojvodina, transmura region, burgenland, hungary). this work represents, on the one hand, the updated and revised version of these areas, and, on the other hand, regions beyond the carpathian basin not included on previous maps. thus, the reader can browse ethnic data of some thirty thousand sett lements in diff erent maps. changing ethnic patt erns of the carpatho–pannonian area from the late 15th until the early 21st century edited by: károly kocsis and patrik tátrai hungarian academy of sciences, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences budapest, 2013. ----------------------------------price: eur 12.00 order: geographical institute rcaes has library h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mail: magyar.arpad@csfk .mta.hu << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice the geographical position, system and modelling of golf tourism 201 hungarian geographical bulletin 63 (2) (2014) 201–220. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.63.2.5 the geographical position, system and modelling of golf tourism róbert kiss1 abstract this paper aims to present the spatial assumptions related to the tourism theory and the geographical correlations of golf tourism. it att empts to defi ne the concept and to study golf as a tourism product in a systemic approach: it presents its internal and external environment. in the fi rst place, golf courses being the most important factor of golf tourism and the interconnection of other supply elements are discussed. in the second place, the paper highlights the role of the intermediary sector specialised in satisfying golf-related special needs. in the third place, it describes the characteristic features of golf demand. it presents the western european, mediterranean and central european regions (the most preferred areas of research), and it establishes the theory of abc golf destinations in the mediterranean region, i.e. tourism supply elements in a unique spatial arrangement. the research results include the interpretation of maslow’s hierarchy of motivational needs from the golfers’ approach, which helps us understand the golfers’ decision-making process and the stages thereof. based on the theory, the author establishes the golf ball model of the interconnected material conditions of tourism in which the layers of the basic, infraand suprastructure required for golf tourism are interconnected like the concentric shells of a sphere. keywords: golf, model, tourism, system, geography introduction the topicality of researching and spatially mapping of golf tourism in hungary is given by the fact that although golf is one of the most popular and most widely played sports in the world, in hungary it is regarded as an overly stereotyped, mystifi ed, hardly-known recreational activity of foreign origin, and as such, its value as a sport is considerably questioned. it is partly due to this approach that hungarian scholars have never or have hardly dealt with that niche area of sport tourism. 1 department of tourism, kodolányi jános university of applied sciences, h-8000 székesfehérvár, sörház tér 1. e-mail: robertkiss@kodolanyi.hu 202 most of the publications released on golf and golf tourism so far are surveys linked to active tourism (szonda ipsos 2000; rátz, t. and kiss, r. 2007) researching materials on the demand for and the supply of golf opportunities in hungary (rátz, t. and kiss, r. 2010) and investigating golf as an olympic sport (baráth, k. et al. 2011). the small number of publications, in itself, indicates that golf is underrepresented among the hungarian tourism products in terms of research. in contrast, the international literature shows that plenty of surveys have been conducted on golf demand and supply in destinations heavily aff ected by golf tourism (petrick, j.f. et al. 2001; correia, m. and pintassilgo, p. 2006; kim, s.s. et al. 2005; wilson, j. and thilmany, d. 2006) and on the elements of infraand suprastructure required for receiving players. publications presenting golf tourism in its entirety have been also released (hudson, s. and hudson, l. 2010). the defi nition of golf tourism finding a defi nition to golf is as diffi cult as fi nding one for tourism, since fi rst we need to resolve the golfers’ dilemma: some regard golf as a sport, some regard it as a leisure activity, others consider it as a type of community lifestyle, and a smaller number of people regard it as an element of belonging to a club, a certain community. according to many, golf is a combination of the above in varying proportions. golfers are motivated by several factors, the common thing being crave for enjoyment through golf. most people regard golf as a leisure activity, but there are also many who play golf within the framework of business tourism. the defi nition of golf tourism must be started with a short review of foreign literature so that golf tourism can be presented in a systemic approach. according to the authors hudson, s. and hudson, l. (2010), who teamed up to publish the fi rst separate book on golf tourism, golf tourism is a branch of sport tourism, one of the most rapidly developing fi elds of tourism as a whole. it was robinson, t. and gammon, s. (2004) who att empted to sum up golf tourism in a framework typical for sport tourism built on motivation. as such, they distinguished between golf sport tourism and golf tourism sport. they identifi ed a soft and hard subtype in each case (hudson, s. and hudson, l. 2010) (table 1). while the hard defi nition of golf sport tourism means active or passive participation (player or spectator) in competitive sporting events (e.g. ryder cup, usa masters, british open, european tour, american pga tour, etc.), the soft defi nition of golf as a sport is about active participation for recreational purposes (such as visiting golf resorts, cruises and schools). the common characteristic feature of golf tourism sport is the primary motivation of travelling. according to its hard defi nition, the term pertains to visitors whose engagement in some minor form of sport or leisure as a 203 secondary motivation is purely incidental (e.g. training courses, pitch and putt , mini golf, etc.), while the soft defi nition relates to tourists who as a secondary reinforcement participate golf passively or actively (e.g. hotels at the golf courses, the use of resorts of villa park with golf courses, visiting to the world golf hall of fame, etc.) (hudson, s. and hudson, l. 2010). a similar fourfold categorisation was developed by kiss, r. and rátz, t. (2007) who believes that golf as a physical activity and as a part of the tourism supply can be interpreted along all dimensions described under sport tourism. moreover, it can correspond to each alternative of all four dimensions. on one hand, golf can be a leisure activity, primarily for private recreational purposes as well as for business purposes to a smaller extent, since playing sport together with potential business partners has an important role in the development of formal relations. on the other hand, it can be a primary or secondary att raction forming part of domestic or international tourism supply. based on the above, golf can att ract players and spectators both in an active and passive form, and it can be concurrently regarded as a competitive sport and “elite mass sport”, for the activity is not restricted to a small group of professional competitors. table 1. application of the sport tourism and tourism sport theory to golf golf sport and tourism golf sport tourism golf tourism sport hard soft hard soft defi nition passive or active participation is a competitive sporting event primarily active recreational participation in sport visitors who engage in some minor form of sport or leisure, their participation is purely incidental. includes all golf related facilities a tourist may encounter tourist as a secondary reinforcement passively or actively participate in sport (ryder cup, walker cup, usa masters, european tour, american pga tour, senior tour, british open, amateur championship, lpga, junior events etc.) (golf holidays, golf resorts golf cruises, golf schools) (executive golf courses, pitch and putt , crazy golf, minigolf, putt ing, driving ranges, target golf) (sport resorts, hotels, cott age holidays or holiday villas near golf courses; visitor att ractions world golf hall of fame, florida; british golf museum, st. andrews, scotland) source: robinson, t. and gammon, s. 2004 adapted by hudson, s. and hudson, l. 2010, and kiss, r. 2013 204 in harmony with the defi nitions presented above, the author believes that golf tourism is a sort of recreational travel away from home with the primary purpose of playing golf, and it involves accommodation booking as well as a higher spending not typical for an average tourist. all this can happen through playing golf (pursuing an active physical activity), att ending a golf competition as an escort or spectator (passive participation) or visiting golfrelated att ractions (a world famous golf course or a museum, etc.). an example to the latt er passive activities is att ending the ryder cup championship as a spectator or visiting st. andrews, the mecca of golf (hudson, s. and hudson, l. 2010). playing golf is oft en linked to a second home or a timeshare property investment in a resort having a much more pleasant climate than the place of permanent residence, so the place of permanent residence is left behind as per the defi nition, and this type of travel (if it lasts for less than a year) can be regarded as golf tourism provided to those concerned with in playing golf. now that the author has provided his basic defi nition, it is reasonable to present golf tourism from the practical approach, based on the following aspects: 1. nature (leisure or business tourism) 2. form (mass tourism or alternative tourism) and 3. type (domestic or international). in terms of nature, golf tourism can primarily be associated with recreational tourism, since tens of millions of people play golf around the world and travel regularly in order to enjoy their favourite sport. requiring strong concentration for several hours, this outdoor physical activity can be regarded as a type of active tourism (michalkó, g. 2002; csapó, j. et al. 2010). apart from the recreational nature of golf tourism, it must be pointed out that in terms of nature, golf tourism is also considered as business tourism. golf primarily appears as an auxiliary program of business meetings, as an invitation of fellow players to join a club or as a venue of such meetings. in the latt er case, playing golf without the involvement of a referee, strictly on the basis of the rules of fair play can help to become acquainted with the potential contracting party/to learn about the personality of the negotiating party, since the behaviour demonstrated on the golf course gives you hints about his conduct in the world of business. consequently, it can be easily determined whether you would like to cooperate with your game partner in the future, whether you consider him as a reliable person who knows and complies with the rules, or you would not like to work with him due to his unreliable personality. at an international level, golf is a popular form of reward at certain companies or company groups either as a special programme or as part of the incentive package. it is a popular form of rewarding corporate performance in the far east giving golf-related business bonuses, gift s and rewards (hudson, s. and hudson, l. 2010). some other companies maintain golf societies serving the 205 purpose of community development, keep a healthy competitive spirit and satisfy the competitive needs of avid golfer employees (competitive sport). finally, in the case of business tourism, a company may enter into a sponsorship agreement with the club which in return, for fi nancial support, accepts a certain number of members or it off ers discount membership for a given period of time either for specifi c persons or for any employee of the sponsoring company. as far as its form is concerned, golf tourism was initially regarded as a part of alternative tourism (which was not defi ned in the fi rst stage of development), i.e. as an active tourism product sought aft er by individuals, since at the beginning, it was signifi cant neither in supply nor in demand. in connection with the expansion of golf, during the recent decades, it can be seen that in many cases (e.g. turkey) radical development has been achieved with state support, and the growth of the industry is increasingly due to the rise of mass tourism (kiss, r. 2012). especially in regions with a pleasant climate, for the bett er utilisation of the huge primary tourism, suprastructure developed to meet the demands of summer seaside tourists, service providers turn towards sport tourism able to create a demand even in the low season. initially, golf course construction at seaside resorts was carried out within the framework of alternative tourism, and then having realised the economic benefi ts, investors started major property developments. that practice can partly be blamed for the ill-considered golf course construction projects of the 1970s–1990s which failed to take environmental considerations into account and increased the built-up ratio of seaside resorts. the current strict environmental rules and requirements of golf course construction call for the optimum utilisation of the resources of the geographical environment, and they allow construction projects which spare the original environment to the greatest possible extent. in parallel with this, environment conscious consumption of golfers is on the rise, wherefore we can witness the development of an international golf community which involves more and more people while protecting the resources and the natural environment. in terms of type, golf tourism can be domestic or international depending on whether the destination of the trip with golf being the primary motivation is within or outside the country. the diff erent geographical regions are at diff erent levels of economic and cultural development, therefore due to the diff erent motivations of golfers, there have emerged traditional outbound (scandinavia, great britain, germany) and inbound (spain, portugal and turkey) golf markets and the combinations thereof (ireland, scotland) with a lot of inbound and outbound golfers. one of the best examples for domestic golf tourism is the united states where the popularity of the so-called sunshine states (florida, georgia, south and north carolina, arizona, nevada and california) can be explained with the climate similarly to that in europe. in states above, the golf season starts in early spring, (in some places in autumn) 206 and it lasts until the beginning of summer, then it resumes in autumn. in terms of statistics, domestic golf tourism seems to be less signifi cant, however, if the high number of recreational golfers is also included, it brings stability to this segment of the tourism industry. in terms of tourism product types, golf tourism must be classifi ed under active tourism products as a physical activity, provided it as a free time activity. it is supported by the fact that 97–98% of the world’s golfers are amateurs, most of whom play golf only within their own community as a hobby for their own pleasure and entertainment. the remaining 2–3% of golfers are professional players and/or instructors who compete and/or teach on a regular basis for which they are paid, i.e. they purely pursue sports activities to make a living. without making claim for completeness, it must be noted that near big cities, golf is also considered as a major recreational activity, because it off ers relaxation and refreshment from everyday work without having to leave one’s hometown and pay for accommodation elsewhere. in certain classic golf destinations (usa, british isles, japan), golf is a part of business tourism as well, but its share is insignifi cant compared to recreational golf, and in such cases golf is only a secondary motivation. on the basis of the above, the typical golf tourist who aims to play on several golf courses in a destination can be linked to recreational tourism or active tourism within that. in support of this argument, it must be pointed out that magyar turizmus zrt. (hungarian national tourist offi ce) listed golf tourism under the category of premium products as an atypical segment of the hungarian active tourism programmes on off er which lacks local traditions and does not enjoy great international demand, but those involved in it spend more than an average tourist. it is a well-founded defi nition, since golf tourism is primarily an auxiliary segment which provides additional services, recreational opportunities (as a secondary motivation) to tourists visiting hungary for other purposes. methodology the primary aim of this publication is to share the results of the theoretical research conducted by the author in preparation for his phd thesis (kiss, r. 2013) which was based on the analysis of major secondary sources (statistics, development plans), the adaptation of models and correlations used in golf tourism and on the primary research. apart from the mainly international publications, the author conducted over 60 personal interviews with irish, portugese, turkish, kenyan and hungarian golf experts, and he presents the results, the conclusions based on the theory as well as his model in the follow207 ing chapter. the interviewees included golf club directors, course managers, golf investors, golf instructors, golf tour operators, golfers, etc., i.e. the research covered the entire system, the supply and the demand side of golf tourism as well as the intermediary segment. the interviews were made between spring 2009 and autumn 2012, and they were supplemented with focus group questionnaires on both the supply and demand elements. results – the system and model of golf tourism tourism as a complex phenomenon and sector forming an organic part of the economy can be described with market characteristics similarly to any other industry. in other words, it equals with the open system of demand and supply interacting with its (natural, economic, social, political and technical) environment (lengyel, m. 1992). due to the interaction, the development of tourism is infl uenced by certain factors of the environment, but at the same time, tourism also aff ects the environment in a positive or negative manner with its processes and the development of its infraand suprastructure. this generally accepted model (“the internal and external system of golf”) is taken from lengyel, m. (1992), and it revised and adapted to the studied tourism product. the model also supports the assumptions about the market operation of golf tourism (figure 1). presenting the defi nitions of tourism, it was concluded that the internal system forms the demand, i.e. the connection between golf tourists (golfers) and supply (golf courses) by the intermediate sector jointly make up the tourism market. tourists (golfers in this case) reach a product through their primary motivation, i.e. his att raction to golf. the objective of a travel can take various shapes, because it can be signifi cantly infl uenced by the marketing activity of other players of the tourism market, e.g. the intermediaries and the service providers representing the tourism supply. an appeal can be one or more characteristics of a golf course (e.g. quality, diffi culty level, reputation, designer’s name, location, proximity to other golf courses, etc.) or an entire golf destination which has been tested earlier or which simply has a favourable image (antalya-belek). in addition to motivation, the development of the demand can be fostered by the size of disposable income and suffi cient free time. the desire for travelling can be strengthened by the natural endowments, i.e. the climatic reason can be twofold: on one hand, it has a so-called push eff ect due to the unavailability of domestic golf courses in winters, while on the other hand, an exotic environment with a pleasant climate acts as a pull factor. golfers involved in international tourism are more likely to visit new courses in addition to the ones they have already played on. thanks to this customer demand, golf destinations which have been built as a result 208 of purposeful tourism development and have several adjacent golf courses, adequate tourism and suprastructure on mediterranean or subtropical coasts enjoy a competitive edge. the author calls the popular geographical areas (countries, provinces, coastlines and isles) above the abc destinations of the european (mediterranean) golf tourism (figure 2) on the basis of their english names which are the following: (a) andalusia (costa del sol and costa de la luz) a spanish province with a stretch of coastline; algarve in portugal and antalya(-belek) in turkey (coastline); the african destinations of mass tourism (morocco, tunisia, egypt). – fig. 1. the internal and external system of golf tourism. source: lengyel, m. 1992, modifi ed by kiss, r. 2013 209 (b) from among the coastlines and islands, the belek and bodrum(mugla) regions in turkey, the balearic islands off spain, the brij uni islands in croatia, and as a country, bulgaria (non-mediterranean). (c) the outstanding spanish costa’s: costa del sol (golf) and costa de la luz (both in andalusia), costa brava and costa dorada (both in catalonia), costa blanca, costa lisbon in portugal, the côte d’azur & provence in france. there are other larger and smaller islands such as the canary islands off spain, the french corsica, corfu and crete in greece and there are countries as well: croatia and cyprus. the abc golf destinations are a good illustration of the role of climatic att ractions bridging the continents. the golf regions listed above are unanimously the most popular among the international destinations (spain, portugal, france, turkey, cyprus, morocco, egypt), and the typical seaside areas which have not been discovered by golfers (corsica, crete, corfu) have a signifi cant growth potential despite the current insignifi cant supply. the southern european regions with a pleasant climate are, fi rst of all, recipient golf centres at the edge of the continent similarly to the african coastal region with its mediterranean climate. africa is mentioned here exclusively as a destination building on outbound european golf tourism, including morocco, tunisia and egypt which have close ties with the outbound markets. for golfers, the mediterranean region can be regarded as one region, because the climatic conditions are almost identical. therefore, the choice is mostly infl uenced by the suprastucture of golf tourism. in the system of golf tourism, the primary motivation for travelling is golf. golf tourism is induced by the fact that the demand and supply elements can be found in diff erent regions, therefore in international golf the trips usually – – fig. 2. the abc golf destinations of the european (mediterranean) golf tourism. source: kiss, r. 2013 210 for groups to places further afi eld are organised by a specialised intermediary sector (golf tour operators, travel agencies, possibly pros or golf clubs; according to michalkó’s theory (2007), golf media also belongs to that sector). the att raction, i.e. the golf course which represents the basis for golf tourism is basically a man-made att raction which blends into its environment to the greatest possible extent, and it provides an enjoyment via the best possible play, and it is organically linked to the natural, the social and the economic environment. that demand is the alpha and the omega of experience. it is indicative of the size of the intermediary sector that the international association of golf tour operators (hereinaft er: iagto), the most signifi cant professional organisation managing golf tourism established in 1997, has 2,057 members from 90 countries totally covering the travel sector. apart from 488 accredited golf tour operators from 61 countries, the association brings together golf courses, golf hotels, golf resorts, airlines, passenger transportation companies, tourism organisations, the media and their business partners. iagto sells 85% of the world’s golf packages at a value of around usd 1 billion. they oft en tailor their programmes to the individual needs, since they have a vested interest in building up a pool of regular customers willing to visit other golf destinations, too. the golf tourism supply is made up of the concurrent availability of several factors. apart from the att raction mentioned above, in the major golf destinations, not only the existence of basic and tourism infrastructure is required, but also that of the primary and secondary suprastructure. in other words, apart from transport networks serving tourism (airports, transfer, car rental or shutt le services), there is a need for quality accommodation (special golf hotels, resorts), catering facilities (golf pubs and bars) and other supplementary services (golf shops, golf equipment retailers). the marketing of the tourism supply done by the regional destination management boards also plays an important role. apart from the high standards of hygiene and security related to the quality services, demonstrating hospitability is equally important for both the golf clubs and the residents of the resort. the outer system is the collection of interacting environmental factors each of which infl uences the operation of the market to varying degrees. the constant dynamism of these factors requires continuous adjustments from the system’s intermediaries. being a factor adjusting to the individual needs, motivation plays an exceptional role in the research of tourism (aubert, a. 2011). motivation manifests itself on diff erent levels, and it is important to study its interpretation from the perspective of golf on the basis of maslow’s hierarchy (1979) of motivational needs (figure 3). in the lowest level of the pyramid, one can diff erentiate between two groups of physiological needs: the biological needs related to golf (accom– 211 modation and catering as well as a club house related to the game), while the other group includes a health-conscious way of thinking, the ability to play and the satisfaction of the needs for physical activity. the second level represents the need for security which aft er the satisfaction of the needs at the previous level can be further divided into two groups: psychological security means adequate and sure playing skills as well as problem-free playing opportunities with the required gear, while physical security means the availability of a job and income. a great advantage of private courses lies especially in the latt er ones. the third level represents the need for love and the sense of belonging which is clearly satisfi ed for the members of a golf club. in case of competitions, it can be further reinforced by a team membership. it is also typical and has been mentioned in the theory part that corporate golf societies satisfy the need for belonging to a community similarly to a team-building training session. the fourth category represents the need for recognition as a team member, a balanced personality, which is mostly related to the quality of a golfer’s performance. an image is formed about the golfer which becomes measurable on the basis of his playing skills (hcp), and the bett er a golfer can play, the greater recognition he can hope for, irrespective of his weekday profession. in a developed golf society, there is no diff erence between golfers on the course: only the playing skills matt er. – – – fig. 3. interpretation of maslow’s hierarchy of motivational needs from the perspective of golf (modifi ed by kiss, r. 2013) 212 the fi ft h level represents cognitive needs, i.e. the need for golfers to get to know themselves and their fellow players, in which a great emphasis is given to a balanced personality, which can be the basis for a successful and an eff ective game. the sixth level is that of aesthetic needs including the pleasant geographical environment surrounding the golf courses, the interior design and the quality fi nish of a golf club, a golf hotel or a resort. they all indicate environment consciousness and the need for tidiness, as well. the seventh level (the peak of the pyramid) represents the need for self-actualisation through enjoying the game and skill development. in line with the systemic approach, the most characteristic features of golf tourism as a tourism product are marked with the 4as taken from the international literature. the ‘a’ mark of the tourism product can be replaced with ‘g’, since the proper terminology for each category begins with a ‘g’. so 4as corresponds to 4gs as follows: att raction = golf course(s), access = golf shutt le / golf cruise / golf transfer, accommodation = golf hotel / golf resort, att itude = gentlemen’s sport. from the 4gs of golf tourism, we must take the golf course as an “att raction” fi rst, since it represents the greatest appeal. it is the interest in the golf courses which puts millions of avid recreational players on the move. the appeal of a course is usually infl uenced by several factors, i.e. the diffi culty (playability), the quality, the location, the environment, the physical accessibility, the price, the reputation as well as the design (layout) of the course in the case of more able golfers. as far as the second g (golf shutt le, golf cruise) is concerned, “access” (a) is an important factor when choosing a golf destination for two reasons. on one hand, the accessibility of the destination is important, therefore airlines ask already at the time of booking whether the customer intends to travel with a golf bag, i.e. unusual baggage. the distance between the golf course and the airport is an important criterion. on the other hand, it is a common practice to use local transport (shutt le buses) in case of group and individual travels alike (such services are ordered by the tour operator), however, a car rental is also an option for individuals. the shutt le transfer of group guests from the hotels to the golf courses is also of utmost importance, partly because golf tourists do not like long local trips and it is important that 3–5 golf courses should be within 30–50 minutes drive from one another. accessibility signifi cantly increases customer satisfaction, therefore the positive reputation of the destination. the third g is ‘golf hotel, resort’ as in “accommodation” (a). it is a self-explanatory, organic part of the golf package. the hotels either belong to the golf course, or they are located nearby, and transfer between the two – – – – – – – 213 is provided by shutt le services as mentioned above. golf courses are usually the destinations of quality tourism with high-end tourists in terms of needs and spending alike. the fourth g represents ‘gentleman’ or “att itude” (a). this factor is important, because the sport or the game itself requires fair play without a referee. the gentleman att itude is less visible in the developing destinations and in the emerging markets, and it is more diffi cult to establish it than in a country with golf traditions and culture. yet, the real threat of being excluded by the golf community encourages golfers to observe the rules. following the above chain of thoughts, the author defi nes golf as a sport with another set of 4gs as follows: gorgeous/great – unique experience, game (on) – exciting game, green, grass. golf as a sport implies the passion for the game, humbleness and respect, since golf is an exciting outdoor activity providing enjoyment even when played without referees, simply on the basis of honesty, in a wonderful natural sett ing with calming colours. table 2 summarises the product approach of golf tourism and the defi nition of golf sport. a tourism product cannot exist without the material conditions, the development of which follows the proven steps of regional and tourism development. the prerequisite of service development is the availability of basic infrastructure: transport, utilities (electricity, gas and water supply, sewage system) and communications which can serve as a foundation for suprastructural investments (aubert, a. 2001). resorts emerge as a result of the successive stages of implementation. the peak or most signifi cant stage of every scientifi c activity or research is independent modelling. the system of relationships of golf tourism as a tourism product, as well as that of the material conditions of tourism, is shown by the golf ball model (figure 4). the name of the model refers to the layered structure of the earth as well as the layered interior of a golf ball. that parallelism is represented by the entirety of the interconnected basic, infra and suprastructural investments and – – – – table 2. the 4gs of golf tourism and golf sport the 4gs of golf tourism the 4gs of golf sport golf course golf shutt le / cruise golf hotel/resort gentleman gorgeous/great game green grass source: kiss, r. 2013 214 services which are held together by an outer solid crust (basic infrastructure) similarly to the earth crust holds the deeper, malleable layers of the earth. if we translate the model into golf tourism, the golf course acts upon the golfer as the most important att raction (encourages travel). a signifi cant investment project even a property based one starts with the construction of the course. the development of the surrounding tourism infrastructure (golf club), as well as that of the primary suprastructure (golf hotel, golf resort, golf buff et) and the secondary suprastructure (shops selling golf equipment and accessories) comes only aft erwards. however, the model developed for the fig. 4. the relationship between the material conditions of golf tourism as a tourism product and that of tourism on the basis of the golf ball model. source: kiss, r. 2013 215 classic, mainly seaside golf destinations cannot be fully used for certain regions which are not specialised in golf (e.g. hungary) only due to the larger distances between the individual courses as well as the underdeveloped primary and secondary suprastructural facilities. although the golf ball model can primarily be used to study seaside golf developments, it is also suitable to determine the extent to which golf tourism is present in a given region. therefore, it is necessary to provide a short overview on the international expansion of golf. the geographical expansion of international golf tourism supply elements as far as the origin of the nowadays widespread golf is concerned, it is widely accepted that golf is a scott ish invention. according to this approach, in the 15th century golf was played by shepherds on the undulating links in the southern coastal region of firth of forth, in an area of sand dunes. the author shares the opinion that golf has scott ish origins (1457) and there is no doubt that the etiquett e of golf refl ects scott ish and english infl uence , just like the appearance of gentlemen playing a sport based on fair play with no referee and observing the strict rules. the fi rst golf course was built in leith, scotland in 1744. it was followed by the construction of the most renowned course in 1754 which was later named royal & ancient golf club of st. andrews (r&a), and it is still regarded as the cradle of golf. the geographic expansion of golf started in the 19th century and it had accelerated by the 20th century due to having been exported by colonisers as a popular recreational activity. the dynamics of the expansion can be detected mostly in the foundation of golf clubs, which illustrates the spatial expansion of anglo-saxon culture. the united states, canada, australia, the republic of south africa, as well as the british isles are turned to be the most signifi cant golf tourism markets, and at the same time, they are considerable factors on both the demand and supply sides of international tourism. as it can be seen in table 3, nearly half of the world’s golf courses are located in the united states, and nearly half of the world’s golf players live there. it is due to the fact that the north atlantic economic power gradually shifted from europe to north america, and in parallel with the strong industrialisation, the expansion of golf courses has also accelerated on the american continent since the 1890s. the process lasted until the 1920s, and forty years later a new boom started, primarily for two reasons: the state gave preference to the construction of inexpensive public golf courses to make golf a mass sport. that eff ort was facilitated by easily accessible bank fi nancing supporting new investment projects. – 216 the emergence of media interest in professional golf tournaments, sponsorship. assisted golf course development reached its peak in the 1990s and property development remained in the focus in the areas suitable for recreational activities, since homes built around golf courses became very popular, especially in the southern states where buyers were willing to pay up to 30% more for such apartments, whether they played golf or not (kpmg 2008). however, since the 2000s the number of american and british golfers has been decreasing slowly, while certain european countries (germany, austria and eastern europe), as well as some asian countries and cities (china, dubai) have experienced a golf boom (kpmg 2010b). a dynamic development similar to the one in the us could also be witnessed in europe in the 1980s, since the scandinavian countries, germany, france and spain joined britain with signifi cant investment projects. during that period, a growth of 40 to 60% could be registered (figure 5). it resulted in the creation of special golf destinations in diff erent versions around the world. thus, we can diff erentiate among property development (residential parks in the us), the acquisition of a second home (southern europe) as well as golf resorts in exotic places (dubai) (kpmg 2010b; hudson, s. and hudson, l. 2010). southern european countries with a mediterranean climate (portugal, spain and turkey) aimed to extend the season by att racting golf tourists to facilities used by vacationers in the summer high season (kiss, r. 2012). the concentration of the european golf supply is illustrated by figure 5 which also shows that the level of golf in a given region is signifi cantly infl uenced by the economic and social conditions. therefore, it goes without saying that golf destinations include the western countries (british isles 30.9%, – table 3. the largest golf super powers in 2012 rank country number of golf courses number of golfers, 1,000 people ratio of the number of courses to the world total,% 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 usa japan canada england australia germany france scotland china sweden world total 17,000 2,350 2,300 1,867 1,500 716 579 541 500 436 35,112 27,000 9,000 1,500 750 .. 624 418 230 .. 491 56,000 50.0 7.0 7.0 5.0 4.0 2.0 2.0 1.0 1.0 1.0 100.0 .. = no data. source: ega 2013 217 germany 13.5%, sweden 11.6%, france 9.3%, spain 7.6% and the netherlands 7.8%). the six countries account for 80.7% of the golf supply in europe. consequently, on the demand side the ratio of golfers to the whole population exceeds 1 to 5% in economically strong countries with a large population density, but also in scandinavia which has a low population density. the expansion of golf continued to the east on the continent, thus by the very beginning of the 20th century it had reached the austro-hungarian fig. 5. the breakdown of major european golf destinations and the ratio of golf demand to the population of the individual countries. *playing golf is not tied to registration in the british isles (there are around 4 million golfers in the uk, approx. 7% of the total population). source: kpmg 2010a, ega 2013, kiss, r. 2013 218 monarchy where several golf courses were built. some of them survived the collapse of the empire, and they still exist thanks to the aristocracy, a strong middle class and wealthy people in general providing a suffi cient base for sport, especially in the “eternal provinces” (austria, bohemia). all this is history. the fact that in the eastern bloc only the czechs did not ban golf as an elite sport provides the czech republic a great advantage impossible to overcome. in the central european region, a signifi cant development can be witnessed in poland, slovakia and bulgaria. poland and bulgaria have excelled in golf course construction, while slovakia has shown talent in the recruitment of golfers (kpmg 2010a). in comparison, following a promising start aft er the change of the political regime, hungary’s performance has been characterised by slowing growth, stagnation and more recently a decline. therefore, due to the small supply and demand, it is continuously falling behind its neighbours in terms of competition (table 4). conclusions the geographical expansion of golf has been infl uenced by several concurrent processes, therefore, in addition to the level of the economic development of a golf centre, the social factors (the cultural background of the local population, the openness of people), as well as the political system and the openness of a country have also played a great role. in addition, the natural environment has been extremely important and just like in the expansion of tourism, it appeared as ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors in certain popular regions with a pleasant climate (e.g. mediterranean or subtropical). the importance of golf tourism in the tourism industry can be measured by international standards; it plays an outstanding role in certain (golf) destinations. the appearance and the development of golf and tourism table 4. golf demand and supply in the countries of central europe in 2012 country number of golf courses (with 9, 18 or more holes) share in the european supply, % number of golfers austria czech republic hungary poland* slovakia slovenia croatia** serbia romania** bulgaria 156 96 15 27 14 13 3 2 4 7 2.40 1.20 0.19 0.35 0.17 0.19 .. .. .. .. 104,732 55,547 1,419 3,008 7,200 8,762 550 618 551 639 *2012 **2010, .. = no data. source: kpmg 2010b, 2012; ega 2013, kiss, r. 2013. 219 strongly depend on the climatic and geographic features of a region. the author has presented the geographical expansion of golf and the breakdown of the supply side within europe. he also highlighted the strong correlation between the geographical expansion of golf and the current golf super-powers, indicating the social and economic acceptance of this sport. the state-assisted development of golf as a tourism product supplementing mass tourism has proved to be successful, especially in the mediterranean region of europe. the coastal areas and islands primarily used by mass tourists have seen the emergence of supply elements used by golf tourists rather than vacationers in the low seasons. consequently, the european mediterranean region can be divided into a, b and c golf destinations. in the system of golf tourism, the main travel motivation is the golf course itself therefore it was essential to prepare the hierarchy of golfers’ needs following the classic example of maslow’s pyramid of needs. in the revised model, the author interpreted the relations between the individual levels from the golfers’ perspective. as a result of further theoretical innovation, the 4as (most important characteristic features) of golf tourism known as a tourism product in the international literature was converted into 4gs. it was inevitable to defi ne golf tourism in the paper and the related research. following the systemic approach within his own research activities, the author established an independent model which is based on the basic model of the external and internal system of tourism, supplemented with the special features of golf in the form of a golf ball model. since the interior structures of both the golf ball and the earth are layered in spherical shells, the model is suitable for the illustration of the interconnection of the basic assumptions on tourism product development as 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice 7_book reviews.indd 104 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 93–101. manuscript reviewers 2016–2018 the editors of the hungarian geographical bulletin would like to thank the following people who have offered their assistance in reviewing manuscript submissions to our journal issues between number 1 in 2016 and number 4 in 2018. their efforts and useful comments have been of great service for the authors and the journal. angileri, sylvia (palermo) bajmócy, péter (szeged) balogh, péter (budapest) baranyai, nóra (győr) benedek, józsef (cluj-napoca) berács, józsef (budapest) bolt, gideon (utrecht) bontje, marco (amsterdam) boros, lajos (szeged) bottlik, zsolt (budapest) buček, ján (bratislava) centeri, csaba (gödöllő) deák, balázs (debrecen) deák, márton (budapest) d o b r o v o l n ý, petr (brno) fabula, szabolcs (szeged) farkas, györgy (budapest) gál, tamás (szeged) gustafsson, harald (lund) gyöngyösi, andrás zénó (budapest) győri, róbert (budapest) hardi, tamás (győr) hruška, vladan (ústí nad labem) hudec, oto (košice) illés, sándor (budapest) irimiás, anna (budapest) iuga, liliana (budapest) jakab, gergely (budapest) jászberényi, melinda (budapest) jordan, peter (vienna) kaim, dominik (kraków) karácsonyi, dávid (budapest) kertész, ádám (budapest) kiss, edit éva (budapest) kok, herman (wageningen) kolossov, vladimir (moscow) kovács, attila (szeged) kozma, gábor (debrecen) lange, bastian (leipzig) langer-rédei, mária (budapest) lewis, quinn (urbana) lóczy, dénes (pécs) madarász, balázs (budapest) matlovič, rené (prešov) mcintosh, richard (debrecen) mika, jános (eger) mika, mirosław (kraków) m i l o še v i ć, dragan (novi sad) mitkus, tomas (vilnius) molnár, ernő (debrecen) nagy, egon (cluj-napoca) négyesi, gábor (budapest) novák, tibor (debrecen) novara, agata (palermo) pénzes, jános (debrecen) pichler-milanović, nataša (ljubljana) pogonyi, szabolcs (budapest) probáld, ferenc (budapest) p r z y b y l s k a , lucyna (gdańsk) ryder, andrew (portsmouth) s av i ć, stevan (novi sad) scott, james (joensuu) singh, sudhir (allahabad) sisák, istván (keszthely) siwek, tadeusz (ostrava) skarbit, nóra (szeged) slámová, martina (zvolen) s o l a r z , marcin wojciech (warsaw) strba, lubomir (košice) s ül i -z a k a r , istván † (debrecen) szabó, györgy (debrecen) szabó, józsef (debrecen) szabó, judit alexandra (budapest) szabó, szilárd (debrecen) szalai, zoltán (budapest) tátrai, patrik (budapest) tóth, adrienn (budapest) tóth, attila (nitra) tóth, géza (budapest) unger, jános (szeged) uzzoli, annamária (budapest) va i n i k k a , joni (oulu) va n d e r w u s t e n , herman (amsterdam) vaszkó, csaba (budapest) voskaki, asimina (athens) lóczy, d. (ed.): landscapes and landforms of hungary 155literature – hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 155–158.hungarian geographical bulletin 64 2015 (2) 155–158. within the „world geomorphological landscapes” series a brand new title appeared on the early spring of 2015. this series aims to introduce landforms of particular countries, their assemblages and the stages of their development all over the world. right aft er the grandiose and impressive countries of india, brazil, spain, namibia, france and south africa the seventh volume is about hungary. the volume is dedicated to the 60th birthday of the editor dénes lóczy by the authors. several books at springer edited by him proved that he is admitt ed as an expert of geomorphology on an international level. he has organised and controlled the joint work of forty four individual authors to create this spectacular and coherent opus. the volume is divided to three main parts. the fi rst part presents the background information of the whole country including geology, tectonics, climate and hydrology. also this part guides the reader through the landscape evolution stages during hundreds of millions of years. this part is authored by the well known experts of hungarian geosciences as jános haas, krisztina sebe, gábor csillag and the editor himself. the second, main part contains the descriptions of the separate landforms. as the editor draws these sites are just a selection from the possibilities without completeness since hungary has a very diverse and colourful landscape structure. altogether 26 individual landforms are presented by the experts of the given area. among others the phenomena and results of karst development, volcanism, fl uvial geomorphology, alkalinity and anthropogenic eff ects are introduced and discussed through the most famous individual example of them in hungary. even though each chapter exceeds the highest scientifi c level they are clear and interesting also for readers without scientifi c background. the volume takes special emphasis on visualisation each chapter contains photos for a bett er illustration of the topic. most of them also have well organised and informative (geomorphological) maps, and fi gures. the extent of the chapters varies in a wide range but all of them are adequate for a brief but proper description of the form. each chapter follows the same structure of the most widespread scientifi c papers with introduction at the beginning and conclusion at the end. the third part is about the geoheritage issue and its appearance in hungary. this chapter briefly describes among others the national nature conservation policy, the national parks and the l i t e r a t u r e lóczy, d. (ed.): landscapes and landforms of hungary. springer international publishing. 2015. chaem, 294 p. literature – hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 155–158.156 geoparks. finally, as a practical information the description of the itineraries (countrywide blue tour and rockenbauer blue tour) are also included in this chapter. that is why it could be a practical tool for supporting geosite propagation for families, classes or even for professional hikers. in this way this volume is more than a simple fi eld guide, it also tries to present the root cause in the backstage. that is why it would be a useful handbook also for students studying geomorphology. on the other hand, the straightforward but readable style supplemented with the high quality colourful fi gures, maps and photos make the volume enjoyable for the man in the street too. anyway, the most useful application of the volume would be reading the related paragraph during a fi eld trip and fi nding the discussed details in their natural forms. however, the a4 shape and the very att ractive hardcover makes the volume less useful in the fi eld suggesting that this book can not be touched by dusty or even dirty hands. the price also makes the book untouchable because it can be ordered from the springer shop for 139.00 eur. the price of the e-book format is unknown at the moment, but we are not quite sure whether the above mentioned fi gures and maps will be as perfect in the digital version as they are in the hardcopy. almost 140 eur is quite a prett y sum especially for a hungarian student even though the volume is fantastic. we really do not know if this book shall be profi table for the publisher but we should be grateful for the possibility to have such an amazing collection of the miraculous hungarian landscapes. gergely jakab and zoltán szalai 0_tartalom.indd 87 from the editors hungarian specialists traditionally address signifi cant events organized by the international community of geographers with the publication of english-language collections of scientifi c contributions. most of them were published in the series studies in geography in hungary, such as the one dedicated to the 31st international geographical congress held in tunis in 2008. our journal welcomed the last but one congress in the row (glasgow, 2004) similar to the present occasion which is an issue of the renewed hungarian geographical bulletin (hgb) to commemorate the igu regional conference to be organized in tel aviv, israel, july 12–16. 2010 with a central theme bridging diversity in a globalizing world. of 20 years of the democratic transition to market economy in hungary heretofore, 10 were spent by this country as a member of nato and more than 5 years in the framework of the european union. during this period geography has experienced a profound transformation. so to say the subject found itself in a new environment, in spatial and temporal, economic and technological, fi nancial and philosophical terms alike. geography in hungary has long been labelled as a “national” academic discipline. it means that most of the topics in a volume of studies (our journal should be considered such a periodical) are related to the geographical aspects of natural trends occurring and socio-economic phenomena and processes taking place in the country and to the resulting issues. here they will be represented e.g. by migration, viability of enterprises and eu regions, sustainable agriculture. at the same time these circumstances are aff ected increasingly by major international trends of various scales: globalization, european integration, transboundary cooperation. the studies abound in facts and fi gures about hungary: foreign readers can get acquainted with the territorial distribution of the top 500 industrial enterprises providing 85% of gdp and to learn about their concentration in the central region (more than three hundred of them was found here in 2009) and in the western part of the country as a result of restructuring. economic potential of nuts2 regions was examined through the occurrence and profi le of, revenues and profi t generated by these leading fi rms (author: tibor tiner). spatial mobility was the topic of the contribution by géza tóth and áron kincses who traced regional distribution of immigrants that arrived in the third millennium. the number of foreigners at extended stay has been over 170 thousand recently making up nearly 2% of the resident population of hungary and having grown by more than 60% over seven years. a general trend has reversed as hungary turned from a sender country into a target one: about two hundred thousand people left the country aft er the revolution of 1956 and even more “remained in the west” during the subsequent thirty years of socialist regime. the starting point of an essay by gábor michalkó and tamara rátz was that hungary owes much of its att raction to thermal waters, a prominent natural treasure. 51 sett lements across the country have certifi ed spas; the most important resort is budapest with seven thermal baths. hungarian spa destinations also appear on the domestic and international property market as second homes are being purchased by foreign citizens extensively in these resorts. istván pomázi and elemér szabó focused on european integration with description of the socio-economic and ecological situation within nuts3 units that belong to seven countries of the carpathian convention, some of whom became eu member states recently, while others entered into partnership relations with the organization. the authors have come to the conclusion that structural change in most cases had brought depopulation, unemployment and poverty to inhabitants of mountain regions and the almost only positive shift was a dramatic drop in air and water pollution due to shrinking economic output by traditional sectors. 88 some articles dealt with investigations rooted in physical geography. ádám kertész, balázs madarász, béla csepinszky and szabolcs benke reported about an experiment promoting sustainable agriculture, with the application of conservation tillage in winter wheat and maize cultivation on plots in transdanubia in an area of more than 100 hectares. the sowap experiment resulted in reduced soil loss and improved water management on the conservation parcels basically with the same yields as on the conventional ones. endre dobos, joël daroussin and luca montanarella provided description of the physiography bloc of a global soil and terrain information system (soter). thus an initially analogue procedure of soil mapping has turned into a dem-based gis building generated from shutt le radar terrain model which contains layers of hypsometry, slope conditions, relief intensity, and potential drainage density. éva kis and ferenc schweitzer studied a geological section on the south-eastern part of tenerife, canary islands where loess-like deposits and sediments aff ected by pedogenesis were investigated using grain size parameters. based on the parameter values this method is aimed to characterize these deposits and to identify the environmental conditions that prevailed during their formation. almost all the essays in the present issue of our bulletin have had expressed methodological connotations. a wide variety of methods were deployed, e.g. indices for revenue diff erences of enterprises such as range, hoover-index involved in the regional comparisons (tiner); thematic mapping (michalkó and rátz); path analysis and potential method (tóth and kincses) applied. mathematical-statistical analysis fi gured in the essay by pomázi and szabó, observations and measurements formed the basis of the fi eld experiment conducted by kertész et al., as remote sensing applications like interpretation of radar images did in the contribution by dobos et al. laboratory analyses of sediment samples led to the conclusions drawn by kis and schweitzer. this volume of hgb, however, extended it was conceived could not provide a cross-section of hungarian geography, but in some way it refl ects the major trends in research activities. 388 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 381–391. historical geography has become less fashionable in the past couple of decades compared to a general fascination with the historical changes of geographical conditions, which is not independent of the growing concern for the environmental crisis of our time. research, however, has partly turned to studying the earth system and increasingly focused on humans as part of environmental processes rather than towards understanding the changes in the physical geographies of certain areas. this led to a well-expressed shift from historical geography towards environmental history. another paradigm shift that made historical geography less fashionable was the increasing critique of polities as units of enquiries, and shifting focus to smaller, and non-traditional units of analysis such as social and religious groups, different settlement types, etc., which usually proved to be more alien to historical geography. however, the book of two croatian geographers, borna fuerst-bjeliš and nikola glamuzina, went against both trends in choosing a modern polity, the republic of croatia as their unit of analysis, and focusing on the changes of the geographical conditions of this area in the past millennia. the book was originally published in croatian (in 2015) mainly for educational purposes before it was translated into english in 2021. on the one hand, the translation is a good one, but due to the original, potentially croatian-serbian readership, it goes into details which are very difficult to follow without a deep knowledge of the micro-regions of croatia. the authors also attach explanatory footnotes to discuss different terms unfamiliar for the average reader. as historical geography has very different research traditions and approaches, it would have been essential to provide a theoretical basis to the analysis of fuerst-bjeliš and nikola glamuzina in the 10 chapters of their book. according to them, “the nature of the discipline, the historical geography of croatia can be understood as the geography of croatia’s past. it is primarily the geography of how the space and cultural landscape have been shaped, for every respective period of croatia’s historical-geographical development.” (p. 3). however, what the authors mean by cultural landscape remains unclear. while in many subchapters the authors point to changes in population and administration of the different provinces, the analysis of the landscape and vegetation changes in the past millennia is not detailed thoroughly. while at some points the authors discuss the importance of stock breeding, wine growing, olive production as well as, of course, crop production, the impact of the different activities on forest cover, soils, erosion, etc., is only vaguely mentioned in the different chapters of the book. this is difficult to understand, as according to the authors’ definition, the historical geography they were to present is the history of the cultural landscape changes in which one can hardly disregard from studying the above listed problems. despite the reduced thematic focus there are some remarkable merits of the text. first, it is logically well-structured and easy to read. the recurrence of topics makes comparison easier, such as the maps of similar outcrop. beside general descriptions, both qualitative and quantitative data are available in the text. especially well-written are the parts on land ownership-system (including neolithic, roman, medieval, ottoman etc.), trade, commerce and traffic (the venetian seashore). the changes of geographical terms (dalmatia, slavonia) are also well interpreted. however, there is certain imbalance within the focus. first there is the territorial aspect: dalmatia is very professionally written, while in the case of pannonian croatia one would expect more, especially if compared to the valuable descriptions and analysis of transformations in dalmatia. furthermore, though fuerst-bjeliš, b. and glamuzina, n.: the historical geography of croatia: territorial change and cultural landscapes. cham, springer, 2021. 203 p. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.70.4.9 hungarian geographical bulletin 70 2021 (4) 389book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 381–391. the text keeps focusing on cultural landscapes, some elements could have been emphasized better. for instance, there is no map on the changes of land cover and agricultural systems – not even on a small portion of the country. the fact that in the chapters from the foundation of the croatian state onwards the work mostly builds on croatian scholarly literature is no surprise, and the fact that the research results of the last decades are brought to the english-speaking audience is most welcome. however, two tendencies worth to be pointed to in this respect. first, that even while discussing the roman times, the book predominantly uses croatian literature, and in most cases not ones written in the past two decades. the other striking omission is scholarship of the neighbouring countries for the last millennium, such as works written in italian, german, and hungarian. one last point before turning to the different chapters of the book, is the usage of maps. some of the maps significantly contribute to the understanding of the administrative changes, the political units, migratory processes, etc. however, many maps (e.g. figures 3.1, 5.5, etc.) only represent the actual features within the present boundaries of croatia that makes it difficult to use. in most cases not only the visualization, but the content of the maps too deserves attention, but some could have been planned better (like the one indicating migration routes or the one that illustrates whole baranja as part of the medieval kingdom of croatia). original maps, the contemporary and local perceptions of the landscape could also have added more to the general picture. as for cultural elements on landscapes, while routes are indicated professionally, there is no map on castles and fortifications, major churches with data of their (re)construction, mines, etc. these would have been worthy of more attention. the authors also consider the territorial changes of administration as a part of cultural landscape, but while the župa-system is clarified well, one would expect more explanation in the beginning when the boundaries of croatia and their creation is discussed. after these general points, in the following sections we aim to draw attention to some specific issues in the different chapters. after the general outline and concept of the book (chapter 1), that we touched upon above, chapters 2 to 10 give a chronological overview of the development of the land of croatia from the palaeolithic to the 2010s. the general features of palaeolithic-neolithic era are described too long (just like the ottoman structure and its general internal problems before its collapse in croatia), in comparison to the shorter description of the local specificities. the maps are lacking excavational sites located outer croatia, which is confusing (the territorial extent of these archaeological cultures is indicated properly). since the territorial extent of some cultures is not limited to present-day croatia it would have been more proper to give the full names of these cultures: the authors use starčevo culture instead of starčevo-körös, or vučedol culture instead of vučedol-zók culture. after discussing the palaeolithic and neolithic settlement processes in the area in chapter 2, the authors provide a more in-depth analysis of the roman period, which clearly was a period of fundamental importance in the landscape changes in the past millennia. there is a fascination amongst historians for almost a century on the formation of the landscape of the mediterranean. some of the scholars have put the formation of secondary vegetation, the treeless hillslopes and shrubland vegetation to the roman period in their focus, and attributed it to the intensive timber need of both the military and civil populations. there is virtually no discussion of this in the book (the authors seem to consider the ottoman period more serious in this respect), and neither of the impact of the roman agricultural system on the soils in the area, which in the past decades, not independent of the growing importance of geoarchaeology, brought important results in understanding the impact of romanization all throughout the mediterranean. there are some misunderstandings and mistakes in this chapter. the roman limes is referred to as a hard border (p. 45), the ostrogoths as nomadic peoples (p. 49). to illustrate, how important it would have been to use the most recent literature let us point to one further issue. the authors attribute large importance to the plague of 542 a.d. (justinianic plague) in the territory of modern croatia, around which a completely different paradigm has been unfolding in light of more recent research by lee mordechai, timothy newfield, adam izdebski, and others. chapter 4 is dedicated to the changes in the postroman period, marked by a strong desurbanisation and decline according to the authors. they point to these processes in the territory of the former province of pannonia, while in the seaside they suggest a stronger continuity in the “roman cultural landscape”. the focus of the chapter is early medieval migration processes, most importantly the arrival of the slavs. the balkan migratory processes and the slavic migration within that have been a large field of debate in the past half a century, where fundamentally different views have been presented, including ones that argue against the actual movement of the croats to their later medieval settlement area, but argue for their local presence from earlier on, and for their identity transformation in the early medieval period. (for a comprehensive overview of the question, see latosinszky, c. 2017.) it is also in this part that the byzantine, the carolingian, and then ottonian control over the territory are discussed. the carolingian influence over the region has recently been subject of an important set of analyses (dzino, d. et al. 2018) which 390 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 381–391. along with other works showed that the region, unlike suggested in the current book, was never under direct influence of carolingian noble families (pp. 60–61). the authors suggest that the german influence in the tenth century went hand in hand with the development of classical feudalism in the area, which was not even typical in areas north of the alps in the holy roman empire (p. 59). chapter 5 discusses the development in the centuries starting with the political influence of the árpád dynasty and hungary over croatia at the turning of the eleventh century. from that time on, the book refers as hungarian-croatian kingdom to the polity that covers most of what is nowadays croatia, which is anything but usual in the existing scholarship. this part of the book almost completely disregards the discussion of the changes caused by the hungarian rule, despite that in the past years, important works discussed the connections of the two polities in the árpádian period and later (gál, j. 2021). this part would have also profited from a thorough review by a historian. in that case the golden bull of 1222 would not have been dated to 1242 (p. 67), pécs would not have been included in lower slavonia (p.69), and genoa would not have been interpreted as an important trading hub in the tenth century (p. 77) when it was only a small fishing village. in presenting the late medieval transformation in the region not only the political changes – i. e. the appearance of the ottoman empire in the area – are discussed (chapter 6), but also the social and religious crisis are mentioned, partly as attributed to the pataria and the cathars in the area (p. 89) which is difficult to digest in this form. the political crisis is also explained in terms difficult to understand. according to the authors the lower levels of the aristocracy lost much of their status due to the strengthening of mid and high-level aristocracy (sic!) that went along with disappearance of nearly all noble counties which is a complete misunderstanding (p. 89). the first half of the ottoman presence is explained in a relatively detailed manner. the new political-administrative system is presented in detail, alongside with religious regulations for the christians who lived under ottoman rule. yet, landscape and geography are almost completely omitted from the discussion. somewhat surprisingly the ottoman rule is seen as a heyday for the people, compared to the “habsburg monarchy and the republic of venice, where slavs had a secondary role and could not rise high in the state rulership apparatus” (p. 93). the land management system under the ottoman rule is also explained in positive terms contrasted with the “abusive feudal system,” which is debatable (p. 101). the map on migrations (p. 106) during the ottoman era uses the term burgenland and slovakia (instead of present-day slovakia or upper hungary), which are anachronisms, and did not emphasize the hungarian kingdom as a refuge area of croatians and bosnian catholics (though the text itself mentions this). (central bosnia should have been mentioned on the map as a source area of immigrants not only to croatia, but to the hungarian towns of mohács, pécs, baja and even buda in the 17th century. after 1686 the [re]conquering of buda, catholic bosnians [croatians] were allowed to settle in víziváros and tabán in the close vicinity of the castle of buda, because they were trusted loyal subjects.) the abundance of bosnian catholics is clearly indicated by the family names ‘bosnyák’ in baranja in the conscriptio regnicolaris from 1715 (conscriptio regnicolaris), whereas the frequency of family names ‘horvát’ in western upper hungary underlines the hypothesis that croatian elements contributed to the birth of the modern slovakian nation. texts mention šokci and bunjevci as resettled elements, but maps did not illustrate them separately. (the directions on this very map could have been labelled with the linguistic terms, which are described in the text, but foreign readers hardly have any idea on the location of stokavian, kajkavian, etc.) while explaining the formation of dialects in the ottoman period, little space is dedicated to the landscape changes caused by the completely transformed land ownership, which received disproportionately little attention with some but notable exceptions such as the military frontier areas. in chapter 7, while explaining the habsburg and venetian occupation and the recapture of the territory of present-day croatia, we recurrently read about cultural landscapes being destroyed, but finally with numeric data. when explaining the eighteenth century, the authors address the venetian dominance over dalmatia and emphasize the importance of natural resource exploitation such as mining, timber for shipbuilding. one may wonder the long-term landscape heritage of this period, along again with the transformed landownership explained by the authors on page 134. the re-settling of many areas in the aftermath of the ottoman occupation is presented in a more balanced way. however, while deeply explaining demographic processes and economic changes, less attention is paid to land-use and landscape changes. finally, the reader might appreciate some data and maps using the modern censuses executed in the eighteenth century and later. a map on the social structure based on the first census of emperor joseph in the 1780s in the kingdom of hungary would have been worth further discussion, even if it did not contain data on dalmatia. similarly, peasant landholding size and lifestyle could have been supported by bićanić’s old work (bićanić, r. 1952). the authors could not know, but in 2020 hungarian scholars digitized the data on croatia from the 1786 conscription – which indicates not only the landholding size of smallholders at settlement level, but also 391book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 381–391. the taxes, days spent with ‘robot’ (work on allodium landsize), and gift to landlord. the census data from 1910 for croatia without dalmatia are now available online not only as raw data (gista hungarorum), but as a series of maps published in an electronic atlas (demeter, g. 2019). these could have also enriched the topics discussed and the authors’ statements. mariann nagy in her work on hungarian agriculture in the late nineteenth century compares the situation in croatia and hungary at county level with hundreds of maps based on quantifiable statistical data for slavonia and croatia (not for dalmatia) (nagy, m. 2017). while using both the most recent economic literature on the development of croatia (stipetić, v. for dynamic gdp calculations for the different regions and pp. 156–158) and old literature, sometimes contradictory statements occur. the former speaks about dynamic development, while the traditional historical works emphasize underdevelopment and backwardness, for which they blame austro-hungarian economic policies (the same was true for hungarian marxist historians in the 1970s). the truth is that the elder generation did not understand the mechanism of liberal capitalism, thus failed to recognize that during the dualistic period after 1868 most of the investments were realized through private enterprises and not by the state (including the railway sector), unlike in the era of absolutism. in the regular form of capitalism state intervention is of secondary importance, thus supposing exclusive role for the state itself in industrialization is a misconception. therefore, the criticism towards austria-hungary’s government for the economic backwardness of croatia cannot stand fully. it is also worth further emphasis that industrialization in croatia was largely based on available agrarian surpluses, such as wood and timber – the same role was played by grain (flour) in hungary, which also fueled the industrialization. there are also some minor mistakes in the text regarding the modern period. the salonika railway was not finished by 1874 (p. 152), only the ottoman parts had been constructed by then. it should also be noted that a railway economically more suitable for croatia (between vukovar and rijeka) was first planned by lajos kossuth early in the 1840s, but the pest-centric approach of count istván széchenyi finally triumphed (p. 151). the original idea was to send grains from hungary and slavonia directly to the markets through fiume/rijeka, bypassing budapest. since the plan was not carried out in this form, budapest was able to create its enormous milling capacities, the incomes of which served as basis for capital supply for other industrial branches. though this story highlights the role of politics over economy, in other cases economic interests were of primary importance (of course, these economic interests of the nobility appeared in politics too during the era of railway constructions). more information on banking would have been better, as well as some better maps regarding urban development (rijeka). beside these considerations the book is a worthy contribution on the topic, especially for those, who are not experts of the field, but want to get some initial insight into the problems, topics, and structures. andrás vadas1, gábor demeter2 and dénes sokcsevits2 r e f e r e n c e s bićanić, r. 1952. počeci kapitalizma u hrvatskoj ekonomici i politici. zagreb, croatia. skolska knjiga. conscriptio regnicolaris. available at https://adatbazisokonline.hu/search?category=osszeirasok&term=eyjxijoiiiwizneionsiy2f0zwdvcnkionsizja wzwy1mjy5njm3ymy3mtzmyjnkntu1zgq1 n2jjn2yioijcilx1mdbknnnzemvcdtawzwryxhuwmguxc29rxciifswic29ydci6innjb3jlin19 demeter, g. (ed.) 2019. atlas for studying the history of croatia (1870–910). budapest, elkh research centre for the humanities. available at http:// www.gistory.hu/g/en/gistory/gismaps#3_atlas%20 for%20studying%20the%20history%20of%20 croatia%20(1870%e2%80%931910) dzino, d., milošević, a. and vedriš, t. (eds.) 2018. migration, integration and connectivity on the southeastern frontier of the carolingian empire. leiden and boston, brill. gál, j. 2021. dalmatia and the exercise of royal authority in the árpád-era kingdom of hungary. budapest, elkh research centre for the humanities. gista hungarorum. available at http://www.gistory. hu/g/en/gistory/gismaps latosinszky, c. 2017. mítoszok, modellek és ideológiák. a horvát etnogenezis problémakörei és kutatástörténete (myths, models and ideologies. problems and research history of the croatian ethnogenesis). in d e n t u m o g e r i. tanulmányok a korai magyar történelemről. ed.: sudár, b., budapest, mta btk magyar őstörténeti témacsoport, 399–456. nagy, m. 2017. regional structure of the hungarian agriculture at the beginning of the 20th century. budapest, l’harmattan. 1 elte eötvös loránd university, institute of historical studies, department of medieval history, budapest, hungary. e-mail: vadas.andras@btk.elte.hu 2 elkh research centre for the humanities, institute of history, budapest, hungary. e-mails: demeter. gabor@abtk.hu, sokcsevits.denes@abtk.hu wyss, m. and peppoloni, s. (eds.): geoethics. ethical challenges and case studies in earth sciences 310 the book provides a unique insight into the emerging field of geoethics and current ethical challenges facing geoscientists. according to a definition in chapter 1 ‘geoethics consists of research and reflection on those values upon which to base appropriate behaviour and practice where human activities intersect the geosphere’ (p. 4). like bioethics, geoethics is a form of applied ethics, a new branch of ethics dealing with moral problems, practices and policies especially connected to geosciences, the need for which was first addressed on geological and geoscience conferences in the last two decades. the book is edited by two scholarly geologists devoted to the international enhancement of ethical consciousness in geosciences. max wyss (international centre for earth simulation, geneva, switzerland) is a worldwide acknowledged geophysicist on earthquake risk reduction, while silvia peppoloni (national institute of geophysics and volcanology, rome, italy) serves as secretary general of the international association for promoting geoethics. the 33 chapters of the book written by 47 different authors shed light on geoethical practice and inquiry from multiple angles. the authors are mainly geophysicists, geologists and also scientists and technical professionals experienced in different areas of risk rewyss, m. and peppoloni, s. (eds.): geoethics. ethical challenges and case studies in earth sciences. amsterdam–oxford–waltham, elsevier, 2015. 450 p. ductions and disaster mitigation, while some authors are coming from philosophical and ethical institutions. the volume is thematically divided into six sections. ‘philosophical reflections’ (chapters 1–6) is placing geoethics in the context of geosciences and applied ethics. ‘geoscience community’ (chapters 7–9) gives an overview about the ethical endeavours of geoscientists, ‘ethics of practice’ (chapters 10–16) discusses several interesting issues about the ethical dilemmas of those practicing geosciences, while ‘communication with the public, officials and the media’ (chapters 17–23) deals with possible ways to communicate environmental uncertainty and risk with a broader public. the section on ‘natural and anthropogenic hazards’ (chapters 24–29) is followed by writings on the especially vulnerable position of ‘low income and indigenous communities’ (chapters 30–33). ‘philosophical reflections’ introduces the case studies presented in the book, provides definitions of geoethics and outlines the broader academic and social context. the opening chapter entitled ‘the meaning of geoethics’ employs a practical notion, focusing on geoscientists’ responsibility while practicing research, and sharing strategies for a more ethically conscious future. the second chapter connects geoethics more to the domain of philosophy. using hermeneutic and phenomenological approaches, this chapter argues for an applied ethics based on a reciprocal communication not just between theory and practice in general, but also between ethicists/philosophers and geoscientists in particular. the following chapters of this part of the book are also reflecting the integrative notion of geoethics. we can read about how geoethics can serve to meet goals of sustainability (chapter 3), about the flagship position of disaster research in the field of geoethics (chapter 4), and about the need for an inclusive, interdisciplinary and application oriented field of geoethics (chapter 5) in line with that ‘science and technology can no longer be seen as value-neutral providers of knowledge and certain means, leaving only the user and society to think about the moral dimension of their “application”’(p. 51). chapter 6 offers an interesting insight from the perspective of evolutionary biology into the constraints of human mind when dealing with deep time and historical contingency, which are worth considering when probabilities and uncertainties of geoscientific results are communicated to a broader public. the ideas concerned in the first six chapters lead up effectively to the more special cases analysed in the later chapters of the book. the second section (‘geoscience community’), concentrates on the professional ethics of geoscientists, and doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.65.3.10 hungarian geographical bulletin 65 2016 (3) 311book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 310–313. their challenges in conducting research responsibly. the section starts with an overview (chapter 7) of research integrity, and cases of misconduct like data fabrication, falsification or plagiarism. (chapter 9 discusses plagiarism in more detail.) the role of statements resulting from international conferences on research integrity is emphasised, just like the singapore statement and the subsequent montreal statement on cooperative research projects. chapter 8 scrutinises the development and challenges of the scientific integrity and professional ethics policy of the american geophysical union, offering useful insights for other institutes considering the ratification of such a policy. the third section (‘ethics of practice’) focuses on the particular perspective of the involved researcher, who is identifying seismically active faults, estimating the maximum magnitude or peak acceleration of a maximum credible earthquake (chapters 11–14), or the maximum height of a tsunami (chapter 15), and who unavoidably enters public debates, often fuelled by contradicting interests of public, business and government sectors, which might be interested in building dams or nuclear plants, for example. the subjective reconciliation of william gawthrop (chapter 13) sheds light on the ethical dilemmas of geoscientist from a very personal perspective. right at the beginning of his career, the seismologist gawthrop dedicated himself to estimating the maximum credible earthquake in a northern californian region, a project gaining special relevance due to the construction of a nuclear plant. because of this he faced a massive intervention of ‘corporate money’ to science, leading to his falling out from seismological research. his case and personal involvement, which are expressed in other chapters (chapters 10, 11 and 14), illuminate the perceived ethical challenges and obstacles of researchers who try to give credit to scientific evidence. chapter 10 demonstrates that while arguing for the acknowledgement of scientific claims, such as the acceptance of proper seismological methods in the late cold war period in estimating the explosive yield of an underground nuclear weapon, how easily can be accused of ‘playing politics’. chapter 16 reflects on how scientific evidence and goodwill may not always be enough in practice for efficient risk reduction. for example recommendations from muslim countries exemplify in this chapter that international rescue teams involved in hazard assessment should pay special attention to religious beliefs and cultural practices of the locals in order to foster cooperativeness, a highly necessary factor in disaster mitigation. the next two parts on ‘communication with the public, officials and the media’ and ‘natural and anthropogenic hazards’ continue to examine, now in more detail, the roles and responsibilities of researchers in communicating uncertain risks to the public. these parts begin with comments on the ‘l’aquila trial’ (chapter 17), where seismologists, engineers, and civil defence officers were sentenced for ‘misinformation’ of the public before the 2009 earthquake. (this incident is a kind of reference point, returning several times in the book, and might well be considered as a benchmark in geoethics.) this case also underlines the necessity to clearly identify roles and responsibilities in the decision making process, which are the topic of the next chapter 18. pitfalls of communicating earthquake predictions in greece (chapter 19) and earthquake and tsunami predictions in japan are discussed (chapters 22 and 26), such as the lack of cooperativeness between institutions, providing biased, contradictory and confusing information for the public. in chapter 20 standard probabilistic earthquake hazard maps, derived from geophysical data only, are assessed as an inadequate tool to calculate expected risks and fatalities, therefore they cannot serve the need of the population efficiently. chapter 21 reflects on the social constructedness of maps, tools and products of disaster research, arguing that these are selective representations, and so their interpretation is unable to represent the manifold aspects of risk, vulnerability and resilience. these limitations of maps are necessary to be considered in disaster mitigation. two chapters are pronouncedly dealing with educating the public. chapter 23 addresses the gap between the public and scientists and presents how straightforward, short and easy-to-understand communication can be efficient in risk communication. the chapter employs the example of risks connected to the changes of the seaside due to climate change. in chapter 27 the duties of the vesuvius museum observatory to educate people living close to the dormant volcano are presented. yet, not just one-way communication from the well-informed scientist to the information-seeking public is considered but participatory approaches as well, aiming to establish mutual engagement with locals. the two participatory examples from the book are an interactive and participatory multimedia map of avalanches (chapter 21, p. 259), and the adaptation of participatory decision processes in radioactive waste management in the uk (chapter 28). experiences from participatory processes reveal that transparency and openness in scientific and technical debates, and partnership among participants are needed in every phase of risk mitigation. in the next part on ‘low income and indigenous communities’ special attention is paid to marginalised groups. as chapter 30 shows, the specific rights of indigenous peoples to decide about their own way of life and development, declared by the human rights framework of the united nations, are rarely or inadequately considered in environmental assessments. similarly, low income communities (chapters 31–33.) have limited possibilities of participation in the decision making process, and they often live in regions with lower infrastructure. both of these inequalities are affecting the exposure of these marginalised groups to environ312 mental risks and the effectiveness of risk mitigation. two case studies are presented about the side-effects of and inequalities in decision-making with regard to mining. these are about indigenous communities in the tampakan region of the philippines (chapter 30) and low-income workers from keonjhar district, india (chapter 32), where shortcomings of ethics in mining are discussed. solutions like free, prior, and informed consent are suggested, which were also defined by the united nations permanent forum on indigenous issues in order to establish participation and consultation with indigenous people prior to a development project (chapter 30). the volume is a well-structured collection of inspiring writings, which raise several thoughts and questions about the aims and future perspectives of geoethics. from the point of view of a geographer who is interested in landscapes, environmental history, and local and traditional ecological knowledge, there is a lot of opportunity for geoethical enquiry and to find connections to a diverse field of study. almost all case studies are restricted to a narrowly defined domain of geoscience, mainly consisting of different subfields of geology (although no case studies are addressed to ethical challenges in agrogeology or hydrogeology). geography, soil science, climatology and earth system science are underrepresented in this volume, however. extreme hazards, such as earthquakes, tsunamis, volcanic eruptions dominate the case studies, while long-term and gradual risks are rarely considered. (this problem is issued in chapter 23 and 33). another interesting point only superficially mentioned is the cooperation of geosciences in risk mitigation, and division of labour between different disciplines. remarkable examples are climate-change-induced hazards (mentioned only in chapter 23), or models where climate factors only appear on the input side (see chapter 24 on the dispersion of volcanic clouds). these kinds of issues are more complex, and the responsibilities of scientists are even less clear. this sort of selectivity might simply result from the academic background of geoethics, which is suggested to have gained impetus due to works of geophysicists on fatal hazards (history and predecessors of the field are only briefly addressed in the last chapter on p. 411). yet, the circle of scholars involved in geoethics might become more diverse and, consequently, the scope of geoethical research will hopefully expand to a much wider domain in the future. another question is whether geoethics will become a kind of a well-defined professional ethic practiced by geoscientists, or whether it will develop to a much wider field and movement, practiced by scholars coming from outside of geosciences as well, namely from social sciences and humanities, or by multi-disciplinary research groups. this volume is dominated by the perspectives of geoscientists, while theories from and central issues in social sciences and humanities are rarely addressed. (some exceptions are chapters 2, 5 and 21, the latter two of which were written by authors from a special institution for applied ethics, the international centre for ethics in the sciences and humanities at the university of tübingen, in germany). methodologies of actor-network theory (briefly mentioned in chapter 21), science and technology studies, or historical analysis practiced in political ecology would also be easily applicable to geoethics, and could bring new approaches to the field. the connection of geoethics to the field of environmental ethics (addressed in chapters 2 and 5, and mentioned in chapter 6), and the difference between both remain unclear issues in most case studies. it is noted several times, however, that geoethics might be parallel to bioethics. this is the central notion in chapter 28 with a very interesting joint discussion of public debates on creutzfeldt–jakob disease and nuclear waste management. it remains unanswered whether geoethics can move towards the relational ethics of hybrid nature/culture (whatmore, s. 2002), and how traditional resource management practices, environmental knowledge of locals and indigenous groups, and their perceptions on environmental risks can be addressed. (traditional ecological knowledge is mentioned only in chapter 21. for further reference see berkes, f. 2012). to incorporate such different perceptions and values, a more plural vision of ethics should be introduced (cf. the introductory chapters 2 and 5), and more attention should be paid to approaches in postmodern ethics, which challenge normative and kantian ethical approaches, also applied in chapters 12 and 29. although east central european authors and case studies are not included in this volume, geoethics might attract more attention from these countries than what the volume seems to suggest. for example, since 1992 a series of international meetings on geoethics has been organised in the czech republic as part of the mining pribram symposia. ethical concerns of earthquake research might be less striking geoethical topics in this region, but other topics can definitely be, such as the impact of socialist and post-socialist mining or agro-geological and geographical enquiries connected to the locally adapted and developed versions of the great stalin plan for the transformation of nature in the 1950s. to conclude, the book is an excellent enterprise to encourage discussions about ethical issues in the geoscience community and beyond. its findings could be useful not just to raise the ethical consciousness of the geoscience community by highlighting its role in coping with environmental risks and uncertain hazards within society, but it could also be a relevant starting point for further interdisciplinary and social science studies in the field. interesting and urgent topics are discussed, ranging from the predictability of earthbook review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 310–313. 313 quakes and nuclear waste management to mining and indigenous rights as well as ethics of research and communication. altogether, the volume with the diverse range of presented case studies promotes open discussion on moral dilemmas facing geoscientists, and argues for more reflective and transparent ways of practicing science with enhanced responsibility and solidarity. noémi ujházy1 1 eötvös loránd university (elte), budapest. e-mail: unoemi@gmail.com r e f e r e n c e s berkes, f. 2012 (1999). sacred ecology: traditional ecological knowledge and resource management. new york and oxford, routledge. whatmore, s. 2002. hybrid geographies: natures cultures spaces. new york, thousand oaks and new delhi, sage. book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (3) 310–313. 7_book reviews.indd 306 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 303–312. financial geography or the geography of finance has become a current research field during the last decades. this subdiscipline of economic geography deals with the flows and transformation of money, and the spatial, institutional and regulatory structures of financial capital (leyshon, a. 1997). one can access many articles from different domains of this subdiscipline from the location of banking activities to national financial regulations to international financial flows, global financial centres and so on (avetisyan, s. 2018). the edward elgar “handbook on the geographies of money and finance”, edited by ron martin and jane pollard, makes an attempt to summarise this field. the four parts and 25 chapters of the handbook discuss different geographical aspects of financial flows and institutions from 39 different contributors. the five chapters of part i (the case for a geography of money) summarise some conceptual issues of the geographical features of money and finance. gary a. dymski and mimoza shabani discuss in chapter 2 (on the geography of bubbles and financial crises) the features and different approaches of asset bubbles in the scientific literature. according to their results, the reinhart and rogoff thesis must be discarded, because time and place, along with historical factors, play an important role in asset bubbles and financial crises. brett christophers shows in chapter 3 (the geographical political economy of money and finance after the great crisis: beyond ‘market discipline’) the changes of political economy framework after the last financial crisis (2007–2008) and the reactions of three different institutions: commercial banks and other financial institutions, central banks, and states. one cause of the last crisis was that these actors did not play their roles well. states invariably played a more active role than they should have played. the banking systems were oligopolistic, so they manipulated the market. central banks were more closely involved in the policy-making of banking and finance as one would expect from an independent organisation. in chapter 4 (the territorial governance of the financial industry), josé corpataux, olivier crevoisier and thierry theurillat examine the relations and spatialities of the banking sector and the companies. the emergence of global cities and banking centres resulted in a growing distance between investors and their investments, as well as in the centralisation and concentration of financial decision-making processes. this tendency causes uneven geographical development and spatial disparities. dick bryan, michael rafferty and duncan wigan develop in chapter 5 (the map and the territory: exploring capital’s new financialised spatialities) the argument that the consequences and results of global crisis are transforming the times and spaces of modern finance, and they are directly challenging former spatio-temporal concepts of finance. one of their analytical points is the changing scale of finances, and they are exploring how financial derivatives deconstruct the relative and relational modalities of capital. according to michael pryke (chapter 6: ‘this time it’s different’… and why it matters: the shifting geographies of money, finance and risks), the space plays an active role in financial market practices and the people better understand the flows of money and finance since the last global financial crisis. he shows with case studies that financial innovations (both products and methods) help realise the geographical aspects of finance. financial innovations are central to the new forms of connectivity and network interactions, and these networks have their own topologies. part ii (money, the spatial organization of financial systems and uneven geographical development) consists martin, r. and pollard, j. (eds.): handbook on the geographies of money and finance. cheltenham– northampton, edward elgar, 2017. 656 p. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.68.3.8 hungarian geographical bulletin 68 2019 (3) 307book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (3) 303–312. of nine chapters that are centred around the geographies of socio-economic development as shaped by the operation of financial systems. in chapter 7 (the spatial structure of the financial system and the funding of regional business: a comparison of britain and germany), britta klagge, ron martin and peter sunley contrast the functioning of decentralised and centralised financial systems through the examples of germany and the united kingdom. the authors offer some theoretical comments on whether and how the spatial structure of capital markets might effect the provision and distribution of finance to businesses across regions. this chapter concludes that in times of accelerating globalisation, geography does matter and a decentralised financial system (with regional capital markets specialising in local firms) can be advantageous for the better spatial allocation of capital and the accessibility of financial instruments and products in the real economy. chapter 8 turns to italy to analyse “the geographical network of bank organizations.” luca papi, emma sarno and alberto zazzaro discuss the role of geographical distance between the key actors of the credit market in bank–firm relationships and interbank competition, which they supplement with a network analysis of the italian banking industry. this chapter reaffirms that in the new millennium, geographical and cultural distances among actors in credit markets and the spatial organisation of banks are still critical competitive strategic factors and major determinants of credit allocation, credit access and conditions. dariusz wójcik investigates the relationship between firms’ innovativeness and their participation in stock markets in chapter 9 (innovation and stock markets: international evidence on manufacturing and services). two important contributions of this research are that it analyses both manufacturing and services, and it combines financial economics, economic geography and innovation studies. the results highlight the possibility that the development of stock markets may positively affect (certain types of) innovation in the economy. chapter 10, written by peter o’brien and andy pike, discusses “the financialization and governance of infrastructure” on basis of empirical research, which examines the governance of local and urban infrastructure funding and financing. the authors find that ‘financialisation is an uneven, negotiated and messy process’ (p. 223) and, at the same time, the role of the state at different scales has rather been reinforced than reduced in the context of the financialisation of infrastructure. the book provides a deeper insight into “the geography of local public finance” in chapter 11. enid slack explores the ways of tackling with local fiscal disparities in taxing and spending within countries and metropolitan regions. the author investigates the nature of disparities, the role of the different models (describing the extent of central versus local control over expenditures and revenues) in terms of efficiency, accountability, citizen participation, economic stability, etc., and the extent of fiscal decentralisation. there are two broad approaches to address inequalities: equalisation and municipal reorganisation. with the help of five case studies on countries, slack studies the equalisation transfers provided by the central government (in a unitary country) or a provincelevel/regional government (in a federal country), as well as the horizontal equalisation practices. finally, he reviews alternative governance structures that can address inequities among local governments within a metropolitan area. in chapter 12 (the state as institutional investor: unpacking the geographical political economy of sovereign wealth funds), adam d. dixon scrutinises the rise of sovereign wealth funds (state-sponsored institutional investors), their place in the global political economy, and their role in national and regional economic development. swfs can be a power source as they provide a tool for states to engage with global market capitalism and also a way for resisting the pressures of the market. however, there is insufficient information to conclude that swfs are a viable vehicle for fostering economic development. chapter 13 offers an insight into the “geographies of mortgage markets.” manuel b. aalbers explains that the patterns and structures of mortgage lending reflect uneven socio-economic geographies, and also contribute to reproducing uneven development at different scales (in international terms, as well as within countries and cities). aalbers shows that the crisis brought together the urban and international geographies, and the mortgage market was the driving force of the housing bubble which affected the economy through the financial markets. it seems likely that the ‘business as usual’ condition before the crisis cannot be restored, and the author calls for a de-commodified housing alternative. beverley a. searle and stephan köppe discuss the “geographies of assets and debt” in chapter 14, focusing on individual and household debt, and present how the mortgage crisis is directly linked to the issue of household debt. the authors discuss the shift towards the approach of asset-based welfare (as a supplement or replacement of state welfare provision), due to which the rise of ‘credit capitalism’ becomes a new major mechanism of uneven regional development. the last chapter in part ii investigates “the financial legacy of pension fund capitalism,” written by gordon l. clark (chapter 15). the author presents a comparative institutional analysis encompassing the anglo-american system and the continental europe, investigating the rise of ‘financialisation’. in the context of ‘pension fund capitalism’, the author takes 308 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 303–312. a firm-centred perspective in order to better understand the trends and future prospects of the nature and value of corporate benefit systems. this chapter seeks to explain the individualisation of income and future well-being in terms of the transformation of the modern corporation. financial regulation has a long and well documented history. independent states have created and developed their own national laws and acts, and these were the foundations of international financial standards, monetary cooperation and other global processes. part iii (spaces of financial and monetary regulation) and its five chapters investigates these topics with national and global cases studies. in chapter 16 (regulatory space and the flow of funds across the hierarchy of money), david s. bieri focuses on the us banking sector and shows how the geographies of the flows of funds have changed due to the new political economy of financial regulation after the crisis of 2008–2009. he is emphasising the link between functional aspects of regulation and their spatial consequences that range from the integration of financial markets and financial agglomeration to the process of suburbanisation. in the last few decades, the global financial system has transformed significantly (in terms of technical development, shadow banking, offshore centres and so on), and these changes require new regulatory systems from the nation-states and global financial institutions. in chapter 17 (regulatory spaces in global finance), sabine dörry introduces the definition of regulatory space, and how such spaces interact with the evolving nature of financial systems, institutions and practices. she is arguing for a supranational regulatory system and space, but this is a challenge of the future rather than a reality. thomas wainwright (chapter 18, emerging onshore-offshore services: the case of asset-backed finance markets in europe) examines the convergence of offshore and onshore through the emergence of european onshore-offshore spaces, which became established in existing financial centres in the 2000s. his main results are that the growth of asset-backed securities markets stimulated the emergence of new professional service providers and tax spaces through new legislation. in addition, he argues that european governments promoted their tax planning virtues to develop competitive advantages over other european onshore-offshore financial centres. chapter 19 (banking reform in china: a balancing act between financial viability and financial security) by godfrey yeung shows the case of china’s financial restructuring. according to him, the financial reform and the new regulatory institution (china banking regulatory commission, established in 2003) help the long-term viability of the banking sector and the financial security of the public. but. after the economic reforms, the chinese banking and financial sector includes some features of a market economy and some features of a planned economy. in chapter 20 (credit rating agencies are poorly understood and the rules developed for them will not work), ginevra marandola and timothy j. sinclair write about the roles and space of the credit rating agencies during the recent crisis. these organisations are poorly understood institutions and, thus far, efforts to govern them through rule-making have been inefficient. the authors argue that paying attention to rules that govern behaviour is actually mistaken when it comes to finance and rating agencies. the global financial crisis occurred not because of rulebreaking, but because some crucial social relationships came apart and prevented market actors from transacting with each other, as they had done prior to the crisis. part iv is devoted to the “new and emerging money spaces,” comprising six chapters. first, janelle knox-hayes takes a closer look on environmental finance in chapter 21 (alternative circuits of capital: parallel economies of environmental finance). her starting point is that the crises of capitalism and the crises of the natural environment have the same roots in a crisis of spatial and temporal production and representation of value. the author’s main arguments are based on the concepts of use value and exchange value, and the idea of a parallel economy (parallel to the economy of production that internalises externalities), which seeks to use environmental finance as a means of balancing productivity in space and time through pricing externalities. finally, the author suggests some ways in which the parallel economy can be made more successful. in chapter 22, peter north describes the “geographies of alternative, complementary and community currencies” that indeed exhibit a “bewildering diversity” (p. 518). he explains the rationales for creating alternative currencies, reviews some contemporary alternative currencies (including local exchange trading schemes, time banks, ithaca and other hours, transition currencies and berkshares, currencies of city regions or regions), and analyses the strengths and weaknesses of the different models. chapter 23 (‘mainstreaming’ the ‘alternative’? the financialization of transnational migrant remittances) by kavita datta scrutinises the geographies of remittance flows from an empirical and a conceptual perspective. in one respect, remittances can be regarded as an informal internationalised welfare system. in another respect, they are a source of development funding utilised to fund macroeconomic development initiatives. along with this, remittances have become progressively formalised and financialised, that is, ‘mainstreamed.’ after analysing this process, the chapter tries to take account of the diverse practices of migrants’ remitting. 309book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (3) 303–312. chapter 24 drives the readers further into the topic of the global financial crisis and presents “the imaginary landscapes of islamic finance.” the author, lena rethel emphasises the role of islamic finance, which is a rapidly growing segment of international financial markets, to provide an alternative to the existing global financial order. first, the chapter identifies three competing images of islamic finance: islamic finance as ‘business as usual’, emphasising its similarity with conventional finance, islamic finance as ‘other’, highlighting its alterity, and islamic finance as ‘socio-economic project’ that seeks to reconnect finance to its social relations. then, the author employs these images to assess the transformative impact of the crisis. chapter 25, written by mia gray and bryan zhang, discusses crowdfunding (crowdfunding: understanding diversity) that allows individuals to pool resources in order to provide capital to firms, ideas, places and projects by-passing the traditional banking sector. the authors introduce a taxonomy of the different models emerging in the crowdfunding sector, as well as the background, the history, the diversity and the spatial patterns of crowdfunding. gray and zhang conclude that each model may either challenge or reinforce the status quo, and may provide different financial circuits, but they are not always alternative. finally, in chapter 26, we arrive at one of the latest novelties in the financial markets: marc pilkington introduces “bitcoin through the lenses of complexity theory.” he first analyses the technological, socioeconomic, and political-regulatory context of the emergence of this crypto-currency. then, he draws on complexity theory to analyse bitcoin as a complex system. the author shows that bitcoin is not a placeless phenomenon, therefore, he sums up some important consequences for the new geography of money and finance. one of the important merits of the volume is that its chapters are easy to read and informative both for those who are familiar with financial geography and those who are just starting to explore this domain. speaking about ourselves, part iv has the most links to our research field, i.e. geography of financial inclusion and exclusion. our main goal is to map the negative outcomes of financial exclusion and offer some innovative solutions to a more inclusive financial environment, for example. from this perspective, part iv provides us with some remarkable findings: 1) the development and spread of fintech modes should be encouraged; 2) local complementary currencies increase financial inclusion within poor neighbourhoods; 3) sustainable and green finances should be promoted and developed. the four parts of the handbook summarise well the main geographical aspects of the financial system and sector. yet, we would have liked to read more indepth analyses on eastern europe (including issues like dependent financialisation, foreign ownership, social and spatial aspects of financial exclusion, rural finance system, etc.) and some information on the geographical characteristics of sme lending in different parts of the world. acknowledgements: this book review has been made with the support of the national research, development and innovation office (nkfih) grant number 120007 (program: k_16). sándor zsolt kovács1 and zsuzsanna zsibók1 r e f e r e n c e s avetisyan, s. 2018. financial geography: the geographical nature of the financial economics. working paper. available at http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3231903 leyshon, a. 1997. geographies of money and finance ii. progress in human geography 21. (3): 381–392. 1 institute for regional studies, centre for economic and regional studies, hungarian academy of sciences, h-7601. pécs, papnövelde u. 22. e-mails: kovacs. sandor@krtk.mta.hu, zsibok.zsuzsanna@krtk.mta.hu kocsis, k. and tátrai, p.: changing ethnic patt erns of the carpatho-pannonian area 66 kocsis, k. and tátrai, p.: changing ethnic patt erns of the carpatho-pannonian area. geographical institute, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences has, budapest, 2012. 10 maps (1 x 1:500,000 and 9 x 1:2,200,000) with an accompanying text of 27 pages. in case of presenting academic results, obviously, there’s litt le place for emotions. yet, i am convinced that those interested in the topic will browse this unique thematic map series with much enthusiasm. the eye-catching and handy map series is defi nitely doomed to success. in a way, it is a non-traditional publication. the large-scale map, the map series presenting the historic background and the legend are all in one folder. the editors of the map series and the legend produce an evidence of their thorough knowledge. the publishing of the map series has its background both in the foreign and in the hungarian cartography. nevertheless, having regard to the wide range of related literature, we waive the presentation of foreign publications. the central europe atlas, released around the end of world war ii, is one of the most signifi cant publication, which gained a high profi le in the hungarian scientifi c literature. aft er a 40-year pause, we can witness the renewal of socio-geographic research based partly on the methods and principles applied during the edition of central europe atlas and partly on károly kocsis’s investigations carrying out since the 1980’s. besides his scientifi c achievements, the competent work of the younger generation of researchers (patrik tátrai, anikó kovács) also contributed to the issue of this highlevel publication. the main map consists of two parts representing more than 380,000 km2 territory (1:500,000). it shows the ethnic-nationality distribution of 30,000 sett lements in 11 states taking into account the 2001 census data. besides gathering, standardizing and evaluating the fi gures, it was also essential to take into account the ever-changing administrative boundaries so that they can present the data on sett lement level. besides managing the inadequate and uneven dataset, the authors also had to face challenges posed by theoretical problems. without doubt, there has been special demand for the review of former ap67 proaches, concepts and the applied methods in the recent years. it was an aim of the authors to correspond to those challenges, as well. the publication includes three main parts, therefore it seems appropriate to present the book according to the structure of the map series. the main map was prepared by using well-established methods adapting to the practise which has been existing for decades. to present the distribution of population according to nationality, pie charts were applied taking into consideration the sett lements’ locations and their population. the publication is low-key with the aim of presenting evidence-based facts. the carefully selected and displayed geographical factors encourage the readers to think about the subject. the spatial structure of nationality distribution can be examined directly by four factors (sett lement structure, hydrology, relief, public administration) and indirectly by two factors (population density, the diff erent versions of place names). for the att ractive appearance of the maps, anikó kovács cartographer is responsible. the historic maps present the changes in ethnic spatial structure during the period of 1495–2001. it might be surprising to extend the investigation of regional ethnic relations to a longer period of time, as the recent, modern concepts coming from national ideology have emerged only in the recent years. however, knowing károly kocsis’s former publishes and the associated demand and intend of the hungarian literature existing for some time, that approach cannot be controversial. the defi ciencies and interpreting diffi culties of sources of information might bring up some problems. to compensate that, the authors also depict the suspected extension of deserted areas and the areas with low population density on the choropleth maps. nevertheless, presenting sett lement borders and the indirectly defi ned or estimated ethnic majority at the same time might result in the disappearance of ethnic diversity and the absence of local minorities, especially, in the contact zones of greater ethnic blocks. reading the bilingual (hungarian and english) legend containing two tables and the references, the readers can have a sketchy feeling in the respect of the amount of information. nevertheless, the text clarifi es every important question and it explains them thoroughly. the authors also express there views on the usage of the concepts of carpathian basin and carpatho-pannonian region. of course, the nomenclature is controversial, however, the authors list numerous arguments to justify their choice. presumably, the shortness of historic background derives from fi nancial reasons, which put the question of more generous support taking into consideration the signifi cance of the topic and the large work. hopefully, the research will continue, to which the unprocessed and still not available 2011 census data can give rise. this map series is impressing not just because of its physical dimensions, but also because it is an important fi nding of a great scientifi c research supporting the solid understanding of ethnic relations of our region, besides, it can also become a starting point and measurement for further regional ethnic researches in the fi eld of the hungarian social and ethnic geography. györgy farkas << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice 339karlik, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 339–351.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.70.4.4 hungarian geographical bulletin 70 2021 (4) 339–351. introduction research on paleoclimate and paleo-environmental changes ranks among the most hotly debated topics due to the fast pace at which environmental conditions are currently changing. the earliest scientific approach to use lake sediment as an environmental archive dates back to the early 19th century (e.g. lyell, c. 1830). over time, however, paleo-environmental research has become an increasingly complex and multidisciplinary scientific field supported by a wide range of methodologies and techniques for investi1 institute for geological and geochemical research, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences. budaörsi út 45. h-1112 budapest, hungary; isotope climatology and environmental research centre, institute for nuclear research. bem tér 18c. h-4026 debrecen, hungary. correspondent author’s e-mail: karlik.mate@csfk.org 2 geographical institute, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences. budaörsi út 45. h-1112 budapest, hungary. 3 department of mineralogy, geochemistry and petrology, faculty of science and informatics, university of szeged. egyetem u. 2. h-6722 szeged, hungary. 4 elte eötvös loránd university, institute of geography and earth sciences, department of environmental and landscape geography. pázmány péter sétány 1/c. h-1117 budapest, hungary. 5 department of geography, faculty of history and geography, ştefan cel mare university of suceava. buildings e and a. universităţii 13, 720229 suceava, romania. 6 independent research worker. copenhagen, denmark. 7 institute for geological and geochemical research, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences. budaörsi út 45. h-1112 budapest, hungary. natural and anthropogenic impacts reflected by paleoclimate proxy parameters in a lake-forest system in bukovina, romania máté k a r l i k 1,3, anna va n c s i k 2,4, zoltán s z a l a i 2,4, marcel m în d r e s c u 5, ionela g r ăd i n a r u 5, sándor v ág ás i 6, gábor b o z s ó3 and józsef f e k e t e 7 abstract the research area is located in the eastern carpathians, romania. this region is rich in various formations and indicates significant potential for paleo-environmental reconstruction. the present research was carried out on sediment cores collected at lake bolătău-feredeu, feredeului mountains (eastern carpathians, romania). preliminary examination of the sediment confirmed the possibility for data analysis with high temporal resolution. the aim of the research was to clarify and supplement the findings of previous research at this site, to explore the relationships between proxy parameters and to elucidate the cause for the changes. core dating was carried out using 210pb and radiocarbon isotopes and indicated that sediment cores span the past 500 years. the research uses a wide range of methodologies, including organic geochemistry with calculated n-alkane indices (phw and pwax). based on these proxies, the changes of woody and herbaceous coverage in the catchment can be estimated. moreover, element concentration, weathering indices and particle size distribution assist to detect climate changes in the catchment area. the data and conclusions yielded by the analysis were compared with the regional modelled temperature profile, based on which five periods were separated. in addition to natural and anthropogenic events, the main factor among the natural processes is the change in annual temperature. based on the obtained data, several parameters were found to be suitable for monitoring past temperature changes. keywords: deforestation, landscape change, weathering index, n-alkanes, temperature reconstruction, paleoclimate received september 2021, accepted november 2021 karlik, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 339–351.340 gating lake sediments. numerous tools connected to various fields of science (such as physics, geology, climatology, mathematics, botany and others) have become available for lake sediment research (last, w.m. and smol, j.p. 2001.) the romanian carpathians seemingly abound in areas with significant potential for paleoenvironmental research, therefore several studies based on lake sediments have been carried out to date (e.g. wohlfarth, b.g. et al. 2001; magyari, e.k. et al. 2009; kłapyta, p. et al. 2016; haliuc, a. et al. 2019). the study site selected for this analysis is located in bukovina region, romania, where historical records documented substantial landscape changes throughout the past centuries, including mainly deforestation and subsequent land cover / land use shifts (barbu, i. et al. 2016). lake bolătău-feredeu is regarded as one of the bukovinian millenial lakes and is suitable for high-resolution analysis, based on the findings of previous studies at this site and in the neighbouring area (mîndrescu, m. et al. 2013, 2016; florescu, g. et al. 2017; karlik, m. et al. 2018, 2021). the aim of this work is to analyse the geochemical and particle size parameters of lacustrine sediments and interpret the data in relation to/as a response to climatic and vegetation changes. we focus on correlations between each parameter with special regard to temperature-induced changes. the lipid biomarker distribution, especially long-chain n-alkanes, in recent sediments is a useful tool to detect natural and anthropogenic changes in the vegetation of lakes and catchment areas (meyers, p.a. 2003; eglinton, t.i. and eglinton, g. 2008; karlik, m. et al. 2018). elemental analysis is among fundamental methods employed in sedimentology, with xrf measurements becoming widespread in the last 50 years (engstrom, d.r. and wright, h.e. jr. 1984; couture, r.a. and dymek, r.f. 1996). elemental composition data reflect the organic, vegetation, inorganic and/or climate changes occurring in the lake-catchment system, whereas particle size distribution data are essential for interpreting elemental analytical data. this type of complex data analysis creates an opportunity to explore hitherto undiscovered processes, relationships and help to detect high impact effects (das, b.k. and haake, b.g. 2003; jin, z. et al. 2006). materials and methods study site lake bolătău-feredeu (47°37’20.74’’n, 25°25’54.43’’e) is located in the south-western sector of feredeului mountains (eastern carpathians, romania), in the vicinity of obcina feredeului peak (1,364 m a.s.l.) and pertains to sadova river catchment (figure 1). sadova stream is a tributary of river moldova. the lake formed in the upper area of sadova catchment, at ca. 1,137 m a.s.l., subsequent to a landslide event which dammed the deep, narrow valley head of holohoșca stream (mîndrescu, m. et al. 2013). the lake surface is only 0.3 ha with an average 2 m depth in 2010, while the catchment area is ~30 ha. the vegetation cover of the catchment is composed of various plant species, among which herbaceous associations account for 6 ha and picea abies-dominated forests for 24 ha (mîndrescu, m. et al. 2010). the bedrock consists predominantly of sandstone, and the soil profile depth increases towards the lake. the slope gradients within the catchment range between ~18° (eastward), ~24° (northward) and ~25° (southward), whereas the outflow of lake bolătău-feredeu flows to the west. core collection the sediment cores were retrieved in april 2013 using both a russian corer (core code: lb-r-01) and a gravity corer (core code: lb-g-01) from the frozen surface of the lake. the corer parameters were identical (d = 6.5+/-0,1 cm; s = 33.2 +/-0.6 cm2). two additional gravity cores (core codes: lb-g-02 341karlik, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 339–351. and lb-g-03) were extracted using a floating platform in november 2013. the cores extracted in april were visually inspected onsite, described, photographed and sectioned at 1 cm intervals into pre-labelled plastic bags (mîndrescu, m. et al. 2016). chronology an initial sediment chronology was established for the bolătău-feredeu sequence based on 8 ams radiocarbon dates from terrestrial macrofossils and validated for the recent section by the double peaks of the 137cs flux (i.e. mid-1960s: global fallout maximum; 1986: chernobyl event) (mîndrescu, m. et al. 2016). the sediment chronology of the top 24 cm has been significantly improved using by 210pb chronology (bihari, á. et al. 2018). the 210pb ages for the top 20 cm (with an uncertainty of the estimated ages below 30%) and all 14c dates were included in the bayesian age-depth model using the p_sequence function of the oxcal v.4.2 (bronk ramsey, c. 2009) software (figure 2). the latter was also employed for the calibration of 14c dates to calendar years in conjunction with the northern hemisphere intcal13 (reimer, p.j. et al. 2013; dataset: karlik, m. et al. 2018). particle size distribution analysis particle size distribution was determined using a fritsch analysette 22 microtech plus laser diffraction particle size analyser, which measures in the range of 0.08 μm – 2.0 mm. samples were treated for carbonate and organic matter removal according to usda nrcs method fig. 1. location of research area at continental scale (a); in the eastern carpathian region (b); and a closer view of lake bolătău-feredeu (c). the grey dashed line shows the catchment boundary. a site photo is displayed below the map (karlik, m. et al. 2018). karlik, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 339–351.342 de pt h (c m ) 6000 4000 2000 1 bc/ad 2001 m e (bc/adodelled dat ) bottom 400 300 0 100 200 oxc amsey (2017): r5 i al13 atmospheric cural v4.3.2 bronk r ntc ve (reimer et. al. 2013) dea-2644 1 1 1300 1400 1500 1600 1700 1800 1900 2000 60 40 20 0 dea 2640 1 1 dea 2639 1 1 dea 2638 1 1 dea 2637 1 1 to p bol 01 02 bol 02 03 bol 03 04 bol 04 05 bol 05 06 bol 06 07 bol 07 08 bol 08 09 bol 09 10 bol 10 11 bol 11 12 bol 12 13 bol 13 14 bol 14 15 bol 15 16 bol 16 17 bol 17 18 bol 18 19 dea-2643 1 1 dea-2642 1 1 dea-2641 1 1dea-2641 1 1 1200 bol 19 20 fig. 2. sediment chronology of the bolătău-feredeu sequence. light (blue) shading shows the 95 percent (68%) confidence range of the bayesian model. original and modelled probability density functions of the radiometric ages are plotted by light and dark blue, respectively. the uppermost 70 cm is enlarged, offering a more detailed view of the section on which the current study is focused (karlik, m. et al. 2018). 343karlik, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 339–351. (burt, r. 2004). three aliquots (ca. 1 g) were taken from each treated sample. five minutes of ultrasonic treatment and sodium-pyrophosphate (50 g/l) were applied to the samples in order to allow a complete dispersion of the specimens. refractive index and the imaginary part were assumed to be 1.54 and 0.01 (eshel, g. et al. 2004; varga, gy. et al. 2019). the percentages of sand (2,000–50 μm), silt (50–2 μm) and clay fractions (below 2 μm) were reported according to a modified united states department of agriculture (usda) texture classification scheme (konert, m. and vandenberghe, j. 1997). geochemical analysis xrf is widely regarded as a very versatile and fairly accurate method for elemental analysis. this method is able to detect elements in the mass range from fluorine to uranium in solid and liquid samples. the types of xrf equipment are very diversified and the detection limits and any other measured parameters highly depend on the accepted excitation voltage, measuring time, detection settings etc. xrf is generally used for soil and sediments analyses and is a widespread technique in earth and environmental analytics (schramm, r. 2012). the samples were measured using a rigaku supermini wavelength dispersive x-ray fluorescence spectrometer with pd x-ray tube 50 kv excitation voltage and 40 anodes current. the ezscan measuring method was applied for 40 minutes on each sample to determine elements from fluorine to uranium (table 1). organic geochemical analysis the ~78 cm long lb-g-02 core was cut into 12 non-uniform samples. non-uniform sampling steps were decided based on the pilot sampling, which suggested variable organic content. samples were dried at 40 °c and subsequently ground, and ~20 g samples were filled into stainless steel cells. extraction was carried out in an accelerated solvent extractor (ase350) at 75 °c and 100 bar, using 5:2 chloroform: methanol as solvent. the samples were run twice to ensure sufficient extraction. the extract was fractionated via column chromatography into saturated hydrocarbon (hc), aromatic hc, and resin fraction. the dominant fraction was resin. saturated hc fraction ranged from 1.1 to 5.3 percent of the extracted total organics (karlik, m. et al. 2018). the entire saturated hc fraction was analysed by gas-chromatography using a fisons 8000 gc with flame ionisation detector using the following parameters: injector temperature: 310 °c split: 1:10, db-tph 30 x 0.32 x 0.25 column, detector temperature: 310 °c. the oven was kept at 60 °c for 1 min, then heated up to 150 °c (20 °c/min), then up to 330 °c (6 °c/min) for 5 min. to avoid the potential bias due to the variable amount of saturated hc subsamples, the changes in the alkane composition were evaluated using well-known indices calculated as the ratio between summed peak areas of certain alkane groups (karlik, m. et al. 2018) (table 2). results weathering indices curves (cia, ciw, pia, v) show similarity to each other throughout the entire examined time interval (figure 3). from 1500 a.d. to 1776 a.d. the weathering index values fluctuated around the same level. the stable period is interrupted by a negative peak around 1820 a.d. the second time frame (between 1845 a.d. and 2010 a.d.) starts with a positive peak. after a short stable period (~55 years), a significant positive peak can be observed in all charts (1902 a.d. – 1948 a.d.) followed by a rapid decline upwards. in the last 55 years the values have been increasing. the uppermost 52 cm (~500 years) yielded enough material for particle size analysis. three fractions have been inferred based on particle size distribution: clay fraction < 2 μm, karlik, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 339–351.344 silt fraction from 2 to 50 μm, and sand fraction from 50 to 2,000 μm. the clay and the silt fractions accounted for more than 90 percent of the composition (see figure 3). the proportion of the clay fraction ranged between a maximum of 65.4 percent and a minimum value of 31.5 percent, thus, covering a wide range of approximately 34 percent. the data set can be divided into three main intervals. the first interval (from 1592 a.d. to 1802 a.d.) is characterised by a fluctuation around ~45 percent, with a standard deviation of 3 percent. the dominant trend is not visible in this period, whereas four peaks can be observed in 1607 a.d., 1676 a.d. (small), 1731 a.d. and 1776 a.d. between 1607 and 1730 a.d. the values are relatively low. the second interval spans from 1802 a.d. to 1845 a.d. within this short period, both a negative and a positive peak have been detected. the third interval starts in 1854 a.d. and lasts until 2010 a.d. between fig. 3. weathering indices and particle size distribution data. cia = chemical index of alteration; ciw = chemical index of weathering; pia = plagioclase index of alteration; v = vogt’s residual index. table 1. calculations of the weathering indices index calculation reference cia ciw pia v [al2o3/(al2o3 + cao* + na2o + k2o)] × 100 [al2o3/(al2o3 + cao* + na2o)] × 100 [(al2o3 – k2o)/(al2o + cao* + na2o – k2o)] × 100 (al2o3 + k2o)/(mgo + cao + na2o) nesbitt, h.w. and young, g.m. 1982 harnois, l.1988 fedo, c.m. et al. 1995 vogt, t. 1927 notes: cia = chemical index of alteration is interpreted as a measure of the extent of conversion of feldspars to clays; ciw = chemical index of weathering is identical to the cia, except that it eliminates k content from the equation; pia = plagioclase index of alteration is used to monitor the plagioclase weathering.; v = vogt’s residual index reflect the degradation of clay minerals. table 2. calculations of the n-alkane indices index calculation reference pwax (c27 + c29 + c31)/(c23 + c25 + c27 + c29 + c31) zeng, y. et al. 2007 phw 2 × c31/(c27 + c29) zhu, l. et al. 2008 notes: pwax = reflects the relative proportion of waxy n-alkanes; phw: = reflect the herbaceous proportion in the total terraneous plants. 345karlik, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 339–351. 1984 a.d. and 1994 a.d. the values show a declining trend with four peaks. (1985 a.d., 1912 a.d., 1938 a.d. and 1977 a.d.). the end of the period (from 1994 a.d. to 2010 a.d.) indicates a significant signal of current changes (see figure 3). silt fraction values commonly vary inversely compared to clay fraction values. in the first interval (from 1592 a.d. to 1802 a.d.) values fluctuate around ~50 percent with a standard deviation of 2 percent. a dominant trend has not been detected. however, six significant peaks can be separated (1592 a.d., 1629 a.d., 1694 a.d., 1749 a.d., 1802 a.d. and 1820 a.d.). in the second time frame (from 1802 a.d. to 1845 a.d.) the silt fraction decreases continuously. the third interval spans from 1854 a.d. to 2010 a.d. between 1984 a.d. and 1994 a.d. the values show an increasing trend, whereas the uppermost part (from 1994 a.d. to 2010 a.d.) has been disturbed as previously mentioned (see figure 3). the percentage of the sand fraction is generally less than 10 percent throughout the entire sediment sequence under investigation. the data set can be divided into two main parts. between 1592 a.d. and 1820 a.d. the sand fraction values show high variability. from 1592 a.d. onwards, after a short decreasing period, three peaks have been determined at 1618 a.d., 1650 a.d. (the highest) and 1705 a.d., followed by ca. 70 years. of relatively low stable values. the ensuing period covering ~62 years started in 1775 a.d. with a 3.7 percent sand fraction value, showed an increase up to a maximum value of 9.3 percent in 1820 a.d., and ended in 1883 a.d. at 1.6 percent. the last time frame lasted between 1883 a.d. and 2010 a.d. after a 20-year increase, a declining trend followed without major fluctuations (see figure 3). loi (loss-on-ignition) values range between 16 and 27 percent in the core. from 1500 a.d. to 1767 a.d., the values have not shown any significant changes. following this stable period, the largest shift can be observed from 16.5 percent (1776 a.d.) to 26.7 percent (1811 a.d.), ensued by a subsequent drop to 16.3 percent (1838 a.d.). an increasing trend has been detected up to 1902 a.d., followed by a stabilisation at around the previous level (from 1500 a.d. to 1776 a.d.) (figure 4). the phw index ranges from 0.23 to 0.84 with a median of 0.47. this index can be used to study the relative abundance of woody fig. 4. temperature and potential organic material proxies: loi, phw, pwax (published in: karlik, m. et al. 2018); s, p, n-sk [z-score temperature proxy] (büntgen, u. et al. 2013). karlik, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 339–351.346 (versus herbaceous) plants reflected by longchain alkanes (zhu, l. et al. 2008). the high values of phw indicate an increased contribution of herbaceous plants to the sedimentary n-alkane composition compared to woody plants. phw shows an increasing trend from 1500 a.d. to 1662 a.d. ensued by relatively higher values peaking at 0.61 (from 1562 a.d. to 1618 a.d.). subsequent to the peak, phw drops to the lowest recorded level (0.23) between 1635 a.d. and 1679 a.d. and then it is stabilised around 0.47. a remarkable shift can be observed at 1820 a.d., where phw is increased by a factor of ~1.7. less elevated values (0.72) were determined for the most recent sediments, however, these are still well above the values obtained for the sediment below 1820 a.d. (karlik, m. el al. 2018). (see figure 4). the pwax index ranges between 0.68 and 0.80 with a 0.73 median. pwax reflects the relative proportion of waxy hydrocarbons derived from emergent macrophytes and terrestrial plants to total hydrocarbons (zheng, y. et al. 2007). therefore, higher pwax values suggest a larger input from vascular plants. the inferred terrestrial contribution fluctuates along the bolătău-feredeu sediment sequence. the pwax is 0.73 in the lowermost sample and exhibits some small fluctuations upwards, dropping to its lowest value at 1635 a.d. low values were also recorded in the two upper samples, therefore suggesting a diminished terrestrial contribution to the sedimentary organic material during a prolonged period of time. the pwax index recovers at the depth of 1761 a.d. and gradually increases upwards, reaching the maximum value in the topmost sample (karlik, m. et al. 2018) (see figure 4). sulfur is regarded as one of the most significant all-round proxies for lacustrine sediments and varies throughout the sediment sequence between ~1,110 ppm and ~5,080 ppm, reflecting the bacterial productivity and pyrite formation (gransch, j.a. and postuma, j. 1974; raiswell, r. and berner, r.a. 1985), as well as the organic matter content (werne, j.p. et al. 2003). from 1500 a.d. to 1620 a.d. the sulfur content of the sediment changed considerably, whereas, during the following 150 years, the concentration of sulfur remains stable at around 1,800 ppm. the highest peak was recorded between 1785 a.d. and 1838 a.d. showing an increase by three orders of magnitude. subsequently, the sulfur content dropped to the previous level until present day (see figure 4). the phosphorus content originates in the organic matter of the sediment (lu, j.j. et al. 2005) and is involved in many biological processes, reflecting various factors such as lake productivity and terrestrial organic input (engstrom, d.r. and wright, h.e. jr. 1984). the phosphorus content varies between ~820 ppm and ~1,250 ppm during the analysed time frame of ~500 years. from 1500 a.d. to 1620 a.d., the values drop reaching a minimum of 920 ppm in 1592 a.d. in the following four decades, the decreasing trend is interrupted by a local peak. after 1618 a.d. a sudden decline in phosphorus content has been determined ensued by a short minimum period (~20 years), subsequent to which the p concentration remains at lower levels compared to the previous period. from 1761 a.d. the value decreases, however, at 1820 a.d. a remarkable peak has been detected, whereas at 1829 a.d. the p concentration is the lowest recorded in the core. the phosphorus content shows an upward trend up to 1938 a.d. ensued by a downward trend until 2010 a.d. (see figure 4). n-sk [z-score] data set is a high resolution modelled paleotemperature proxy to the carpathian region published by büntgen, u. et al. (2013). from 1500 a.d. to 1620 a.d., the values show a non-continuous increasing trend and a relapse dated around 1560 a.d. subsequent to 1620 a.d. the value drops to a minimum between 1630 a.d. and 1650 a.d. from 1680 a.d. to 1760 a.d. the standard deviation of the data is higher than before, with values varying greatly. the ensuing main period starts with a rapid decline from 1760 a.d. to 1800 a.d., whereas during the following 200 years. an increasing trend can be observed (see figure 4). 347karlik, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 339–351. discussion weathering processes in the catchment of lake bolătău-feredeu changes in the weathering conditions have been studied using four different weathering indices and particle size distribution data (see figure 3). from 1500 a.d. to 1776 a.d. the inferred weathering conditions were relatively constant based on the particle size values of clay and silt fractions. the sand fraction peak detected around 1550 a.d. has not been explained according to the classical interpretation, which would point to a shift in weathering conditions due to rainfall effect etc. in this case, the weathering indices calculated based on element concentrations do not show a signal that would confirm the weathering condition changes theory. from 1776 a.d. to 1838 a.d. all weathering indexes and particle size fractions showed rapid and significant changes. this effect is concentrated within a relatively short time frame with a sudden decline occurring in just 20 years, indicating a significant shift in the lake-catchment area system, which has been explained by the findings of karlik, m. et al. (2018) regarding extensive deforestation in the region. from 1838 a.d. to the present the weathering index values are more scattered compared to the earliest period (1500 a.d. to 1776 a.d.), thus suggesting that the catchmentlake system was more disturbed likely due to greater anthropogenic impact. the time frame spanning from 1925 a.d to 1948 a.d. deserves special attention as it overlaps with world war ii. environmental changes in the lake-catchment system the modelled temperature dataset of the east carpathian region (büntgen, u. et al. 2013) was compared to the organic and inorganic proxies, which resulted in the following reconstruction of environmental changes in the lake-catchment system. spread of herbaceous species in the catchment (~1500 a.d. to 1620 a.d.) this period is characterised by large variations in values. the most informative indices were the n-alkane proxy parameters (phw and pwax). the phosphorus content recorded a high fluctuation, whereas the loi% and the s content show similar shapes. phw increased from 0.4 to 0.61, while pwax decreased from 0.75 to 0.7. unfortunately, particle size distribution data are not available for this period. low fluctuations in sulfur content and loi% suggest the lack of high impact events, which would have significantly altered the geographical structure of the catchment. however, the values indicate a change in the vegetation of the catchment as the n-alkane proxy parameters suggest that the closed forest of the area receded and herbaceous vegetation settled in the vacant spots. the phosphorus content shows a disturbed signal and has a similar shape to the n-sk record with a 30-year slip. this parameter is linked to lake water temperature (kim, l.h. et al. 2003.) and biological productivity (wildung, r.e. et al. 1977), therefore the connection between p content and the n-sk record is plausible in this source. the effect of a cold period on the lake-catchment system (1620 a.d. to 1700 a.d.) this section of the sediment sequence coincides with a well-documented cold period in central europe (dobrovolny, p. et al. 2010). the n-sk temperature proxy indicates the interval with the lowest temperature at around 1639 a.d. the low phosphorus concentration corresponding to this time period correlates well with the minimum n-sk index, whereas phw and pwax drop to their minimum values. moreover, the contribution of the sand fraction recorded one of its highest peaks at 1650 a.d. however, the weathering indices have not changed to a significant extent, therefore related processes are negligible. the change in temperature is responsible for the shift of the primary biosphere in the catchment area, karlik, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 339–351.348 with herbaceous species responding more sensitively to the environmental condition changes compared to woody species. the variations detected in the n-alkane proxies and the phosphorus content (with the latter at a significantly higher resolution) indicate a fast cooling period in the area of bolătău-feredeu lake-catchment. the shape of the p content signal is very similar to the shape of the modelled temperature during the time frame when the minimum temperature was recorded in the catchment (from 1629 a.d. to 1650 a.d.). herbaceous species, and especially the grass vegetation greatly influence the particle size distribution of the terrestrial input. from the proportion of the sand fraction, it can be deduced that the herbaceous cover had declined between 1620 a.d. and 1650 a.d. a seemingly stable period in the lake-catchment system (1700 a.d. to 1780 a.d.) this time frame spanning ca. 70 years, marks a period of relative stability in the 18th century. based on the available data, the apparent stability could be attributed in part to the sampling frequency. however, a more probable explanation is the slow response of this complex system to rapid, short-term shifts lacking any explicit trend. whereas the modelled temperature shows significant changes, among the weathering indices only pia (which is bound to the clay and silt fraction) reflects these variations. the sulfur content and, to a greater degree, the organic matter content (loi%) both show a decrease. the phosphorus content follows the trend of the n-sk temperature proxy, albeit the resolution of the p curve is higher than n-sk. phw drops to a minimum level in the second part of the period. anthropogenic impact on the lake-catchment system during a cold period (from 1780 a.d. to 1860 a.d.) deforestation has been documented in bukovina (florescu, g. et al. 2017) in the area where the catchment area is located (karlik, m. et al. 2018). the multi-proxy analysis supports a better understanding of the historical evolution of anthropogenic impact in this catchment and allows for comparisons with other areas. according to the n-sk temperature proxy this period was especially cold. the phosphorus content shows a similar trend with the exception of a peak detected between 1811 a.d. and 1829 a.d. during this period, all proxies displayed well marked trends. the maximum p value was reached in the 1820s. the highest loi% value is recorded during this period, suggesting high organic material input in the lake-catchment system. moreover, a large sulfur peak (pointing to an anoxic zone) was detected, thus indicating high organic content. all weathering indices recorded unprecedented minimum values, with the clay fraction peak conforming to the trend of the weathering indices. conversely, the sand and silt fractions show marked peaks. the n-alkane proxy parameters (phw and pwax) indicate significant changes; however, as the sample at this depth covers a large time interval, only the change itself was considered. based on the examination of all parameters the deforestation started around ~1811 a.d. and went on for a decade. the effect of forest removal coupled with the major disturbance undergone by the soil modified the total lake – catchment system. the high organic input to the lake originating in the catchment most likely destabilised the lake balance. subsequent to 1829 a.d. a new vegetation composition began to form. modern landscape changes in the catchment (1860 a.d. to 2010 a.d.) the deforestation documented during the early 19th century marked the onset of change in the bolătău-feredeu lake-catchment system. some of the parameters recorded unprecedented levels or were evolved according to new trends. the silt and clay fraction balance was constantly shifting in the direction of the silt, with the exception of the last 349karlik, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 339–351. 20 years when high fluctuation became prevalent, whereas the sand fraction stabilised at a lower level. based on these data, it can be asserted that continuous transformation is taking place in the catchment. the fluctuation of the weathering indices was not consistent, which could be linked at least in part to human activity. the human impact was confirmed by the peaks recorded by weathering indices during world war ii. loi% and the sulfur content showed systemic repetition with coinciding peaks of these two parameters. the phosphorus content is comparable to the temperature model throughout this period, with the exception of the last 50 years when the p content trend deviates from n-sk. thus, it can be argued that p content can be used to monitor the temperature. although during this time frame the n-alkanes proxies were measured only in two samples, they are still effective parameters, suggesting that organic productivity in the catchment is much higher than before. in the first sample covering the period subsequent to deforestation in the catchment the herbaceous contribution is much higher than the woody content, which is a typical finding. however, the second sample which represents the end of the 20th century, shows the next step in afforestation, a decrease in herbaceous plants and an increase in woody vegetation. conclusions in this study, a multi-proxy analysis was carried out, comprising both organic and nonorganic proxies, in order to highlight the importance as well as the disadvantages of n-alkane biomarkers, and the connections between proxies and temperature. based on the data, we have concluded that the phosphorus concentration and the phw n-alkane proxy are the most promising temperature proxies at this study site and should be further studied in terms of their potential for past temperature reconstruction. analysis of indices from multiple sources is essential for avoiding misinterpretation of data and allows for a more in-depth understanding of the paleoenvironment as a biological and inorganic system. our study provided sufficient solid data to reconstruct the paleoclimate and vegetation changes in the catchment area. the data interpretation suggests that between ~1500 a.d. and 1620 a.d. herbaceous species replaced the closed forest vegetation in the catchment area based on n-alkane distribution, corroborated by loi, sulfur and phosphorus variations. the effect of the well-documented cold period between 1620 a.d. and 1700 a.d. can be detected in the bolătău-feredeu lakecatchment system. based on phw and pwax, we inferred that bio-production in the catchment area decreased drastically, which is further reflected by the sand fraction peak and low phosphorous content. phosphorous data suggests that the coldest period occurred between ~1629 a.d. and 1650 a.d. an apparent stable period was documented between1700 a.d. and 1780 a.d. with only a slight decrease of herbaceous contribution, presumably caused by the undisturbed growth of the woody species. however, rapid changes may influence herbaceous vegetation without significantly impacting woody plants, thus resulting in decreasing herbaceous contribution. the signal of the cold period (1780 a.d. to 1860 a.d.) can be observed in the n-sk data and the phosphorus content. earlier studies documented an anthropogenic deforestation event in the area (karlik, m. et al. 2018) based on organic proxies, albeit the exact date has not been determined. the non-organic datasets, especially the phosphorus and sulfur contents, the sand fraction distribution and the calculated weathering indices, helped to accurately understand the course of the event. therefore, during this cold period the forest removal started around 1811 a.d. and finished around 1820 a.d. in this short period a large amount of organic matter was delivered into the lake from the catchment area. this significant deforestation was further reflected in the changing weathering conditions. karlik, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 339–351.350 the time period spanning from 1860 a.d. to 2010 a.d. differs from the earlier periods in that human activity in the area has become an additional factor in the lake-catchment system. however, the human impact in the area is somewhat limited, as the bolătăuferedeu catchment is located in a relatively remote area, nearly entirely forested, under conservation status (natura 2000 framework). the anthropogenic effect was confirmed by several parameters, such as loi%, the s content and the weathering indices. the vegetation showed various stages of natural forestation during this period: first, the herbaceous contribution increased in the catchment area, then it was displaced by woody vegetation. acknowledgements: the authors thank for the support by the european union and the state of hungary, co-financed by the european regional development fund in the project of ginop-2.3.2.-15-2016-00009 ‘icer’ r e f e r e n c e s barbu, i., curca, m., ichim, v. and barbu, c. 2016. causes of change in the structure of landscapes in bukowina (1775–2010). revista de silvicultură și cinegetică 21. 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(5): 831–839. available at https://doi. org/10.1177/0959683608091801 karlik, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 339–351.352 irodalom.indd 137 l i t e r a t u r e hungarian geographical bulletin 2009. vol. 58. no 2. pp. 137–140. károly kocsis–zsolt bott lik: ethnic map of the present territory of hungary, 1941. ethnic map of hungary, 2001. hungarian academy of sciences, geographical research institute. budapest, 2009. the geographical workshop of the hungarian academy of sciences (gri has) launched a series of maps in the mid-1990s, which show the present ethnic structure of the regions in the carpathian basin with sizeable hungarian population and the change of this patt ern during the past fi ve hundred years. this publication series is a milestone in the history of hungarian ethnic geographical research and now the latest (eighth and ninth) pieces of this series are available for those interested in the ethnic situation within the carpathian basin. author of the series is károly kocsis who has a quarter century long academic experience, and who revived the ethnic geographical studies having fl ourished between the world wars but vanished aft erwards. reports on the lot of ethnic minorities in the region and on changes in their socio-economic position and demography patt ern were held back during the years of communism but today they are back in the focus of the general interest again. representatives of social sciences and geography, together with the politicians and the public are equally concerned about the issue. károly kocsis has analysed the ethnic situation of the carpatho-balkan region in several of his previous works. these writings laid the foundations of a reviving discipline at the turn of the millennium. his present co-author zsolt bottlik (eötvös loránd university, department of geography) also is an expert in the spatial patt ern of the ethnicities in the region. the layout of the previous map sheets which showed the area of the carpathian basin beyond the hungarian state borders were similar to that of the actual work representing the ethnic situation of our country. the series deploys a multitemporal approach: it successfully presents the dynamics in changes of ethnic structure during the last fi ve hundred years despite the constraints imposed by cartographic representation. the recent publication is diff erent from the previous ones in a way that it consists of two sheets of double pages. this innovation accounts for the shape of the country and claims to prepare maps at a scale which are suitable to depict the ethnic patt ern by sett lements. on the front pages there are maps of hungary (1:500 000) showing the composition of the sett lements’ population at the moment of the censuses held in 1941 (by mother tongue) and 2001 (by ethnicity). the supplementary maps on the reverse show the changing spatial ethnic structure since the late 15th century. the cartographic representation is complemented with a table and a detailed explanation in hungarian and english. the sources of data which comprise the basis of these maps are the offi cial censuses from 1880 only, as the reconstruction of ethnic structures for the previous periods is rather ambiguous. the emerging distortions are reduced by the application of varied sources for the estimations (mainly historical monographs and gazett eers). 138 the maps on the front pages are adjusted to recent administrative divisions while the supplementary maps on the back side show the ethnicities ever lived within the contemporary administrative area of the sett lements. the sett lement names indicated on the front page cover the territory of the country completely therefore inscriptions of all sett lements fi gure in the maps those having been offi cial at the two time slices.. in case the number of inhabitants qualifi es for it, the names can be read in the language of ethnic minorities as well. because of size limits, only the name of major sett lements appear in maps of the reverse side. for these supplementary maps, the reference periods are indicated. in the maps on the front, due to the detailed data of censuses, the ethnic composition by sett lements was represented with pie charts. the size of diagrams of sett lements are proportional to the numbers of inhabitants having importance, especially in case of the 2001 census where the map provides information in an almost entirely homogeneous space. the maps of hungary showing the spatial patt ern of ethnic minorities during the previous centuries are made through areal representation. owing to the uncertain sources of data and smaller scale, however, in this case only the (absolute or relative) ethnic majority of sett lements were indicated with patches of diff erent colours. these supplementary maps are aimed to introduce the macro-level changes which are feasible to be shown by this method of mapping. the distortion caused by the areal representation is partly counterbalanced by the delineation of uninhabited territories. the table is also a clear introduction into the dynamics of multitemporal changes as the comparison of national data sets makes possible research aimed at the analysis of the changes in the number of people that belong to ethnic groups and their proportions compared to the entire population. the explanatory notes furnishing the map user with comments to the fi gures explore the social processes behind the changes in ethnic structure in detail, supported by a rich bibliography. the periods described are not derived from periods defi ned by the represented dates; they are confi ned to the distinct eras of hungarian history instead. thus the interpretation of processes is made much more easier. the maps support the message of this summary which is based on the crucial turning points of the history of ethnic groups in the carpathian basin, hence the changing ethnic aspect is also introduced and it is not only the maps which get an in-depth analysis. the publication is a correct piece of work in mapping performed by the cartographers of the geographical research institute. this is the reason why the graphical representation is so att ractive: the colours, symbols and methods make aesthetic experience and illustrate correctly the ethnic structure of our country and the changes that have occurred in it. the ethnic maps of hungary stands its ground alone without the other maps of the series. the presentation of the spatial aspects of processes of historical scale is the real value of this long awaited publication. it is one of the essential bases for a research of social processes in the fi eld of various social sciences. it can be used as an auxiliary material in public education and in higher education equally, and also may serve as a source of information for the interested layman. margit kőszegi 6_book reviews.indd 191book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 189–197. preston, c.j. (ed.): climate justice and geoengineering: ethics and policy in the atmospheric anthropocene. london–new york, rowman & littlefield international. 2016. 209 p. a great many researches have been addressing the issue of global climate change for decades. the intergovernmental panel on climate change (ipcc) in its fifth assessment report significantly expanded its focus to climate engineering compared to previous reports. adaptation to climate change is not optimal, as countries most in need of adaptation have the least amount of resources. in response, and as the planet is already locked in the future warming caused by past emissions, geoengineering is suggested as a possible tool of further mitigation. geoengineering, also known as climate engineering, describes methods and technologies for ‘manipulating’ the climate in order to mitigate or prevent the effects of climate change. christopher preston, professor of philosophy at the university of montana and a leading philosopher of the ethics of climate engineering, has brought together an impressive group of thinkers and researchers to reflect on the complex topic of “climate justice and geoengineering: ethics and policy in the atmospheric anthropocene” in the current volume. there is an extensive literature nowadays on the ethics of geoengineering which offers several important observations. one of the main ethical issues this volume indirectly draws attention to is the thought of intentionally manipulating the whole planet challenges the whole domain of environmental thinking. the current edited volume is a remarkable initiative to provide a comprehensive and comparative overview of climatic technologies and ethical issues in their interrelations. it gives us the opportunity to evaluate technologies while taking into consideration key ethical challenges, and to gain a better understanding of alternative climate policies. thanks to the fairness approach the list of contributors includes both advocates of climate intervention research and its sceptics. this cross-disciplinary collection contains a second-generation of analyses which state that the portrayal of the problems identified in first generation studies of climate engineering can start to take on a different hue when put into a more realistic context. while significant ethical challenges are still clearly surrounding climate engineering, the arguments of several authors do not preclude the possibility that some form of climate engineering will make some contribution to climate justice in the future under certain highly constrained circumstances. the volume includes 13 studies written by economists, geographers, philosophers, policy experts, climate experts and sustainable development theorists. diversity is not only presented in terms of disciplinary background, but also as regarding the nationality of the authors. contributors originate from canada, finland, germany, italy, kenya, the netherlands, nigeria, sweden, switzerland, the united kingdom and the united states. the articles take up theoretical and practical aspects as well. the book consists of three parts. part i (geoengineering justice in theory) is oriented primarily towards philosophical and ethical theory. geoengineering means deliberate large scale intervention into the earth’s natural systems in order to counteract climate change. generally, geoengineering techniques can be grouped in two categories: carbon dioxide removal (cdr) and solar radiation management (srm). cdr techniques aim to remove carbon dioxide from the atmosphere, directly counteracting the increased greenhouse effect and ocean acidification. these techniques (e.g. afforestation, biochar, bio energy with carbon capture and sequestration, ambient air capture, ocean fertilisation, enhanced weathering, ocean alkalinity enhancement) should be implemented on a global scale to make a significant impact on carbon dioxide levels in the atmosphere. srm techniques aim to reflect a small proportion of the sun’s energy back to space, counteracting an increasing level of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere which absorb energy and raise temperature. some srm techniques are albedo enhancement, and the doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.67.2.7 hungarian geographical bulletin 67 2018 (2) 192 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 189–197. use of either space reflectors or stratospheric aerosols through stratospheric sulphate injection (ssi). toby svoboda argues in chapter 1 that, although srm may impose distributive injustice in general, certain uses of srm might nonetheless be distributively just. according to preston, srm could have the morally contestable outcome of increasing the vulnerability of some parties to climate related burdens, yet on the whole a policy involving srm might be more just than its alternatives, given srm’s potential to manage climate risk and buy time for mitigation, development, adaptation and, possibly, cdr. as svoboda puts it: “accordingly, srm might be permissible in light of our duties of justice, despite its potential to bring unjust burdens to some parties. to be clear, i am not advocating srm deployment, but it is time for ethicists to begin broadening their consideration of srm, attending not just to its potential ethical problems but also to its potential ethical merits” (p. 13). employing geoengineering to struggle with climate change is often identified as ‘plan b’. chapter 2 argues against the common plan b framing of ssi. according to augustin fragnière and stephen m. gardiner, plan b framing presupposes distinctness, independence, exclusiveness, attractiveness and relative feasibility. in general, it claims that the framing encourages distortions of the ethical judgement by unnecessarily narrowing down the variety of options available to future climate policy and underestimating the relevance of past moral failures. according to the authors, rather than a comparative assessment of mitigation and geoengineering, we should encourage a more integrative assessment that situates ssi within the wider context of climate policy as a potential part of more general schemes of action. another lesson learnt from this chapter is that ethics is premier to this task. chapter 3 addresses the problem that the debate surrounding climate change and climate justice mostly focuses on emission reduction. the aim of this chapter is to argue that the concept of recognition plays an important role in evaluation and improvement of participatory processes. the main conclusion of the authors is that using srm without ensuring participatory justice for all actors concerned we risk endangering the trust and social capital. in chapter 4 patrik baard and per wikman-svahn try to figure out whether we have a residual obligation to engineer the climate as a matter of justice. the theory of residual obligation was first discussed by bernard williams. the concept pointed out that if an agent has more than one obligation, fulfilling one of them does not cancel out the moral importance of the others. the authors critically examine the thesis that we have a residual obligation of solar geoengineering. furthermore, geoengineering exposes individuals to new risks. concluding alternative residual obligations should thus be more seriously considered in climate policy. the last topic of part i is intergenerational justice of climate change (chapter 5). the problem is that earlier generations’ emissions cause loss to the future generations by climate change which must be compensated. according to frank jankunis and allen habib further investigations about geoengineering as a potential compensatory mechanism are necessary. in part ii (geoengineering justice in practice) four theoretical questions are addressed. the first one is that the solar geoengineering has obligations to the global poor (chapter 6). there is a broad consensus that the effects of climate change will disproportionately affect the poor, for the simple reason that poorer people will have less resources compared to wealthier ones to manage climate risks and adapt to unavoidable changes. the other most significant criticism against solar geoengineering is that it could shrink responsibility by postponing the harmful effects of climate change. the second question is why aggressive mitigation must be part of any pathway to climate justice (chapter 7). reflecting on it, countries’ representatives are obliged to ensure that their citizens’ total fair share (fs) of emission entitlement is not exceeded and to promote the establishment of adequate global institutions. also, wealthy countries ought to undertake fast and far reaching mitigation. the possibility to research and deploy climate engineering (ce) technologies and to undertake adaptation does not diminish the original obligation with respect to mitigation. in conclusion, different strategies of how meaningful policies can evolve over time are suggested, for example carbon pricing as well as low carbon research and development. chapter 8 discusses the energy and climate context that shapes the possible roles of climate engineering, the way ce might be used as a part of a strategic portfolio to control climate impacts, cultural issues associated with starting research on this topic, and some thoughts about moving towards the international control of ce. the author’s main conclusions are that geoengineering may be needed in the future, but one needs further research to prove its potential. as the problem of climate change grows, the need for international interaction and coordination will also increase. here, early and smaller scale interventions can provide an alternative to build the institutions required. the last topic in this part of the volume analyses the ethical challenges, risks and opportunities that result from the complex relations between food systems and climate engineering. important and difficult questions arise from interactions between climate engineering, climate mitigation, and food production and consumption. it is necessary to find the ways to resolve or manage the risks related to non-agricultural srm techniques. considering how significantly climate change threatens food justice and food security, there are good reasons for being cautiously positive towards those climate engineering strategies that are safe in terms of food justice and food security. 193book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 189–197. part iii (geoengineering justice in frames, scenarios, and models) employs four individual models and case studies. the first topic addressed here is “framing out justice: the post-politics of climate engineering discourses” (chapter 10). it compares climate engineering to climate change in terms of how they are framed in media discourses. the chapter begins with a brief introduction to the existing climate change discourses. three competing theories, ‘prometheanism’, ‘eco-modernisation’ and ‘green radicalism’, are presented in this part of the book. according to the author three explicit master framings can be identified in the discourses: technological optimism, political realism and ‘avoiding catastrophe’ framings. the researches presented here focus on explicit aspects of the debate, also analysing separately the framings of the two main techniques, cdr and srm. in general, media framings typically imply that geoengineering would be practical and controllable, and describe it as a decision to be made to avoid potentially catastrophic levels of climate change. duncan mclaren also emphasises the possibility of cancelling the domination of the climate debate by discourses sustaining existing injustices. chapter 11 presents a case study which focuses on solar geoengineering. it investigates “technology-based climate intervention and compromising social justice in africa”. according to the authors, africa is likely to experience catastrophic climate impacts if the current trajectory of climate policies is maintained. in consequence, this study shows that under certain climatic conditions and a specific climate intervention regime, african policymakers often decide to prioritise one group of stakeholders over others, depending on this group’s social influence and its firm interest in the outcome of climate policy, which has significant implications for climate justice. furthermore, the implementation of such systems requires sustainable, socially equitable and affordable infrastructure. therefore, african leaders need to become self-determined ‘climate pro actors’ by developing consistent climate protection mechanisms. the next chapter (chapter 12) presents integrated assessment models (iams) which are analysing trade-offs and synergies as foreseen. as the authors, johannes emmerling and massimo tavoni point out, “achieving climate stabilization is the ultimate goal of climate change policies” (p. 175). according to the authors the main question is even if countries were to agree on a long term temperature goal, how could it be translated into climate change strategies. iams have already been used as a respond to this policy request. geoengineering technologies, namely cdr and srm, have been incorporated into iams, though in much different degrees. both of them raise many concerns with important consequences for equity and justice, but these are fundamentally different from each other. in the case of cdr, the benefits of reduced economic costs must be compared with the temporal and geographical repartition of effort, and the risks can be mitigated by setting appropriate measurement and introducing the right policies. on the other hand, srm embodies a series of risks which are not easily mitigated. the last chapter (chapter 13) computes the kaldorhicks optimal level of geoengineering and shows there is actually no pareto optimal level in this case. the author, richard tol, considers two sets of transfers. the first set assumes that people are exposed to unbridled climate change and compensates those who would prefer less-than-globally-optimal geoengi neering. the other set favours climate change and compensates those who would prefer more-than-globally-optimal geoengi neering. although the presented analysis is really simple, it provides a valuable overview of the main inequities that come with geoengineering. on the other hand, it has many limitations. for example, the analysis is static, but the problem is dynamic. hence, this macroeconomic analysis is very useful to evaluate the process, but further development should be taken. in conclusion, achieving climate stabilisation is the ultimate goal of climate change policies. over the last decades, such approaches have considerably increased their legitimacy among scientists, policy makers and environmental groups. the most important question is even if the representatives of countries were to agree on a long term temperature goal, how could it be translated into climate change strategies? more specifically, how would the development of such strategies complement or weaken efforts aimed at mitigation and adaptation. the technologies discussed above may target different areas of the climate system with different concerns, diverse social impacts and environmental effects. in the end of the volume, we have an overall view about how to evaluate technologies while taking into consideration their ethical challenges, and how to gain a better understanding of alternative climate policies. in light of these, the most outstanding message of the volume is that geoengineering intersects with other sectors and trends in all geographical regions and at all levels of governance (all scales). in order to determine whether any geoengineering approach is appropriate to address climate change, we must first turn to critical global discussions. according to christopher j. preston, matters of justice are perhaps the primary consideration that should drive any discussion of climate change. anett dékány1 1 international relations multidisciplinary doctoral school, corvinus university of budapest, budapest, hungary. e-mail: anett.dekany.1@gmail.com. 0_tartalom.indd 69 l i t e r a t u r e hungarian geographical bulletin 2009. vol. 58. no 1. pp. 69–73. costa, c.s. et al. (eds.): greenkeys at your city: a guide for urban green quality. leibnitz institute of ecological and regional development, dresden, 2008. 105 p. a new, remarkably useful guide has been added to the already abundant list of references to spatial and urban planning. the booklet is aimed to prove the importance and to present opportunities for a relatively new spatial planning purpose: the urban green development. the content of the present volume was based on fi ndings of an eu interreg iii b cadses (2005-2008) project, titled: ‘greenkeys – urban green as a key for sustainable cities’. the project had three main objectives. firstly, to plan and implement pilot projects in the partner cities and collect the experience gained during the whole process. secondly, to formulate an urban green space strategy, which can be used as a template in future projects. finally, to help transfer the knowledge and know-how in the topic, and to publish the results. the greenkeys brought together 12 cities from 7 countries, 8 scientifi c supporters (among them the research group of the geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences, budapest), external experts, design studios and ngos. besides, the public participation and involvement of local stakeholders were a crucial goal of (and at the same time tool for) the project. it is worth to mention that the greenkeys project has partly been built upon the eu fp5 project, called urge (development of urban greenspaces to improve the quality of life in cities and urban regions) as an antecedent. the fact that the present book was writt en by authors who participated actively in the whole procedure of the given pilot project could guarantee what one can claim from a guide: to provide swift , defi nite and universally usable methods for solving the problems and to give answers to the emerging questions. the structure of the volume (made up of fi ve major chapters) certainly meets this requirement. in the introduction the authors proclaim their credo: the urban green space development contributes to the sustainability of cities in all detail. the benefi ts are observable in the economic, social, ecological and environmental spheres of life. four major phenomena make this issue timely: the numerous ‘brownfi elds’ within urban areas having appeared aft er economic restructuring and deindustrialization, the climate change which aff ects the built-up city areas profoundly, the increasing need of bett er quality of life and the aspect of public health. the second, most lengthy part makes the readers acquainted with strategy planning procedure step-by-step. three main phases can be defi ned: the starting part, in which the aims, priorities, and the exact implementation steps have to be identifi ed aft er establishing the strategy group. collecting and analyzing data and subjective information are the primary purpose in the second, analytical part. the third, action part deals with the development of urban green space strategy and ends with the preparation of its draft version. it also off ers an implementation plan in accordance with the needs that have already been revealed. here we can fi nd a subsection (pool for strategies) which gives exact examples not only from the experiences of the project partners, but from the uk (bristol, doncaster) and germany (münster) as well, about how to deal with the emerging issues and to surmount possible obstacles. it also off ers diff erent types of solution in such cases. one of the most diffi cult questions of the action part of every project is how to raise funds. the example of nova gorica, slovenia was mentioned where the hit group (a 70 casino and tourist corporation) co-fi nanced the development of the green space. the story of the involvement of a private company began with an event organized by a local artist. the artist sold hand-made plastic fl owers to collect money to build a children’s playground in the city park. naturally, the amount collected this way was not suffi cient but publicity was aroused among politicians and other decision makers. all this contributed to the decision of the management of the casino, situated near to the projected playground, and run by the hit group, to co-fi nance the project. the third part of the book is an att empt to present an overview of the experience gained from the implementation of the greenkeys pilot projects. as a general rule we can state that the faults committ ed in the starting and analytical part of the strategy can easily hamper implementation or raise diffi culties. the fourth chapter provides an overview of the tools developed during the project. this section practically functions as a manual for the contents accessible in the website (htt p://www.greenkeys-project.net) and on the enclosed cd-rom, which is a good idea indeed as the documents, questionnaires, tables with the instruments, techniques, concepts are completely downloadable and applicable in the work of experts and interested and committ ed civil stakeholders. in the last chapter recommendations concerning the green policies of cities are formulated and the local authorities, national governments and the european commission are called for action. this chapter describes the multilevel benefi ts (for individuals, local communities, tourists) of green space development in diff erent (social, environmental, economic) aspects. the importance of the initiative and supportive roles of the local government is emphasized, and the special relevance of cooperation between the related actors i.e. the local authorities, professional consultants, scientifi c advisors and the inhabitants, local stakeholders is pointed out. the involvement of the inhabitants (primary users of the green area) into the procedure from the planning phase till the implementation and maintenance means to contribute to the local civic awareness in positive sense and to motivate the population to care for the new or renovated green area. next to the involvement of the local stakeholders and public participation it is the interdisciplinary approach and the cooperation between the scientifi c and administrative experts that are the key elements for the successful planning and realization of an urban green strategy. in most cases the logical structure of the booklet is accompanied with an att ractive appearance. the framed texts refer to examples from the practice of the project partners but in other cases they stand for important statements, recommendations. maybe it would have been more logic to diff erentiate between the two. another problem with these greenframed writings is that they sometimes hamper the understanding of the subsection as they are cut in the main text. beside these, an abundance of maps, fi gures and diagrams help the bett er interpretation of the message. photos made the book colourful and ’easy-toread’ – notwithstanding some of them seem to be unnecessary and redundant. the green cd-rom-symbol always reminds the reader to check further information on the att ached cd-rom, while the green arrow indicates cross-reference to other chapters of the book. the experience and problem oriented approach of the guide might encourage and could inspire launching further similar projects. additional strong point is that beside the enumeration of benefi ts emerging from the green space renewing projects it also indicates the diffi culties and dysfunctions. the guide can suggest good ideas to the professionals, and also may be used by the interested civilians who care for maintaining and improving of their residential environment. ágnes erőss 85book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 81–91.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.70.1.7 hungarian geographical bulletin 70 2021 (1) historical geography was relatively slow to adopt methods and approaches of geographical information systems (gis). as gregory, i.n. and haley, r.g. (2007) pointed out, even in the late 1990s the main texts describing the state of the discipline rarely mentioned this new field. this was happening despite the fact that the rapid development of technology and the appearance of more accessible desktop software saw the widespread incorporation of gis into other disciplines. fortunately, this have changed rapidly with the turn of the century with authors tackling the matter. classic positions from that early period include anne knowles’ (2002) past time, past place: gis for history and gregory, i.n. et al. (2001) geographical information and historical research: current progress and future directions. in the latter, the authors identified that the main advantages of using gis are the ability to integrate data using its location, the ability to create maps and visualisations, and the possibility of using location as an explicit part of the analysis itself. this description gave the tone for the early period of historical gis in which gis was perceived mainly as a tool. the first notable projects that resulted from this interdisciplinary marriage was travis, c., ludlow, f. and gyuris, f. (eds.): historical geography, giscience and textual analysis. landscapes of time and place. cham, springer, 2020. 272 p. the great britain historical gis project (gregory, i.n. et al. 2002) and china historical gis (bol, p. and ge, j. 2005). in the following years, historical gis became a lively discipline and many scholars took the challenge of incorporating gis based methods in their research (knowles, a.k. 2005; gregory, i.n. and healey, r.g. 2007). recently there is a renewed interest and new approaches like spatial humanities (gregory, i.n. and geddes, a. 2014) and public participatory historical gis (lafreniere, d. et al. 2019) are being considered and applied. this is the rich landscape of thought and research practices into which this book appears. the main aim of this book as expressed in the introductory chapter is to explore the possibilities of triangulating methods used in the fields of historical geography, geographic information science, and textual analysis. this is done in hope of transgressing interdisciplinary boundaries (or “methodological silos” in words of charles travis) to envision new ontologies and epistemologies that will help in understanding and modelling human and environmental phenomena. and the wide range of topics and methodologies presented in the chapters of this book let me believe that this is indeed, a valuable exercise with the potential of advancing our knowledge of the phenomena that are being the subject of intersecting fields of inquiry of those three disciplines. the reviewed volume belongs to a relatively new springer series called “historical geography and geosciences.” this is an interesting array of titles covering a wide range of topics related to spaces, places and their histories and geographies. this particular volume is a nice addition to the series portfolio, since its broad view on the matter means that a potential reader can enjoy finding many new takes on the intersection of history and geographical information systems and science. its three editors are researchers well known in their respective fields. charles travis is professor of geography and geographical information science at the department of history at the university of texas, arlington. he is an expert in various applications of gis in fields as diverse as humanities, environmental cartography and historical, literary and cultural geography. he has previously published books connecting the topics of history and gis. francis ludlow is professor of medieval environmental history at trinity college dublin. he is a leading expert on historical dynamics of climate, violence and conflict and he positions his research interests within a relatively new interdisciplinary field of climate history. ferenc gyuris is an associate professor of geography at the institute of geography and earth sciences at eötvös loránd university, budapest, with an interest and publications covering topics from regional sciences to geog86 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 81–91. raphies of communism and post-communist transition. the authors of the individual chapters present a wide range of expertise and stages of scientific career, which resulted in an interesting mix of methodological approaches and subjects of study. one might however note that apart of being predominantly male, they are also mainly affiliated within us universities with a small addition of western european researchers. i wonder whether a more geographically diverse choice of voices would result in an ever more interesting view on this field of study. historical geography, giscience and textual analysis: landscapes of place and time is separated into four parts consisting of four chapters each and an introduction by charles travis. in the latter, the author guides the reader thorough interesting meanders of past and present tensions and paradigms that shaped the discipline of historical geography and the views on human and historical agency. we are learning about the cultural, spatial and computational turns as well as environmental determinism that have all influenced the current state of the intraand interdisciplinary discourse. a significantly smaller part of the introduction is given to the gis and textual analysis, mainly in relation to their integration potential that can lead to addressing research problems in all three disciplines. this triangulation manifesto is giving the tone to the rest of the book. part i (landscape, time, text) almost directly exemplifies the main theme of this volume by demonstrating various blends of methods. chapter 1 (ghost cathedral of the blackland prairie) by charles travis and javier reyes uses gis database and three text maps to show how perceptions of landscape, identity and sense of place are built upon a specific locale. this chapter raises an important voice in the discussion about the problems that gis have with subjective concepts of place. in emily lethbridge’s chapter 2 (digital mapping and the narrative stratigraphy of iceland) describes methodological challenges and processes involved in creating icelandic saga map, a digital mapping project aimed at linking iceland’s medieval text corpus with the country’s physical geographies. we are also given theoretical insights coming from the results of the project, on the intricate and not obvious relations between icelandic sagas and places. chapter 3 with the catchy title dead men tell tales: history and science at duffy’s cut introduces us to a captivating story of irish ghosts and homicide in pennsylvania. william e. watson, j. francis watson and earl h. schandelmeir give us an example of forensic investigation that combines geography, gis and textual analysis to re-frame irish immigrant historiographies. chapter 4 (please mention the green book: the negro motorist green book as critical gis) by ethan bottone presents a novel approach to the analysis of the well-researched green book, a travel guide for afro-americans popular between 1936–1966. reading of this material through the epistemologies of geographic information science reveals a spatialised history of racial discrimination and resistance and allows for a new look both at the past and present of black geographies. in the following four chapters that together form part ii titled cultures, networks and mobilities, the undertone of gis grows much stronger and the power that it brings to the investigation of the past and present phenomena is explicitly visible. the first chapter by damon scott (queer cartographies: urban redevelopment and the changing sexual geography of postwar san francisco) investigates the associative power of gis, and shows how it can be used to excavate complicated spatial histories of stigmatised places of the post-war lgbtq communities. this chapter is an interesting methodological study on the limitations of critical gis approach. the next chapter (revisiting the walking city: a geospatial examination of the journey to work) is authored by don lafraniere and jason gilliland. it is taking the readers through an almost classical and brilliantly executed journey through gis informed historical analysis. the authors offer us a methodologically innovative approach that allowed them to explore daily mobilities of 1881 ontario with surprising accuracy and insight, illustrated by well-designed maps and visualisations. the third chapter (corruption and development of atlanta streetcar lines in the nineteenth century: a historical gis perspective) by s. wright kennedy uses gis to analyse new data sources, unveiling the previously unseen history of public transportation in atlanta. a brother orangeman the world over”: migration and the geography of the orange order in the united states by cory wells and charles travis is the final chapter in this part of the book. it employs historical gis methods to investigate the demographics of the orange order (a protestant organisation) migrants’ origins and destination. in part iii (climate, weather, environment) the approach presented is almost reversed. here the geosciences play the leading role while historical and textual analysis methods are used to introduce socio-economic dimensions. jase bernhardt’s chapter (mining weather and climate data from the diary of a forty-niner) shows how literary sources can be used to extract and visually represent spatiotemporal patterns in meteorological conditions. in chapter 10 (unmappable variables: gis and the complicated historical geography of water in the rio grande project) daniel r. beene and k. maria d. lane show the value of mixed methods approach by combining gis and historical-critical physical geography. this allows to capture complex dimensions of the rio grande project irrigation practices and its lasting ramifications. the next chapter is by chris hewitt (supplying the conquest: a geospatial visualization and interpretation of available environmental resources at 87book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 81–91. the battle of hastings in 1066). it presents a fresh insight into the geographical and historical contexts of the battle by applying gis analysis of environmental resources. robert legg, francis ludlow and charles travis in chapter 12 titled mapping the irish rath (ringfort): landscape and settlement patterns in the early medieval period bring the geostatistical methods into the analysis of the spatial patterns of ringforts locations. they also present a methodological insight into mixing gis and fieldwork methods. the final part of this volume is titled place, philology, history and focuses mainly on the mapping of historical landscapes and explores the links between gis and humanities. in the first chapter (mapping power: using hgis and linked open data to study ancient greek garrison communities) ryan horne introduces the reader to the possibilities and shortcoming of using hgis and linked open data to study ancient communities. it is an informative reading into the rapidly developing world of digital infrastructures of data that had recently matured enough to be considered valid research tools. in chapter 14, gordon cromley and chris post are exploring the potential of humanities gis to rethink geographical and historical processes. in the preservation of paradox: bismarck towers as national metaphor and local reality, they present the results of kernel density estimates, geo-visualisations and exploratory data analysis applied to the network of bismarck monuments. chapter 15 (mapping the historical transformation of beijing’s regional naming system) by yong yu presents a unique approach to place names, where their spatial distribution reflects changes in the social and political history of the region. the final chapter of the book (geographical enrichment of historical landscapes: spatial integration, geo-narrative, spatial narrative, and deep mapping) by may yuan allows the reader to glimpse into the future of innovations and advances in geographical information science and technology (gist). in the text, one can find not only discussions on unmanned aviation vehicle (uav) surveys, virtual reality, and augmented reality but also a thorough review of cartographic and phenomenological views on landscape. when we consider the chapters as a whole, we can see that this is a very thorough and up-to-date compilation of the various views on the exercise of inter and transdisciplinary research. connecting all the chapters is the feeling of transgressing boundaries – both disciplinary and methodological. i perceive this as a main strength and selling point of this volume. there are many edited compilations with a similar aim, to introduce a mixed method approach, but it is surprisingly rare to find one that give this proposition without much bias. here the readers can see the very different viewpoints on the seemingly similar problems and there is no indication that history, geosciences, geography or cultural studies have been given a dominant voice. for me, this is a clear sign that this approach is needed to successfully tackle research problems of the landscapes of time and place. however, despite its aforementioned strengths, the book has some weaknesses as well. i must confess here that i see myself as a digital geographer with a strong gis background and this brings a certain bias to the way i see this book and evaluate its contents. with that being said, here are the things that i think are weaker parts of this title. first and foremost – the quality of maps. this issue raises to importance in my view due to the fact that gis is one of the main selling points here. therefore, i would like to see all the maps well designed. it is not that there are none, but among the well-thought and brilliantly executed cartographic visualisations that shine in some of the chapters there are also a couple of bad apples. maps in the same time form a strong backbone of this book and its weakest point. some of the maps look dated with their choice of mapping techniques. some clearly infringe on the cartographic principles. there are examples of bad colour palettes and symbology, lack of figure-ground distinction, unnecessary map decorations and 3d visualisations. since in most cases those are relatively minor mistakes and omissions could be improved easily, i think that this could have been done with a little bit more editing effort. the second issue i have with this title is admittedly strictly related to my background and interests, but i think that it is something that would be noticeably missing for many geographers/gis scientists reading this book. the thing i am missing here is a more indepth methodological and interdisciplinary discussion on the coming together of history, geography and gis. especially it is not hard to see how in many chapters gis is treated as a tool without taking into account the rich landscapes of theory that amassed during the evolution of this discipline. given the editors’ strong background, i have expected a little bit more. however, this does not take any value from the included chapters – just that it feels like an opportunity have been missed here to even further advance the field. all in all, those weaknesses are small in comparison to the potential impact of this book. it can certainly be seen as an excellent source of inspiration and the description of the current state of the art – an update for a classic book by gregory, i.n. and ell, p.s. (2007). with its wide coverage of the potential interactions and intersections of history, geography and gis, it gives an excellent overview of the possibilities waiting in this lively area of research. i would recommend it as a must read to anyone that dabbles with historical gis. not only that, but it is worth considering to any early career researcher or postgrad student of history or geoscience as an example of the way we can mix and blend methods from different disciplines to gain deeper insights and understanding. for this alone, it is worth making acquaintance with this volume. 88 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (1) 81–91. acknowledgement: this work was supported by the national science centre, poland, grant number 2019/33/b/hs4/00057. michał rzeszewski1 r e f e r e n c e s bol, p. and ge, j. 2005. china historical gis. historical geography 33. 150–152. gregory, i.n., kemp, k.k. and mostern, r. 2001. geographical information and historical research: current progress and future directions. history and computing 13. (1): 7–23. gregory, i.n., bennett, c., gilham, v.l. and southall, h.r. 2002. the great britain historical gis project: from maps to changing human geography. the cartographic journal 39. (1): 37–49. gregory, i.n. and ell, p.s. 2007. historical gis: technologies, methodologies, and scholarship. cambridge, cambridge university press. gregory, i.n. and healey, r.g. 2007. historical gis: structuring, mapping and analysing geographies of the past. progress in human geography 31. (5): 638–653. gregory, i.n. and geddes, a. (eds.) 2014. toward spatial humanities: historical gis and spatial history. bloomington, indiana university press. knowles, a.k. (ed.). 2002. past time, past place: gis for history. redlands, esri. knowles, a.k. 2005. emerging trends in historical gis. historical geography 33. 7–13. lafreniere, d., weidner, l., trepal, d., scarlett, s.f., arnold, j., pastel, r. and williams, r. 2019. public participatory historical gis. historical methods: a journal of quantitative and interdisciplinary history 52. (3): 132–149. 1 faculty of human geography and planning, adam mickiewicz university, poznań, poland. e-mail: mrz@amu.edu.pl regional identities of czech historical lands 15vaishar, a. and zapletalová, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 15–25.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.65.1.2 hungarian geographical bulletin 65 2016 (1) 15–25. introduction the idea of nation-state was introduced as a result of the treaty of westphalia (1648). its purpose was to change the old dynastic system into a new territorial one. nationalism, developing in the subsequent two centuries, became the main ideology all over europe. many times, the idea was abused for provoking wars and confl icts. in (western) europe, the confl icts among nation-states were overcome by creating the european union, which governed relations between two traditional enemies: germany and france among other things. recently, the power has shift ed from the level of nation-states to multinational corporations and banks. in 2010, herman van rompuy, president of the european council, declared that the idea of nation-states is over. european integration is the most important challenge in this process. the problem of nation-states in europe consists of – among other things – the fact that the union is formed by countries of very diff erent size. small countries fear that the decision making power is dominated by the large ones. conversely, big countries fear high participation of small countries in the decision-making process, although they provide the majority of resources for eu level programmes. the solution could be a unifi ed europe divided into historically grounded regions, which can be more comparable in size. applegate, c. (1999) writes: europe has always been and remains very much a continent of regional identities. keating, m. (1998) explains that regions are no longer confi ned with the borders of their nation-states but have become actors in european and international politics, and they fi nd themselves increasingly in competition with each other. in this way regional identity has been increasingly identifi ed in the eu´s cohesion policy as an important element for regional development (paasi, a. 2009). of course, regional identity is subject to a long term development process. nationstates are deeply ingrained in people’s minds. nationalism is also a tempting card in the hands of populist politicians. the fi rst regional identities of czech historical lands antonín vaishar and jana zapletalová1 abstract bohemia and moravia are historical lands, which constitute czechia (together with a small part of silesia) since the 10th century. two entirely diff erent sett lement systems can be identifi ed in czechia: the centralistic bohemian sett lement system surrounded by a ring of mountains, and the transitional and polycentric moravian sett lement system. the two lands were physically divided by a border forest. although they have belonged always to the same state, their autonomy was relatively high until the formation of the czechoslovak republic in 1918. in 1948, a new administrative division was introduced, which did not respect the border between the two lands. bohemia and moravia kept their importance as diff erent cultural units only. the main research question addressed in this paper is how the bohemian and moravian identities are perceived by the people today and whether it makes any sense to consider the historical lands seriously when rethinking the idea of the europe of regions. keywords: regional identity, administrative division, historical lands, bohemia, moravia, czech republic 1 institute of geonics, czech academy of sciences, department of environmental geography, drobného 28, 602 00 brno, czech republic. e-mails: vaishar@geonika.cz, zapletalova@geonika.cz vaishar, a. and zapletalová, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 15–25.16 att empts to give some political power to the european regions can be traced back to the maastricht treaty in 1993 and the establishment of the council of regions one year later. painter, j. (2002) pointed out that the idea is more top-down than bott om-up and, thus, it is a question whether it will resonate in the regions themselves. paasi, a. (2001) expressed the idea that european regions are the results of regionalization processes more than historical and cultural products. thus, the question arises whether regions, which are mostly embedded in the history, are perceived as relevant entities by their inhabitants. czechia consists of two historical lands: bohemia and moravia. in the course of history, small and discontinuous parts of silesia were connected with the territory of the state. since the administrative autonomy of the historical lands was gradually degrading, they have not created any administrative unit neither their borders have been kept within the borders of lower level units (regions, districts, communes). on the other hand, it seems that cultural characteristics and diff erences have survived. the question is whether the borders between these historical lands are kept in the mind of people and whether this historical memory can be used to create regional and local identities and, thus, enhance regional development and cohesion in general. the identity of european regions regional identity relates to the concept of us – and the others (see e.g. neumann, i.b. 1999). according to paasi, a. (1986), regional identity could be divided into two parts: subjective (images of the region held by its inhabitants and those living outside of the region) and objective (based on physical or economic indicators). according to sedlacek, s. et al. (2009), regional identity relates to regional consciousness and regional solidarity: regional solidarity is an aspect functioning as a landmark of a particular region, which implies a specifi c relationship with the region. inhabitants are proud to be part of the region and have a strong territorial connection. in addition, the authors’ idea on regional solidarity likely acting as a factor of regional identity is also relevant for our case study. the concept of identity has been used since the 1980s – regional identity being a special manifestation thereof (paasi, a. 2003). the author defi nes regional identity as a relationship between a group of people and the bounding region. regional identity is understood as an abstraction that can be used to analyse links between social actors and the process of institutionalisation (paasi, a. 2002). according to chromý, p. and janů, h. (2003) a particular territory with the specifi c social, economic or developmental conditions (specifi c historical development) serve as a base for forming the territorial/regional identity. such regions are neither economic nor administrative constructs but rather realistic territorial units embedded in the mental memory of people. as odehnal, j. and šerý, m. (2012) note, regional identity is closely related to regional borders. these boundaries play an important role in shaping the regional identity because they help to defi ne the region, thus helping people to perceive “their” region. toušek, v. et al. (1991) dealt with the problem of boundaries between the czech historical lands just aft er the political change. the problem of borders and borderlands is relatively frequent in the contemporary european geography. the research is focused mostly on the consequences of the elimination of borders within the framework of european integration and later within the schengen zone. in the mainstream literature the emphasis oft en lie on the changes from physical barriers to a psychological or mental one (e.g. newman, d. 2006 and many others). as lundén, t. and zalamans, d. (2001) pointed out there has been a geographical refocusing of the border away from the level of the state down to internal regions, municipalities and neighbourhoods. which territorial units come into account to understand europe as a unity of regions? such units should be large enough to have 17vaishar, a. and zapletalová, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 15–25. related economic and political powers, they should be more or less comparable in size and should have some historically rooted identity. such historical regions exist in all larger (west) european countries (länder in germany, provinces historiques in france, comuninades autónomas in spain, regioni in italy, regions in england, etc.). the boundaries of some of them are clear and unchanged during centuries; in other cases, their size was slightly changed in the past. nevertheless, also in the western part of europe, problems of regional identity occur as e.g. fichtner, u. (2006) shows on the example of the southern upper rhine valley. the situation in central and eastern europe is more complicated. boundaries of individual states oft en changed in the history; historical lands were oft en divided by diff erent countries. the second problem is connected with the fact that many countries in this part of europe have gained (or regained) political independence only a short time ago. these countries are much more anchored in the perception of nation-states. nevertheless, also in these countries, historical regions do exist and could be identifi ed. aft er the fall of communism, many questions, which were tabooed in the past, were put forward including the problem of ethnicity. in the 1991 czech population census, respondents were offered to declare the moravian or silesian nationality. about 1.4 million inhabitants of the czech republic identifi ed themselves as moravian or silesian nationality, which was not allowed before. they expressed their awareness of belonging to the historical provinces of moravia and silesia and, thus, belonging to the czech nation. thus, a new social division has developed in the ethnically nearly homogeneous environment of the czech republic, which constitutes a potential threat for the further splitting of the state (daněk, p. 1993). it is probably the most important reason why politicians refuse a return to the original division of the country based on the historical lands. šerý, m. and šimáček, p. (2012) analysed the boundaries of regional identity on the example of the moravian-silesian divide in the jeseník district based on the concept of mental maps. they stated that regional identity is relatively weak. however, it is necessary to note that the original population of the jeseník area was almost completely replaced aft er world war ii; therefore, its regional identity became weakened in general. on the other hand, it is also important to emphasise that the land’s identity is only a part of the regional identity. in the 1991 population census, it was possible to declare the moravian and silesian ethnic background besides the czech nationality. at that time, about 1.3 million inhabitants declared the moravian nationality (13% of the population). it was partly connected with the eff orts of some moravian microregions to be connected with moravian districts or regions and with the political ambitions of some moravian politicians. in the 2001 census, only 400,000 people declared the moravian ethnicity (3.7% of the population). the issue of some administrative changes was not on the agenda at that time. in the 2011 census, answers to questions about ethnicity and religiosity were voluntary. as a consequence, about a quarter of the respondents did not replay to that question. yet, the number of “moravians” (in the english, and namely in the us literature, the term moravian is connected more with the affi liation to the moravian church which originated from the unitas fratrum church) increased to 522,000 (5.0%). the main research question addressed in this paper is how the bohemian and moravian identities are perceived by the people and whether it makes any sense to consider the historical lands seriously when rethinking the idea of the europe of regions. bohemian-moravian relations, diff erences and perceptions bohemia and moravia are historical lands, which constitute czechia since the 10th century. the two lands used to be physically divided by a border forest. on the one hand, vaishar, a. and zapletalová, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 15–25.18 since the eclipse of the great moravia empire moravia has always been peripheral in relation to bohemia (due to multiple reasons and conditioned by supranational culture represented by the catholic church). nevertheless, the subordination of moravia has never been absolute (šedo, j. 2002). on the other hand, moravia has always been an important hinterland for bohemia and its peripherality provided a good basis to keep some traditional culture. in spite of having always been parts of the same state, the two lands had relatively great autonomy until the formation of the czechoslovak republic in 1918. in the period between 1918 and 1938, bohemia and moravia (later moravia-silesia) were two of the four main administrative units of the state, slovakia and carpathian ruthenia being the other ones (figure 1). only in 1948, a new administrative division was introduced, which did not respect the border between the two lands. bohemia and moravia always kept their importance as diff erent cultural units whereas the role of silesia became less clear. the historical lands of bohemia and moravia are two regions whose existence the czechs recognise without a question, while silesia is in a weaker position and gains only two-thirds of the recognition of the other two historical lands (siwek, t. and bogdová, k. 2007). after 1989, some political parties and movements focusing on the moravian issue arose. the movement for self-governing democracy – association for moravia and silesia was the most successful among them. moravian ethno-regional parties mostly supported the idea of the european integration and the europe of regions – oft en in contrast with some leading nationwide parties like the civic democratic party (mareš, m. 2002). the country was newly divided into 12 administrative regions, which did not respect the historical borders and did retain any historical identity (figure 2). the issue of moravian autonomy was gradually replaced by other questions. in general the low level of political interest of people (expressed by extremely low participation of people in elections; e.g. in 2014 in the last elections to the european parliament the turnout rate was only 18.2%) and re-orientation towards consumption could be the main reasons. a certain resignation to regional issues in relation to social problems (economic crisis, unemployment, low incomes, and poverty) could also be mentioned. are there some measurable cultural or social indicators of diff erences between the two lands? investigating the social capital in czechia, pileček, j. and jančák, v. (2010) talk about the polarisation between bohemia and fig. 1. lands of the first czechoslovak republic, 1918–1938. (drawn by j. pokorná.) 19vaishar, a. and zapletalová, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 15–25. moravia (at a district level) – highlighting the diffi culties of measuring. the cultural identity of moravians is oft en refl ected in the establishment of clubs focusing on the promotion of moravia as a historical territory with the eff ort to keep or renew moravian identity. there are 12 such clubs registered by the ministry of interior. if moravia is a periphery of the czech state, is the czech part of silesia a periphery of the periphery? siwek, t. (2006) answers the question positively reasoning with the remote geographical position, major economic problems (transition from heavy industry) and the mental distance of people. in our opinion, he does not take into account enough the fact that silesia is more urban than moravia which could also play a role in the conditions of peripherality. from an urban geographical point of view, two diff erent sett lement systems can be identified in czechia: the centralistic bohemian system surrounded by a ring of mountains and the transitional and polycentric moravian urban system. the dominant position of prague, its economic power, and the low competitiveness of moravian centres is probably the main reason for moravian backwardness. moravia (being more rural) was more able to keep some ethnographical traditions. it is divided among several ethnographical regions whereas bohemia is ethnographically more or less homogeneous an exception is being chodsko in the domažlice district (see siwek, t. 2012). differences are also emphasised in the presentations of individual regions in the media – which has to do with the image of individual regions. sucháček, j. et al. (2013) show that moravian (nuts 3) regions are much less presented in national tv (in relation to their population numbers) than the bohemian ones (figure 3). nevertheless, it cannot be said that the main reason is a discrimination of moravian regions. individual regions are usually presented as regions – not as parts of bohemia, moravia or silesia. the frequency of the contributions depends on cultural and economic activities as well as on the social conditions of individual regions. in this respect prague the capital city plays the most outstanding role. fig. 2. a comparison of historical lands and the present administrative division of the czech republic. (drawn by j. pokorná.) vaishar, a. and zapletalová, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 15–25.20 the issue of historical lands is probably perceived diff erently from the bohemian and moravian side (similarly as the perception of czechoslovakia from the czech and the slovak side). on the one hand, for bohemians (who feel themselves as the leading power in the country) the problem does not exist and if so, it is perceived as a decentralising separatist tendency. on the other hand, in moravia, the issue is understood in diff erent ways, sometimes as an ethnic problem, another time as a regional problem or cultural diff erence. moreover, moravia (unlike bohemia) features greater ethnic diversity. chromý, p. et al. (2004) tried to investigate regional identity in czechia. they concluded that a visible dichotomy exists between the “traditional” moravia and the “modern, quickly changing” bohemia. they came to the conclusion that traditional historical regions persist long in the mind of people. however, it does not seem that the same would apply for the borderline itself (depending on the situation of individual sections of the border). to put it short, the centres of historical regions are clear, while the borderline is fuzzy. in reality, the borderline is oft en equated with administrative boundaries. mental manifestation of borders between the czech historical lands the border between bohemia and moravia has partly natural character. it more or less respects the limits between the labe (elbe) river and danube river basins. originally, it was covered by a border forests. the borderland between bohemia and moravia belongs to the czech inner periphery. according to musil, j. and müller, j. (2008) inner peripheries can be generally defi ned as territories that are not economically expanding, are losing population, are demographically ageing, have lower socio-economic status, have worse technical and social infrastructure compared to that in other parts of the country, are less accessible, have older housing stock, and are experiencing specifi c exclusion-related social problems. it is more or less true for the majority of border sections between bohemia and moravia and for the western part of the moravian-silesian borderland. the situation is supported by the fact that the borderline leads through the highland terrain far from the regional centres. the weakest regional centre of jihlava (vysočina – highland region) is the only exception, being situated just on the borderline. the eastern part of the moravian-silesian borderland has diff erent conditions. it is situated in a relatively urbanised area not far from the ostrava basin – the third largest regional centre in czechia. in our research ethnicity declarations of local residents in 199 communes in the bohemian-moravian borderland were analysed (103 in the historical bohemia, 96 in moravia). problem arose from the fact that the czech language has the same word “český” for both meanings – czech and bohemian. thus, it is not clear whether respondents declared themselves czechs in terms of nationality, or bohemians or moravian in terms of ethnicity in the population censuses of 1991 and 2011 as shown in table 1 (share of the two ethnicities decreased because ca. 25% of inhabitants did not declare any ethnicity in 2011). it is clear that the mixing of terms of the czech/bohemian nationality and ethnicity does not allow operating with the shares of individual ethnicities. however, it is more or less clear that although the ratio of moravian ethnicity is higher on the moravian side of the border, its share has decreased during the last two decades. fig. 3. linear regression model expressing relations among distances, populations and the number of contributions per capita for all nuts 3 regions (prague and central bohemia united). y = -0.0102x + 7.21; r2 = 0.6033. source: sucháček, j. et al. 2013. 21vaishar, a. and zapletalová, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 15–25. table 2 shows the situation in detail in selected communes just on the border. all the communes are originally moravian towns located outside of typical moravian administrative regions or just on the borderline. only one of them (jevíčko) shows a clear tendency to be affi liated with moravia. it can be concluded that not only the share of moravians decreased by 2011 in comparison with 1991 (see table 3), but the att ention paid to the issue of ethnicity has also become much less in the bohemian-moravian borderland. nevertheless, since the czech population and the czech language do not diff er between nationality and ethnicity, it is diffi cult to formulate robust conclusions concerning regional identity. regarding the fact that the administrative structure of czechia does not respect the traditional border between historical lands, the question concerning the affi liation of 51 selected towns to bohemia or moravia was put forward (of them, 3 towns are situated just on the borderline – partly in bohemia, partly in moravia) and a survey using the method of random sampling among respondents between 20 and 80 years old with secondary or tertiary education was conducted. we thought that these people could have some geographical and historical knowledge including the bohemian-moravian relations. we received altogether 49 responses where only a small part of the answers was correct. mistakes were made partly in cases where historical moravian towns are situated in regions falling more to bohemia. in addition, geographical knowledge was poor because the knowledge of people depends very much on the size of the individual towns and distance from respondents’ home. as a next step, members of the voluntary associations of communes were checked. under czech conditions, small (200–500 inhabitants) and very small (under 200 inhabitants) municipalities participate in such associations very frequently, especially in the peripheral areas, including the bohemian-moravian frontier zone. the question was whether the associations created within this process respect administrative or historical borders. altogether table 1. ratio of people declaring bohemian and moravian ethnicities on the bohemian-moravian borderland in the 1991 and 2011 censuses communes total population, person bohemian moravian person % person % 1991 bohemian moravian 74,491 154,410 70,670 132,885 94.9 86.1 2,563 14,837 3.4 11.8 2011 bohemian moravian 77,247 148,737 53,348 98,905 69.1 66.5 644 9,360 0.8 5.0 source: the czech statistical offi ce, prague. table 2. ratio of people declaring bohemian and moravian ethnicities in some moravian towns in the 1991 census town total population,person bohemian moravian person % person % dačice slavonice jihlava svitavy jevíčko moravská třebová žďár nad sázavou 7,970 2,543 50,439 16,860 2,615 11,700 25,198 6,363 2,328 48,007 15,752 1,490 8,912 20,439 79.8 89.0 91.9 90.3 55.4 73.8 79.8 1,502 213 2,423 1,107 1,123 2,756 4,755 18.8 8.1 4.4 6.3 41.8 23.1 18.6 source: the czech statistical offi ce, prague. vaishar, a. and zapletalová, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 15–25.22 27 associations were checked. in the vast majority of the cases, the associations prefer to respect district borders (although districts are only of statistical importance since 2003) also when the district border is diff erent from the historical one. it is understandable: the collaboration across the administrative border would be probably more complicated. on the other hand, the historical borders were crossed only in fi ve cases. discussion: do historical lands have some importance today? the european union should be a political body (re)establishing historical borders. the process has two sides: a top-down approach is necessary in the case of public administration. everyday practices of local people should also be taken into account. forming voluntary associations of municipalities manifests a bott om-up approach. it is interesting that association crossing the state borders (euro-regions) developed relatively intensively whereas association crossing the regional borders are very rare. the reason lays in fi nancial issues. whereas euro-regions are fi nancially supported by the eu, the chances of associations do not increase in the case of cross-regional purposes. due to the abandonment of the historical division of the state in 1949, changes in social and cultural values of people as well as the transformation of the educational system (i.e. less importance of regional specialties), the awareness of the historical affi liation to bohemia, moravia or silesia has gradually declined in czechia. people do not doubt that these historical lands exist, they are able to defi ne their core territories and they have some imaginations about diff erences in language or some habits, but they are not certain about their borderlines. in spite of this, some enthusiasts try to assemble boards, characterizing former borderlines in certain border sections. we do not suppose that the moravian or silesian ethnicity means a creation of a special moravian ethnicity at the expense of czechs (or penetration of silesians from poland to the czech territory). the moravians and silesians are no minorities in their own territory. if the declaration of moravian or silesian in the population census means a creation of a new ethnicity, the decrease of moravians and silesians between the censuses should not be so signifi cant. we believe that such statements meant mainly the expression of regional identity and a requirement of deeper subsidiarity at the regional level in response to the centralism of prague. iščuk, r. (2011) maintains that moravian identity is declining at the present time. nevertheless, he is of the opinion that regional politics of the european union should provide new impulses to the moravian issue by leaving the centralizing tendencies and asking for new regional identities. he sees three possible options for the future development: (1) option of the balkans – a change of the regional principle into the ethnic one; (2) the european option – weakening the nation-states and strengthening the regions; or (3) the homogeneous option – leaving the european ideas table 3. ratio of people declaring bohemian and moravian ethnicities in some moravian towns in the 2011 census town total population,person bohemian moravian person % person % dačice slavonice jihlava svitavy jevíčko moravská třebová žďár nad sázavou 7,492 2,455 50,075 16,670 2,886 10.543 22,328 5,388 1,533 35,495 11,821 1,737 6,669 15,300 71.9 62.4 70.9 70.9 60.2 43.3 68.5 153 25 737 404 324 941 1,364 2.0 1.0 1.5 2.4 11.2 8.9 6.1 source: the czech statistical offi ce, prague. 23vaishar, a. and zapletalová, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 15–25. and returning to the nation-states. together with the author, we prefer the 2nd option. in this connection, let us put a legitimate question: would the restauration and preservation of the moravian (and bohemian, possibly silesian) identity be really an engine for some regional development? semian, m. and chromý, p. (2014) mention diff erent types of regional identity in relation to regional development: regional identity as a successful driver in regional development (which is realized mostly in the fi eld of tourism development and/or as a support of collaboration among actors); regional identity as an unsuccessful driver in regional development (especially in cases when the identity is directed to visitors or newcomers – not to permanent residents); regional identity as a barrier to regional development (when the identity is directed inwards the community and does not allow a penetration of new ideas). it follows that if the moravian or bohemian identity should be successful, diff erences must not be overemphasised. regional identity should be the identity within the europe of regions rather than against the europe of regions. it has to keep particularities but must be also opened to new ideas at the same time. with which territorial units does czechia want to join such an idea? with the whole country? with small regions? with some statistical units (nuts 2) without their own identity, self-government or territorial logic? the historical lands are large enough for the competition among historical european regions; they have long historical roots, contain autonomous sett lement systems. the question is whether it is not too late to return regional identity to their inhabitants. if so, the borderlines should be defi ned newly. there should be only one diffi cult problem to solve: the nuts 3 region of vysočina (highland). the region has been created in the territory of the bohemianmoravian highland as an area unifying peripheral parts of both bohemia and moravia. its centre jihlava is the weakest centre among regional capitals (karlovy vary is in similar position in many sense). the city of jihlava – – – is not able to organise the whole territory of the region – large parts of it gravitate in reality to neighbouring bohemian and moravian regional centres: brno, české budějovice, pardubice. however, the region connecting two peripheries is strangely not the most problematic one within czechia. although objective conditions are poor, probably the social capital of people living there for ages caused that present indicators rank the highland with the prospective areas. jihlava is a historical royal mining town, the centre of which is situated in moravia. however, some suburbs and a big part of its catchment area belong to bohemia. restoration of the historical border would interrupt relatively fi rm relations within the micro-region of jihlava. but if it is the only obstacle, it should be solved: either to keep the historical border or to keep the microregion of jihlava and affiliate it either to bohemia or to moravia. a similar situation (at a smaller scale) can be found for example in the micro-region of žďár nad sázavou. the solution could be similar. the decision is a matt er of political will. the return to the historical division would mean some reduction of the power of prague as a centre for 14 small regions. however, if the european politics is directed towards the limitation of the power of nation-states and towards increasing autonomy of regions, some decisions will be necessary. disagreement could also come from the other side. whereas bohemia is a centralized, ethnically homogeneous land with the prominent centre in prague, moravia is different. the land consists of more ethnologically diff erent parts like moravian slovakia, wallachia, horácko, haná, lachia, moravian silesia etc. will the inhabitants of all these parts agree with the creation of a unifi ed land? and which city should be the capital? olomouc, brno and znojmo were the fi rst historical competitors for this position. later, olomouc as a seat of the moravian archbishop gained the role, which was lost in the 17th century in favour of brno. later, with the increasing importance of heavy industry, vaishar, a. and zapletalová, j. hungarian geographical bulletin 65 (2016) (1) 15–25.24 ostrava grew as a competitor of brno. at the present time, olomouc has fallen to the level of middle-sized city and ostrava in the marginal position fi ghts with structural and environmental problems. it seems that brno with quaternary functions is a clear moravian centre. but will other cities respect this situation? there are many unclear aspects in this regard. it does not mean, however, that it makes no sense to think about them. within the austro-hungarian monarchy, the administrative division according to historical lands was no problem. it was probably due to the fact that the empire was a multi-national state. the first czechoslovak republic (1918–1938) kept the historical lands too – although it originated as a nation-state (not taking into account relations between czechs and slovaks and the german problem). the abolition of historical lands could be linked to the rise of the nation-state and hard centralism of the post-war czechoslovakia. does the european union represent a chance for the return to the historical identity? conclusions to answer the research question, we can conclude as follows: there is no doubt that the perception of historical regional identity is gradually decreasing. in contrast with some other cases like the basque country, catalonia, scotland, wallonia/flanders etc., moravians are interested neither in the separation from bohemia nor in some level of political autonomy. the diff erences are understood rather as cultural modifi cations in terms of dialects, customs, folk culture etc. eff orts were directed rather to the unifi cation of historical lands – similarly as e.g. in britt any. we can also conclude that the bohemian/moravian issue is not a problem of nationality. however, awareness about moravia among people exists and it does not seem to be weakening. its centre of gravity moves from the ethnic and regional concept to the cultural one – similarly like earlier in the case of ethnographic groups, e.g. moravian slovaks, wallachians etc. it is typical for the regionalisation of such groups that the core of their territory is generally known but the borders are fuzzy. it follows that when regional identity is not refl ected in the administrative division of the country, it loses the strict delimitation by borders in the geographical sense, although the awareness of identity sustains or even increases. utilisation of historical lands for european regionalisation is another issue. there are clear evidences that subnational or regional scales have become much more important as a locus for social and political life over the last 30–40 years (jeffery, c. 2014). nevertheless, it is hardly possible without a corresponding regional government. czechia is one of the few countries, which is actually not divided into historical regions with long-term identities. administrative regions, the delimitation of which changes every 20 years are not able to play such a role. if we think about the europe of regions, historical lands seem to be optimum regions concerning their size, historical development and cultural features. further research should be focused on the bohemian/moravian issue as a problem of regional division based on historical roots – rather than as a problem of moravian nationality. acknowledgement: the work took advantage of the long-term conceptual development support from the institute of geonics, czech academy of sciences nr. rvo: 68145535 references applegate, c. 1999. a europe of regions: refl ection of historiography of sub-national places in modern times. the american historical review 104. 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice warf, b. and leib, j. (ed.): revitalizing electoral geography 462 geology, climate and soils does not contain border of communes, therefore the localization of some phenomena challenges the reader. in addition, the soil map legend is constituted by eight categories but the summarizing cake chart includes only six ones. in several maps, contrary to the initial practice, the outlines of the sett lements are missing. in case of the maps with landscape orientation in the historical-administrative section, it would have been bett er to orient them in the same direction. on the whole, we conclude, that despite the minor cartographic problems, the atlas of atu gagauzia is a well-designed work of high quality, which is recommended for everyone who would like to be acquainted in depth with this region and its cartographic representation. zsombor nemerkényi and patrik tátrai warf, b. and leib, j. (ed.): revitalizing electoral geography. burlington, ashgate publishing company, 2011. 238 p. electoral geography has a long and complex history and once possessed a distinguished status within the discipline of political geography. this dominance decreased aft er 1980 and the thematic coverage of electoral geography became partially obsolete. while social geography began to deal with more conceptual questions, electoral geography became utt erly positivist and sank into its own ‘moribund backwater’. electoral geographers had to face the challenges of renewal, and this book is an important trial to revitalize electoral geography. the book consists of three major parts and contains altogether twelve chapters. the fi rst part of the book sets the conceptual background. barney warf and jonathan leib, who are the editors of the volume, describe the need for revitalisation and summarise the messages of the studies included in the book. the editors emphasize that the overall goal of these chapters is to show some conceptual, theoretical and methodological perspectives for electoral geographers. in the second chapter jonathan leib and nicolas quinton discuss the current trends in electoral geography. authors analyse 224 articles published mainly in english language journals (e.g. political 463 geography, regional studies and professional geographer) aft er 1990. they come to the conclusion that 39 percent of the articles deal with the united states, 20 percent with the united kingdom, in addition to the anglo-saxon dominance a lot of studies focus on the electoral processes of the post-soviet states. the bulk of the literature concentrates on the analysis of voting patt erns, electoral systems, redistricting or pedagogic issues. some of the major theoretical perspectives, e.g. spatial analysis, political economy, and post-structuralist interpretations also appear in the articles. as a reader, i found this chapter very informative and the comprehensive analysis of electoral geography publications provided a solid foundation for the book. in the second part of the book case studies from the uk, italy, spain, taiwan and puerto rico can be found. in the third chapter, ron johnston and charles pattie use the united kingdom as a case study to describe the strengths and weaknesses of the wide varieties of electoral systems. they think that the geography is the core of most systems which use elect legislators to represent territorially-defi ned constituencies. there are no perfect systems but for the sake of social justice, it is necessary to examine the balance between advantages and drawbacks in electoral systems and geography plays a key role here. the fourth chapter presents how geographic information systems and spatial regression methods can be used for electoral geography. michael shin and john agnew focus on the objectivity of research methods in modern geography. their case study is on the lega nord (north league) in lombardy. authors examine the diff erences between the statistical methods (territorial autocorrelation and geographical weighted regression) and the role of the scale. the anti-immigration and regional party has both positive (around brescia and sordio) and negative (east side of milano) correlation with the rate of unemployment. this chapter can be perceived as a great methodological innovation regarding how spatial regression can be used to point out local diff erences behind the global correlations and regressions results. erinn p. nicley focuses on the cultural political economy perspective of elections. he points out that the bloque nacionalista galego regional political party fi rst rose and then fell between 1985 and 2005. initially, the author restricts the terminology as the impact of the capitalist regulation on the identity of voters. the infl uences of the global political and economic shift s on voting behaviour are analysed, at the same time the eff ects of local cultural and ideological diff erences on political patt erns are emphasised. in my view, this article provides a new perspective for electoral studies because it contains critical parts behind the main analyses of the results. although english language publications focus predominantly on the elections of north america and europe, daniel mcgowin provides a unique chapter because his case study is taiwan. analysing the historical, identical factors of voting behaviour author comes to the conclusion that in the past, the main diff erentiating factor of voting behaviour was the progeny of people (chinese or native). nowadays, the main cleavages between the kuomintang and the democratic progressive party are not so much based on ethnic issues but more on the att itudes towards mainland china. in the seventh chapter, luis d. sánches-ayala describes the problems and dilemmas of the extension of the voting rights in puerto rico. could the electoral universe for a future referendum be limited only for those who have lived on the island or for those who were born on the island? these questions are hot because more puerto ricans live in the united states than in puerto rico. in recent decades, there have been three referendums and the voters were very much divided each time. the main cleavages in the puerto rican society are the att itude towards the united states, the diff erences between nationality and statehood and furthermore, the diff ering identities between the migrants and the islanders. 464 the third part of the book focuses on the united states. barney warf, in the eights chapter, describes the impacts of class, ethnicity and religion on the presidential elections in 2008. the general stereotype about american voters is that working class people vote for the democrats and the white and wealthier groups support republicans. author uses geographically weighted regression and shows why this class-stereotype is not applicable nowadays. moreover, he notes that religion and ethnicity are more determining factors of voters’ behaviour. i found this chapter highly informative because the author also highlights the main political impacts of neoliberalism aft er 1970. for instance, lots of democrats became republican voters because the democratic party overemphasized liberal and multicultural values. toby moore, in his chapter, analyses the spatial dimensions of american voting in the 2008 elections, in the light of voter identifi cation laws and voting technologies. the way how voters cast their ballots shows enormous diff erences across the united states. for example some states allow voters to register and cast their ballots on the same day. in another states, many people cast their ballots through e-mail. these kinds of regional diff erences also infl uence the electoral results. in the next chapter, fred m. shelley and heather hollen examine the geographical aspects of pre-elections, which is rather new topic in electoral geography. authors use the presidential primaries in 2008 as a case study and emphasize the cleavages within one party throughout the united states. on the one hand, obama att ract strong support in metropolitan areas, among ethnic minorities and highly qualifi ed people. on the other hand, hilary clinton is more popular among elderly, lower-class people and in rural areas. republican candidates also create their own cleavages; romney is popular in urban areas while mccain in rural areas. in the next chapter, nicholas quinton and gerald r. webster try to make connections between conceptual approaches and quantitative methods. they use spatial autocorrelations and factor-analysis and compute the data of the local indicators of spatial association, presidential elections and electoral outcomes of referendums. as they found north alabama has a white, conservative, republican voting behaviour patt ern and the ‘black belt’ has a liberal, multicultural patt ern with democratic dominance. this study is an excellent demonstration how quantitative methods can successfully be applied in post-structuralism paradigm. finally, thomas chapman analyses the geographical features of the referendum about the same-sex marriage in florida. this topic divided very much the population and fi nally the majority rejected it. however, there were several areas where the same-sex marriage got strong support, for example, in the neighbourhoods of the universities. the author describes the spatial patt erns of this referendum through the lens of cultural politics of sexuality. to sum up, i found the twelve chapters of this book highly informative and thoughtprovoking. i recommend this book for all those academics and researchers who are interested in electoral studies and would like to know more about the modern straits of electoral geography. györgy vida 391marton, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (4) 391–403.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.68.4.5 hungarian geographical bulletin 68 2019 (4) 391–403. introduction taking into consideration both the supply and demand side of the hungarian tourism industry we can state that its leading tourism product is by no means health tourism. recently, more than 45 per cent of the guest nights were realized in the rural settlements with spas and if we also include the capital, budapest, this ratio will exceed 68 per cent (hungarian tourism agency, 2019). overall, 137 settlements are involved in medical tourism, out of which 14 is qualified as medical places: balatonfüred, bük, debrecen, eger, gyöngyös (kékestető), gyula, hajdúszoboszló, harkány, hévíz, miskolc (lillafüred), parád, sárvár, sopron (balf) and zalakaros. so the country possesses numerous traditional, historical spa settlements besides which a great number of spas were developed or were modernised after the regime change (1989) geared to the demand trends of the 21st century. due to the unique physical environment and geological basics, the attractions and endowments of health tourism in hungary are outstanding even in global perspectives. the most important physical geographical factors are the spatial-geological allocation of the carpathian measuring seasonality at the major spa towns of hungary gergely marton1, mátyás hinek2, róbert kiss3 and jános csapó4 abstract one of the leading tourism products of hungary is health tourism, where the certain supply segments are influenced by seasonality in different scales. the primary aim of our paper is to survey the seasonality of the 9 spas with the greatest turnover in hungary with the help of the gini index. our research intends to provide an actual picture about the exact measure of seasonality in the highlighted spas of hungary, due to the overall actuality of the problem and also because no such relevant quantitative research has been dealing with this issue in hungary yet. the objective reason why these spas were chosen and surveyed is because first of all they are mono profile health tourism centres, where tourists are visiting the settlement exclusively because of the spas, and on the other hand the visitor turnover of the mentioned settlements are significantly higher than the following hungarian spa towns. we believe that the more we understand seasonality the more we can face with its challenges concerning tourism development. for our seasonality analysis we used the commercial accommodation statistics of the hungarian central statistical office and to estimate the gini index we applied the monthly dataset of the guest nights. keywords: measuring seasonality, gini index, health tourism, spa towns, hungary 1 institute of sport sciences and physical education, university of pécs. h-7624, pécs, ifjúság útja 6. corresponding author’s e-mail: martongergely@gamma.ttk.pte.hu 2 institute of marketing and tourism, budapest metropolitan university. h-1148, budapest, nagy lajos király útja 1–9. e-mail: mhinek@metropolitan.hu 3 department of international tourism and hospitality, i-shou university. no. 1, sec. 1, syuecheng rd., dashu district, 84001 kaohsiung city, taiwan. e-mail: robertkiss@isu.edu.tw 4 institute of marketing and tourism, university of pécs. h-7622 pécs, rákóczi út 80. e-mail: csapo.janos@ktk.pte.hu marton, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (4) 391–403.392 basin, the high values of the geothermic gradient and the quality of the host rock (michalkó, g. and rátz, t. 2010; aubert, a. et al. 2012; gonda, t. 2016; csapó, j. and marton, g. 2017; stupariu, m.i. and morar, c. 2018). based on the geological and physical geographical endowments we can differentiate 4 types of medical factors in the hungarian spa and wellness tourism: medical waters, medical mud, climate therapy and medical caves and mofetta. these four types of medical factors serve as the primary attractions for the supply factors and establishments in hungary. due to the upper mentioned endowments hungary possessed 529 spas (380 functioning all year and 149 just seasonally) in 2017. a significant amount of these spas provided complex and mixed services with medical, thermal and experience spa services or they served as swimming pools (csapó, j. and marton, g. 2017). the most typical forms of spas were the lidos (234), the experience spas (220) and the medical spas (103) (hungarian central statistical office – hcso, 2018) (figure 1). the role and importance of health tourism in the tourism industry of hungary is also demonstrated by the fact that amongst the top 10 visited settlements of the country we find (usually) 7 or 8 spa towns (hcso, 2018). as the national tourism development strategy states, 12.9 per cent of the inbound visits were motivated by wellness or medical reasons. visitor numbers to hungarian spas generate more than 40 million visits per year out of which the thermal and medical spas register around 23.0–24.5 million visitors annually (csapó, j. and marton, g. 2017). the degree of seasonality is of key importance at health tourism resorts as well, since in terms of their functioning, certain supply segments are greatly influenced by the annual dissemination of the visitors (mainly the active, outdoor wellness elements) while others (such as the elements of medical tourism) fig. 1. the spatial allocation and categorisation of spas in hungary. source: own editing. 393marton, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (4) 391–403. is less concerned, however, we can see particular processes of seasonality there as well. understanding the role and importance of seasonality in the professional tourism planning and development of the country, the primary aim of our paper is to survey the seasonality of the 9 spas with the greatest turnover in hungary with the help of the gini index. the objective reason why these spas (bük, cserkeszőlő, egerszalók, gyula, hajdúszoboszló, harkány, hévíz, sárvár, zalakaros) were chosen and surveyed is because first of all they are mono profile health tourism centres (michalkó, g. and rátz, t. 2010) where tourists are visiting the settlement exclusively because of the spas, and on the other hand the visitor turnover of the mentioned settlements are significantly higher than the following hungarian spa towns (csapó, j. and marton, g. 2017). we believe that one of the most important questions of tourism is the topic of seasonality that divides the tourist flow and the generated consumption to different periods such as accentuated or busy and relaxed or less visited ones. the change of the regularly repetitive popular and non-popular periods rises numerous social, environmental and economic (mostly price, revenue-related) questions both on local, regional, national or even international level for the actors of the tourism industry (duro, j.a. 2016; yang, y. et al. 2016; wang, x. et al. 2019). so, according to the authors, understanding the processes of seasonality gives the chance to find the answers on how to reflect the challenges we face concerning modern tourism development, and so the present article stands as an example for these practical investigations. based on the above mentioned the present paper surveys the seasonality of a segment of hungarian health tourism which possesses a longer season than the average in the country; that is also why this tourism product is handled as an accentuated area in the country’s tourism industry. as a novelty, our research intends to provide an actual picture about the exact measure of seasonality in the highlighted spas of hungary, due to the overall actuality of this issue and also because no relevant literature background was dealing with this problem yet. although, several types of indexes could be used in measuring the numerical performance of tourism or its segments, such as the tourism index (aubert, a. et al. 2013) or tourist function index (borzyszkowski, j. et al. 2016). however, for our seasonality analysis we used the commercial accommodation statistics of the hungarian central statistical office (for 2018) and to estimate the gini index we applied the monthly dataset of the guest nights. theoretical background and literature review the initial study of seasonality was executed by bar on, r.v. (1975) using the seasonality range and the seasonality ratio, which are based on the seasonal indices (as percentages) derived from a multiplicative (monthly) model (coshall, j. et al. 2015). later researchers of this topic connected the survey of seasonality to the northern, periphery regions focusing on seasonal patterns of tourism arrivals from different regions and countries (hartmann, r. 1986; snepenger, d. et al. 1990; butler, r.w. 1994, 2001; flognfeldt, t. 2001; baum, t. and lundtorp, s. 2001), but we can detect analyses of the mediterranean region’s demand anomalies as well (sutcliffe, c.m.s. and sinclair, t. 1980; donatos, g. and zairis, p. 1991). the impacts and measure of seasonality were surveyed first in the beginning of the 1990s (hylleberg, s. 1992) and this topic became more popular in the 2000s. although, lundtorp, s. (2001) started to illustrate several methods for measuring seasonality, this calculation of the periodical flow of tourists remained fashionable for researchers who also adapted the gini-coefficient as a tool for tracing the temporal changes of the demand (lee, c. et al. 2008; bigović, m. 2011; cisneros-martínez, j.d. and fernandez-morales, a. 2015; fernández-morales, a. et al. 2016; roselló, j. and sansó, a. 2017). marton, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (4) 391–403.394 the theoretical review of cannas, r. (2012) related to tourism seasonality provides a thorough explanation about one of the most wellknown problems of tourism mentioning that, according to butler, r.w. (1994) seasonality is ‘a temporal imbalance in the phenomenon of tourism, [which] may be expressed in terms of dimensions of such elements as numbers of visitors, expenditure of visitors, traffic on highways and other forms of transportation, employment, and admissions to attractions’ (cannas, r. 2012, 41 refers butler, r.w. 1994). on the other hand allcock, j.b. (1989) defines it as a concentrated tourism flow in a short period of the year which is a kind of physiological feature of tourism. baum, t. (1999) describes seasonality as a problem, which should be tackled on different planning, marketing and operational levels. according to the definition of hirschey, m. et al. (1993) from an economic point of view there is a rhythmical annual pattern of production, sales, consumption and profitability as indicators. based on this idea frechling, d.c. (2001) appraises seasonality as the cyclical fluctuation of a longer period of time, as the subsequent change of the economic indicators. the general approach of moore, t.w. (1989, 49) concludes this phenomenon as ‘movements in a time series during a particular time of year that recur similarly each year’. butler, r.w. (2001) argues that the complexity of seasonality pictures well that it has an effect on the whole of the elements of supply, such as marketing (packages, pricing, distribution), labour force market (quality labour force, abilities and their sustainability), finance, business (cash balance, pricing, attracting investments), the owner management (suppliers, mediators) and all the elements of operation. out of the comprehensive works dealing with the basic questions, consequences and measurability of seasonality we can mention baum, t. and hagen, l. (1999) and baum, t. and lundtorp, s. (2001). among the reasons for seasonality bar on, r.w. (1975) and hartmann, r. (1986) distinguished two main ones: natural (climate, seasons, distance from the equator etc.) and institutionalised (cultural and religious traditions, holidays etc.). for the five main reasons for seasonality butler, r.w. (1994, 332–333) indicates ‘climate, particularly seasonal variation, human decision factors, notably social, religious or cultural in origin, the sporting seasons, inertia and tradition’. the institutionalised element of seasonality is traditionally a human activity, often fitted to defined times of period such as religious, cultural, ethnic or social factors. the most frequent of all are the official and school holidays. the author also deals with this problem in 2001 indicating that the natural and institutional reasons for seasonality can actuate each other as well (butler, r.w. 2001). according to the climatic definition hylleberg, s. (1992, 4) states that ‘seasonality is the systematic, although not necessary regular, intra-year movement caused by changes in weather’, moreover climate can result further significant alterations in certain destinations (amengual, a. et al. 2014). besides weather (temperature) hylleberg, s. (1992) also mentions the calendar effect (holidays) and timing (school holidays) as the three most important reasons for seasonality indicating that out of them we can find stable dates, holidays (christmas), continuously changing, but predictable ones (easter, chinese lunar new year) and unpredictable ones (such as weather). the institutionalised reason is more complex and less predictable than the natural one, since it is influenced by culture, religion, ethnic and social factors, the destination, the tourism product or the marketing activities. butler, r.w. (2001) states that seasonality appears most of all as a problem in tourism which should be handled, however, in some circumstances (such as in remote seasonal rural destinations) it can provide a favourable solution in employment for instance (flognfeldt, t. 2001). we can also mention among the institutionalised reasons the habits, traditions or the sports seasons so it is obvious that seasonality has been researched from the points of view of sport (higham, j. and hinch, t.d. 2002; kiss, r. 2014) and 395marton, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (4) 391–403. recreational activities (hartmann, r. 1986; butler, r.w. 1994) as well. these researches are highlighting that the uneven distribution at the high season is one of the most convincing problems of recreation and tourism causing ineffectual source utilisation, potential profit loss, social-ecological capacity pressure and administrative difficulties (manning, r.e. and powers, l. 1984). the high-level of tourist fluctuation results in a huge negative impact on the environment which has also been one of the key issues in recent seasonal tourism studies (cisnerosmartínez, j.d. et al. 2018). in the case of the destinations allocated in peripheries the problem of seasonality appears more drastically (baum, t. and hagen, l. 1999) where first of all the topic of season elongation is surveyed (koenig-lewis, n. and bischoff, e.e. 2005; cannas, r. 2012). the significance of this topic is also strengthened by the data of the eurostat (2016) that one out of four travels of the europeans was realised between july and august; and if we have a look at the time length of the travel this concentration is more dynamic. stupariu, m.i. and morar, c. (2018) focused on the customers’ fluctuation in a shorter period of time, more precisely, the weekly and monthly streams of tourists’ flow in neighbouring spas, which created operational issues at tourism enterprises with high seasonality (connell, j. et al. 2015). accordingly, accommodations, restaurants or spas were defined by coshall, j. et al. (2015, 1604) and were named as ‘one of the most protracted problems facing managers in the tourism sector’. alongside the changes in travel patterns over the past few years, the new trends indicated the strengthening of the spa and medical tourism product (ramírez de arellano, a.b. 2007; connell, j. 2013; rodrigues, h. et al. 2019). the overall market positions of both wellness and medical tourism has been influenced by the demographic changes (especially in the developed countries) of the last decades, increase in the discretionary income, growing need for recreation and regeneration or simply by financial reasons (horowitz, m.d. et al. 2007; lunt, n. and carrera, p. 2010; csapó, j. and marton, g. 2017). despite the excellent potential, hungary has to face a growing competition on the international health tourism market. therefore, the assessment of the competitors is a key task of tourism development (michalkó, g. and rátz, t. 2010; michalkó, g. et al. 2012). in the global content, every country or destination can be regarded as a competitor possessing a health tourism supply of partially or completely international importance. the direct competitors of hungary are european countries with special attention to its neighbours, specifically, austria, slovenia, slovakia and romania offering spas of national and international importance and/or other health tourism services, which have undergone significant improvements in the last decade (lew, a. et al. 2008; yeung, o. and johnston, k. 2017; stupariu, m.i. and morar, c. 2018). although with a different supply structure, alongside the neighbouring countries, the czech republic and italy have outstanding thermal and medical tourism propositions with international importance on the tourism market. wellness tourism, the other pillar of health tourism, shows an even more varied picture as natural resources play less significant role. apart from hungary’s direct neighbours and the other competing destinations, poland and russia need to be regarded as serious competitors in terms of existing and future wellness tourism potential (lew, a. et al. 2008; csapó, j. and marton, g. 2017). nevertheless, health tourism is a rather popular scope in researches in the country especially in domestic (hungarian) publications much less work has been carried out in english. besides the comprehensive work of smith, m.k. and puczkó, l. (2017) we can highlight spatial and structural papers (aubert, a. et al. 2010, 2013; michalkó, g. and rátz, t. 2010; jónás-berki, m. et al. 2015), tourism oriented real estate development (michalkó, g. and rátz, t. 2010) and demand analyses (smith, m.k. and puczkó, l. 2015), guest flow analyses (sulyok, j. and mester, t. 2014) or papers marton, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (4) 391–403.396 and researches dealing generally with wellbeing and quality of life (smith, m.k. and diekmann, a. 2017) or taking into consideration regional aspects (rátz, t. and michalkó, g. 2011; sprah, l. et al. 2014). such works analysing the seasonality of hungarian tourism are present only in a limited number of publications in the hungarian scientific literature which is especially interesting as the country’s tourism flow is concentrated both in space (budapest and lake balaton) and time (summer high season). sulyok, j. and kiss, k. (2006) analysed seasonality in general in the country while sulyok, j. and mester, t. (2014) were focusing on the turnover of commercial accommodations in connection with seasonality. dávid, l. and tóth, g. (2009) published a research on seasonality on the example of a hungarian mountain range (mátra mountains) and marton, i. et al. (2001) analysed thermal tourism as a possible tool for the elongation of the season. our research continues the product centred approach of the upper mentioned publications focusing on the least seasonal tourism product of the country. materials and methods the gini index (gini, c. 1912) is basically based on the lorenz curve, which shows the distribution of a studied variable (e.g. income or health, or in our case: guest nights) (figure 2). the value of the gini index is the ratio of the area closed by the 45-degree line (the line of equality) and the lorenz curve (a) correlated to the size of the complete area of the triangle symbolising the total inequality (a+b), so g = a/(a+b). the size of the area representing complete inequality is a+b, so 0.5, accordingly g = a/0.5, and g = 2a. so, the area of the gini index is twice the area closed up by the 45-degree line and the lorenz curve (a). if the analysed variable where we look at the frequency is continual, then from the perspective of geometry, the area between the lorenz curve and the line (a), or the area under the lorenz curve (b) can be determined with integral calculus. this, however, happens only at the rarest of cases, in practice we usually meet a discrete variable, as in our case, when we examine the distribution of guest nights based on monthly data. in this case, the area under the lorenz curve can be given with an approximate estimation as the sum of the trapezoids fitted with one side to the curve (see figure 2, where area ‘b’ is approximately the sum of the area of the grey trapezoids: a + b + c + d + e + f). the gini index is widely applied to measure the seasonality of tourism since it represents the seasonal inequalities of tourism flow with a quantitative method (fernández-morales, a. 2003; fernándezmorales, a. and mayorga-toledano, m.c. 2008; bigović , m. 2011; sulyok, j. and mester, t. 2014). since we would like to measure the seasonality from the inequalities of a 12 months data set we can use the following formula in order to calculate the gini index (sulyok, j. and mester, t. 2014): fig. 2. the estimation of the area under the lorenz curve (b) with trapezoids (grey areas) when the frequency variable is discrete (e.g. months). horizontal axis = the ratio of the certain months related to all the months (in %); vertical axis = the ratio of guest nights related to the number of the total (annual) guest nights (from the months with the smallest turnover to the one with the greatest, cumulated). source: own editing, 2016. 397marton, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (4) 391–403. where i means the certain months, xi is the cumulated share from the 12 months and yi is the share of the cumulated guest nights from the annual total guest nights of the months lined up in an increasing sequence by the number of guest nights. for our seasonality analysis we used the commercial accommodation statistics of the hungarian central statistical office (2018) and in order to estimate the gini index we applied the monthly dataset of the guest nights. according to the hcso the two main type of the accomodations are the business accommodations and the non business accomodations. business accomodations can be divided into two further categories: 1. commercial accommodations (hotels, special hotels, e.g. health, wellness, garni and apartment hotels; pensions, campings, holiday homes, hostels and youth hostels); 2. other business accommodations (standalone buildings or a demarcated part thereof intended not solely for the purpose of accommodation services, where the number of rooms used for this purpose is not more than 8, and the number of beds is not more than 16). according to the hcso, the non-commercial accommodations are ‘accommodation for holiday and youth tourism and mountain shelter’ (hcso, 2019). in our study we studied only the commercial accommodations. these statistics are available from 2000 which is rather fortunate since the first great wave of state-supported investments in the spa towns started from this year. it is also important to add that only the monthly guest nights of the commercial accommodations is available in the hungarian statistics while no relevant data is available concerning the visitor number of the spas or the other business accommodations, that is the basic reason why we chose statistical data of the commercial accommodations in our calculations. the gini index can only be used with monthly or even more refined data. the guest nights of the commercial accommodations are also an adequate indicator because it records well the formation of the tourism activity in the analysed destination. seasonality can be counted based on other data (number of the guests, accommodation receipts) as well, however, traditionally the calculation of this index is based on guest night datasets. it is important to note that while in 2016 the commercial accommodations of the studied spa towns had 36,000 bed places, the other business accommodations had almost an additional 26,000 beds. in that year, the total number of the guest nights in the commercial accommodations in the studied spa towns were higher than 4.5 million, while in the other business accommodations they were not quite than 765,000 (16.6% of the commercial accommodations). nevertheless, the performance of the other business accommodations is not negligible, but it is not critical in assessing the seasonality of the spa towns. the capacity and overnight stays of other business accommodations indicate that seasonality is likely to be higher for this type of accommodation, given that these accommodations typically do not operate all year round. however, no data are available to verify this expectation. the novelty of the research is that the authors focus and draw the attention on the importance and applicability of the gini index in terms of tourism seasonality surveys and also that no such research has been carried out so far in order to numerically support the seasonality of the tourism of the accentuated spa towns in hungary. the results of our surveys are not only useful for the academic world, but when seasonality is presented by exact mathematical calculations than useful data are provided for the stakeholders and decision makers of the spas and the municipalities in order to understand one of the greatest issues of the hungarian tourism industry, the temporal and spatial allocation of the tourists. results: the evaluation of the seasonality change of the major hungarian spa towns according to our results the seasonality of the analysed spa towns decreased overall in marton, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (4) 391–403.398 the last 16 years. if we study the commercial accommodation data of the spa towns all in one, they show a 27.7 per cent decrease of seasonality in all the 9 spa towns between 2000 and 2016 (figure 3). while in 2000 the value of the gini index was 0.279 (taking into consideration all the analysed spa towns), it decreased to 0.171 by 2016. the decrease, however, was not balanced. in the analysed period there were years when seasonality increased in the commercial accommodations of the spa towns. 2005 was such a year where seasonality grew slightly (2.3%) compared to the previous year’s results, but such era was between 2008–2010 and 2013 and 2015 where seasonality grew by 12.5 and 8.8 per cent respectively, compared to the previous year’s data. at the same time from 2000 to 2016 the decrease of seasonality can be detected in numerous years. we identified the greatest decrease in 2011 and in 2014 (–12.7% and –14.9% respectively, compared to the previous year’s data), but the 8.5 per cent decrease in 2004 was much higher than the average. since the decrease of seasonality was characteristic for more years than the increase, we detected an overall 30 per cent decrease in the gini index, and so in seasonality, between 2000 and 2016. fitting a linear trend to the aggregated data of the spa towns we see the slightly decreasing trend of seasonality (see figure 3). the insertion of the linear trend line is relatively good, the value of the r2 coefficient of determination is 0.68. the average degree of the annual decrease of the gini index is –1.7 per cent. seasonality formed quite differently in the certain spa towns. the gini index decreased the least in hévíz (–9.2%), hajdúszoboszló (–16.7%), harkány (–18.0%) and gyula (–24.5%) which it is also due that these 4 traditional spa towns possessed a developed commercial accommodation background already in 2000. that is why in these settlements’ seasonality did not decrease at such measure than in those spa towns where the certain developments started after the millennium. since these settlements represent a significant guest flow in comparison to the others, they influence quite significantly the formation of the combined fig. 3. the formation of seasonality of the analysed spa towns. source: based on hcso database, own calculation. 399marton, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (4) 391–403. gini index as well. nevertheless, seasonality decreased the most in egerszalók (–70.1%), cserkeszőlő (–57.2%) and zalakaros (–50.7%) as well as we could detect a significant decline (more than –30%) in bük and sárvár between 2000 and 2016. the formation of seasonality is worth compared with the formation of the capacities, especially because on the national level in the researched period the number of the rooms of the commercial accommodations grew with 31 per cent and the number of the beds by more than 20 per cent. a much faster increase was experienced in the analysed 9 spa towns (table 1). the number of beds grew from 24,400 (2000) to 35,700 (2016) so almost with 50 per cent, which is more than twice the national increase. analysing the towns one by one it turns out that in egerszalók this increase was more than 60 per cent, however, it started from a very low basis data. the number of accommodation capacity grew significantly in sárvár as well, from 900 places in 2000 to nearly 3,000 by 2016. in zalakaros the capacity of the commercial accommodations grew with 88 per cent, in cserkeszőlő 68 per cent, while bükk and hévíz grew their capacities with 50 per cent. this increase meant in hévíz nearly 2,500 new bed places with which the town emerges from the other spa towns. if we do not analyse the increase ratio than concerning the absolute numbers of the capacity of the commercial accommodations hajdúszoboszló is leading with more than 8,000 bed places. taking into consideration the increase of capacities (supply) the increase of the demand is much faster. the number of nights at commercial accommodations grew from 2.6 million in 2000 to 4.6 million (+75%) by 2016. except for harkány, the demand grew at every analysed spa town with remarkably high data at some settlements (table 2). in egerszalók, this increase was more than 270-fold since as a new spa there were practically very low commercial guest nights in 2000 which grew to more than 200,000 by 2016. the number of guest nights almost quadrupled in sárvár (2000: 130,000; 2010: 485,000) and tripled in cserkeszőlő (2000: 44,000; 2016: 147,000). at the same time the increase was not so remarkable from a high basis. in hévíz the number of guest nights grew by 33 per cent, but it means a 259,000 increase in absolute numbers compared to as in 2000. in hajdúszoboszló, the increase was 47 per cent with an absolute increase of 300,000 guest nights. the greatest increase in absolute numbers could be detected in bük (+340,000 guest nights) preceding hajdúszoboszló (+300,000), zalakaros (+297,000) and hévíz (+259,000). table 1. the change of the capacity of the commercial accommodations in the analysed spa towns, in bed places spa towns number of bed places in commercial accommodations growth in bed places in number between 2000 and 2016 growth in bed places in % (2000 = 100%)2000 2016 egerszalók cserkeszőlő sárvár zalakaros gyula harkány bük hévíz hajdúszoboszló 18 730 927 2,267 2,620 3,401 3,533 4,892 6,032 24,420 1,106 1,230 2,874 4,254 2,966 2,371 5,262 7,386 8,231 35,680 1,088 500 1,947 1,987 346 –1,030* 1,729 2,494 2,199 11,260 6,144 168 310 188 113 –30* 149 151 136 146total *harkány: decrease. source: hungarian central statistical office (hcso) 2018, and own editing. marton, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (4) 391–403.400 conclusions the seasonality of the guest flow of the spa towns is much smaller than the seasonality of tourism in general in hungary. this is an important phenomenon in the tourism industry of such a destination where the majority of tourists are still visiting hungary concentrated both in time and space. while the gini index of the guest nights at commercial accommodations on the national level is 0.25 than this aggregate value is more than 30 per cent less, in 2016 (0.17 at the analysed spa towns). we can conclude that the spa town function results expressly favourably to seasonality. the other important lesson is that the investments and developments in the last 16 years effectively decreased the seasonality of the guest flow of the spa towns. these developments typically included investments in supply covering mainly the tourism infrastructure and supra-structure of the spas and also the accommodation and guest catering structure of the settlements, with a special emphasis on the development of tourism services as well. the drop of seasonality was the greatest at the spa towns carrying out significant investments and developments (cserkeszőlő, egerszalók) which is partly due to the statistical impact and partly it shows that the implemented investments managed to extend the season. the experiences of the ‘new spa towns’ are confirmed by the data of the traditional ones (hévíz, hajdúszoboszló). in these latter ones seasonality did not decrease at the same level as in the case of the new ones, since they had from earlier times those supply elements which were promoting their requisition during the complete year. the new investments strengthened the four seasons-long supply, so the decrease of seasonality was not remarkable. in the future significant decline of seasonality is not expected in the case of the new spa towns so we should not forecast further significant decrease in the gini index on the national level either, because of the former realisation of the four seasons-long supply. comparing the dynamics of the demand and supply we can also see that in the spa towns the increase of the capacity of the commercial accommodations (+50%) was significantly exceeded by the increase of the demand (+75%). therefore, the utilisation of the available capacities is less seasonal, so the demand requisitioned the capacities in a much more expanded time scale in the season. since the decrease of seasonality took place besides a significant increase of commercial accommodation capacity, the expansion of the turnover possibly made an impact on the anticipated return of the investments as well. this finding is supported by the rise of the occupancy table 2. the change of the guest nights in commercial accommodations in the analysed spa town spa towns number of guest nights in 1,000 growth of guest nights between 2000 and 2016, in 1,000 growth of guest nights in % (2000 = 100%)2000 2016 egerszalók cserkeszőlő sárvár zalakaros gyula harkány bük hajdúszoboszló hévíz total 0.7 44.1 129.7 203.7 222.0 224.2 360.7 638.0 796.8 2,619.9 200.3 146.7 485,4 500.3 366.7 191.7 700.8 937.8 1,056.1 4,585.9 199.6 102.6 355.7 296,6 144.7 –32.5* 340.1 299.9 259.3 1,966.0 27,258 333 374 246 165 –15* 194 147 133 175 *harkány: decrease. source: own editing. 401marton, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (4) 391–403. rate of the commercial accommodations: the average occupancy rate of the rooms in the 9 spa towns was 44 per cent in 2009, and 56 per cent in 2016. this increase of room occupancy in the commercial accommodations increased almost continuously in the reviewed period except for harkány, where no spa improvements have been made in the reviewed years. based on the findings of our study we can state that in the analysed period demand has increased significantly and in parallel, seasonality has declined in the studied spa towns. it seems to be proved that the extensive developments of the spa towns were successful, the accommodation capacity and the number of guest nights were growing in a remarkable extent and the utilization of the capacities also increased slightly. as for some limitations of the study the authors think that, as a future research direction, the detailed analysis of changes in individual settlements should be further analysed to obtain a more accurate picture on the settlement level as well. parallel with this, the guest data of other accommodations would also be required to test seasonality (to obtain the more detailed picture). we consider the present study as a simple quasi-longitudinal study, but we cannot clearly explain here that there is a correlation between the implemented developments and the spa towns’ tourism and seasonality. this topic could be a further issue in these researches. as the last aspect of further research directions we should also measure the improvements in the quality of services in the spa towns and as an explanatory variable it should be built into a larger model, parallel with other parameters, such as the changes in income or concerning the economic cycle. acknowledgements: the project has been supported by the european union, co-financed by the european social fund grant no.: efop-3.6.1.-16-201600004 entitled by comprehensive development for implementing smart specialization strategies at the university of pécs. „the research was financed by the higher education institutional excellence programme of the ministry for innovation and technology in hungary, 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wealth. cities can generate economic growth and creating jobs while becoming greener – this is the key message of the oecd’s new “green growth in cities” report. based on case studies of paris, chicago, kitakyushu and stockholm, the report identifi es green policies that can respond to urban growth priorities and suggests how to implement and fi nance them. cities must be an integral part of international and national eff orts to make economies more sustainable, societies more inclusive, to reduce increasing urban environmental impact, stimulate economic growth and improve well-being of their residents. the potential synergies and interlinkages between the environment and the economy in cities are obvious. for example, reducing traffi c congestion and air pollution makes a city more effi cient and more att ractive to fi rms and highly skilled workers, healthier and more liveable for the local population. the oecd’s city-level case studies provide city leaders with new insights on how welldesigned environmental policies can contribute to diff erent types of growth. right urban sustainability policies can create new jobs including retrofi tt ing the existing building stock for improved energy effi ciency. for example, the chicago tri-state metropolitan region has built a regional specialty in green building design and retrofi tt ing. in 2010 it gave 45,000 people green jobs, 36% of which were in the green building sector. effi cient transport systems, in particular, good public transport networks, help cities to att ract new fi rms to invest and workers as well. the private sector in the paris/île-de-france region has long recognised this, and fi rms that benefi t from proximity to the transportation system contribute to its fi nancing. cities can also foster innovation, entrepreneurial spirit which can stimulate growth of the green technology sector by creating green regional clusters that build on existing industries, services, research and innovation. kitakyushu in japan has built an impressive recycling cluster, the eco-town, which recycles hundreds of tons of industrial waste every day, while producing energy for residential and commercial purposes in neighbourhoods. urban redevelopment, housing stock renewal and development of eco-districts can enhance land values while increasing density and reducing residents’ envi225 ronmental impact. following the success of its hammarby sjöstad eco-district, city of stockholm is now working with the private sector to develop the stockholm royal seaport eco-district following the symbiocity concept. the buildings there will use less than the energy of others in stockholm and the new district will have an advanced smart grid and district heating system. according to the fi ndings of the oecd report there is an urgent need to fi nd bett er ways to “green” urban fi nance and to mobilise private sector money for green infrastructure development. introducing green incentives into municipal revenue streams would be a big step towards a more sustainable growth path. property taxes could help prevent urban sprawl by eliminating the preferential tax treatment of single-family homes that exists in many places. traffi c regulation, congestion charges and parking fees can help reduce traffi c and air pollution, while fees for water and waste services should be more responsive to actual resources used consumers. for example, the city of stockholm is greening its income with revenues from the traffi c congestion charges system. introduced in 2006, this system has led to lower carbon dioxide emission and traffi c congestion and is also becoming a substantial source of local government’s income. national governments also have an important role to play in sett ing the right price signals and standards that will provide coherent and att ractive environment for green fi nancing. this book is recommended for urban geographers, planners, environmental scientists as well as wider audience interested in urban issues and environmental challenges. istván pomázi 317book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (3) 317–327.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.69.3.6 hungarian geographical bulletin 69 2020 (3) b o o k r e v i e w s e c t i o n fluvial processes first began to dominate gomorphological literature during the period of quantitative revolution in the 1970s. the british geomorphological research group estimated that the share of ’studies of fluvial character’ in great britain jumped from 18 per cent in 1963 and to 27.7 per cent in 1975 (gregory, k.j. 1978). the trend was similar in the united states too, where seminal papers on channel types appeared at that time. a repeated survey (piégay, h. et al. 2015) found that among 7331 papers published in the five leading journals of the discipline over the period 1987 to 2009, 1717 (23%) were in fluvial geomorphology. an internet search by the author of the book reviewed here estimates a 100-fold increase in topics of fluvial geomorphology since 1980. this is another testimonial to rivers, beyond their geomorphological significance, being important components of the landscape, vital for the existence of both humans and ecosystems. the present book is a good example of the interrelationship between environmental issues and fluvial processes. the book relies on a huge number of sources, the references section consists of 73 pages! (of course, with the customary bias in favour of united states and british sources.) the author, bruce l. rhoads, professor of geography at the university of illinois, belongs to the midwestern school of fluvial geomorphologists, particularly of the one which was led by his recently deceased phd supervisor, professor william l. graf, specialized in river investigations in desert environments. he authored and edited important textbooks with colin e. thorn (rhoad, b.l. and thorn, c.e. 1996). his research later focused on river confluences to which a separate chapter (number 12) is devoted in this book. in the introduction he briefly summarizes the history of fluvial geomorphology. he attempts to reconcile theories of equilibrium, geomorphological effectiveness (magnitude and frequency), landscape sensitivity and resilience – although claims that these concepts are rather difficult to test scientifically. stability and change are governed by thresholds and the behaviour of the fluvial system is often non-linear. examples are cited for the interpetation of general concepts in the environmental context (distinguishing between arid/ semiarid and humid temperate environments). following the conventional structure of textbooks on the subject, chapter 2 is concerned with overland flow processes in drainage basins. like elsewhere, some basic processes are succinctly and clearly defined. the reader does not feel the need for a separate glossary of terms at the end of the book. the detailed index helps the reader find these definitions. rills and gullies are treated as landforms distinct in origin. (although, as throughout the book, mostly us studies are cited, a single reference is also made to investigations on valley heads in the polish carpathians.) before embarking on issues of river hydrology, author inserted a chapter (no 3) on global sediment dynamics, emphasizing the leading role of rivers in global sediment flux to oceans and, consequently, in the denudation of drainage basins and continents. the limitations of the sediment delivery approach are correctly assessed. the application of cosmogenic radionuclides measurements as an alternative approach to the estimation of denudation rates and the significance of sediment tracing techniques are presented at the end of the chapter. it is interesting how laboratory experiment refined the classic model of drainage network extension and reduction and how these drainage network evolution models can be developed to landscape evolution models. now the processing of world-wide databases allows new conclusions on the factors influencing sediment transport. for instance, it becomes evident from a series of diagrams (figures 3.5 to 3.11) rhoads, b.l.: river dynamics: geomorphology to support management. cambridge, cambridge university press. 2020. 515 p. 318 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (3) 317–327. that sediment yield from a drainage basin is not a direct function of precipitation, runoff or basin area. relying on classic and more recent achievements in physics (fluid mechanics, open-channel hydraulics, boundary layer theory etc.), chapter 4 summarizes the basics of flow dynamics. although it is central among the topics of the book, it is strictly kept within limits. even at this level of detail it is rather demanding for the reader – if he is not a mathematician or physicist. further fundamental processes and more physics (e.g. explanations and equations of forces like gravity, lift and drag, acting on a particle on the riverbed) come in chapter 5 (on sediment transport). here we get a series of precise definitions of processes. (perhaps the only exception is the classification of channel bars, which would have been necessary to understand the explanation of meandering and braiding. this would have deserved some paragraphs in the chapter on sediment transport.) compared to previous textbooks we encounter novel topics here, like the analysis of entrainment thresholds and particle size and pivotal angle relationships examined for sand-bed and gravelbed rivers. also armouring on gravel beds is seldom detailed in a book of similar content, while here the reader gets a fuller analysis based on both flume and field experiments as well as various bedload transport models. it is pointed out that, although models have been set up to predict fractional transport rates, those for sediment mixtures are yet to be tested for a diversity of conditions. since the 1980s tracer studies support these models and help establish a virtual velocity for the particles moved in the river. the final part of chapter 5 is concerned with the geomorphological implications of bedload transport, i.e. how it affects channel morphology and the other way round. (of course, this topic will turn up in later chapters, too.) author’s conclusion is that ”it is the absolute magnitude of spatial gradients in bed-material transport that govern channel change”. (spatial gradients refer to current direction and the direction perpendicular to it.) to estimate sediment transport from surveying changes in channel parameters is even more problematic as yet and needs further research. chapter 6 is devoted to the assessment of a fundamental concept of 20th-century fluvial geomorphology, the magnitude and frequency of hydrological events. is the theory still valid in the 21st century? after defining the interrelated basic terms necessary to study this issue (graded river, channel-formative event, dominant, bankfull and effective discharge), an excellent compilation in table 6.2 summarizes the efforts to determine effective discharge values in all continents (with the notable exception of africa). author finally integrates the previous theories into the concept of geomorphic effectiveness. although equilibrium thinking survives in geomorphology, he claims that ”equilibrium state is a philosophical stance” rather than a testable hypothesis. non-linearity is also manifest in the fact that it is difficult to find a strong relationship between flood discharge and flood power (geomorphic work). important refinements in the magnitude-frequency theory include the growing emphasis on the duration of events with high flood power which, above a threshold, can be particularly influential in channel changes as well as on antecedent conditions of formative events. chapter 7 answers the question whether anything new can be said about channel geometry. by all means, the difference between at-a-station and downstream hydraulic geometry is well explained and more data can be used to validate the classic equations. when downstream channel geometry is mentioned in a simplified sense, it seems necessary to introduce the algorithms of rational regime analysis, which is used for testing various hypotheses in river hydraulics. naturally, this approach also has its limitations, which are detailed in several following chapters. in chapter 8 issues of channel planform, which is often identified subjectively, are treated. this is another topic which is studied excessively in fluvial geomorphological literature. the parameters applied to distinguish between meandering and braided channels (channel slope, width/depth ratio, media particle size, bank stability) are revisited in the light of recent investigations and a range of charts are presented where the two basic planform types appear distinct from each other (figures 8.3 to 8.9). (somewhat surprisingly, straight channels are regarded the most problematic.) the classification of multichannel (anabranching) rivers according to stream power seems to remain unsolved (anastomosing, wandering gravel-bed channels). one of the longest of chapters, number 9, focuses on the causes and styles of meandering – another classic topic of river research. flow oscillation and riverbed/ bank instability are in the centre of theories of meander initiation. however, both theories have limitations related to the starting phase of the process, the development of alternating bar units. a difficulty of meandering river mechanism lies in the scarcity of validation of numerous laboratory experiments with field studies. since the morphology of the individual meanders is controlled by riffle-pool sequences, the latter are described in detail – although their mathematical description is not yet possible. neither the velocity (and shear) reversal nor the secondary flow theory provide a full and universal explanation to the maintenance of riffle-pool sequences and their contribution to curvature development. the further evolution and migration of meanders depends on sediment transport, shifting of bars, to a large extent and considerable knowledge has accumulated on these processes. also bank erosion mechanisms are intensively investigated in connection with meander migration, lateral shifts and cutoffs included. (the reviewer would have liked to read more about the role of vegetation in bank erosion.) the development of compound meanders is a particularly intriguing issue. there is some field evidence but no 319book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (3) 317–327. theory concerning them. similarly to other chapters, the final part summarizes the results of computermodelling of meander evolution. it is equally (or even more) challenging to give a short and clear answer to the question how braided channels are formed (in chapter 10). a similarity to meandering is that most researchers agree on the role of bars in the initiation of a braided channel. the differences are presented in figure 9.3 and 10.2. by now a wide range of laboratory experiments support theories which are based on a critical width/depth ratio to be reached. also here an equilibrium theory is difficult to build since rapid local morphological alterations of the channel starkly contrast with long periods of overall adjustment. the concept of confluence-diffluence is used to explain bar development in braided channels. bifurcations are due to deposition in some cases and to erosion in some others, creating seemingly minor differences in bed elevation, which, however, generate asymmetrical and dynamic conditions in the channel. here we learn more of the role of vegetation. chapter 11 tackles anabranching channels, a channel planform type least studied of all so far. the morphological similarity of channels of this type masks a great variety of formative processes, basically bar stabilization into islands. variations in channel slope, bank resistance and the density of vegetation are examined as factors producing different types of anabranching. the differences are marked among continents (australia, africa, south-america), but less clearly pointed out between wandering gravel-bed and anastomosing channels. chapter 12 is about one of author’s favourite research topics: river confluences. the confluence hydrodynamic zone is interpreted as a special geomorphic environment, where helical and secondary flows are significantly modified. sediment transport, tributarymouth and bank-attached bar formation is largely controlled by junction angle. proper attention is also paid to the consequences of mixing of waters with different character. all these aspects make chapter 12 one of the most original and valuable in the book. the study of river longitudinal profiles in chapter 13 displays perhaps less novelty, but is equally relevant to the understanding of river dynamics. explaining downstream fining and selective sorting of bedload, profile adjustment, knickpoint retreat etc., the chapter is useful for bachelor students, too. (this statement also applies to the introductory parts of most chapters.) this chapter summarizes the hypotheses and accumulated results on the formation of step-pool structures. the mathematical expression of their physical background is unfortunately still missing. a modern geomorphological book could not be complete without a treatment of floodplain dynamics (chapter 14). overbank flow is acknowledged as essential a fluvial process as channel flow. the multifarious ecosystem services of floodplains are enumerated to underline the importance of their study. when describing deposition features, point bars and scroll bars are distinguished, the origin of ridge-and-swale topography is explained – both by deposition and erosion. among the controls of overbank sedimentation author presents the role of suspended sediment concentration in the river on several examples. further interesting issues are touched upon: how advective suspended sediment transport during floods producing bank-top and crevasse splays influences levee morphology? how backloading contributes to levee building? it is observed that, in addition to deposition (including the infilling of abandoned channels created by neck and chute cutoffs), erosional processes like floodplain stripping and avulsions, hardly mentioned in previous literature, also shape floodplains. floodplain typology is based on stream power, river mechanism (planform types) and the cohesion of banks. although the level of knowledge is far from being equal for them, figures 14.21, 14.22, 14.24 and 14.26 allow a good visual comparison of alluvial architecture among floodplains associated with the main planform types. chapter 15 means to describe human impact on rivers, a theme absolutely necessary to understand the actual conditions of rivers in the 21st century. full books have been written on the numerous indirect and direct influences exerted by human society which have completely changed the life of rivers for good. first the impacts of agriculture, then forestry and mining and finally those of urban development are investigated. fifteen years ago a standard british undergraduate textbook about human impact on the environment (goudie, a.s. 2006, 178–183) only mentioned river straightening, establishing of meander cutoffs and some artificial channels as deliberate interventions into fluvial systems along with alterations of sediment budget (through land use transformation) and dam and reservoir building as non-deliberate interventions. naturally, the rhoads book also deals with these issues, but also reflects that in the meantime the significance of further human impacts have been recognized: e.g. as agriculture involves the reduction of infiltration into the soil and of flow resistance over hillslopes, inducing rill and gully erosion, thus creating new paths for runoff. examples of responses of rivers to land conversions and accelerated soil erosion are cited from many parts of the world. peak discharges can also be increased by clear cutting, logging and establishing logging roads. mining can raise sediment load considerably. construction sites are localities where soil erosion can reach dangerous dimensions, while runoff from developed sealed surfaces often leads to destructive flash floods. the geomorphological consequences of the sediment deficite resulting from dam construction as well as planform responses to channelization are detailed based on recent reseach. among the more indirect impacts, those of climate change take the first place. however, the interrelationships are so 320 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (3) 317–327. complicated that it is extremely difficult to predict how climate change will influence rivers, both in the short and long term. the management tasks springing from all previous chapters are overviewed in chapter 16. it is made clear that rivers are not simply natural resources to explit and natural hazards to mitigate, but also valuable ecological and aesthetic objects to conserve. they are not to be appreciated for their stability, but for their dynamic properties which are also of high value. the knowledge on the dynamic geomorphology of rivers and floodplains has to be incorporated into river restoration, stream naturalization and mitigation projects. to this purpose, two widely applied approaches are available: the rosgen method and the river styles framework. their benefits and drawbacks are investigated. one of the last questions raised in the book is how dam removal affects rivers. author warns of hurried action without the careful consideration of both shortand long-term impacts on river dynamics. the book was not written for engineers. therefore, appendices are attached to it to present power functions used in fluvial geomorphology and some sedimentological and hydrological basics. a great merit of the book is a balanced combination of theoretical basics (bsc-level knowledge) with information on practical research problems. the rich illustrations form an integral part of the work. for a large part they are simple graphics which introduce fundamental phenomena (like figure 6.22, which presents complex river response to base level change in a particularly clear manner), while others display measurement data from case studies in a uniform and easily interpretable format. the most unusual feature of the book is the titles of subchapters: they are consistently formulated as special questions. the review could agree with this since it makes end-of-the chapter questions (common in textbooks) superfluous, but it is only justified if the subchapter raises a particular problem, e.g. 2.6.3 where do channels begin? in many other cases this practice leads to changing easily palatable titles to monstrously overcomplicated ones, e.g. 7.1 how is channel geometry related to the three-dimensionality of river form? for hungarian master students the book may not prove an easy reading. for researchers in geomorphology, hydrology and practical experts of river management with a firm basis of scientific english, however, this is the best handbook available, an indispensable companion in their everyday work. dénes lóczy1 1department of physical and environmental geography, institute of geography and earth sciences, university of pécs, pécs, hungary. e-mail: loczyd@gamma.ttk.pte.hu r e f e r e n c e s goudie, a.s. 2006. the human impact on the natural environment. oxford, blackwell publishing. gregory, k.j. 1978. fluvial processes in british basins: the impact of hydrology and the prospect for hydrogeomorphology. in geomorphology: present problems and future prospects. eds.: embleton, c., brunsden, d. and jones, d.k.c. oxford, oxford university press, 40–72. piégay, h., kondolf, g.m., minear, j.t. and vaudor, l. 2015. trends in publications in fluvial geomorphology over two decades: a truly new era in the discipline owing to recent technological revolution? geomorphology 248. 489–500. rhoads, b.l. and thorn, c.e. (eds) 1996. the scientific nature of geomorphology. chichester, john wiley. 0a_bevezeto zoltan kovacs.indd 263nagy e. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 169–172.hungarian geographical bulletin 64 2015 (4) 263–264. editorial 2015 was a distinguished year both in hungarian geography and in the development of hungarian geographical bulletin (hgb). aft er 44 years break a major international geographical conference, the 5th eugeo congress, was held in budapest. the congress became a success story with over six hundred participants from 45 countries who discussed various aspects of geography in great number of sessions during the three day event (see detailed description of the congress in issue 3 of 2015). the mott o of the congress (“convergences and divergences of geography in europe”) refl ects the way in which geography has developed in the recent past. the mushrooming of new research topics, the far-reaching specialisations and not least the strengthening cooperation between geographers and representatives of other disciplines all loosened up the traditional boundaries of geography. this is also well refl ected by the growing diversity of papers published in our magazine recently. the proliferation of research topics in geography provides not only a challenge but also an opportunity for academic journals like hgb. present issue of hgb contains four keynote papers delivered during the eugeo congress. they give an excellent insight into the current theoretical and practical questions of geography, be it physical or human geography. the congress provided the editors of hgb also an excellent opportunity to negotiate about future thematic issues and other co-operations within the region. we also hope that participants of the eugeo congress had the opportunity to visit the hgb exhibition desk during the event and many of them consider future submission in our journal seriously. hungarian geographical bulletin has clearly changed over recent years. this goes not only for the layout (double column) but also for the quality of the content. the peer-review process will hopefully further improve due to the online submission system to be introduced in january 2016. we truly hope that the forthcoming issues of hungarian geographical bulletin will confi rm our continuous eff orts towards quality and visibility. zoltán kovács << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.3 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 /colorconversionstrategy /leavecolorunchanged /dothumbnails false /embedallfonts true /embedopentype false 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice 117telbisz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 117–132.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.71.2.2 hungarian geographical bulletin 71 2022 (2) 117–132. introduction national parks are perhaps the best known institutions for nature conservation. although their primary task is, above all, nature conservation, in fact, the 150-year history of national parks shows that they have a number of other responsibilities. historically, tourism has played a significant role in national parks (butler, r.w. and boyd, s.w. 2000; frost, w. and hall, c.m. 2015) from the beginning (yellowstone national park, usa, 1872), despite tourism (especially mass tourism) has many adverse side effects (butler, r.w. and boyd, s.w. 2000). national park as a concept has also been an important element of national identity from the beginning, although not equally in all ages and countries (frost, w. and hall, c.m. 2015). the relatively untouched national park areas are also invaluable areas for scientific research, as well as excellent locations for education (primarily in geography and biology) to increase environmental awareness (frost, w. and hall, c.m. 2015). cultural values were less significant in the original concept, but during the boom of european national parks after world war ii, these were also incorporated into the national park model (frost, w. and hall, c.m. 2015). in many places and times, the relationship between national parks and the local populaattitudes and preferences of visitors of krka national park, croatia tamás telbisz1, ivan šulc2, lászló mari1 and petra radeljak kaufmann2 abstract the primary function of national parks (nps) is nature conservation, but for the majority of them, tourism also plays an important role. tourism generates significant incomes, but the benefits are often unequally distributed in space, as are the disadvantages. the karst regions are generally less developed terrains in terms of traditional livelihoods, but due to their special morphology, tourism offers great opportunities. nonetheless, mass tourism can also pose increased environmental risks. in this article, we examine the above questions on the example of krka np, especially from the perspective of tourists, as we conducted a questionnaire survey with visitors. the results confirmed that there is a high degree of spatial inequality both in the awareness of attractions and the distribution of tourist accommodation. this fact has already been recognised by the management of the np, and serious steps have already been taken to reduce inequality, but their impact is not yet significant enough. based on the survey, tourism in krka np is determined by same-day visits. tourists who come here primarily consider waterfalls, lakes and rivers to be the most important values of the landscape, while cultural values are considered less significant and even less known. local products are virtually unknown in the np palette, so this could be a direction for development. another point that could be developed is the awareness of visitors in the field of karstification. as the survey was conducted during covid period, its impact on tourism was also briefly examined. this impact was manifested in the fact that the proportion of retirees and tourist buses was very small, whereas the majority of visitors (90%) arrived in the np as independent travellers. for one third of foreigners, covid played a role in choosing croatia as a destination. as for domestic tourists, two thirds chose to find a destination in croatia because of covid. keywords: national park, protected area, questionnaire, tourism, karst, spatial inequality, geotourism, covid 1 department of physical geography, faculty of science, elte eötvös loránd university, pázmány péter sétány 1/c, 1117 budapest, hungary. e-mails: tamas.telbisz@ttk.elte.hu; laszlo.mari@ttk.elte.hu 2 department of geography, faculty of science, university of zagreb, marulićev trg 19/ii, 10000 zagreb, croatia. e-mails: isulc@geog.pmf.hr; radeljak@geog.pmf.hr telbisz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 117–132.118 tion has not been conflict-free at all (kőszegi, m. et al. 2019). stronger restrictive rules in national parks are often perceived as negative by local residents (trakolis, d. 2001; mose, i. 2007; telbisz, t. et al. 2020), but a similar or even greater problem may be that local residents often feel that the national park is part of the state administration far from their own world, and national park benefits (mainly related to tourism) are enjoyed by others (kőszegi, m. et al. 2019; telbisz, t. et al. 2020). therefore, there is today an expectation that the national park should support the socio-economic development of the local population (romano, b. 1995; mose, i. 2007), however, many believe that focusing on economic development may conflict with the primary goals of nature conservation. thus, they emphasize that the management should use various tools to maintain the primary role of conservation if development were to conflict with this (duval, m. 2006; kalisch, d. and klaphake, a. 2008; petrić, l. and mandić, a. 2014). the much later concept of geoparks also aims, from the outset, to contribute to the sustainable development of the local population (mckeever, p.j. and zouros, n. 2005; farsani, n.t. et al. 2011; lazzari, m. and aloia, a. 2014). regardless of intent, the direct economic impact of national parks is difficult to measure in many cases (mayer, m. et al. 2010). the above issues related to national parks are examined from several perspectives in the framework of a research project aimed at exploring the specificities of karst national parks in selected areas of central europe. karst terrains are often depopulated areas, at least in europe (pejnović, d. and husanovićpejnović, d. 2008; telbisz, t. et al. 2014, 2015, 2016, 2019, 2022), but due to their special natural features (caves, gorges, collapse sinkholes, stream sinks, etc.), national parks are often found on them (telbisz, t. and mari, l. 2020). thus, in many places the question arises as to what these national parks can offer to the aging and decreasing local population. karst areas can be important targets for sensu stricto or sensu lato geotourism (božić, s. and tomić, n. 2015; antić, a. et al. 2020; telbisz, t. and mari, l. 2020). the project uses a variety of methods: semi-structured interviews, questionnaires with the local population and tourists, and statistical and gis analyses to answer the above questions, of which we now present and analyse the results of a tourist questionnaire survey in the krka national park. study area croatia is an area rich in karst terrains, six of its eight national parks are located in completely karstic, two in partly karstic terrain (telbisz, t. and mari, l. 2020). in croatia, tourism plays a particularly important role, and the existence of national parks (and protected areas in general) has been shown in many places to have contributed to local socio-economic development (koderman, m. and opačić, v.t. 2020). however, in many cases the consequence was an increase in spatial inequalities (šulc, i. and valjak, v. 2012). krka national park (figure 1) is located in the south-central part of croatia, in the county of šibenik-knin. this county is typically an aging and depopulating area (lajić, i. and mišetić, r. 2013; mrđen, s. and barić, d. 2016; radeljak kaufmann, p. 2016). 89 percent of the county is built up from wellkarstified limestones and dolomites (telbisz, t. et al. 2022). within the county, one can observe sharply differing population processes between the coastal and the interior areas (radeljak kaufmann, p. 2016; telbisz, t. et al. 2022). the krka national park, founded in 1985, belongs to the inner, sparsely populated areas, and its elongated stretch of 109 km2 can also be divided into two sharply different parts in terms of tourism. the part close to the coast (and the motorway), where the most spectacular limestone tufa waterfalls are visited by the vast majority of tourists. on the other hand, the long sections along the upper river branches are much less visited, although there are also beautiful and interesting sights: wide gorges, tufa cascades 119telbisz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 117–132. (albeit with slightly less water) and cultural attractions (island of visovac with monastery, roman monuments, watermills). the visitors number of krka np increased rapidly after the war of independence in the 1990s, reaching 1.4 million by 2018 (radeljak kaufmann, p. 2020), so restrictions had to be introduced: on the one hand, the number of people in the area of skradinski buk waterfalls was limited to 10,000; on the other hand, bathing at waterfalls was banned (gojmerac, m. 2018). this second restriction not only disappoints many tourists who come here (unaware of the new regulations), but a significant portion of the local population are also dissatisfied with this measure (photo 1). the rapid increase in the number of visitors is in line with the global trends that characterise nature-based tourism (ecotourism, geotourism) in most countries on earth (kuenzi, c. and mcneely, j. 2008; balmford, a. et al. 2009). covid, of course, here as everywhere, caused a sharp decline in 2020 (with 423,000 visitors), but by 2021, that decline has partly been compensated (734,000 visitors this year). considering the characteristics of the sample area, we are looking for answers to the following questions: – to what extent does the spatial inequality characterise the krka np? i.e. how perceptible are the inner areas from the point of view of the average tourist? the attractions of the inner areas and potential accommodation possibilities? – how do tourists rate the sights of krka np? – what are the motivations of visitors to come here? where do they get information? – how satisfied are they with what they are experiencing here and what kind of development would they support? fig. 1. location and main tourist sights of krka national park &&&& && && && && && && && && && &&&& && && && && && && && && &&&&&& &&&& &&&& && && && && && &&&& && && && && && &&&& && && && &&&& &&&& && && &&&& && &&&& && &&&& && &&&& && && && && &&&&&& && && && && && && && && && &&&& && &&&& &&&& && && && && && &&&& && && && && && && &&&& && && && && && && && && && && && && kninknin drnišdrniš šibenikšibenik !m "� !m!á "� "ò "ò "ò "ò"ò !m!m !ñ!m manastir krkamanastir krka bogočinbogočin nečvennečven rošnjakrošnjak manojlovacmanojlovac trošenjtrošenj miljackamiljacka burnumburnum kamičakkamičak ključicaključica visovacvisovac roški slaproški slap oziđana pećinaoziđana pećina skradinski bukskradinski buk krka np amphitheatre cave church fortress waterfall!m "ò "� !á !ñ 10 km50 telbisz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 117–132.120 – from the point of view of tourists, what is the order of tasks for the krka np? – does it mean something to tourists that this is a karst region? and in general, how aware are visitors of the geological heritage? notwithstanding the more general questions above, as the survey was conducted during the period covered by covid, we were also interested in the local effects of the pandemic, and we asked two questions specifically about it. methodology the knowledge about certain objects in national parks and geoparks, the motivation of visitors, the source of information, and visitors’ attitudes to certain issues of nature conservation or development ideas are often examined with the help of questionnaires (papageorgiou, k. and kassioumis, k. 2005; zgłobicki, w. and baran-zgłobicka, b. 2013; allan, m. et al. 2015; štrba, ľ. 2019). these can be carried out on-site or online. similar surveys have been conducted in several national parks in croatia (šulc, i. and valjak, v. 2012; krpina, v. 2015). we conducted an on-site questionnaire survey in krka np from 30th august to 3rd september 2021. this was the first week after the overcrowded summer period, when there were still quite a few tourists, but the overcrowding was no longer typical, and there were relatively few visitors in the early morning and late afternoon hours. according to the official statistics, there were 28,704 visitors during this week in the krka np. the questionnaires were filled with the help of 9 assistants at several resting points in the area around skradinski buk waterfalls, which corresponds to convenience sampling. visitors had the option to complete the questionnaire themselves or with the help of a questionnaire assistant. the questions were written on both sides of an a4 sheet. there were a total of 28 questions, mostly with multiple-choice or likert scale questions, but there were also some open-ended questions. filling the questionnaire was typically a few minutes in most cases. the questionnaire was available in 5 languages (english, german, croatian, italian, hungarian) with the same content. tourists from countries of other languages could also choose from these options. the results were evaluated using ms excel. due to the size limitations of this article, not all questions are processed individually below. results demographic characteristics in total, 525 people took part in the survey. about a third came from germany, 10–10 percent from france and poland, 7–7 percent from the united kingdom and croatia, and more photo 1. skradinski buk waterfalls before (left) and after (right) the ban on swimming 121telbisz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 117–132. than 1 percent from the netherlands, austria, hungary, switzerland, the usa, belgium, italy, ireland, romania and slovakia. the whole sample allows for statistically reliable conclusions (of course only for the given period), but the analysis of the differences between tourists from different nations is not really possible given the number of items for most nationalities. however, some simple observations can be made even if it is not statistically reliable. according to the age distribution (table 1), young people (18–30 years old) were in the majority among respondents (59%), and the proportion of respondents decreased with increasing age. on the one hand, it is a common feature that young people are always more likely to complete a questionnaire. nonetheless, the lack of the elder generation (retirees) is particularly striking, which can be clearly explained by covid because the pandemic reduced the number of older travellers much more strongly. in terms of education, the sample was dominated by people with tertiary education (72%), which is typical for surveys conducted at natural sites (zgłobicki, w. and baran-zgłobicka, b. 2013; allan, m. et al. 2015; štrba, ľ. 2019). in addition, in the national park visitor survey in 2019, the most numerous respondents were those between 21 and 36 years of age and 68.5 percent of respondents had university degree (krka national park, 2019). slightly less than half of those who completed the questionnaire were men (44%) and the majority were women (56%). some basic characteristics of tourism in krka national park the next group of questions examined some general technical characteristics of tourism. from these, it can be stated that two-thirds (65%) of the respondents arrived at the krka np by car, a little less than a third (29%) by bus (tourist bus or regular bus service). it is clear that these rates have also been significantly modified by covid, as tourist bus groups have been the most severely hit by the pandemic. an insignificant but interesting highlight is that 3 percent of visitors arrived in the national park by boat, which is possible because in a deep, ria-type valley you can sail from the sea to the gates of the national park. in addition, we can mention 2 percent of environmentally conscious visitors, who arrived here by bicycle. consistent with the above, only 10 percent arrived organized by a travel agency, the rest being independent travellers, either with family (43%) or independent group / friends (43%) or alone (3%). the vast majority of visitors (92%) spend only one day in the krka np, while 5 percent stay for 2–4 days, and even fewer (3%) for longer. this is an unfavourable ratio in terms of tourism revenues, however, it is typical for many other karst regions where there is a single prominent attraction (e.g. baradla cave in aggtelek np – telbisz, t. et al. 2020). spatial inequalities we can examine spatial inequalities from two sides, on the one hand in terms of sights and on the other hand in terms of accommodation. it is true that the skradinski buk waterfalls are the most spectacular within the np, but the rest of the np also hides beautiful and interesting sites. but when visitors were asked “what other attractions do you visit within table 1. demographic data of respondents indicator number percentage of answers, % age, year 18–30 31–50 51–65 over 65 308 139 59 15 59.1 26.7 11.3 2.9 education primary school (or less) secondary school higher education (university) 6 127 349 1.2 26.3 72.4 sex male female male/female 225 290 1 43.6 56.2 0.2 telbisz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 117–132.122 the np?”, only a minority (40%) answered, and even within that, most of the respondents (24%) said “nothing”. as for the remainder, many mentioned destinations, which are in fact not in the area of krka np. so finally, only 21 percent of respondents left, who could mention destinations (visovac, roški slap) and activities (hiking, visiting caves) that are possible within the krka np (but in fact even the latter activities were quite common activities, which are not necessarily linked to krka np). therefore, we conclude, that the spatial inequality is extremely strong in this respect. as far as accommodation is concerned, the disproportion is also remarkable. only a minority of respondents (23%) answered the question about accommodation, and only 14 percent of those respondents mentioned accommodations in krka np (more precisely, next to it), while all other respondents named accommodations along the coast (split, vodice, šibenik, zadar, etc.). it is in line with the fact that most of them visit krka np within a same-day visit that usually takes only a few hours and visit the region for other motives (e.g. coastal tourism). therefore, the disproportion is significant in this respect as well, and we can conclude that the inner settlements cannot benefit much from the accommodation business related to the national park tourism. however, although the share of visitors who stay in the vicinity of the national park is small, the inland settlements still benefit from it, especially when we look at it in relative terms. given how small and depopulated these settlements are, these numbers are locally significant and growing over the last 10–15 years. the national park is one of the attractive factors for this, while the other one being that tourists look for cheaper accommodation in places that are not overcrowded as an alternative to the coast. values of the national park from the point of view of tourists one of the multiple choice (multiple answer) questions in the questionnaire examined what the values of this landscape are according to tourists (figure 2). as expected, of the prespecified response options almost everybody chose the “waterfalls” (92%), and the vast majority (82%) also marked the “lakes and rivers” option. the “forests” option got the third place (66%) that is somewhat surprising as krka np is not a classic “densely wooded” area. nonetheless, it is an unambiguous fact that the forest cover of the np along the valley sides of the river krka is relatively high compared to its surroundings. half of the visitors (51%) also selected the “peaceful landscape” option, despite the fact that it may not be so easy to experience in an often crowded park. the option “animals” are in fifth place (49%), although most visitors are likely to meet only fish in krka np. however, pictures and information about the animals in the area are prominently displayed on the information boards, and many people links nature conservation to the protection of animals and plants. the option “caves” received few votes, which is not surprising as only one cave (oziđana pećina) can actually be visited in the np area, and in fact few people get there. furthermore, there have been few votes for “surface karst landforms”, which are less obvious along the main visitor route, and few visitors are aware that the waterfalls themfig. 2. values of the national park according to visitors 0 20 40 60 80 100 % w at er fa lls la ke s a nd ri ve rs fo re sts pe ac ef ul la nd sc ap e an im als ca ve s sp ec ial pl an ts su rfa ce ka rst la nd fo rm s ni ce vi lla ge s fo lk tra di tio ns m on um en ts tra di tio na l a gr icu ltu re s 123telbisz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 117–132. selves and the gorge valley were formed by karst processes. cultural values (i.e. the options “nice villages”, “monuments”, “traditional agriculture”, “folk traditions”) are important for only a small number of people in the krka np (15–20%), which is understandable because these values, although present, are really not as significant as they are in relatively nearby other areas, such as cities along the coast. in addition, most visitors do not even experience the cultural values because they spend only a few hours in the np. the following aspect was mentioned in a separate question, but we write about that at this point. in several national parks, the existence of local products are also among the values, partly due to the preservation of cultural heritage and partly as a contribution to the socio-economic development of local people. the actual situation in krka np according to our survey is that 85 percent of the respondents provided an answer to the question “do you know local products with the trade mark of krka np?”, but only 4 percent of them answered “yes”. motivation and source of information in another multiple choice (multiple answer) question, visitors could answer why they chose krka np as the destination of their visit (figure 3). the vast majority (73%) pointed out that they were interested in natural attractions. the second most important factor was to know the country (“i like to get around the different parts of this country”) with 38 percent of respondents. somewhat less significant factors were “friends suggested” (27%), “looked for relaxation” (22%), “wanted an adventurous tour” (23%). “interest in karst landforms” is a motivation factor for only a small minority (6%). as noted above, no statistically relevant conclusions can be drawn for selected nationality given the small subsample size, but here we note that “relaxation” and “getting around the different parts of this country” were significantly more important for croatians than for foreign respondents. regarding motivations, it is also meaningful to examine the effect of the title of an area (e.g. national park, world heritage, geopark) on visitors’ motivations (reinius, s.w. and fredman, p. 2007; telbisz, t. et al. 2020). therefore, we also asked a question in this connection, which revealed that “the fact that krka is a np” is an important aspect for more than half of the visitors (56%), it matters a little to 31 percent and only 13 percent answered that it doesn’t matter at all. the main source of information (figure 4) is, as expected, the “internet in general” (62%). compared to this, “personal relations” (28%) and “social media” (20%) lag far behind, but fig. 3. motivation of visitors to visit krka np 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% i’m interested in nature i like to get around the different parts of this country my friends, family members suggested to come here i wanted an adventurous tour i simple looked for relaxation i’m interested in karst landforms telbisz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 117–132.124 obviously their role should not be underestimated. the classic “tourist marketing and brochures”, although slightly less important than these (16%), still adds to the information of tourists. at this point again, a clear difference can be observed between croatian and foreign respondents: in the case of croatians, “school studies” (42%) and “tv and radio” (35%) are also significant sources of information, in contrast to foreign respondents. visitor satisfaction and development ideas respondents could answer to the questions related to satisfaction that covered five different topics on a 4-point likert scale. basically, visitors are predominantly satisfied with the services (figure 5). the highest score was given to “accessibility”, which is completely reasonable as most visitors arrive here by car (bus) and the two main entrances to the krka np are close to the highway. although the average scores for the other four questions are quite similar, for the “eating options” and “accommodation” the answer option “3: rather yes” received slightly more votes than “4: perfectly” unlike the questions of “guidance” and “visitor information”. so when it comes to services, maybe it is worth focusing the development on accommodation and eating option – but only with maximum consideration of the environmental aspects! to some extent, the number of days that tourists spend in a given area is also a measure of satisfaction. as we have seen above, the vast majority only come here for one day. in the questionnaire, there was another question, which asked how many days the visitor would spend here if (s)he had more time. 48 percent said they would spend here only one day to visit the waterfalls. however, 30 percent answered that they would spend here more days even with the present conditions, and 22 percent chose the option that they would spend here more days only if there were more possibilities (sites, programs). interestingly, in the 2019 krka np visitor survey 70.3 percent of respondents stated that they would have spent several days in the area if they had known about other sites and options in the national park in advance. furthermore, 67.5 percent said that were they to spend more than one day in the area, they would opt for accommodation in the surrounding rural area (krka national park, 2019). of the tourist development options, the respondents could vote for seven options also on a likert scale 1–4 (figure 6). the results reveal that most of the respondents would support the construction of new panorafig. 4. information sources of visitors fig. 5. visitors’ satisfaction. average scores on a 4-point likert scale. % in te rn et in ge ne ra l pe rso na l r ela tio ns so cia l m ed ia to ur ist m ar ke tin g bo ok s tv , r ad io sc ho ol st ud ies 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 1.0 1.5 2.0 2.5 3.0 3.5 4.0 guidance accommodation eating options visitor info access 125telbisz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 117–132. ma points, presumably because, although there are already excellent panorama points around the waterfalls, they are often overcrowded. in addition, people in general like lookout points. the creation of new education trails and tourist paths got similarly high popularity. nevertheless, the actual situation is that there are already a relatively large number of education trails and tourist paths in the np, but most people do not visit them (except for the skradinski buk waterfalls) – partly perhaps due to a lack of information and partly due to the typical 1-day long visit. the creation of new exhibitions is slightly less supported, but much more than the construction of a new visitor centre. these opinions seem slightly paradoxical as visitor centres often contain exhibitions. the “construction of new public/np transport lines within the park” received an average score, which means that it is neutral for a large part of the visitors as they visit only skradinski buk waterfalls. nevertheless, this could be an important element in bringing the interior of the park closer to tourists, therefore to decrease spatial inequality. the lowest support in the average score, and more importantly, a significant proportion of dismissive opinions exist in relation to the establishment of new entertainment possibilities or adventure parks. but even for these development ideas the proportion of supporters is slightly higher than that of the opponents. however, the relatively high rejection rate indicates that many people consider this type of development to be incompatible with the classic nature conservation tasks. tasks of the national park according to tourists naturally, the tasks of a national park are prescribed by the relevant law of the given country (see mari, l. et al. 2022 in this issue). nonetheless, an important question is how much visitors are aware of these tasks and which ones they consider important. this was measured on a 1-5 likert scale, listing 8 different tasks. taking into account the characteristics of krka np, the visitors placed the protection of the “hydrological values” in the first place (average score 4.79) (figure 7). “biological values” (4.76) and “landscape” protection (4.7) received similarly high average scores. it is normal as these goals are almost everywhere among the most important tasks in national parks. the preservation of “geological values” (4.59) did not lag far behind the above goals, which is a little bit surprising, because in many places the experience is that geological preservation is significantly behind the fig. 6. visitors’ support to different development ideas. average scores on a 4-point likert scale. new entertainment facilities adventure parks new visitor’s centre new public/np transport lines new exhibitions new education trails and tourist paths new panorama points 1.0 1.5 2.0 2.5 3.0 3.5 4.0 telbisz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 117–132.126 biological issues (brilhá, j. 2002; gordon, j.e. et al. 2018; szepesi, j. et al. 2018). however, in krka np, it seems that visitors are aware that the tufa waterfalls as the main attractions are after all geological values. “cultural values” (4.21) are even further down the list, which is evident, as this is historically a later task for national parks, and the primary responsibility of national parks is still nature conservation. however, it is noted here that krka np is about the coexistence of man and nature/ river for centuries (as especially visible in watermills and the use of hydro energy, but also agriculture etc.),, therefore, this should clearly be better presented in the np. the tasks of “scientific research” (3.91) and “education” (3.86) have got even lower scores, which is a typical result of similar surveys (nestorová dická, j. et al. 2020; telbisz, t. et al. 2020), although these roles are very important for most national parks. however, this opinion of visitors is easy to understand as only a small proportion of them are in connection with these activities. the most surprising result is that “tourism” received the lowest average score (3.12). the interpretation and significance of this fact is explained in more detail in the discussion section. awareness of geological heritage and karstification one of the important issues in our research is how well people are aware of karstification and the geological heritage in general. on the one hand, because karstification is a very important practical topic in water supply in many places, and national parks could or should provide education on this topic. on the other hand, the role of geotourism related to either karstic or non-karstic geological heritage is constantly growing nowadays. nevertheless, a common experience is that people are still less aware of the meaning and values of geotourism. well, this latter fact was also confirmed by the results of our survey. when people were asked if they “know the meaning of the word karst”, only 18 percent answered “yes”. and when the meaning of the word ‘karst’ had to be explained shortly, only 30 percent of those who answered “yes” could give a more or less accurate answer. another third (31%) could wrote only general adjectives (like “rocky” or “barren” surface), and the remaining more than third part (39%) gave no or incorrect answers. we obtained roughly similar proportions when asked if the fig. 7. importance of the tasks of the national park according to visitors. average scores on a 5-point likert scale. 1 2 3 5 tourism education scientific research cultural values geological values landscape values biological values hydrological values 4 127telbisz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 117–132. visitor had already visited other karst areas. 24 percent of respondents answered “yes”, but only a few of them were able to name any karst region within croatia or abroad. in this respect, only croatian respondents differed significantly from the average, as more than half of them (57%) said that they had visited other karst areas. by the way, the most frequently named karst region among both croatians and foreigners was the plitvice lakes – which is a correct answer. when asked about geotourism (“have you ever heard the expression geotourism?”), roughly a quarter of respondents (27%) said “yes”. and only 14 percent of all respondents were able to give a more or less adequate description of what the word “geotourism” actually means. the effect of demographic characteristics the question arises as to how the above results are influenced by certain demographic characteristics such as gender, age, or education. in most cases, we found that these factors did not result in a statistically significant difference in responses. however, some cases can be highlighted when their effects have been observed. the effect of age is the most noticeable: the knowledge of young people (18–30 years old) about karst and geotourism is significantly lower than that of older people (the age group 51–65 is the best in this respect). unsurprisingly, young people are much more likely to be adventure-seekers than older people. among the information sources, books are the most popular among the 51–65 age group, while their significance is negligible among young people. in contrast, the internet and social media are much more important for the younger age group. it may be surprising, but the level of education has less influence on the results, and even where the difference is statistically significant, there is no clear explanation either. for example, people with university degree mentioned less frequently the “animals” among the np values, but they selected the option “i am interested in nature” more often among the motivations. as for the information sources, “school studies”, “tv and radio” and “social media” are less important for those with a higher education degree, while the “internet” was mentioned in a higher proportion. gender is even more indifferent to the questions examined, but we can mention, for example, that among the values of the np, “special plants” were selected by a significantly higher proportion of women, and among the information sources “social media” was also chosen more frequently by women. the role of covid issues about covid were not among the primary goals of the study, but because “life brought it so” that the survey fell by the time of covid (the survey took place in fact at the end of a wave trough), we also asked respondents two covid-related questions. the first question was whether covid motivated visitors to visit natural areas (like the krka np). behind this question was the idea, that in many places during covid period, it was experienced that people visited outdoor natural places to a greater extent than exhibitions or programs in enclosed spaces (either out of compulsion or for personal consideration). in the case of krka np, this was not the case for 71 percent of the respondents, but for 19 percent it was slightly important, and for 10 percent it was a predominant or decisive factor in the choice of a natural site as a tourist destination. the second question was whether covid influenced the choice of croatia as a destination for foreign visitors. for croatian respondents this question was slightly modified: “did covid-19 crisis motivate you to take your holiday in croatia”. 34 percent of foreign visitors answered “yes”, which is a fairly significant proportion. in the related open-ended question (“why did you choose croatia”), respondents generally argued that the number of incidence was small in croatia, or that it telbisz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 117–132.128 was administratively easier to travel here (as croatia was on the “green list” at the time). for croatian respondents, covid played an even more important role with 67 percent saying that covid influenced them to spend their holidays in their home country. discussion the above results reflect that in the krka np both the distribution of visitors and the distribution of accommodation are highly unequal. however, in order for the local population to benefit from the np, it would be important to reduce inequality and develop the interior. this idea is not new, as the management of the np has already recognized this fact and started along this line as the project “unknown krka: the hidden treasures of the upper and middle courses of the krka river” testifies it (radeljak kaufmann, p. 2020). the reconstruction of lesser-known attractions in the interior (development of access, new exhibitions, hiking trails, burnum project) has started and these locations also appear on the np’s website and in its leaflets. however, this does not seem to be effective enough yet, as the survey reflects that the vast majority of visitors are unaware of these opportunities. as for rural tourism or simply, accommodation in the interior areas, these places obviously cannot compete with the attractiveness of the coastal zone, but for those who want a bit quieter and more affordable accommodation, they can be a good alternative to stay here. so, this can be a very important part of the development of the interior areas and the entrepreneurial layer of the local population can also be involved in its implementation. the creation of krka np trademark and the marketing and selling of local products by the np could also help the local people, especially the local business community. however, it seems that this trade has not yet really developed here, so it is no accident that only a small fraction of tourists could name local products. thus, this could be a potential direction for the future development of krka np in the service of the local population. one of the unexpected results of the survey was that among the tasks of the national park, the role of tourism was rated relatively low by visitors. in several other national park surveys (aggtelek np, hungary; slovak karst np, slovakia; tara np, serbia), tourism received a higher score in the ranking of national park tasks and an even higher score in the questionnaires completed by local people (telbisz, t. et al. 2020; nestorová dická, j. et al. 2020). there are several possible reasons for this. local residents experience the “benefits” of the national park most directly through tourism, so they understandably expect the development of tourism from the national park as well. this is especially true in the former socialist countries, where the entrepreneurial culture is less developed, especially in disadvantaged areas (kőszegi m. et al. 2019; telbisz, t. et al. 2021). thus, people expect that the national park can also manage tourism development in the most efficient way. this approach is deeply rooted in people, although in some places (e.g. in aggtelek np) there is a definite change of concept at the managerial level, the np trying to step back in the development of tourism and entrusting this issue to independent contractors. to the contrary, in capitalist countries, the majority of people consider it natural for a long time that the development of tourism should be the responsibility of the private sector, whereas the national park should focus primarily on nature conservation issues. if tourism development is predominantly managed by the national park, conflicts between nature conservation and development occur within the national park organization, while if the private sector enters into tourism development, the conflicts arise between the national park and the economic actors. both can have advantages and disadvantages. in any case, the fact that in the case of the krka np, tourism received the lowest score among the tasks of the national park may be the result of the fact that the majority of visitors come from countries that 129telbisz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 117–132. have long followed the capitalist economic model. in contrast, the proportion of domestic visitors to the above-mentioned national parks (aggtelek np, slovak karst np, tara np) is much higher than in krka np. one of the tasks of national parks is to “educate” or, more generally, to increase knowledge or awareness of people in environmental or scientific issues. in our opinion, in the case of krka np, one of the most basic issues of this education would be the presentation of karstification, as karst processes created the dominant surface landforms of the np. however, the survey revealed that knowledge transfer in this area is not efficient enough. however, as the relatively small size of croatian subsample demonstrates, where the issue of karstification is more emphasized in public education, the knowledge of the karst-related concepts and facts may be slightly higher. in our previous survey, we found that the concept of “karst” was significantly better known in the tara np, serbia (telbisz, t. et al. 2021). nevertheless, we must add to the tara case, that the proportion of teachers among the respondents was relatively high, as school groups, and consequently teachers, make up a large proportion of the tara np’s visitor composition, and it could significantly increase the knowledge about karst in the tara survey). nonetheless, we feel that the presentation of the concept of karst processes and the accentuation of the practical significance of karst hydrology should be given more emphasis in the knowledge dissemination activities of krka np. knowledge transfer in nps may include ‘individual’ learning, but organized field education programs can make a major contribution to deepening students’ knowledge of both karstification and the specific landscape (sütő, l. et al. 2020). “geotourism” is actually a long-standing form of tourism, but it actually got its own name only in the 1990s and has been on the rise ever since. geotourists are usually divided into several groups (hose, t.a. 2008; božić, s. and tomić, n. 2015), and the vast majority of tourists in krka np can be classified as general geotourist (or sensu lato geotourist) according to our survey. it means that they do not come here with a well-defined geological interest, however, what they actually visit is a (hydro)geological formation. although krka is not a geopark but a national park, if the geological heritage were given a little more emphasis, it would help raise awareness of the concept of geotourism and possibly help do some marketing to other lesser-known geotourism sites. and it would be a small step forward towards a spatially more even distribution of tourism. according to our survey, the link between krka and plitvice is well defined in the thinking of visitors, but other lesser-known geo-destinations could also be better advertised for krka visitors. conclusions our survey conducted in krka np confirmed that there is a high degree of spatial inequality both in the awareness of attractions and the distribution of tourist accommodation. this fact has already been recognised by the management of the np, and serious steps have already been taken to reduce inequality, but their impact is not yet significant enough. based on the survey, tourism in krka np is determined by the one-day long visits. tourists who come here primarily consider waterfalls as well as lakes and rivers to be the most important values of the landscape. cultural values are considered less important and even less known here. local products are virtually unknown in the np palette, so this could be a direction for development. the main motivation of krka visitors is “to look for natural beauties”, and the internet is their main source of information, but personal contacts and social media are not negligible either. visitors are basically satisfied with the services (accommodation, eating options, guidance, visitor information), and the accessibility of the area is considered excellent, which can be explained by proximity to the highway (or in general, proximity to the coast). among the development opportunitelbisz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 117–132.130 ties, the new panorama points and the educational trails / hiking paths enjoy the greatest support, while the development of entertainment facilities and adventure parks has a significant rejection rate (although these latter also have supporters). the awareness of the visitors in the field of karstification and geotourism is not very high, its development would be a reasonable goal. the impact of covid in the study period was manifested in the fact that the proportion of retirees and tourist buses was very small, whereas the majority of visitors (90%) arrived in the national park as independent travelers. for one third of foreigners, covid played a role in choosing croatia as a destination (because it was easier to travel here and the number of incidence was smaller than in other countries). as for the domestic tourists, two thirds chose to find a destination in croatia because of covid. visitors consider the preservation of hydrological values, biological values, landscape and geological values to be the main tasks of the np, whereas they position education, research and the development of tourism as being less important (naturally, these latter tasks are also supported). based on this, one can say that the idea that national parks should (also) serve the socio-economic development of the local people (cf. mose, i. 2007) is not really reflected in the opinions of visitors. of course, the above statements do not mean that in the development of the strategy of the national park, the managers should rely predominantly on the opinion of the visitors. these opinions may be overridden on the basis of other considerations. nonetheless, these opinions are worth considering when answering the questions below. in fact, the management of the np (or its higher authority, the state) must decide whether – they want quantitative development in tourism? 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(2): 137–149. available at https://doi. org/10.1007/s12371-013-0076-6. ten years of housing estate rehabilitation in budapest 113 hungarian geographical bulletin 62 (1) (2013) 113–120. ten years of housing estate rehabilitation in budapest balázs szabó1 abstract at the turn of the millennium about one third of the inhabitants of budapest lived at housing estates. since then this rate has slightly declined because of new constructions. demographic trends have also contributed to the decrease of the share of population living on housing estates. the rate of ageing is especially high in case of the older housing estates, nevertheless, the share of the families with children has still remained above average. the rehabilitation of large housing estates seems to be the best way to avoid their demographic erosion and social decline. this paper explores the rehabilitation initiatives carried out in budapest in the last decade, with special att ention to their outcomes, and their eff ects. we also examine whether renovations resulted in some new socio-spatial diff erentiations at large housing estates. keywords: large housing estate, rehabilitation, segregation, budapest introduction the fall of state-socialism drastically changed the position of large housing estates on the overall housing markets and the social composition of their inhabitants. housing estates were not at all socially homogeneous even during communism, their prestige varied already in the time of their construction and the change of regime also brought about further diff erentiation. one of the main factors behind these changes was the privatisation of housing when the share of owner occupied fl ats increased from 50% to 93% just over a decade, between 1990 and 2001 (népszámlálás, 2001). the majority of housing estates became the losers of the housing privatisation. only the ‘elite’ housing estates built in the 1980s could keep their 1 geographical institute, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences, hungarian academy of sciences. h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mail: szabo.balazs@csfk .mta.hu 114 position on the housing market (kovács, z. and douglas, m. 2004).2 the high level of comfort was one of the main advantages of panel dwellings before 1990. that very same feature became a disadvantage in the following decade due to the rapid rise of housing costs, especially energy costs (egedy, t. 2000). aft er privatisation the new owners living at large housing estates found themselves in a new situation: the value of fl ats in pre-fabricated houses declined, while the costs of maintenance drastically increased. as a consequence, the lower-status residents of housing estates oft en became trapped: they could not sell their fl ats or buy another one of similar quality; thus their housing career ended (hegedüs, j. and tosics, i. 1998). the most problematic part of the rising housing costs is connected with the central heating and the insuffi cient insulation of the houses (egedy, t. 2003), thus, rehabilitation programmes were targeted to off er a solution to this problem. some support encouraging and facilitating the application of energy saving methods became available already in 1997. the fi rst governmental program (called “panelprogram”) was launched in 2001, however, the highest share of the rehabilitation was implemented only aft er 2004 (egedy, t. 2006). one of the main social consequences of the rehabilitation was the improvement of the residential satisfaction of inhabitants (kovács, z. and herpai, t. 2011). the residents of renovated houses were very satisfi ed with the bett er insulation, the lower level of noise and the lower costs of heating, besides, the aesthetic view and the higher market value of dwellings were also important aspects. the diff erence between the satisfaction of residents became signifi cant in the renovated and non-renovated houses but it has not yet aff ected the residential mobility of dwellers. up to now, we have litt le information about the renovation of large housing estates in budapest, let alone its physical results and social consequences. this was the motivation of our research project, which aimed to scrutinize this aspect of urban rehabilitation. as the fi rst step, we carried out a survey on large housing estates in budapest with a focus on their present conditions and possible renovation eff orts that have been carried out. 2 it must be noted that housing estates do not represent the bott om of the budapest housing market. there are several less prestigious segments of it, namely the most deteriorated 80–100 years old tenement blocks in certain inner-city quarters, the old working class estates in the transition zone and some peripheral neighbourhoods with family houses of low comfort level. 115 survey method and classifi cation the survey of 142 housing estates in budapest3 was carried out in summer 2012. the students participating in the survey collected information on the fi eld (and aft er on the internet) on the main features of the buildings (the number of gates, dwellings, storeys) and the characteristics of recognisable renovations. renovations of buildings at housing estates were divided into four categories: renovated, painted, other improvements and under renovation. renovated meant the insulation of the walls of the house that is the most signifi cant investment of all, because it increases the value of the dwellings and decreases the costs of housing for the inhabitants. the painting of a house has only an aesthetic eff ect. it is typical in the case of older, not pre-fabricated (panel) buildings. being newly painted might suggest a high level of maintenance, but it does not really change the value of the building. the other improvements included either some kind of partial insulation or the change of windows without an insulation of the walls. there were buildings that were under renovation during the survey. most of them seemed to be insulated, but we could not estimate it. the typology of renovation is widely used in the analysis of our survey results. whenever we examine the composition of renovation types, the percentage values are always calculated on the basis of the number of dwellings in buildings which have gone through certain kinds of renovation. dimensions of renovation at housing estates more than one fi ft h of the dwelling stock of housing estates has been renovated during the last decade. this is not a low rate, but it is far from the necessary level. the shares of dwellings renovated in one way or another are as follows: 13.4% in completely renovated buildings, 1.2% in buildings under renovation, 3.1% in buildings that were only re-painted, 5.1% in (mostly panel) buildings where other improvements also occurred. 3 the list of housing estates involved in the survey was based on a paper of bvtv (1987) and a study of iván, l. (1996), but we had to complete it with some smaller housing estates ignored by those authors. as a rule, every estate appears as a single item in the database even if it was built during several phases. the only exceptions are csepel city centre and káposztásmegyer, because the two parts of those housing estates were not constructed at the same time and they are also spatially separated. the number of dwellings in the housing estates included in our database is 295,000. that fi gure is not far from the one mentioned in the cited papers. – – – – 116 since the rehabilitation of housing estates began aft er the last population and housing census in 2001, we have only indirect information about its social consequences.4 therefore, we have to rely on research materials when trying to explore the connection between renovation and social status. csizmady, a. (2008) ranked the 30 largest housing estates of budapest by their social milieu and the housing prices and she classifi ed them into three (low, middle and high status) categories. using that ranking,5 it can be assessed whether the occurrence and the intensity of renovation are diff erent among housing estates dominated by distinct social groups (table 1). the share of dwellings located in buildings completely renovated, painted or under renovation seems to be almost independent from the prestige of housing estates; only the share of ‘other improvements’ is much higher in the low-status housing estates as compared to the more prestigious ones. however, within the status groups there are big diff erences. in the high-status group we can fi nd only one housing estate (őrmező on the buda side) where more than 80% of the dwellings were renovated. at the same time the most popular “elite” housing estates are hardly renovated. in the low-status group we can fi nd housing estates with poor reputation but with certain renovations because the inhabitants who cannot otherwise fi nance the full-rehabilitation usually try to renovate their houses in other, cheaper ways (e.g. through insulation of some parts of the buildings). in the 1990s several research projects (iván, l. 1996; csizmady, a. 1998; egedy, t. 2000) focusing on housing estates identifi ed some common factors which are related to the status of housing estates. those are the size, the age, the morphology of housing estates and the developer who fi nanced the construction. taking into consideration the aforementioned factors the large housing estates with panel buildings built in the 1970s by the local councils have the lowest status while the smaller, old, non-panel estates and the panel estates built in the 1980s mostly by private investors (condominiums, ministries, 4 in fact, the year of the very last census was 2011 but its detailed data have not become available by the time of our survey. 5 from those 30 housing estates, 7 are now changing their categories, thus, we have decided to restrict our analysis to the remaining 23. table 1. intensity of renovation by the social-status of housing estates, in % social status proportion of dwellings in renovated buildings renovated painted under renovation other improvements low medium high 27.6 19.0 20.1 15.2 15.9 14.5 0.4 0.7 0.0 3.0 0.6 0.5 9.1 1.8 5.1 117 institution) are considered to be in bett er position. since it is most likely that the very same features of the housing estates also have an infl uence on the rehabilitation activities, it is worth taking a closer look at our data in this context. the impact of the size of housing estates is neither unequivocal nor signifi cant (table 2). the share of complete renovation at large estates is a bit higher than in the smaller ones, but the diff erence is rather narrow. by contrast, there are substantial diff erences within the diff erent size-groups.6 from among the thirteen large housing estates (above 5,000 dwellings), fi ve have a high share of renovation (above 25%) whereas four are hardly renovated (below 5%). the age of housing estates is also an important factor. first, housing factories started to produce pre-fabricated panels in 1967, so estates built prior that were made of traditional building materials. (it is especially important because the governmental fund for rehabilitation is available only for the prefabricated buildings). secondly, the diff erence between the time of construction of the oldest and the youngest panel houses is also more than 20 years. although the technology was largely the same during the whole period, its application developed and became more sophisticated over time. the technical problems were typical for estates built in the 1970s, then in the 1980s the quality of buildings improved. in fact, the renovation rate is lower on housing estates built during the 1980s than on those that were constructed between 1965 and 1979. it seems that the fi rst generation of panel buildings needed renovation the most. 6 the fi nding is somewhat surprising in the light of the former research results. as csizmady, a. (2003) pointed out, the size of housing estates correlated to their status: most of the large housing estates have population with lower status, a few ones have middle class profi le. lower status people are obviously less able to cover the costs of renovations, thus one can expect a relatively low renovation rate in larger housing estates. the unexpectedly high rate of renovation on such estates is probably a consequence of the ongoing state (and eu) supported rehabilitation programmes. table 2. intensity of renovation by the size of housing estates, in % size of housing estates (number of dwellings) proportion of dwellings in renovated buildings renovated painted under renovation other improvements below 500 500–1,499 1,500–4,999 5,000–9,999 above 10,000 25.7 21.7 20.7 24.1 24.5 13.2 11.4 11.9 14.5 15.4 8.5 5.9 3.4 3.8 0.0 0.9 0.0 0.6 0.5 3.0 3.0 4.3 4.7 5.3 6.1 118 there is also a signifi cant diff erence between the fi rst and the second half of the 1980s. in the fi rst part of the decade mainly large, “traditional” housing estates were built, while during the last phase smaller-scale elite housing estates became dominant. in the latt er group there is less need for complete renovation and the weight of ‘other improvements’ is greater (it means usually the change of windows). it is not surprising that re-painting is outstandingly very frequent way of renovation in the old “pre-panel” (mainly brick) housing estates. as emphasized in the literature the location of the estates is one of their most important characteristics. it is not only connected with their status (csizmady, a. 2008), but also with the actual level of their renovation. the housing estates which are embedded in villa quarters are tend to be more renovated (table 3). they are not elite housing estates, but typically small ones (below 500 dwellings) and most of them do not diff er from their surroundings. many of them were built before 1970, but even those constructed during the panel period were of bett er quality than the large housing estates. the prestige of housing estates in the inner quarters or adjacent to them are varies, there are both high-status and low-status housing estates among them. interestingly enough, the renovation of centrally located housing estates proceeds in opposite way compared to the renovation of old tenement houses. in the case of latt er ones, the higher status quarters were renovated fi rst (kovács, z. et al. 2013), whereas in the case of housing estates of inner quarters the status does not correlate with the level of renovation. the diff erences within a housing estate are not as sharp as in the inner city quarters where the heterogeneity of buildings is much stronger. in spite of the homogeneous dwelling stock of housing estates, the diff erences created by the status of the fi rst dwellers remained untouched in the 1990s (csizmady, a. 1998). due to the lack of data about processes of 2000s, we have only some impressions about the modifi cation of social composition of inhabitants at the level of buildings. on the basis of our knowledge related to the housing market boom in the late 1990s (farkas, j. et al. 2004), we assume that population change accelerated on the housing estates. according to real estate analysts table 3. intensity of renovation by the location of housing estates, in % location of housing estate proportion of dwellings in renovated buildings renovated painted under renovation other improvements villa quarters inner quarters transition zone outer districts 17.1 9.2 31.5 17.5 14.0 2.3 17.7 11.0 2.9 1.5 5.7 1.2 0.2 0.5 0.6 1.8 0.0 4.8 7.4 3.6 119 two characteristics of the housing estate buildings may have an infl uence on their position at the housing market. first, the demand towards panel dwellings depends on the size of the buildings. low-rise buildings (below fi ve storeys) and houses with a relatively low number of dwellings are more appreciated than the high-rise ones, where generally lower-status people reside, oft en late with the payment of service charges. the other factor infl uencing the market position is whether the building is renovated or not. the dwellings in renovated houses can be sold at higher prices and within shorter time, however, the increase of prices does not (or rarely) cover the costs of the renovation.7 our data indicate that the rate of renovation is higher in bigger buildings8 than in the smaller ones. it also suggests that renovation can be a strategy of fl at owners in larger houses to improve (or at least to stabilise) their positions on the housing market. in fact, it is generally the only possible strategy since panel buildings are mono-functional (i.e. residential) unlike the old inner city tenement blocks which can be converted into offi ces. within the group of housing estates, renovation can lessen the differences between the smaller (non-renovated) and the renovated larger houses. if rehabilitation programmes were cancelled for a longer period, a new cleavage would emerge between the renovated and non-renovated larger buildings. conclusions the rehabilitation of housing estates in budapest started about 10 years aft er the construction of the last panel buildings. since then only a small part of the blocks has been renovated, nevertheless, some diff erences among the housing estates and their perception have already emerged. the rate of renovation is relatively high in some low status large housing estates built in the 1970’s. the renovation is likely to be an instrument that could be used to prevent the declining status and position of such housing estates on the housing market. achieving that aim could be further enhanced by the renovation eff orts of residents. completely renovated housing estates are hardly found in budapest, while there is a great number of them without any renovation. if the government supported rehabilitation support was cancelled for a longer period, the large non-renovated housing estates would be in a desperate situation, because they are not be able to compete with either the smaller estates with good location or the renovated larger ones on the housing market. 7 ingatlanhirek.hu/hir/atlagban-35-szazalekkal-olcsobbak-a-panelek/41740/ downloaded at 01.10.2012., ingatlanmagazin.com/ingatlanpiac/mennyire-konnyu-ma-eladni-egypanellakast-es-miert-erdemes-vasarolni/ downloaded at 01.10.2012. 8 the categories “buildings above 200 dwellings” consist of almost exclusively high-rise (10–15 storey) buildings. 120 references a budapesti lakótelepek főbb adatai (1947–1985). (main statistics of the housing estates in budapest [1947–1985]). manuscipt. budapest, bvtv városépítési kutatási önálló osztály, 1987. csizmady, a. 1998. housing estate and social segregation. review of sociology (special issue) 1. 37–54. csizmady, a. 2003. a lakótelep (the housing estate). budapest, gondolat kiadó, 318 p. csizmady, a. 2008. a lakóteleptől a lakóparkig (from the housing estates to the gated communities). budapest, új mandátum kiadó, 321 p. egedy, t. 2000. the situation of high-rise estates in hungary. in hungary towards the 21st century – the human geography of transition. ed. kovács, z. budapest, gri has, 169–185. egedy, t. 2003. a lakótelep-rehabilitáció helyzete hazánkban – elméleti és gyakorlati kérdések. (the rehabilitation of housing estates in hungary – theoretical and empirical problems). földrajzi értesítő / hungarian geographical bulletin 52. (1–2): 107–121. egedy, t. 2006. a városrehabilitációs stratégiák szerepe az épületés lakásállomány megújulásában (urban regeneration strategies in the renewal of buildingand dwelling stocks in hungary). tér és társadalom 20. (1): 37–56. farkas, j., hegedüs, j. and székely, g. 2004. housing conditions and state assistance, 1999–2003. in social report. eds. kolosi, t., tóth, i.gy. and vukovich, gy. budapest, tárki. hegedüs, j. and tosics, i. 1998. rent reform – issues for the countries of eastern europe and the newly indepenet states. housing studies 5. 657–678. iván, l. 1996. még egyszer a budapesti lakótelepekről (remarks to the housing estates in budapest). tér – gazdaság – társadalom. budapest, mta fki, 49–80. kovács, z. and douglas, m. 2004. hungary. from socialist ideology to market reality. in high rise housing estates in europe: current trends and future prospects. eds. turkington, r., van kempen, r. and wassenberg, f. delft , dup science, 231–248. kovács, z. and herpai, t. 2011. a panelprogram társadalmi és környezeti hatásai szegeden (the social and environmental consequences of the panel rehabilitation program in szeged). in környezett udatos energiatermelés és -felhasználás. eds. szabó, v. and fazekas, i. debrecen, mta dab megújuló energetikai munkabizott sága, 322–328. kovács, z., wiessner, r. and zischner, r. 2013. urban renewal in the inner city of budapest: gentrifi cation from a postsocialist perspective. urban studies 50. (1): 22–38. népszámlálás 2001. 23. kötet. a lakótelepi lakások és lakóik főbb jellemzői (national census 2001. vol. 23. characteristics of dwellings on housing estates). budapest, ksh, 2004. << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.7 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 /colorconversionstrategy /cmyk /dothumbnails false /embedallfonts true /embedopentype false /parseiccprofilesincomments true /embedjoboptions true /dscreportinglevel 0 /emitdscwarnings false /endpage -1 /imagememory 1048576 /lockdistillerparams false /maxsubsetpct 100 /optimize true /opm 1 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice housing preferences and the image of inner city neighbourhoods in budapest 201 hungarian geographical bulletin 2009. vol. 58. no 3. pp. 201–214. housing preferences and the image of inner city neighbourhoods in budapest eszter berényi b.1–balázs szabó2 abstract the study presents an analysis of inner-city neighbourhoods of budapest. the major fi ndings are as follows: (1) the real estate prices increased in all parts of the inner-city in the last decade but the rate of change was varied. the most deteriorated quarters rapidly developed because of the reconstructions and the new constructions, however the highest prices are still recorded in the traditionally most prestigious neighbourhoods. (2) the social structure of the inner city signifi cantly changed. the new inhabitants – who moved to the inner city aft er 2000 – are younger, more educated than the traditional inhabitants who did not leave the inner-city aft er 1990. the reasons for moving into the inner-city are diff erent in the two groups. the location became the most important factor, and some special quarter related reasons emerged (good reputation). (3) the inhabitant’s views about the inner-city also transformed, mainly because the housing preferences of the old and new inhabitants are diff erent. the older inhabitants have a more critical att itude toward the inner-city than the new ones. the family house in the suburban greenbelt is their most preferred housing type. the satisfaction with the neighbourhoods depends on mostly the condition of buildings and the new functions of the quarters. the emergence of diff erent social groups in the neighbourhood is already perceived by the local population. keywords: budapest, inner-city, image of the city, housing preference, urban regeneration. introduction the aim of this paper is to examine how the transformation of the inner city is seen by members of local society. our hypothesis is that population change has strengthened in all areas though only a small part of the inner city has experienced renewed during the last years. there have appeared certain social groups which obviously prefer to live downtown, namely students (about 100,000 students are enrolled in the universities and colleges of the capital) and foreigners who study or work in budapest for a few years. the preferences of the newcomers are diff erent from those of the traditional local population. the central location is supposedly favoured by both. the traditional dwellers 1 development council of budapest agglomeration. h-1184 budapest, üllői út 400. e-mail: berenyibeszter@gmail.com 2 geographical research institute, hungarian academy of sciences. h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mail: szbazs@gmail.com 202 (mainly the older ones) emotionally connect to the quarter where they know their neighbours and the local shops, while the newcomers move in to be close to the universities or work places and bars, cafes, restaurants, and cultural institutions. though the transformation of the inner city is a visible process, its mental perception might be quite varied. there could be signifi cant diff erences between the opinion of the traditional and the new inhabitants. this latt er group may claim the inner city more preferable than the traditional dwellers. the analysis of inner city transformation is based on two diff erent sets of information. one is a series of offi cial statistical data3, the other is a sample survey4 carried out in 2007. the fi rst part of our paper gives a short overview of the changes in inner city neighbourhoods (and especially in our case study areas) as refl ected in the statistical data. the second part of the paper will focus on the inhabitants’ opinion and preferences revealed by the results of the sample survey. inner city transformation in the capital of a transition country briefl y, budapest can be divided into the following principal zones. in the centre of the town can be found the city (central business district) where offi ces and administrative and cultural institutions are concentrated. the inner residential area – surrounded the city – where 25% of the population of the capital live is the eldest part of budapest. it was rebuilt aft er the fl ood of danube in 1838, but the recent building stock originates from the period between the unifi cation of pest, buda and óbuda in 1873 and world war ii. this densely built historical city center is surrounded by public parks, stations and industrial areas in pest side, and by villa quarters in the buda side. the industrial zone is mixed with old deteriorated residential areas and some socialist housing estates. the outer districts – the sett lements which att ached to the capital in 1950 – contain large housing estates and continuously built family houses. the inner city of budapest has been greatly transformed during the last twenty years. the most spectacular changes have been the emerging urban functions. the number and variability of shops, services, and offi ces increased while the building stock more or less remained the same. in the early nineties, the housing market was mainly driven by functional conversion of the fl ats in the inner parts of the city (kovács, z.–wiessner, r. 1996). some new houses were already built in the nineties but the majority of construction projects started aft er 2000, partly as a result of the new housing policy (hegedüs, j.–teller, n. 2006). at the end of the 1990s, the housing market 3 these data are produced by the central statistical offi ce. their major sources are regular surveys (housing statistics, population census) and offi cially registered price information in the real estate business. 4 the survey is a part of a dfg project: between gentrifi cation and downward spiral: socio-spatial change and persistence in residential neighbourhoods of selected cee urban regions. our analysis is based on 536 questionnaires (125–150 in each case study areas). 203 intensifi ed mostly because of favourable mortgage loans which att racted investors. the inauguration of new rehabilitation programmes (corvin–szigony) and the continuing sem-ix project also contributed to the boom in the housing market (kovács, z. 2006). the demolition of old deteriorated buildings and the construction of new ones generated changes in the local population. aft er the fall of the state-socialist regime in 1989, the decrease of the inner city population strengthened not only because of the general demographical decline but also as a consequence of the migration trends. during the housing privatisation the majority of the fl ats were sold to tenants, thus the new owners could decide whether to stay in their old fl ats or to sell them. those who could aff ord moved to the suburbs while the older and poorer population remained (csanádi, g.–csizmady, a.–kőszeghy, l.–tomay, k. 2007). comparing the housing prices in the diff erent quarters of budapest in 1997 – before the real estate boom – and in 2006, we can conclude that the most expensive areas have remained the same (fig. 1). the highest prices are registered in the traditionally high class districts of buda and in the 5th district because of its good central location (near to the most important institutions) and its valuable building stock (székely, j. 2006). while in 1997 the cheapest quarters were the entire 7th and the central part of the 8th districts, ten years later this situation had changed entirely. the cheapest quarters can no be found in parts of centraljózsefváros. the increasing prices of central-ferencváros are the result of rehabilitation programmes (egedy, t.–kovács, z.–székely, j.–szemző, h. 2005). the strongest rise of prices was recorded in the 8th and 7th districts where the cheapest quarters are located (fig. 2). this dynamism is explained by the high number of new constructions. a research project carried out in 2005 revealed that the share of renovated buildings is much higher in the inner part of 8th and 9th districts than in central part of the 8th district, and the whole 7th district (fig. 3). fig. 1a,b. housing prices in 1997 and 2006 (1,000 huf/sqm. source: ksh ingatlanadatt ár 1997, 2006 204 renovation of housing blocks in the most cases meant repainting of the buildings (except of rehabilitation programmes) and didn’t result suffi cient change in the structure of fl ats nor the dwellers. the growth of housing prices is the highest in those quarters where the buildings are deteriorated, but there are lots of new constructions. we have selected four case study areas in the pest side (fig. 4). all of them are in diff erent phase of the renewal. their housing stock is relatively old: 80–90% of the buildings were built before 1945, most of them are 3–5 stories buildings, but there are diff erences in their condition. taking a good look at the data on the size of dwellings (table 1) and the maps of housing prices and renovation, we can notice that the biggest fl ats and renovated building stock can be found in inner-ferencváros. inner-józsefváros also has large fl ats and renovated building stock, but its fl at prices are still much lower. this probably has to do with the fact that the density of restaurants, pubs is smaller in inner-józsefváros than in inner-ferencváros. by contrast, the fig. 2. change of housing prices fig. 3. proportion of renovated buildings (%), 2006/1997/2005. source: ksh ingatlanadatt ár 1997, 2006. source: own survey. table 1. some features of case study areas in 2001 case study areas ratio of children below 14 (%) ratio of population over 60 (%) ratio of population with diploma (%) ratio of dwellings over 80 m2 (%) 1. inner-terézváros 2. inner-józsefváros 3. magdolnaquarter 4. inner-ferencváros 8.8 10.0 16.0 11.2 29.9 25.2 19.3 23.8 30.4 29.6 14.1 30.5 27.1 27.1 13.6 32.3 source: census 2001. 205 concentration of cultural institutions and cafés is higher in inner-terézváros (földi, zs. 2006), however, its building stock is in worse condition for lack of renovation. magdolna-quarter is characterised by small fl ats, not yet renovated building stock, lack of shops and services and its inhabitants are traditionally poorer than those living in the inner parts of the city. the rehabilitation programme of the quarter started in 2005 (kondor, a.cs.–horváth, d. 2008). the number of inhabitants was about 3,000–4,000 in all of the case study areas in 2001, but the composition of local society and the structure of housing stock are quite diff erent (table 1). our sample survey has also detected many and various opinions of local people about their local environment, local society and mobility. fig. 4. location of case study areas 206 socio-demographic diff erences between the old dwellers and the newcomers in our survey we examine the two major groups which are: the old dwellers, who lived in their fl at before 1989 and the newcomers who moved to their fl at aft er 2000 (the boom of the housing market started at the very end of the nineties). each of the groups covers the 40% of the total sample. the proportion of newcomers is the highest in the magdolna-quarter (47.7%, while 30–37% in the others) but the share of young people (below 29 years) among these newcomers is much lower than in other districts. t he new c o mers are significantly younger and better educated (table 2) in every sample district. the proportion of the elderly (who are generally less mobile) is below 20% even in the magdolna-quarter where the share of young is lower than in the other districts. this shows that the reasons of moving to magdolna-quarter are diff erent: in this area proportion of the less educated newcomers is the highest of the young people are the lowest. the more generation households are also numerous in magdolna-quarter (18.8% while only 10% in the other areas) not only among the traditional dwellers, but also among the newcomers. the high proportion of this household type in the inner city is the result of poverty: several young couples with children move to their parents home because they are not able to buy or rent a fl at of their own. less of the newcomers than the old inhabitants live in single person households, more of them in fl at-sharing communities. this latter type’s presence is strikingly strong in inner-terézváros. the fl at sharing community – which is a typical solution for students and young employees who need cheap fl ats – is very rare in magdolna-quar-t ab le 2 . s oc io -d em og ra ph ic c ha ra ct er is ti cs o f t he o ld in ha bi ta nt s (m ov ed in b ef or e 19 90 ) a nd th e ne w co m er s (m ov ed in si nc e 20 00 ) pe rc en ta ge o f t he in ne rte ré zv ár os in ne rjó zs ef vá ro s m ag d ol na qu ar te r in ne rfe re nc vá ro s –1 98 9 20 00 – –1 98 9 20 00 – –1 98 9 20 00 – –1 98 9 20 00 – si ng le p er so n ho us eh ol d s fa m ili es w it h ch ild re n m or ege ne ra ti on h ou se ho ld s fl at s ha ri ng c om m un it ie s yo un g pe op le (b el ow 3 5 ye ar s ) e ld er ly (a bo ve 6 0 ye ar s) p ri m ar y ed uc at io n or le ss h ig he r ed uc at io n d ip lo m a 40 .3 14 .9 17 .9 1. 5 7. 5 67 .2 6. 0 53 .7 21 .7 23 .9 0. 0 23 .9 73 .9 6. 5 6. 5 56 .5 30 .9 14 .6 16 .4 3. 6 16 .4 54 .5 18 .1 30 .9 21 .3 34 .1 6. 4 12 .8 61 .7 8. 5 6. 4 46 .8 30 .2 15 .1 24 .5 0. 0 9. 4 50 .9 29 .3 9. 4 15 .5 38 .0 8. 5 1. 4 47 .8 11 .6 31 .0 23 .9 34 .4 21 .3 16 .4 1. 6 8. 2 59 .0 26 .2 41 .0 21 .6 21 .6 2. 7 16 .2 60 .4 2. 9 2. 7 56 .8 207 ter despite the fact that the rent must be lower here than in the other areas. this quarter does not seem to att ract students, which is not only explained by its deteriorated building stock but also by the composition of its local society. reasons for moving into the inner city the decision about moving to a fl at primarily depends on the apartment’s characteristics and on the building’s location. except magdolnaquarter, there are not crucial diff erences between our sample areas in the importance of fl at parameters. the dwellers choice is mainly infl uenced by the area and price (table 3). a separate analysis of newcomers and older inhabitants motivations allow us to compare the reasons of moving to new areas during two very diff erent periods: before the change of regime and during the last decade. the most frequent explanation of those who moved in before 1990 was that they did not have other options. the housing market didn’t function; the inner city fl ats were owned by the district council in most cases. because of neglect and lack of care and renovation (and for lack of comfort in some cases) these fl ats were not among the most favoured. the central location became the most important factor in all of the examined quarters aft er 2000. in inner-ferencváros, the reputation of the area also had an important impact, thanks to the revitalisation of ráday street (it was mentioned by almost 20% of the newcomers). the survey results do not confi rm our hypothesis: the concentration of restaurants and cultural institutions wasn’t a major factor of the newcomers’ choice. nevertheless, its impact is clearly visible in inner-terézváros where this concentration is signifi cantly stronger than in the other quarters (especially in magdolna-quarter). ta bl e 3. r ea so ns o f m ov in g in to th e qu ar te r (% o f m ov er s w ho m en ti on ed th e gi ve n re as on ) r ea so ns o f m ov in g in to th e qu ar te r in ne rte ré zv ár os in ne rjó zs ef vá ro s m ag d ol na qu ar te r in ne rfe re nc vá ro s –1 98 9 20 00 – –1 98 9 20 00 – –1 98 9 20 00 – –1 98 9 20 00 – w or ki ng p la ce is n ea rb y fa m ily /f ri en d s ar e liv in g he re r es ta ur an ts , b ar s, c ul tu ra l v en ue s ar e ne ar by t he a re a is w el l s er ve d b y pu bl ic tr an sp or t t he g oo d r ep ut at io n of th e re si d en ti al a re a fa m ily r ea so ns , a ss ig na ti on , d id n' t fi n d a ny d w el lin g el se w he re 15 .8 17 .5 1. 8 8. 8 0. 0 40 .4 37 .8 17 .8 8. 9 26 .7 2. 2 11 .1 9. 3 11 .6 0. 0 11 .6 2. 3 51 .2 27 .7 12 .8 4. 3 29 .8 4. 3 27 .7 20 .0 10 .0 0. 0 20 .0 0. 0 50 .0 27 .1 25 .7 1. 4 25 .7 0. 0 40 .0 21 .6 33 .3 0. 0 7. 8 5. 9 27 .5 19 .4 8. 3 5. 6 38 .9 19 .4 16 .7 208 the reasons of moving in show the imagination or the expectation of the newcomers (near 80% of newcomers lived in another part of the city or outside before). the satisfaction based on the experiences of the dwellers (and their expectation). satisfaction with the neighbourhood the level of satisfaction is shown by the answers to the question “would you recommend a good friend to move to your residential area? and why?” there isn’t signifi cant diff erence between the newcomers and the traditional dwellers in this respect, their preferences are similar. in magdolnaquarter half of the inhabitants would not recommend their own neighbourhood to their friends. the dwellers of the other three areas are less critical (mostly in inner-ferencváros where 78.4% would recommend it), probably because of the revitalisation of the quarter which improved its reputation (table 4). the most important source of satisfaction is the central location and the easy availability which is evident in the case of inner city quarters. in inner-ferencváros and józsefváros the condition of buildings and streets was a more positive factor than in the other two areas. however, it is a more important factor contributing to the dissatisfaction in every case, mostly in inner-terézváros, because of the lack of renovation. in inner-terézváros one-sixth of the respondents mentioned cultural amenities and night life as a reason for moving in. interestingly enough, this share was only 9% in inner-ferencváros where the concentration of cafés and restaurants is higher than in the other inner city neighbourhoods. though it is a well known fact that the revitalized ráday street (transformed into a pedestrian area full of open air restaurants ta bl e 4. s ha re o f t he m os t i m po rt an t s ou rc es o f s at is fa ct io ns /d is sa ti sf ac ti on a s a pe rc en ta ge o f t ho se r es po nd en ts w ho re po rt ed to b e sa ti sfi e d/ di ss at is fi e d w it h th ei r re si de nt ia l a re a (o pe n qu es ti on ) in d ic at or s in ne rte ré zv ár os in ne rjó zs ef vá ro s m ag d ol na qu ar te r in ne rfe re nc vá ro s sh ar e of s at is fi ed 55 .9 71 .4 40 .3 78 .4 so ur ce s of s at is fa ct io n (% o f s at is fi ed ) c it y ce nt er c on d it io n of b ui ld in gs , c al m , c le an e nv ir on m en t c ul tu ra l a nd n ig ht li fe r ec on st ru ct io n/ ne w c on st ru ct io n s h ar e of d is sa ti sfi e d 73 .7 13 .2 18 .4 2. 6 25 .7 67 .8 20 .0 6. 7 7. 8 19 .8 43 .3 11 .7 0. 0 10 .0 48 .3 60 .2 22 .4 9. 2 7. 1 15 .4 so ur ce s of d is sa ti sf ac ti on (% o f d is sa ti sfi e d ) 209 and cafés) improved the reputation of its environment, the local people do not regard it as a completely positive factor (there are permanent confl icts between the inhabitants of ráday street and the owners of the restaurants). in magdolna-quarter the major source of dissatisfaction is the composition of local society. half of the dissatisfi ed respondents mentioned the local people in general (9.7% named the gypsies) and other 9.7% the public security. though the condition of buildings is much worse here than in the other inner city districts, “only” 23,6% mentioned it as a factor of their dissatisfaction. potential moving plans of inhabitants the local population’s att itude toward the residential area can also be examined through an analysis of the migration potential, the moving plans of the present inhabitants. a signifi cant part of population (32.8%) want to leave the inner city districts. this rate is about 30% in the magdolna-quarter and almost 40% in inner-terézváros (fig. 5). however, the share of potential movers is higher in the areas where rehabilitation projects were not carried out, their lack isn’t the only reason to move. there are diff erences between the potential movers: in inner-terézváros three quarters of the families with children want to move, while in magdolna the household types do not seem to infl uence the moving intentions. the age-impact is similarly varied: while in magdolnaquarter half of the young (under 40) want to move, in inner-terézváros 80% of them have similar intentions. fig. 5. moving plans of the inner city inhabitants 210 the main reasons for moving are connected to the insuffi cient size of fl ats, and to lifestyle and family changes in all case study areas. beyond these motivations, the characteristics of the neighbourhoods also have some impact on the moving plans. the lack of green areas, the noise and environmental pollution seem to be an important factor mostly in inner-terézváros where more than 40% of those who are willing to move mentioned these problems (berényi, e.–kondor, a.cs.–szabó, b. 2008). in magdolna-quarter the strongest push factor is the unpleasant social surrounding, almost 40% mentioned it as a factor of moving out. the bad status of buildings was also important: 22% mentioned it in magdolna-quarter, 13% in inner-terézváros, while in the other areas it did not have a signifi cant impact on the moving plans. the problems in inner-terézváros are connected to the physical condition of the quarter, its deteriorated state explains that so many inhabitants want to move to the agglomeration or to the countryside. despite of the above mentioned problems, the overwhelming majority of inner city population (67.2 %) wants to stay. not only the elderly but also the inhabitants between 40 and 60 years are ‘faithful’ to their district. those who live in more-generation households are especially willing to stay. the reasons of staying are similar in every quarter: half of the inhabitants are satisfi ed with their fl at, 20–30% is satisfi ed with the location of the quarter. the answer ”i can not aff ord another dwelling” was also frequent. numerous people (35–38%) of the respondents explained their intention to stay in this way. this share was below the average (only 17%) in inner-terézváros. in this quarter only the old dwellers referred to fi nancial diffi culties, while in the others the new inhabitants also gave us an explanation of that kind. opinions about local society the opinion of inhabitants about the change of local society suggests that moving into the inner city has intensifi ed for the last years. in the magdolnaquarter one third, but in the other districts about half of the respondents claim that certain social groups (which are diff erent from the traditional residents) have emerged recently. in the magdolna-quarter the share of gypsies has increased according to almost half of all respondents (table 5). another newly emerging group is a segment of foreigners (arab, chinese and vietnamese). about 11% of the respondent mentioned their arrival, but none of them used the term “foreigner”, they named their racial group. both the language and the actual composition of foreigners are diff erent in inner-terézváros where half of the respondents claim that foreigners (not diff erentiated by their country origin) have moved to the quarter. they are supposedly students and young employees of inter211 national companies. their emergence is also reported by about one fi ft h of the inhabitants in the other two inner quarters, where the young people were regarded as the dominant group of movers. a growing number of families with children was not reported either in the upgrading areas or in the low status magdolna-quarter. increased in migration of people with high income was only mentioned in inner-terézváros. views about the city the mental map of budapest seems to be equally conservative and stable in the most and less favoured areas (studio metropolitana 2006). our sample survey results confi rm this statement in general, but we can also detect some signifi cant diff erences. a comparison of the views of traditional residents and newcomers reveals that the latt er ones have a more positive opinion about the inner city districts in inner-ferencváros and inner-terézváros (table 6). by contrast, in the magdolna-quarter the newcomers’ opinion is less favourable. this can be explained by their lower social status. the share of young and students is smaller among the new inhabitants in magdolna-quarter than in the other inner city districts; and primarily these groups fi nd the inner city preferable. in those quarters where new functions emerged the opinion of the new inhabitants was much bett er than the traditional dwellers. table 5. is there an increased moving in of certain household types during the last years? share of the respondents who mentioned the specifi c household types (%) open question household types magdolnaquarter innerterézváros innerjózsefváros innerferencváros families with children young foreigner chinese, vietnamese, arab gypsies poor people with high income 3,6 20,0 5,5 10,9 45,5 3,6 1,8 3,2 33,9 51,6 – – 1,6 9,7 5,6 59,7 20,8 2,8 2,8 2,8 – 1,5 69,7 19,7 – – – 6,1 table 6. share of the inhabitants who named the districts as the most valuable areas of the city (%) open question most valued area innerterézváros innerjózsefváros magdolnaquarter innerferencváros –1989 2000– –1989 2000– –1989 2000– –1989 2000– inner city (5th – 9th) buda (1st, 2nd, 3rd,11th,12th districts) agglomeration 25.9 63.0 13.0 36.6 58.5 26.8 25.0 59.1 13.6 24.2 57.6 30.3 32.7 55.1 20.4 17.2 58.6 22.4 22.0 58.0 24.0 39.4 54.5 30.3 212 the traditionally most appreciated districts of buda (fi rst of all, the 2nd district where rózsadomb – the symbol of wealth – is found) reach the higher rank in the mental map of the inner city inhabitants. the suburban sett lements around budapest are more preferred by the younger newcomers; this shows that the demand for suburbanization exists. in the opinion of another segment of residents, the inner city neighbourhoods belong to the worst parts of the capital. the diff erence between the mental maps of the old and new population is obvious, mostly in the case of the 9th district which is much less liked by the old dwellers than by the newcomers (table 7). the image of the 8th district is varied: those who live in the inner part of józsefváros are less critical towards the district, than who live in the central part. the new inhabitants of magdolna-quarter diff er again from the other newcomers, their opinion is similar to that of the older inhabitants. to be summarised: the preferences of the newcomers and old dwellers are diff erent. the members of the latt er group are more likely to refuse to live in the inner city than the new inhabitants (table 8). only the inhabitants of the magdolna-quarter do not refuse the inner city, supposedly they could not imagine to live in another type of housing and their dissatisfaction is related to the local society, not to the environmental problems. comparing the ranks with other housing types, we can say that the newcomers of the inner city however prefer the family houses in the green (half of them put it to fi rst rank), they less refuse their recent living environment than the housing estates (70–80% except of the magdolna-quarter where only 44%) and a bit more the suburban family houses. table 7. share of the inhabitants who named the districts as the least valuable areas of the city (%) open question least valued area innerterézváros innerjózsefváros magdolnaquarter innerferencváros –1989 2000– –1989 2000– –1989 2000– –1989 2000– inner city (5th–9th) 6th district 7th district 8th district 9th district 68.5 5.6 18.5 63.0 24.1 62.5 2.5 5.0 62.5 12.5 78.6 9.5 16.7 54.8 31.0 57.5 2.5 2.5 50.0 10.0 93.9 6.1 18.4 89.8 14.3 86.4 3.0 15.2 80.3 13.6 82.0 4.0 14.0 60.0 18.0 76.5 2.9 26.5 73.5 5.9 table 8. regardless of your fi nancial situation where would you like to live? rank of inner city innerterézváros innerjózsefváros magdolnaquarter innerferencváros –1989 2000– –1989 2000– –1989 2000– –1989 2000– 1 – first choice 5 – last choice 32.8 25.0 28.9 13.3 18.5 51.9 41.3 13.0 32.7 2.0 22.7 6.1 27.1 39.0 27.0 13.5 213 conclusion the inner parts of budapest have changed signifi cantly both in terms of infrastructure, the physical environment and local society – hence the changes in the image of the city. the newcomers, who moved to aft er 2000 are younger, higher educated and while the old dwellers who lived in their recent fl at before 1990 are elder, mostly live in single households. so the newcomers’ and the old inhabitants’ att itude towards the inner city is very diff erent. not only the good location but also the improving prestige (9th district) and the cultural and night life (6th district) seem to become important to the newcomers. their view of the inner city districts is much more positive than that of the older dwellers though a signifi cant share of them wants to leave for the suburban belt. whether or not the inhabitants fi nd it advantageous to live in inner city quarters depends on the condition of the buildings, on the concentration of functions, and also on the composition of local society. the deteriorated building stock seems to be the most important factor of disappointment, except of the magdolna-quarter where the local society. the lack of green area and the level of noise pollution are also problematic mostly in the inner-terézváros where these are strong connection with the moving plan. the traditionally most appreciated districts are in buda side within the newcomers and the older dwellers, while the suburban sett lements around budapest are more preferred by the younger newcomers. the preferences of the inner city within of the newcomers and old dwellers are diff erent. the members of the latt er group are more likely to refuse to live in the inner city than newer inhabitants. references berényi, e.–kondor, a.cs.–szabó, b. 2008. the social aspects of green areas in budapest with special regards to migration questionnaire research in six sample areas. – in: alföldi, gy.–kovács, z. (eds): urban green book. mta has – rév8–étk. pp. 104–121. csanádi, g.–csizmady, a.–kőszeghy, l.–tomay, k. 2007. a városrehabilitáció társadalmi hatásai budapesten. – in: enyedi, gy. (szerk.): a történelmi városközpontok átalakulásának társadalmi hatásai. mta társadalomkutató központ, budapest, pp. 93–118. egedy, t.–kovács, z.–székely, j.–szemző, h. 2005. fővárosi rehabilitációs programok és eredmények. – in egedy t. (ed.): városrehabilitáció és társadalom. – mta fki, budapest, pp. 175–188. földi, zs. 2006. neighbourhood dynamics in inner-budapest: a realist approach. faculteit geowetenschappen. universiteit utrecht. 345 p. hegedüs j.–teller n. 2006. a lakáspolitika és a lakásmobilitás kapcsolatának elemzése. – városkutatás kft . kondor, a.cs.–horváth, d. 2008. challenges and experiences of a participative green space development in budapest-józsefváros. – urbani izziv (urban challenge) 19. 2. pp. 174–182. 214 kovács, z.–wiessner, r. 1996. a lakáspiac átalakulásának főbb jellemzői és városszerkezeti következményei budapest belső városrészeiben. – in: dövényi, z. szerk.: térgazdaság-társadalom. huszonkét tanulmány berényi istvánnak. mta fki, budapest, pp. 29–48. kovács, z. 2006. social and economic transformation of historical districts in budapest. – in: enyedi, gy.–kovács, z. eds.: social changes and social sustainability in historical urban centres: the case of central europe. – centre for regional studies has, pécs. pp. 39–64. ksh 1997. ingatlanadatt ár. ksh 2006. ingatlanadatt ár. studio metropolitana 2006. hova megyünk lakni? avagy preferenciák a lakóhely kiválasztásánál budapesten. –kutatási jelentés 2006. június. székely, j. 2006. reasons of local housing market price diff erences in hungary. – hungarian statistical review. special number 12. pp. 174–188. 233medarić, z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 233–247.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.70.3.3 hungarian geographical bulletin 70 2021 (3) 233–247. introduction in today’s world, the issue of accessibility has been gaining growing attention (darcy, s. et al. 2020; gillovic, b. and mcintosh, a. 2020). increasing numbers of people are living with some kind of limitations that constitute leisure constraints for them (e.g. ageing population leads to elderly people with mobility and sensory impairments, various health problems, including a growing number of people with food allergies) (smith, r.w. 1987; huber, d. et al. 2018). a quarter of the eu-28 population has been experiencing long-standing limitations due to health problems (eurostat, 2020). furthermore, 37 percent of the eu-28 population aged 15 and older reported (moderate or severe) 1 1faculty of tourism studies, university of primorska, obala 11a, 6320 portorož and science and research centre, koper, garibaldijeva 1. 6000 koper, slovenia. e-mail: zorana.medaric@zrs-kp.si 2 balaton tourism research centre, university of pannonia, h-8200 veszprém, egyetem u. 10. hungary. e-mail: sulyok.judit@gtk.uni-pannon.hu 3 university of pannonia, h-8200 veszprém, egyetem u. 10. hungary. e-mail: kardos.mimi975@gmail.com 4 faculty of tourism studies, university of primorska, obala 11a, 6320 portorož, slovenia, e mail: janja.gabruc@fts.upr.si lake balaton as an accessible tourism destination – the stakeholders` perspectives zorana medarić1, judit sulyok2, szilvia kardos3 and janja gabruč4 abstract this paper discusses the situation in the emerging field of accessible tourism at the lake balaton destination. the main objective of the study was to explore the current situation of accessible tourism at lake balaton, focusing on the perspectives of tourism stakeholders. various issues were reflected upon, such as: a) the “general” accessibility of the destination in terms of the current state of accessibility of the destination as well as the accessibility of information, transportation, accommodation, food and beverage services, tourist attractions, funds and know-how; b) factors that make the destination lake balaton competitive as an accessible destination; and c) general attitudes of tourism stakeholders towards accessible tourism. the research focus was on the destination itself, not on individual attractions or tourism service providers. in order to assess the current situation and future prospects for accessible tourism at lake balaton, an exploratory quantitative online survey among stakeholders was conducted between 5 september and 5 october 2020. a total of 39 stakeholders participated in the survey, including 11 local municipality stakeholders, 8 local destination management organisations, and 20 tourism service providers (accommodation, catering or attractions/sights). the results show that the lake balaton destination accessibility is currently at an early stage of development and tends to target groups with low accessibility needs. among the factors of destination competitiveness for the accessible tourism market, supportive factors (e.g. accessibility, infrastructure, and the commitment of stakeholders) are ranked first, followed by resources and attractions (landscape, climate, activities, culture, history, tourism service providers, and events) and the quality factor (including value for money, safety, perception and image). planning and management (including positioning and branding) is the lowest ranked factor even though such aspects are critical factors and foundations for the development of accessible tourism. keywords: accessible tourism, stakeholder analysis, tourism service providers, lake balaton received july 2021, accepted september 2021. medarić, z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 233–247.234 physical or sensory limitations; 26.8 percent of the respective population reported moderate functional limitations of this type and a further 10.1 percent reported severe functional limitations of this type. consequently, there is a growing need for accessible infrastructure and services, including in tourism. tourism plays an important role in life. indeed, the demand for tourist mobility is increasing. as a result, a larger proportion of the population is involved in tourist activities (e.g. half of the hungarian population can afford to participate in a domestic overnight trip). in recent decades, accessibility has been gaining more attention on both academic and practical levels. various international projects are aiming at the development of accessible tourism supply (including transport, services, attractions etc.). the topic is also an established phenomenon in tourism research (darcy, s. and dickson, t.j. 2009; darcy, s. et al. 2010; darcy, s. 2010; michopoulou, e. and buhalis, d. 2013; michopoulou, e. et al. 2015; vila, t.d. et al. 2015; gillovich, b. et al. 2018; gillovic, b. and mcintosh, a. 2020). based on the quantitative research among the stakeholders of the balaton destination, the article addresses the tourism accessibility in this area. the main goal of the study is to explore the current situation of accessible tourism at lake balaton, focusing on the tourism stakeholders’ perspectives. the research focus is on the destination itself, not on the accessibility of individual attractions or tourism service providers. our study refers to tourism destination as a whole entity consisting of various stakeholders (public and private) working together on providing the (accessible) tourism experience for visitors. there are only a few research studies focusing on the accessibility of a tourism destination from the stakeholders` perspective (ex. kastenholz, e. et al. 2012; nyanjom, j. et al. 2018), and this research is the first focusing on the destination balaton. the paper thus contributes to the sparsely researched area of accessible tourism destination development, focusing on stakeholders, as their collaboration in this process has been an important emerging topic. theoretical background accessible tourism is often associated with the mobility impairment of participants in tourism and the physical accessibility of tourist locations or services (darcy, s. and dickson, t.j. 2009; darcy, s. et al. 2020). in recent years, however, the definitions have become broader, with the focus shifting to tourism that is accessible to a broad circle of people. accessible tourism, including ‘tourism for all’ or ‘inclusive tourism’ (takayama declaration, 2009), is intended for all persons who have restrictions on access to tourist services. these may include elderly, people with a disability, people with health problems or people that do not understand the local language (unwto, 2016). tourism barriers, constraints and obstacles to travel faced by people with disabilities have been recently reconceptualised into a four-tiered framework, consisting of issues faced by all tourists (i.e. issues faced by all people with disabilities), issues unique to specific disabilities and the moderating factors of impairment effects (mckercher, b. and darcy, s. (2018). appropriate adjustments to tourism programmes and effective strategies in confronting travel constraints are needed for greater inclusiveness (scheyvens, r. and biddulph, r. 2018; huber, d. et al. 2018; gabruč, j. and medarić, z. 2021). inclusive tourism and inclusive tourism development are increasingly at the forefront of tourism research (biddulph, r. and scheyvens, r. 2018; scheyvens, r. and biddulph, r. 2018; nyanjom, j. et al. 2018). additionally, social tourism scholars are seeking to identify ways in which tourism can be more inclusive, considering it as a social right (mccabe, s. and diekmann, a. 2015) and exposing its inclusive role in societies (diekmann, a. et al. 2018). accessible tourism may be seen as “a process of enabling people with disabilities and seniors to function independently and with equity and dignity through the delivery of universal tourism products, services and environments. the definition is inclusive of the mobility, vision, hearing and cognitive dimen235medarić, z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 233–247. sions of access” (darcy, s. and dickson, t.j. 2009, 33). it draws attention to the three values in which accessible tourism as a process is grounded, namely: independence, equity and dignity (darcy, s. and dickson, t.j. 2009). in this context, accessible tourism is the process required to ensure that transport, accommodation, destinations and attractions across the tourism system appropriately meet the needs of people with disabilities (darcy, s. and buhalis, d. 2011). darcy, s. and buhalis, d. (2011, 10-11) additionally adapted this definition trying to provide an overall framework for an understanding of accessible tourism: “accessible tourism is a form of tourism that involves collaborative processes between stakeholders that enables people with access requirements, including mobility, vision, hearing and cognitive dimensions of access, to function independently and with equity and dignity through the delivery of universally designed tourism products, services and environments. this definition adopts a whole of life approach where people through their lifespan benefit from accessible tourism provision. these include people with permanent and temporary disabilities, seniors, obese, families with young children and those working in safer and more socially sustainably designed environments.” the definition includes different groups of people and it highlights the importance of the cooperation between stakeholders across demand, supply and coordination (diekmann, a. et al. 2012; nyanjom, j. et al. 2018), which is crucial for the future development of inclusive destinations and accessible tourism experiences (gillovic, b. and mcintosh, a. 2020; darcy, s. et al. 2020), which other groups of people in the community can also benefit from. “tourism destinations are facing intense and increasing competition worldwide, while consumers are ever more demanding, requiring not only service quality but also socially responsible and sustainable destinations” (kastenholz, e. et al. 2012, 369). the leisure and tourism industry and its services can significantly contribute to social sustainability by enhancing the quality of life of individuals by means of their social/travel inclusion and the provision of accessible services (darcy, s. et al. 2010; dolnicar, s. et al. 2012). the current discourses on accessible tourism and its understanding, management and development are commonly placed in the context of economically, socially, and environmentally sustainable communities (michopoulou, e. et al. 2015). nevertheless, in reality, too few tourism stakeholders give any real attention to the business activities that are considered socially, economically and environmentally sustainable. moreover, the social, environmental and financial considerations of accessible tourism have been so far largely ignored – also in the sustainable tourism research (darcy, s. et al. 2010, 516). accessible tourism is (becoming) a new market niche for the tourism market (alén, e. et al. 2012; vila, t.d. et al. 2015; bowtell, j. 2015; michopoulou, e. et al. 2015; gfk, 2015; gondos, b. and nárai, m. 2019). the destinations are often compared in terms of accessibility (vila, t.d. et al. 2015), and destination competitiveness for the accessible tourism market and related factors and attributes are studied and compared between different destinations. bowtell, j. (2015, 203) claims that ‘the accessible tourism market is a distinct sector, possessing the capacity for extensive future growth, and thus presents major travel providers with a potentially substantial and lucrative market, generating potential revenues of 88.6 billion eur by 2025’. in 2015, accessible tourism demand within the eu generated a total economic contribution of 786 billion eur in terms of economic output, 356 billion eur in terms of gross value added, and 394 billion eur in terms of gdp. within the region, 8.7 million people were employed in this area (gfk, 2015). the accessible tourism market has been estimated at approximately 27 percent of the total population and 12 percent of the tourism market. these figures take into account the large proportion of senior travellers (since people over 60 years of age will constitute 22 percent of the global population in 2050), people with disabilities and families with small children. the accessible travel market presents a golden opportunity for destinations that are ready to receive these visitors, since they medarić, z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 233–247.236 tend to travel more frequently during the low season, usually accompanied or in groups, make more return visits and, in some parts of the world, they spend more than average on their trips (unwto, 2016, 4-5). destination accessibility and accessible market as a market opportunity accessible tourism could thus be understood as a tool to increase the destination’s competitiveness with a focus on accessible tourism as a core development strategy. morelli, l. et al. (2006) list a number of factors that make a tourist destination accessible, including significant market volume, the multiplying effect of the presence of people accompanying customers with disabilities, market growth – particularly due to the population ageing, opportunities to develop domestic tourism, the possibilities for off-season business, the positive effects for other tourist groups, benefits for residents etc. however, the successful development of accessible tourism can only be achieved through a stakeholder participatory approach leading to potentially enhanced stakeholder involvement in the destination. stakeholder collaboration is an important issue in the development of an accessible tourism destination. in the study by nyanjom, j. et al. (2018), it is pointed out that when multiple and diverse stakeholders exist, an organic, circulatory and developmental approach to stakeholder collaboration should be adopted. this inclusive tourism stakeholder collaboration framework – consisting of people with disabilities, organisations of people with disabilities, tourism service providers and government agencies, as four key stakeholder groups – presents an innovative strategy aimed at increasing stakeholder participation and stimulating system changes by encouraging the central role and involvement of people with disabilities a significant role in the accessibility of a destination is often played by social tourism stakeholders, who are usually part of the public and non-profit/voluntary sector. in relation to their role in tourism stakeholder collaboration framework, the research of minnaert, l. (2020) reveals their unique and inclusive position in the stakeholder network. firstly, social tourism organizations are often placed between social and commercial partners (acting as an intermediary), with the focus being on the excluded target groups. secondly, as a consequence, the collaboration is being formed between atypical partners, usually in the form of a public-private partnership. the social tourism system in the eu and the related relationships and partnerships include three key aspects and associated stakeholders, namely the supply aspect (tourism and social tourism providers), the demand aspect (beneficiaries and social organizations) and the intermediary aspect (social tourism organizations) (diekmann, a. et al. 2012). the integration of the visions of relevant stakeholders is the key basis for the strategic positioning of tourism destinations, and this may lead to a distinctive destination brand, standing for quality, innovation, diversity, inclusion and social responsibility (kastenholz, e. et al. 2012). the study of zajadacz, a. (2015, 196) reports on a widespread consensus about the demand for accessible tourism products and services, which is characterised by – its constant growth, due to the incorporation of improvements in infrastructures, information, facilities granted or other determining factors; – its boosting effect on the image of the destination; – its significant impact on reducing the seasonality of certain destinations, especially in the case of beach tourism; – generating more than the average revenue resulting from conventional tourism. according to the research of vila, t.d. et al. (2015, 269), there are four factors that make destinations competitive for the accessible market: (1) core resources and attractors, (2) supporting factors and resources, (3) qualifying and amplifying determinants and (4) destination planning and development. the last factor of “destination planning and manage237medarić, z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 233–247. ment is the most critical factor for the development of accessible tourism provisions, “as it sets the underlying infrastructure for transport, accommodation and attraction that are the key to accessible destination experiences”. in this context, the concept of universal design is recognised as a key factor that supports destination competitiveness (michopoulou, e. et al. 2015, 184) and “had become a central concept in the development and understanding of accessible tourism” (darcy, s. et al. 2010, 519). additionally, the study of nzimande, n.p. and fabula, sz. (2020) on urban renewal intervention provides informative recommendations about public participation and stakeholder involvement in relation to increasing social sustainability and the accessibility of urban communities, where, interestingly, airbnb providers are becoming an important destination player (belotti, s. 2019). development of infrastructure, product, services, information marketing promotion and dissemination for the accessible tourism market are the common requirements for people with disabilities (vila, t.d. et al. 2015, 269). destinations vary according to their accessibility. vila, t.d. et al. (2015, 269) present four stages of tourist destination accessibility: 1. destinations with the highest accessibility, such as big cities and capitals, that provide high levels of accessibility in their tourist offer. 2. destinations working on accessibility with specific offers. 3. destinations that have identified a market opportunity and are including accessibility as a differentiator in their policies. 4. destinations that are not working on accessibility and, therefore, will not take advantage of this segment or, indirectly, of elderly and family tourism. the same study of vila, t.d. et al. (2015, 265) introduces the ritchie and crouch competitiveness model, a revised version of which consists of four factors of destination competitiveness for the accessible tourism market: 1. core resources and attractors: factors motivating tourists to visit, including physiography and climate, mix of activities, culture and history, tourism superstructure, special events, market ties and entertainment. 2. supporting factors and resources: those characteristics that support the development of the tourist industry, including accessibility, infrastructure, hospitality and political will. 3. qualifying and amplifying determinants: defining of the scale, limit or potential of the destinations competitive capacity, which are beyond the control of the tourism sector, such us cost/value, location, safety/ security and awareness/image. 4. destination planning and management: the creation of an environment where sustainable tourism can flourish and activities carried out to support and maximise outcomes for the three other factors of the model, including quality of services/experience and positioning and branding. additionally, the inclusive tourism framework for accessible tourism has been developed to examine the current state of accessible tourism (scheyvens, r. and biddulph, r. 2018); it consists of seven key elements, namely: (1) marginalized people as tourism producers; (2) marginalized people as tourism consumers; (3) changing the tourism map to involve new people and places; (4) widening of participation in tourism decision-making; (5) promotion of mutual understanding and respect; (6) selfrepresentation in dignified and appropriate ways; and (7) power relations transformed in and beyond tourism. the study of gillovic, b. and mcintosh, a. (2020, 10) reveals the importance of seven elements of the inclusive tourism framework for accessible tourism, stressing the crucial role of and need for cooperation between inquiry, industry and community, including collaborative approaches to the research of accessible tourism. in reality, the provision of accessible tourism is quite the opposite, and there is only a small share of the market that addresses the needs for accessible tourism. research has shown that 63 per cent of major travel and leisure companies do not sell accessible products (bowtell, j. 2015). despite strong medarić, z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 233–247.238 evidence of the value of the access market, this segment continues to be largely ignored by the tourism industry worldwide, and it remains neglected to this day (gillovic, b. et al. 2018). while accessible tourism is seen as a business opportunity, it is often perceived mainly as accommodating primarily disabled guests and not as a positive feature in comfort and service, potentially addressing all guests including local people and guests. additionally, it often lacks coordination between stakeholders (gfk, 2015). therefore, a cooperative approach is required to reshape and transform the future of the accessible tourism industry, where stakeholder cooperation is recognised as key factor for developing accessible tourism solutions, recognising the value of the market and its capitalisation (michopoulou, e. et al. 2015). according to a gfk report (2015, 26), several conditions have to be met for the successful future development of accessible tourism, such as political and financial support, awareness raising and the activation of service providers, and for the guests, reliable information on accessible offers and services. tourism accessibility in hungary and at the lake balaton destination: review of legislation, documents and practices according to the hungarian tourism agency, in recent years there have been significant improvements in several areas across hungary, including the balaton region, to make facilities more accessible (unwto, 2019). the legal background influencing the development of accessible tourism in hungary includes act xxvi of 1998 on the rights and equal opportunities of persons with disabilities (act on the rights of persons with disabilities), which guarantees the rights of persons with disabilities and promotes their equal opportunities, independent living and active involvement in social life (egerszegi, z. and hegedűs, i. 2020). additionally, it includes the ratification of the united nations convention on the rights of persons with disabilities that grants equal accessibility for tourism and recreation services for persons with disabilities in all member countries (2007). according to zsarnoczky, m. (2017), the adaptation of the un’s regulation was followed by the implementation of the national disability program (2015), which is a long-term strategy. in 2017, special awareness was raised to the importance of universal design planning. another important document represents the communication from the commission ‘european disability strategy 2010–2020: a renewed commitment to a barrier-free europe (com/2010/636)’, which among other aspects focuses on access to the physical environment, transportation, information and communication technologies and systems (ict), and other facilities and services. in relation to tourism the strategic document titled the national disability program 2015–2025 (ogy, 2015) recognises the problem of the lack of facilities and the need to develop access to the infrastructure. additionally, the document highlights that accessible tourism has not yet been recognised as a relevant niche, so there is a need for additional surveys on tourism demands in this field as well as training and sensitization of tourism staff. within the document, the principle of universal design and universal planning has been emphasized, with a focus on accommodation that is accessible for all people with accessibility problems, but interesting also for people without these needs. the document also stresses tourism-oriented packages for people with disabilities, while focusing on the accessibility of accommodation and tourism attractions. the program furtherly recognises the importance of accessible information, as it foresees the development of accessible websites covering the individual destinations and accommodations and of accessible electronic services. the hungarian national tourism development strategy 2030, a core document defining the system of targets and methods for the hungarian state’s tourism management efforts up to 2030, sets a number of goals that 239medarić, z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 233–247. are completed by the designation of horizontal intervention areas (h), including h3 – accessible tourism. the goal is to achieve physical and informational/communication accessibility as well as to improve the direct physical accessibility of the attractions, accommodations, and restaurants. this area is related to other horizontal areas, like cooperative tourism, which aims to establish a type of tourism that allows for visitors to experience local lifestyles by living together with the local communities, in harmony with the environment, and family-friendly tourism with a focus on establishing tourist attractions that provide shared experiences for multiple generations, and the development of family-friendly accommodation services and transport infrastructure, informative tourism working towards providing visitors with consistent and meaningful information in multiple languages, and also digital tourism that has as its goal to utilise the potential inherent in available digital technologies and then to apply it to every facet of tourism. lake balaton is one of the most popular tourism destinations in hungary. the area has a wide variety of internationally recognized natural and cultural/man-made attractions. the balaton uplands national park offers visitor centres, hiking tours, and organized tours for travellers where they can get closer to nature. the lake area has been inhabited for thousands of years, so its cultural heritage (including wine and gastronomy) is of high quality and supports modern sustainable tourism. according to the hungarian central statistical office (hcso, ksh in hungarian), commercial accommodation facilities at the lake registered more than 1.9 million guests and almost 6 million guest nights. two thirds of the guest nights are spent by domestic visitors. the destination’s tourism performance is characterised by strong temporal (dominance of the summer months) and spatial (popularity of shore areas) concentrations. thanks to its role and popularity, lake balaton has an increased awareness among ‘special needs’ targets, including families with small children, travellers with dog/pet etc. recently, there have been various attempts to meet the expectations of such groups, so certain developments have been realised with the objective to make the area more accessible. in 2013, accessible tourism was one of the special themes of the european destination of excellence (eden). somogy county and its capital kaposvár won an award for accessible tourism, with kaposvár being identified as an accessible city that has a tourist information centre with full wheelchair access, braille maps and audio guides for the visually impaired, and a film with subtitles for the hearing impaired. many of the city’s museums, art galleries and cultural centres are also fully accessible for all visitors. a very recent overview of good practices related to accessible tourism in the balaton area, implemented as a part of the destismart interreg europe project, identified some good practices in various areas of accessible tourism, such as barrier-free transport, accommodation, services, attractions and communication (egerszegi, z. and hegedűs, i. 2020) with still some challenges to overcome (table 1). lake balaton can be viewed as a dmo (destination management organization) based destination rather than a resort type area. the tourism value chain includes settlements (local level), destination management organization, attractions, and a wide range of tourism service providers, mostly smes. there are no official statistical data on facilities offering accessible tourism services around lake balaton, so special communication channels and projects provides an overview about their role. as far as the accommodation platforms are concerned, the number of offers appropriate for tourists with access needs is less than 10 percent (e.g. booking.com, szallasvadasz.hu). a recently developed accessible tourism database – developed by ‘hungary4all’ with the support of the ministry of human capacities – lists 140 service providers (covering accommodation, catering, sights/attractions) engaged in accessible tourism around lake balaton. medarić, z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 233–247.240 methodology the use of supply side oriented methods (e.g. the evaluation of the available services or official communication channels and databases) is a well-established approach in accessible tourism research. for the purpose of mapping the current status of accessible tourism at lake balaton and its future potential development, an exploratory quantitative survey targeted at stakeholders was employed. the balaton tourism research centre (batuki) at the university of pannonia runs a tourism stakeholder survey three times per year (since 2015), which enables the collection of longitudinal and topical data from a panel consisting of representatives of municipalities responsible for tourism development, dmos, tourism, and hospitality businesses and non-governmental organizations (ngos). stakeholders may share their opinions voluntary, so the number of respondents varies (between 25 and 80). a voluntary response option is used also by the other panel (e.g. unwto world tourism barometer where approximately 200 professionals participate regularly from all over the world). the balaton tourism barometer questionnaire includes questions related to an evaluation of the past period (3 months), and the expectations for the next period (3 months). besides the regular questions, the survey includes special sessions (e.g. cycling tourism, local products, employment in tourtable 1. good practices and challenges in the field of accessible tourism in the balaton area good practice challenges barrier – free transport 90 percent discount for travelling with hungarian state railways (máv) for people with disabilities and the person accompanying them. only few of the train carriages are wheelchair accessible and there is a need for careful planning in advance. 90 percent discount for travelling with the national coach company (volán) for people with disabilities and a person accompanying them. most of the coaches are inaccessible to wheelchairs. accessible catamaran, travelling on lake balaton, siófok– balatonfüred–tihany line that offers barrier-free board, barrierfree toilet and special lift for people using the wheelchair. only one line available. barrier-free accommodations, restaurants and other services in the lake balaton area, they are listed in the database http://www.hungary4all.hu/balaton-adatbazis/, prepared by hungary4all that organizes trips for people with disabilities. three colour codes mark the accessibility level – red, orange and green as well as contact information. the data is being constantly updated. the information is available only in hungarian, and is less accessible for foreign tourists. at 7 beaches on the northern shoreline, there are special hydraulic lift-chairs and ramps available that enable access to the water. limited to northern shoreline. enat webpage offers information on some of the accessible adventure tourism, sports and outdoor possibilities in the lake balaton area: accessible kayaking, handcycles for paraplegic people, accessible sailing boats. further, adventure park, paintball games as well as accessible caving (with special guides) for people with disabilities are also possible (enat, 2020). no challenges. hungary4all organises specific barrier-free trips to the lake balaton area for different target groups (families, young people as well as elderly people), offering various experiences, gastronomy, sports activities as well as relaxation. no challenges. source: authors’ own research. 241medarić, z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 233–247. ism, overtourism, sustainable transportation, corporate social responsibility or the effects of covid-19on tourism). the results of previous data collection efforts have been published in refereed journals (e.g. fehérvölgyi, b. et al. 2019; hajmásy, gy. 2019; tomej, k. 2019; madarász, e. 2020), supporting the validation of the applied methodology. this – accessible tourism oriented – survey has been conducted during the covid-19 pandemic, so rather than conducting personal interviews or focus group discussions, the authors decided to collect data using this panel alone. for the purposes of this study, additional questions were drafted, aimed at exploring the perceptions of tourism stakeholders on accessible tourism in the balaton tourism region. these questions (altogether 11 questions) were based on the conceptual framework explained in the literature review chapter (vila, t.d. et al. 2015), with an adaption to the special features of lake balaton. the respondents were asked to evaluate (5 items likert-scale) the ‘general’ accessibility of the destination and the availability for special groups. three special segments have been identified: 1) people living with disabilities (physical, sensory, mental); 2) periodically accruing mobility problems (e.g. accident, baby carriage); and 3) groups with special needs (e.g. food allergy, elderly age groups). services and information provided about accessible tourism were also evaluated on a 5 items likert-scale. the survey also mapped the available accessible tourism products and services, including the information format and content about it, as well as the reasons for not offering any accessible tourism product or service. the stakeholders had also the possibility to share their views about the future development needs of accessible tourism at lake balaton. a random sample of tourism stakeholders around lake balaton was used (based on the batuki’s contacts). the online survey ran between 5 september and 5 october 2020, with one email reminder. altogether 39 stakeholders participated in the research, including 11 local municipality stakeholders, 8 local destination management organizations, and 20 tourism service providers (accommodation, catering or attraction/sight). although the sample size is limited, if one considers that the number of stakeholders involved in accessible tourism is only a small portion of the number of total tourism stakeholders, the outcomes of this exploratory research can provide a good initial point for future research. further, in line with previous batuki panel surveys, the results may be considered relevant for the destination under inquiry and to some extent also for similar destinations. the results of the survey have been analysed by using descriptive statistics. the respondents were grouped into local municipalities (public sector), destination management organisations (public sector), and service providers (private sector). results lake balaton as an accessible tourism destination – stakeholders’ perceptions stakeholders participating in the survey have a positive attitude towards lake balaton as an accessible tourism destination. fifteen of the 39 respondents to this question agreed with the statement ‘lake balaton is a destination that has acknowledged the market opportunity of accessible tourism, and considers it as a potential usp’5. a further 14 respondents are of the opinion that ‘lake balaton does not care about accessible tourism’. nine stakeholders agreed that the destination offers special services for those seeking accessible tourism, and only one service provider said that the area is an outstanding place for accessible tourism. twenty-one of the stakeholders think accessible tourism is a necessity for lake balaton, while 18 other respondents think it is an opportunity. 5 in marketing, the u n i q u e s e l l i n g p r o p o s i t i o n ( u s p ) , also called the u n i q u e s e l l i n g p o i n t , or the u n i q u e va l u e p r o p o s i t i o n ( u v p ) in the business model canvas, is the marketing strategy of informing customers about how one's own brand or product is superior to its competitors (in addition to its other values). medarić, z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 233–247.242 when asking about the accessibility of lake balaton for certain target groups, some differences emerged. according to the stakeholders, the region is the most feasible for special needs groups (e.g. food allergy, elderly people), followed by visitors with temporary mobility problems (e.g. accident, baby carriage), and lastly for those living with a disability (physical, sensual or mental) (table 2, figure 1). the survey also addressed special areas of providing an accessible tourism experience (table 3). according to the participating stakeholders, lake balaton shows the best performance regarding tourism attractions (3.51), catering services (3.43), and information available on-site (3.39). at the same time, there is a room for development regarding the resources of local dmos and know-how. transportation infrastructure together with information available online were deemed slightly better than average. it is noteworthy that in three cases (information available online, transportation infrastructure, and resources for local dmos) the best grade given by respondents was 4 (on a 5-item scale). the various stakeholders had different views: local governments are more positive about online and on-site available information about accessible tourism. the local dmos are the most critical about transportation infrastructure, and – not surprisingly – resources dedicated to local dmos with the objective of developing accessible tourism. service providers gave lower grades for catering services and tourism attractions. improved professional knowledge and know-how would be fig. 1. accessibility of lake balaton for certain segments (connecting to table 2). note: 1 to 5 scale: 1-2 = not accessible; 3 = middle value; 4-5 = accessible. source: authors’ own research (n = 39) table 2. accessibility of lake balaton for certain segments segment mean standard deviation range (min. to max.) visitors living with a disability (physical, sensual or mental) 3.21 0.923 1 to 5 visitors with temporary mobility problems (e.g. accident, baby carriage) 3.44 0.882 2 to 5 special needs groups (e.g. food allergy, elderly people) 3.67 1.132 1 to 5 note: 1 to 5 scale: 1 = not accessible at all, 5 = completely accessible. source: authors’ own research (n = 39). 243medarić, z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 233–247. welcome by all of the stakeholders at lake balaton. only three respondents (all of them service providers) stated that they have human resources with dedicated know-how about accessible tourism. accessible tourism experiences, services offered sixteen stakeholders reported on accessible tourism experiences and the services offered to their guests (max. 3 services reported). the most common service was related to catering (e.g. food for guests with allergies) (7 respondents), followed by accessible design of the building/facility (6 respondents). accessible accommodation/rooms, accessible restrooms, parking, personal information/ help, museum/attraction, transportation, website, beach, and information office were the other elements mentioned as accessible tourism services. respondents shared their views about the reasons for not offering accessible tourism services: lack of financial resources (13 respondents), lack of professional knowledge (9 respondents), demand is small and unstable (8 respondents), and physical, technical limitations (1 respondent). communication of accessible tourism experiences, services most of the stakeholders provided some information about accessible tourism (table 4). the survey has monitored the communication channels used and the type of information content. the table below illustrates that the most ‘popular’ communication channels include the respondent’s own website, on-site information, and own social media platforms. brochures, information boards and on-site signposts play a less significant role in supporting accessible tourism. brochures were highlighted only by the local municipality table 3. evaluation of accessible tourism features at lake balaton indicators number of respondents mean standard deviation minimum maximum information available online about accessible services 34 3.15 0.784 1 4 information available on-site about accessible services (e.g. information office) 36 3.39 0.838 1 5 transportation infrastructure 37 3.16 0.898 1 4 catering services (e.g. design/ architecture, food) 37 3.43 0.899 1 5 tourism attractions (monuments, museums, natural sights) 37 3.51 0.768 2 5 resources of local dmos dedicated for accessible tourism 32 2.75 1.107 1 4 know-how, professional knowledge about accessible tourism 33 3.03 0.984 1 5 note: 1 to 5 scale: 1 = not accessible at all, 5 = completely accessible. source: authors’ own research. table 4. communication channels providing information about accessible tourism communication channel number of respondents own website 18 on the premises of the service, product 13 own social media 11 information board 6 brochure, leaflet 3 other 1 source: authors’ own research. medarić, z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 233–247.244 and the local dmo; none of the respondent service providers reported having a brochure with information about accessible tourism. the information provided is mostly in text/ description format (21 respondents use it), followed by photos (7 respondents) and pictograms (7 respondents). none of the stakeholders provide other types of information (e.g. plan). future development potential and needs the survey also mapped the stakeholders’ views about certain needs (ranking four factors) and future development options (figure 2). for the involved participants, supporting factors (e.g. accessibility, infrastructure, and stakeholders’ commitment) are the most important when it comes to developing lake balaton as an accessible destination (11 respondents ranked it as first, and 14 other respondents ranked it as second). this is followed by resources and attractions (landscape, climate, activities, culture, history, tourism service providers, and events) (1st place – 13 respondents, 2nd place – 8 respondents). parallel with this, the quality factor (including price-value ratio, safety, perception and image), and planning and management (including positioning and branding) are among the other priorities. as the last point of the survey, respondents were asked to share their recommendations (within an open-ended question) regarding the future development potential of accessible tourism at lake balaton. the most fundamental issues are financial resources (6 respondents mentioned it) and transportation (6 respondents), followed by the need for shaping attitudes of both stakeholders and travellers (4 respondents). three stakeholders highlighted general infrastructure and beaches (the latter being a dominant product at lake balaton). two of the respondents think there is a need for more accessible tourism service providers. one respondent argued for enhancing and improving accommodation options, attractions, events, and information for guests. discussion and conclusions since the perceptions, involvement and cooperation of tourism stakeholders play a key role in the potential development of an accesfig. 2. ranking of certain features, needs. note: 1 = most important; 4 = least important. source: authors’ own research (number of responses). 245medarić, z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 233–247. sible tourism destination (kastenholz, e. et al. 2012), the aim of this study was to explore the views of tourism stakeholders in the lake balaton area. the research design was based on a literature review about accessible tourism and to a large extent on the above presented theoretical framework of vila, t.d. et al. (2015). taking into account the exploratory nature of the study and the limitations regarding data collection, the research has valuable theoretical and practical implications. the results show that the stakeholders at lake balaton have a generally positive perception of destination accessibility. while the present assessment of lake balaton accessibility is not very favourable (with the majority of respondents claiming that the destination does not care about accessible tourism), the future position of accessible tourism is recognised as a market opportunity with a usp potential. even if accessible service provision is poor at lake balaton today, as is often the case at many major travel companies (shaw, g. and coles, t. 2004; bowtell, j. 2015) and many other tourism destinations (darcy, s. 2010), the accessibility awareness and future opportunities for increasing the destination’s competitiveness are recognised by a majority of tourism stakeholders. although accessibility is integrated into numerous new developments, accessible tourism itself is still a special segment product, especially at a destination like lake balaton where tourism performance is dominated by another product (e.g. summer holiday at lake balaton). in case of the addressed destination, accessible tourism is perceived both as a future necessity and as a future opportunity. from the public perspective, which includes the views of the local municipalities and dmos, accessibility is understood more as a future necessity or request for destination development, which encompasses accessibility solutions that reflect the criteria of the development funds (e.g. the accessibility of new facilities). this is very much in line with the research conducted by vila, t.d. et al. (2015), where destination planning and management are presented as critical factors for the development of accessible tourism provision, and as such provide the necessary foundation for accessible transport, accommodation and attraction infrastructure. from the perspective of tourism service providers, accessible tourism is recognised as a future market opportunity, despite the critical nature of the current state of accessibility at the lake balaton destination. all this reflects the growing number of visitors with special needs – people with temporary mobility limitations or such limitations as food allergies, so not accessible tourists with access needs in the strict sense. in practice, a wide range of service providers offer services to such travellers. according to our research, accessible tourism attractions, catering services, online or on-site information, and transportation infrastructure are all indicators that provide evidence of physical and informational barriers that must be addressed. they are perceived as important elements in terms of the accessible tourism experience and environmental sustainability. a lack of knowledge of accessibility on the part of public and private tourism providers and the very limited financial resources spent on accessibility issues show that negative or unfavourable attitudes still exist in the tourism market, hindering the accessibility development path of the destination. for the successful development of accessible tourism, both environmental and attitudinal barriers need to be negotiated among the relevant tourism destination stakeholders. according to our research, supporting factors, such as accessibility, infrastructure and stakeholders’ commitment, are the core requirements for developing lake balaton as an accessible destination. in line with the literature review, the stakeholders at lake balaton perceive accessibility as an opportunity and a means for a sustainable future. the complexity of a destination, and so of an accessible tourism destination, is also reflected in the different views and expectations expressed by the respondents (local municipality, destination management organizations, service providers). according to the results of the survey, information promedarić, z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 233–247.246 vided about accessible tourism – besides infrastructure – may have an important role and may support development in an efficient way. from a practical point of view, the study identified differences between certain groups of actors that can have implications for outlining tasks and responsibilities. the concept of accessibility should include the wider phenomena, beyond travellers with mobility problems (e.g. those with food allergies), that reflect the general consumer and tourism trends, which are also seen at the selected destination, lake balaton. among the limitations of the research, low sample size and the covid-19 effect should be highlighted, as the field work was conducted in 2020. taking this into account, future research directions could be to extend the sample, to conduct similar studies in other destinations, and to employ other research methods like focus group discussions or interviews. an important validated outcome may be the need for a complex understanding of accessible tourism, going beyond the needs of visitors with mobility impairments and mapping the perceptions and potential roles of different stakeholder groups (in the public and private sectors). acknowledgement: this publication has been supported by the european union and hungary and co-financed by the european social fund through the project efop-3.6.2-16-2017-00017, titled “sustainable, intelligent and inclusive regional and city models”. r e f e r e n c e s alén, e., domínguez, t. and losada, n. 2012. new opportunities for the tourism market: senior tourism and accessible tourism. in visions for global tourism industry: creating and sustaining competitive strategies. ed.: kasimoglu, m., intechopen book series, 139–166. belotti, s. 2019. “sharing” tourism as an opportunity for territorial regeneration: the case of iseo lake, italy. hungarian geographical bulletin 68. 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(3): 189–202. zsarnoczky, m. 2017. accessible tourism in the european union. in 6th central european conference in regional science conference proceedings: engines of urban and regional development”. eds.: borseková, k., vanová, a. and vitálisová, k., banská bystrica, sk, faculty of economics, matej bel university in banská bystrica, 30–39. medarić, z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (3) 233–247.248 39morachevskaya, k. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 39–53.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.71.1.3 hungarian geographical bulletin 71 2022 (1) 39–53. introduction border regions often benefit from integration at the state level. for instance, intensive crossborder cooperation is observed along the borders within the european union. crossborder interactions have always played an important role in european integration. even long before the massive enlargement of the eu in 2004, the border regions of poland, the czech republic and other countries were “rising” to the level of a neighbour due to the instruments of cross-border cooperation. this topic was discussed in many research papers (barthel, m. 2017; wojcik, m. et al. 2018; vaishar, a. and št’astná, m. 2019). 1 immanuel kant baltic federal university, kaliningrad, russia; saint petersburg state university, institute of earth sciences, universitetskaya nab., 7–9. saint petersburg 199034, russia. corresponding author’s e-mail: k.morachevskaya@spbu.ru 2 institute of geography of russian academy of sciences, laboratory of geopolitical studies, staromonetnyi per., 29, moscow 119017, russia. border divergence or convergence in the context of integration: a case study of the russian-belarusian and russian-kazakhstan borderlands kira m o r a c h e v s k aya 1, mikhail k a r p e n k o 2 and alexander s e b e n t s o v 2 abstract a state level integration process should first and foremost have a positive impact on the border areas. the current russian-belarusian and russian-kazakhstan borders acquired the status of ‘state borders’ in 1991 as a result of the collapse of the soviet union. while russia and belarus immediately embarked on the path of integration in the 1990s, effectively cancelling border controls, russia and kazakhstan were forced to resolve border security issues by strengthening their border and establishing customs control processes. the launch of the customs union in 2010 partially removed the existing trade contradictions, and the creation of the eurasian economic union (eaeu) in 2015 significantly strengthened interstate interactions. however, despite the declared integration, it could not compensate for the dividing role of the border which separates the diverging political, legal, and economic spaces of the three countries. the purpose of this study is to determine whether divergence or convergence occurs in the considered border regions, as seen through the prism of demographic, ethno-cultural and economic changes. we rely on the results of a multi-year field research in various regions of the russian-belarusian and russian-kazakhstan borderland (2014–2018), data from official statistics, and some conclusions based on the authors’ findings as part of their work on previous collective research projects. we found out that demographic processes became one of the reasons, as well as the main driver of divergence. the active depopulation evidently decreased the potential for cross-border cooperation (especially at the local level). the russian-belarusian borderland is still rather homogeneous in sociocultural sense, and the border between russia and kazakhstan is characterized by an increase in ethno-cultural divergence. the post-soviet period of nation-building in kazakhstan was a period of the revival of the national language and kazakhization of the public space. our analysis demonstrates the crucial importance of path dependence in the economic cooperation on the whole and in the specialization of interregional interactions. we observed both autonomization and absence of cross-border cohesion in the economic sphere, and in many cases, we saw examples of competition. keywords: divergence, convergence, integration, post-soviet borders, cross-border regionalization, eurasian integration, eaeu received october 2021, accepted february 2022. morachevskaya, k. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 39–53.40 on the contrary, some studies disprove the idea of the borderless world and ubiquitous convergence along open borders (kolossov, v. and scott, j. 2013). сooperation across borders can be achieved through “multilevel, multi-sectoral and long-term approaches that involve transformation at the international, national and local levels” (kolossov, v. and scott, j. 2013). the case of russian-belarusian and russian-kazakhstan borderlands is a practical example of this theoretical discourse. we can consider these border areas from two positions. on the one hand, convergence and divergence are consequences of the common soviet past and the processes of disintegration of a single economic, political and legal space. strengthening of sovereignty could not go hand in hand with convergence in the 1990s, and further rapprochement was largely the restoration of previously created cooperative and social ties. on the other hand, convergence and divergence can also be considered in the context of traditional integration theory, comparing the processes taking place here with the experience of the european union and other integration associations in the world. this is acceptable, since the integration processes of the 2010s in the russian-belarusian and russian-kazakhstan borderlands were not based on the soviet past and were built on completely new principles. moreover, within the european union there are also examples of the development of convergence in the border areas of the countries that have survived the collapse (the case of czechoslovakia). russia and belarus border each other along six regions (oblast), three on each side of the border (1,239 km). the russian-kazakhstan border is the longest continuous land border in the world (7,598 km) which includes 12 regions on the russian side and 7 regions on the kazakhstan side. for a long time, it seemed that the integration aspirations of russia, belarus and kazakhstan, as well as the common historical background of their joint incorporation in the ussr, would allow to pursue the path of convergence. however, it later turned out that greater integration does not necessarily lead to convergence of the border areas of the three countries. russian-belarusian and russian-kazakhstan borders acquired the status of state borders in 1991. during the first years after the collapse of the ussr, disintegration of both political and economic spaces took place. the borders formally remained transparent in terms of movement of people, but the opportunities for employment, education, and business development with neighbours were precipitously decreasing. the situation with regular crossborder traffic was worsening rapidly as well. even on the border with belarus, the end of suburban railway line (1993) and a fourfold reduction of cross-border bus routes led to an actual paralysis of cross-border contacts as early as in 1993–1994 (katrovsky, a.p. 2015). since 1995, the integration aspirations of russia and belarus brought about abolition of the border regime. at the same time, along with the integration processes between russia and kazakhstan in the second half of the 1990s, the reinforcement of border control took place. this was primarily caused by the lack of effective mechanisms to solve border security issues (smith, j. 2017). in 1995, the first attempt was made to create a customs union with the participation of russia, belarus, kazakhstan, kyrgyzstan (joined in 1996) and tajikistan (in 1999). however, the activities of this organization turned out to be ineffective: it proved not possible to solve the problems of non-tariff regulation, as well as the issues of unification of a number of customs rules. in october 2000, kazakhstan, russia, belarus, tajikistan and kyrgyzstan signed the treaty on the establishment of the eurasian economic community (eaec). a milestone for both sections of borders was the 2010–2011 period, when the customs union began its work, and customs control along the internal borders of the union was eliminated. in 2012, the single economic space was launched introducing in addition to the free movement of goods, the freedom of movement of capital, services and labour. the creation of the eurasian economic union in 2015 gave a 41morachevskaya, k. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 39–53. start to the functioning of the eurasian space on the principle of “four freedoms”. first of all, this allowed the participating countries to make a significant progress in trade integration. the movement of goods could now be carried out without state control (transport, phyto-sanitary and veterinary) (morachevskaya, k. et al. 2018). on the contrary, single customs tariffs were characterized by a large number of exemptions and restrictions since countries initially agreed to allow such exemptions (karpenko, m.s. 2019). they were used to protect the internal market on both sections of the border. despite the common history and the eurasian integration of the post-soviet period, today’s cross-border cooperation practices are extremely fragmented making it difficult to speak about convergence unequivocally (kolosov, v.a. and sebentsov, a.b. 2020). the objective of this paper is to determine whether divergence or convergence in terms of eurasian integration occurs in the border regions in reality. we will try to answer several questions. how do these processes differ in the russian-belarusian and russiankazakhstan borderlands? how are these processes running in the demographic, cultural and economic senses? we rely on the results of a multi-year field research in various regions of the russianbelarusian and russian-kazakhstan borderland (2014–2018), and on the expert interviews with representatives from the government, business, and non-profit organizations in particular. 55 interviews were conducted in all regions of the russian-belarusian borderland and 46 interviews – in different regions of the russian-kazakhstan borderland. the key topics of the interviews were formats and spheres of cross-border cooperation, benefits and costs of integration, obstacles for mutual trade and business cooperation. to achieve the aim of this paper, we also used the data from official statistics, as well as the regulatory legal acts of integration initiatives. moreover, some conclusions are based on the authors’ results as part of their work on previous collective research projects (cross-border cooperation between the regions of russia, belarus and ukraine [2013] supported by the eurasian development bank, and russian borderlands: neighbourhood challenges [2014–2019] supported by the russian science foundation3 and some others). in the first section of the paper, we briefly describe theoretical approaches to the discussion on convergence or divergence of the border regions. we analyse how these issues have been discussed in the context of european integration. in the second section, we consider the demographic aspects of border regions comparison. then we try to figure out the role of national (ethnic) and cultural policies in the convergence/divergence processes. the objective of the last section is to reveal whether any intensification has been taking place in cross-border economic cooperation during the period of integration processes at the state level (since 2010). theoretical approaches in spatial economics and economic geography, convergence is often defined as spatial equilibrium, and divergence – as spatial disequilibrium (lipshitz, g. 1992). in the economic context convergence means the process of reducing or eliminating regional inequality. this is achieved thanks to the free movement of production factors. if we are to talk about neighbouring territories, the concept would mean close economic ties at all levels. regional divergence appears for instance when governments intervene in the spatial flows of production factors. institutions, including integration units, could also determine the processes of convergence or divergence and act in combination with geographical factors, e.g. centre-peripheral differences. the removal of administrative 3 for more details, see cross-border cooperation of the regions of russia, belarus and ukraine, 2013. available at https://eabr.org/analytics/integrationresearch/cii-reports/prigranichnoe-sotrudnichestvoregionov-rossii-belarusi-i-ukrainy/ (in russian); and kolossov, v.a. et al. 2018. morachevskaya, k. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 39–53.42 barriers as part of an integration process often contributes to cross-border mingling, enhancing interactions. but the real (not de jure) integration process that leads to convergence should go hand in hand with eliminating discrimination for economic activities on both sides of the border. from a sociological point of view, the key idea of convergence is the idea that societies move toward a condition of similarity (herkenrath, m. et al. 2005). in the integration rhetoric, this means the prevalence of common values over national cultural policy. a detailed contemporary analysis of the interpretation of “convergence” and “divergence” concepts was carried out by benedek, j. and moldovan, a. (2015). they suggest a “multidimensional perspective on convergence and divergence that means a combination of social and economic dimensions”. benedek and moldovan emphasize the “interrelatedness of social and economic factors influencing development”. eu enlargement sparked a large number of studies on convergence and divergence (benedek, j. and moldovan, a. 2015; lang, t. 2015; čelan, t.j. 2016). it was shown that despite the growth in funding for cross-border cooperation projects, “the huge geographical handicap, the transport and language barriers and in general the strong periphery status of the border area in comparison to the capital” did not allow to achieve the convergence outside the internal borders of eu-15 (čelan, t.j. 2016). van nijnatten and boychuk contributed to the discussion about convergence and divergence of the border regions in terms of integration at the national level. the case of canada and the usa shows that convergence may exist at the state-province level and not be evident in national-level patterns (van nijnatten, d.l. and boychuk, g.w. 2004). the intensively debated question is also evident in the regional identities in regard to social convergence and deterritorialization (bufon, m. 006). some authors proved that the course of convergence or divergence between regions depended on human capital, investments, population dynamics, and spillovers (cartone, a. et al. 2021). the problem of convergence and divergence in the border regions is often associated with the centre-peripheral paradigm. according to benedek and moldovan “polarization should be considered a special case of economic divergence” (benedek, j. and moldovan, a. 2015). some researchers focus on the problem of regional equalization that suffers under the influence of urban agglomeration growth (máliková, l. et al. 2016; fedorov, g.m. and mikhaylov, a.s. 2018; kolosov, v. and morachevskaya, k. 2020). this leads to the peripherization of the territories far away from capitals, such as border regions. lipshitz suggested to define four spatial outcomes related to the relations between convergence and divergence: paired combinations of economic development dispersion, population dispersion (rooting peripherality), economic development polarization, and population polarization (outflow to centres and capitals) (lipshitz, g. 1992). following lipshitz’s concept, we are attempting to find out the results to which the post-soviet period led in the demographic sense, as well as economic interactions. the border sections under consideration described in the context of integration have already become the objects of several separate studies. the level of centralization differs between russia, belarus and kazakhstan and affects the current state of cross-border cooperation. despite the relatively high level of centralization in modern russia, it is even higher in neighbouring countries with a unitary form of government (vieira, a. 2017). in any case, this does not contribute to the institutionalization of cross-border interactions at the local and regional levels. belarus and kazakhstan are characterized by a weak level of legal support for cross-border and interregional cooperation, and all three countries have fears of granting regions and municipalities additional opportunities in carrying out foreign relations (sebentsov, a.b. 2018). the project of the union state of russia and belarus in the context of eurasian integration 43morachevskaya, k. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 39–53. was studied by many scientists (nikitenko, p. and vertinskaya, t. 2006; czerewaczfilipowicz, k. and konopelko, a. 2017; vieira, a. 2017). most of them came to the conclusion that the tendency of divergence existed in opposition to the primary premise of the project. vieira showed that the present state of the russian-belarusian cooperation looked like “medium-term bilateral trade-offs” and did not focus on common integration. issues of russian-kazakhstan relations in the context of integration were considered in the works of vardomsky, l.b. et al. (2019). economic issues are also reflected in publications by the eurasian development bank and some other authors (limonov, l. et al. 2012; vinokurov, e.yu. et al. 2015). security and cooperation issues were discussed in the works of golunov, s.v. (2005), and the weakness of the institutions of cooperation was studied by one of the authors of this paper (sebentsov, a.b. 2018). however, a comprehensive analysis of two different parts of the borderland within the eurasian economic union has not yet been carried out. we will try to fill this gap in this work. depopulation and demographic divergence depopulation and peripheralization on the russian-belarusian borderland are historical in nature. the abolition of serfdom, agrarian overpopulation and rapid development of the largest cities – saint petersburg and moscow – contributed to the drainage of the rural population into the cities. the subsequent construction of railways to the volga region and siberia strengthened these processes. one of the border regions with belarus – the pskov region – became “a population donor” for growing saint petersburg in 1870s and from the 1920s till the present it has steadily declined in population (manakov, a. 2016). similar processes were observed in the smolensk region: by the first third of the 20th century, the relatively high natural population increase could not compensate for the migration loss (fedorov, g.m. et al. 2020). the migration outflow in the adjacent belarusian regions was less intense due to the relative remoteness of the largest cities of the russian empire and became noticeable only after 1897 when the belarusian border residents began to move to agricultural (siberia, far east of russia) and industrial (donbass) regions. however, earlier (in comparison with the russian side of the borderland) soviet industrialization made it possible to retain and even attract population to the newly created industrial enterprises, while strong agricultural sector made it possible to avoid large-scale depopulation. the russian-kazakhstan borderland has been the area of intensive settling since the middle of the 19th century. kazakhstan’s incorporation into russia (1730–1880s) played a significant role in the formation of the settlement system. the military fortifications that arose during the colonization period became the basis for urban settlement system. railway construction at the beginning of the 20th century, resettlement of peasants, industrialization and cultivation of virgin lands led to the influx of more and more settlers. as a result, in all regions of the borderland population was observed to multiply several folds during the soviet period. the collapse of the ussr led to fundamental changes in the dynamics of demographic processes. what contribution have these changes made to the divergence of the border regions? the depopulation trend in the russianbelarusian borderland has strengthened. as for the belarusian side of the border, depopulation was about two times higher than the national average, while in the russian part – almost eight times higher. the main reason for the population decline was natural decline. at the same time on the belarusian side, the state still dominated the economy, so it was possible to preserve the largest industrial and agricultural enterprises and retain the rural population (gorbachev, o. and lin, d. 2013). therefore, the demographic situation was more favourable. however, in the period from 1991 to 2020, although relamorachevskaya, k. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 39–53.44 tively stable in the demographic sense, the belarusian part of the borderland lost about 18 percent of its population compared to the russian – 27 percent. this difficult demographic situation became a real challenge for the socio-economic development of the borderland (zemlyak, s.v. et al. 2018). the greatest changes were observed in the russian-kazakhstan borderland where the population began to decrease rapidly, especially on the kazakhstan side. during the first stage (in the 1990s), the border regions lost more than 800,000 people as a result of the first wave of emigration from kazakhstan. most of the migrants were ethnic russians, as well as germans, ukrainians, belarusians, koreans and some other ethnic groups. high net reproduction rate is a characteristic feature of ethnic kazakhs, but it was unsufficient to compensate the population losses. in the russian part of the borderland, natural population decline is observed in the majority of the region. at the same time, the flow of migrants from kazakhstan (central asia) to the border regions of russia throughout the 1990s remained a significant factor in compensating for the migration and natural losses (mkrtchyan, n. 2002). in the 2000s, this flow sharply decreased, although the general outflow of population from the border regions continued. the main consequence of the current demographic situation is a reduction in the social capital of cross-border cooperation. depopulation of rural areas and relocation of their residents to large cities reduce the intensity of everyday contacts, which are some of the most important indicators of the real existence of cross-border communities (zotova, m. et al. 2018). depopulation and peripheralization are becoming more and more significant factors in the divergence of the border regions under consideration. nationalities and cultural policy as divergence factors integration in the economic and political spheres and the state building processes contradict each other in a number of aspects. these contradictions are often visible in the borderlands as places for the manifestation of state power, or of a special state policy (linguistic, historical, cultural, symbolic), which leads to ever greater divergence (paasi, a. 2009). the situation on the russian-belarusian borderland is relatively neutral in this matter. in the 1990s–2000s, there were organizations and active residents who promoted national traditions, but such movements were not supported by the president of the republic. however, in recent years, belarusization has become increasingly evident (posokhin, i. 2019). the belarusian leadership began to support an integrated national identity using the system of education, media, historical narratives, as well as to keep distance from russia if the geopolitical situation in the world became unstable. however, during the period covered in this study, there was no evident influence of the belarusization on the border interactions. it is partly explained by the fact that in ethno-cultural terms the russian-belarusian borderland is a zone with blurred borders (grigoryeva, r. 2020). cultural divergence was most clearly manifested in the russian-kazakhstan borderland. from the very beginning of the 1990s, the process of kazakhization began. its leitmotif was building a “new statehood based on the ethnic identity of the titular nationality” (petrenko, e. 2011)4. first of all, kazakhization manifested itself in a new educational and language policy. thus, in all border regions, an effort to reduce the number of “russian” schools were undertaken, which was officially explained by a decrease in demand for russian-language teaching. the expected transition of kazakhstan to the latin alphabet is also considered by many kazakhstan researchers as a necessary meas4 the term kazakhization is used in the context of nation-building in post-soviet kazakhstan and the kazakh ethnic identity (svanberg, i. 1994; kaiser, r. and chinn, j. 1995; bremmer, i. and welt, c. 1996; davenel, y.-m. 2012). the concept of kazakhization is discussed in detail in (sarsembayev, a. 1999). 45morachevskaya, k. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 39–53. ure to strengthen the common turkic identity (kadyrzhanov, r. 2009). another sphere affected by kazakhization was the toponymic landscape. during the years of independence in kazakhstan, many geographical areas were renamed. of the 92 municipal districts located in the borderland of kazakhstan, 43 districts have been renamed. in a number of cases, the renaming took place without involving the democratic choice of the local population, and in some exceptional cases, even in spite of it. great success has been achieved in kazakhization of the administrative elite in the border regions. the tradition of using clan ties as a social lift “allows kazakhs to dominate numerically in the political system, even in those regions where the kazakh ethnic group is not the majority of the population” (kadyrzhanov, r.k. 2014). changes in the territorial division and the resettlement policy are also often viewed as part of kazakhization. thus, due to consolidation of several northern border regions in kazakhstan, there are no regions left with a clear predominance of the russian population. for instance, as a result of the inclusion of the semipalatinsk region into the east kazakhstan region in 1997, the share of kazakhs in the united east kazakhstan region increased from 27 percent (1989) to 49 percent (1999), while the share of russians fell from 66 percent (1989) to 45 percent (1999). the policy of kazakhization along with the infringement of the non-titular population rights (bremmer, i. 1994; lebedeva, n. 1995) have been the main reasons for emigration intentions among the non-kazakh population (primarily russians, ukrainians, belarusians and germans). after the first waves of emigration in the 1990s, the intensity of the migration outflow has noticeably decreased. currently, the bulk of emigrants are russians from four border regions of northern and north-eastern kazakhstan. in 2019, they accounted for 60 percent of the total flow of emigrants, of which 88 percent moved to russia. after the collapse of the ussr, russia did not take special measures to strengthen national identity on the borders with belarus and kazakhstan. however, on the russiankazakhstan border, some civil activists note the lack of “kazakh schools” or at least separate kazakh-speaking classes (gerasimenko, t.i. 2020). at the same time, local residents and experts in interviews noted that such classes are not popular, and “russian kazakhs”, if they have a choice, prefer to send their children to the “russian schools”. cross-border economic cooperation: did intensification take place in the context of integration? cross-border economic cooperation between russia and belarus has always been carried out in the forms of mutual assistance. in soviet times, the industrial complex of the russian-belarusian borderland was not highly integrated. economic cooperation (including cross-border) between russia and kazakhstan, on the contrary, was well-developed, and the production ties of individual enterprises were very tight. what has changed during the post-soviet period? after the collapse of the ussr, an active transformation of the economic structure went on in all regions of the borderland. the main direction of this transformation was a gradual decrease in the share of agriculture and industry with a simultaneous increase in the share of the service sector. in the belarusian part of the russian-belarusian borderland, this process progressed slowly due to the protectionist policies of the central authorities. in contrast, a deeper decline was observed on the kazakhstan side of the russian-kazakhstan borderland. however, de-industrialization and the decline of the main industries were followed by the rapid development of raw materials production, especially in the energy sector. today, in belarus economic potential is concentrated in capital city and its surroundings (minsk and minsk region). however, border morachevskaya, k. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 39–53.46 regions with russia are leading in a number of indicators (for instance, share in the volume of industrial production) and count 25 percent of the gdp. the percentage of total gdp for kazakhstan associated with their borderlands is 37 percent, thus, they concentrate the economic potential of the country. for russia, the role of border regions in the economy is much lower. for belarus, 0.9 percent of the russian gdp and for kazakhstan, 12 percent. in terms of grp per capita, russian and belarusian regions differ from each other by just a little. however, for the russian-kazakhstan border area, the situation is much more variable (figure 1). today, there are quite a lot of enterprises with belarusian investments in the russian border regions. most of them are small enterprises in the food, chemical and woodworking industries. in fact, there are only two examples of large-scale cooperation – a joint venture bryanskselmash (agricultural machinery) founded in 2005, and the amkodor-bryansk plant (loaders) founded in 2009. in both cases, the creation of joint ventures has a positive effect for both russian and belarusian sides. for russia, it includes creating new jobs, increasing tax revenues to the regional budget, and for belarus – access to the russian market and russian support programs. intensification of industrial cooperation has slowed downed in recent years. belarusian small business is widely represented in the russian part of the borderland where it has been attracted by more favourable taxation and enterprise registration requirements. our interviews with representatives of small businesses showed that the russian border regions are not the main arena for belarusian business development, but rather a test site of access to the russian market. the experts we interviewed, as well as representatives of governmental bodies often noted that there are also many cases of enterprises being registered in the russian border regions, yet their operations’ sites are difficult to determine for taxation purposes. under such conditions, it remains unclear whether the local economies benefit from such small businesses significantly. in addition, due to the protectionist nature of the belarusian economic interactions, there is a noticeable asymmetry in the counter part of russian small businesses on the belarus side of the border. in the russian-kazakhstan borderland, the strongest economic interactions have been established in the fuel and energy complex. the experts we interviewed in 2017 repeatedly mentioned natural gas from the west kazakhstan region (karachaganak) being processed at the orenburg gas processing plant as one of the most successful examples. economic cooperation in the oil sector is associated with russian oil processing at the pavlodar refinery. as compensation for oil supplied from russia, kazakhstan provides about 5 million tons of its own oil to the atasu-alashankou export oil pipeline, thus fulfilling part of russia’s export obligations to the chinese side of the arrangement (karpenko, m.s. 2019). along with this, kazakhstan oil companies provide raw resources for russian refineries in samara and orenburg regions. the trend of recent decades has been the gradual autonomization of the economic life of the border regions in the “old” areas of cooperation. among the most notable is the reduction in kazakh coal volumes used as fuel at russian power plants. some of the russian power plants in the border regions of russia have already switched to alternative fuels (gas and oil) (karpenko, m.s. 2019). at the same time, the nationalization of production (for example, the creation of an aluminium cluster in pavlodar region) contributed to the formation of more advanced industrial cooperation schemes, including those with partners from the eaeu countries (russia). foreign trade is one of the best indicators of converging or diverging economies. the case of the russian-belarusian borderland shows that on the whole, the inherited (from the ussr) functions of the regions in trade turnover persist. the export potential of the russian regions is limited due to the low industrial capacity and geographical position (morachevskaya, k.a. et al. 2018). on the con47morachevskaya, k. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 39–53. fi g. 1 . g ra d ie nt s of g r p (p p p ) p er c ap it a be tw ee n th e bo rd er r eg io ns o f r us si a, b el ar us a nd k az ak hs ta n in 2 01 9 (u sd ). so ur ce : c om pi le d b y th e au th or s ba se d on th e d at a of th e n at io na l s ta ti st ic al c om m itt ee o f t he r ep ub lic o f b el ar us , t he f ed er al s ta te s ta ti st ic s se rv ic e of r us si a, th e b ur ea u of n at io na l s ta ti st ic s of th e r ep ub lic o f k az ak hs ta n. morachevskaya, k. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 39–53.48 trary, the economy of the belarusian border regions is export-oriented towards russia. contradictory trends are noticeable in the dynamics of exports and imports. the share of imports from belarus in all border regions of russia was growing in 2010–2019. calculations based on the data of the customs services show that it varied from 20 percent in pskov region to 70 percent in smolensk region. on the contrary, exports to belarus increased during this period only in smolensk region (from 30% to 40%), which played an important role as a transit territory to the moscow capital region. in the pskov region, exports to belarus decreased twofold (from 50% to 20%). all belarusian regions experienced a slight decrease in the share of exports to russia in 2010–2019. this can hardly be associated with diverging economies, but is more likely due to exchange rate fluctuations and a decrease in purchasing power in russia. imports from russia increased notably only in the gomel (homіeĺ) region (from 71% to 83%). it can be stated that the mutual importance of the border regions in terms of trade volumes is still high. fluctuations are not related to the changes in convergence or divergence of the regional economies, but to external factors. only the mogilev (mahilioŭ) region has a positive trade balance in recent years. the leading position in commodities flow in the belarusian border regions has not changed. the largest share in exports is represented by chemical products, petroleum products (mostly produced from the russian oil), metals and related products, food products, pulp, and paper. the commodity structure of foreign trade in the russian border regions has been more volatile. while in the past, products with high added value prevailed in exports from the pskov region, it is metal scrap that dominates the export market now. the russian border regions also export chemical products, timber, and goods made from precious metals (smolensk region) to belarus. there are amazing examples in trade relations that are poorly visible in statistics, but seriously affect cooperation. one such example is associated with the traditional sphere of trade relations between russia and belarus – food products. since soviet times, large food enterprises in belarus have focused primarily on the russian market. in the post-soviet period, the belarusian enterprises have been receiving governmental support. one of the unforeseen effects of the interstate integration has manifested itself in the opportunity to re-export cheap russian oil and its refined products, resulting in belarus receiving funds for the development of its own agriculture, and agricultural products going to the russian market. consequently, belarusian products flooded the russian market, resulting in many processing enterprises in the russian part of the borderland to be forced out of business. this phenomenon is most acute in the smolensk region, where, along with competition, deficit of raw materials is serious especially in the dairy industry. thus, the share of food items in the import from belarus is consistently high (and the highest in the smolensk region – more than 40%). the lack of customs control even in the 1990s allowed belarusian enterprises to obtain exclusive access to the huge russian market for many years. since the late 2000s, there are so-called “milk wars” in relations between russia and belarus, expressed in the temporary bans on import of certain products into russia (most often – dairy products). these bans seriously complicate the situation of belarusian enterprises, whose exports are strongly oriented towards russia. the periods of prohibitions, which according to the official position are associated with technical and sanitary requirements, coincide with the time of tensions in the interstate relations. these events force belarusian businesses to look for new markets (for example, china and venezuela), but so far, a massive export reorientation has not happened due to belarus’ inland geographical position. restrictions on food imports from western countries (in response to sanctions against russia) have caused additional tensions in trade relations with belarus. taking advantage of the transparency on the border, 49morachevskaya, k. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 39–53. belarusian manufacturers repackaged goods imported from the eu, selling them in russia under their own brands. such processes make foreign trade relations less open, less predictable and transparent. it also affects the level of trust between economic actors in the borderlands. thus, on the one hand, the border regions of russia and belarus are long-standing trade partners. on the other hand, conjuncture processes, fluctuations in political relations between countries, repeated unsolvable contradictions (such as “milk wars”) often affect foreign trade between the two countries. moreover, changes in the export structure from russia to belarus are associated with the state of enterprises on the russian side. the negative state of equipment manufacturing, for example, has reduced its share in exports. at the same time, changes in the export structure from belarus to russia are associated not only with the export opportunities for belarusian enterprises, but with the volume that the russian side is ready to consume (taking into account the level of income and the financial capacity of potential buyers). the case of the russian-kazakhstan border area is different. in 2016 and 2019, almost all regions of the russian part of the borderland had a positive trade balance, while kazakhstan regions had a predominantly negative one. for a number of russian regions, kazakhstan is a key trade partner, the relationship determined by the trade structure preserved here since the soviet times. thus, the mutual trade between the chelyabinsk and kostanay regions is 80 percent formed by the supply of ore minerals from kazakhstan and finished metallurgical products from russia. since the soviet times, the pavlodar region has been supplying thermal coal to russian power plants in the urals and siberia. russia is also one of the key importers of alumina and unprocessed aluminium, ferroalloys and chemical products (aluminium oxide, etc.) from the pavlodar region. the export opportunities of the aktobe region are represented mainly by various types of raw materials – various ores and concentrates, ferroalloys, the main market for which is in russia (including enterprises located in the border area). in total, three border regions – the kostanay, aktobe and pavlodar regions form 87 percent of the export potential of the kazakhstan side of the borderland, while the remaining four regions hardly participate in export at all. the largest role in the mutual trade between the russian regions and kazakhstan belongs to the chelyabinsk region (in 2019), which forms 37 percent of exports of the entire border area. since 2018, kazakhstan has repeatedly resorted to short-term bans on the import of fuels and lubricants from russia by rail in order to avoid overstocking the domestic market. according to some experts, the forecasted balance of fuel supplies from russia to kazakhstan will “rapidly tend to zero”5. the modernization of oil refining capacities in kazakhstan allows to completely abandon the import of those types of fuel, including russia’s, which kazakhstan is now able to produce in sufficient quantities independently. recently, similar bans have appeared in the field of exporting scrap to foreign countries by rail and road. metallurgical enterprises located in the regions of russia bordering kazakhstan suffered more than others (russia imported up to 94% of scrap metal from kazakhstan). the issue was resolved (october 2020) and the supply of scrap metals to the domestic market of the eaeu countries resumed. our interviews in kazakhstan showed that for local entrepreneurs, as well as on the border with belarus, the greatest problem is related to the access of local agricultural products to the russian market, since russia is overuse phytosanitary restrictions. official authorities also note the unequal conditions for charging cargo carriers from kazakhstan for travel on russian roads, problems with access to cheap kazakhstan alcohol on the russian market, etc. 5 https://inbusiness.kz/ru/last/indikativnyj-balans-po-postavkam-gsm-mezhdu-kazahstanom-i-r morachevskaya, k. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 39–53.50 as in the russian-belarusian borderland, the integration processes did not have a noticeable impact on the change in the foreign trade structure in the russian-kazakhstan borderland. in addition, the dominance of raw materials in mutual trade still remains here. the dynamics and volumes of mutual trade depend on the current situation in the world economy, economic crises and contradictions both at the macroeconomic and international levels. conclusions the processes of post-soviet integration have long been considered an instrument of the “civilized divorce” of the former soviet republics. eurasian integration became a new step that provided for the free movement of goods and services, as well as common policies in the energy, foreign trade and investment, customs, technical regulation, and other sectors. it was expected that the key beneficiaries of these processes will be the internal border areas of the eaeu between russia, belarus and kazakhstan. however, it later became clear that the removal of border barriers was not a cure for peripherality. we found many examples proving that the regions continued to diverge without the planned benefits of integration. the drivers of this discrepancy are measures of nationalstate construction implemented with different intensity in the economic, institutional, social and political spheres in each state, as well as depopulation and limited examples of economic cooperation. the most noticeable discrepancies appeared in national and cultural policies. the russian-belarusian borderland is still rather homogenous in the sociocultural sense. the ethnic composition of the borderland population, the close identity of the russian and belarusian peoples, openness of the border, and maintenance of a high level of crossborder mobility explain a less pronounced state policy of belarusization. the russiankazakhstan borderland, on the contrary, is characterized by the increase of the ethnocultural divergence. the post-soviet period of nation-building in kazakhstan is a period of the revival for the national language and kazakhization of their public space. the growth of ethnic barriers on the russiankazakhstan border is caused by the ongoing outflow of the russian population. demographic processes have become another kind of manifestation of divergence and at the same time a driver of it. in the russian-belarusian part of the border area, depopulation has a large historical backdrop, but it has increased significantly in the post-soviet period and continues to do so to this day. in the russian-kazakhstan borderland, a settlement zone during the soviet era, depopulation trends are relatively new. while in the 1990, the massive outflow of the russian population from the kazakhstan side of the border area alleviated the effects of depopulation on the russian side, today it is the russian side that is losing its population especially quickly. an important problem for all considered sections of the borders is the depopulation of the border zone itself, which reduces the potential for cross-border interactions and depletes the demographic base essential to the local economy. integration processes have not had a significant impact on the nature of economic cooperation in the border regions of russia, belarus and kazakhstan so far. economic cooperation is still determined by the ties developed during the soviet era. examples of new economic cooperation projects are rare. moreover, the number of such examples is decreasing. integration rhetoric contradicts with the increasing competition in cross-border sales markets. for instance, significant preferences provided by the government of belarus to local agricultural enterprises (direct subsidies, reduced vat rates, etc.) in spite of the similar specializations in the nearby russian regions have a negative impact on their development. this model of economic cooperation influences foreign trade of the three countries, which on the one hand, is characterized by the similarity of the 51morachevskaya, k. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 39–53. sectoral structure of trade, and on the other hand, depends strongly on changes in the macroeconomic situation. on both sides of the borders, integration is perceived by local communities not as a mechanism for finding common approaches to solving common problems, but as a realization of the competitive advantages of one of the parties to the detriment of the interests of the other. the asymmetry of benefits and costs forces parties to resort to the use of nontariff measures to regulate foreign trade. our investigations demonstrate that national policies still greatly prevail over common interests. this fact, as well as the history of the relations between russia, belarus and kazakhstan, shows that the experience of the european union cannot be copied in the border areas of these countries “in the mechanical manner”. nevertheless, it can be assumed that eaeu probably 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(4): 56–77. doi: 10.17323/1811-038x-2018-27-4-56-77 (in russian) morachevskaya, k. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 39–53.54 hungarian geographical bulletin vol 71 issue 1 (2022) k. morachevskaya m. karpenko a. sebentsov: border divergence or convergence in the context of integration: a case study of the russian-belarusian and russian-kazakhstan borderlands 5_ratz et al.indd 57rátz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 57–71.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.69.1.5 hungarian geographical bulletin 69 2020 (1) 57–71. introduction in the past decades, researchers have revealed several aspects of the symbiosis of tourism and politics (e.g. burns, p. and novelli, m. 2007). most of the monographic work was economics(mosedale, j. 2011), controlling (pender, l. and sharpley, r. 2005) and development-oriented (brien, a. 2011), while among social approaches, several publications have dealt with the role of the state in social tourism (e.g. la placa, v. and corlyon, j. 2014) or the relationship of travel and national identity (bhandari, k. 2014). generating and maintaining nationalism with the help of tourism occurs in domestic and in international tourism as well (pretes, m. 2003). through the development of the tourism industry after world war 2, both democratic and totalitarian states – with diverse motivations – took part in encouraging trips with the objective to strengthen national identity (palmer, c. 1999). the establishment and expansion of the european union, on the one hand, have gradually contributed to stronger national identities (mclaren, l. 2004), while, on the other hand, have facilitated unrestricted border crossings, based on the 1 kodolányi jános university, 1139 budapest, frangepán u. 50–56. hungary. e-mail: tratz@kodolanyi.hu 2 geographical institute, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences, 1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45; corvinus university of budapest, 1093 budapest, fővám tér 8. hungary. e-mail: michalko.gabor@csfk.mta.hu 3 budapest marriott hotel, 1052 budapest, apáczai csere jános utca 4. hungary. e-mail: keszeg.reka@gmail.com educational tourism and nation building: cross-border school trips in the carpathian basin tamara r át z 1, gábor m i c h a l k ó2 and réka k e s z e g 3 abstract educational travel provides opportunities for participants to explore specific issues in unconventional ways. in hungary, primary and secondary schools organise annual study trips as part of their curricula. the aim of these trips is to familiarise students with the main sights of the country, and to bring to life national narratives discussed in lessons. furthermore, these trips often play a key role in students’ socio-psychological development, both as future tourism consumers and as future citizens. recognising the opportunity to influence students’ worldview and way of thinking during their sensitive teenage years, the hungarian government has created a national programme to financially support school trips organised to visit minority hungarian communities living in the neighbouring countries. this paper is based on the content analysis of 256 detailed reports submitted by participants of school trips organised in 2013/14 with the aim to visit hungarian minority communities in the carpathian basin. the analysis focuses on the detailed descriptions of the participants’ personal memories of their experiences, the social construction of the visited destinations, and the influence of their memorable experiences on their sense of national identity. the research disclosed that the trips made to hungarian territories outside the borders contributed to shaping the national sentiment of the students participating in the programme. the findings suggest that since participation in tourism is an effective means to experience nationhood and national identity, by financially supporting school trips abroad, the state may be able to exert political influence over national consciousness. keywords: ethnic tourism, educational trip, national identity, nation building, carpathian basin, hungary, ‘without borders!’ project rátz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 57–71.58 principle of the free movement of persons laid down in the treaty of rome. the integration of east central europe to the european union revealed the suppressed dreams of countries in the carpathian basin concentrating on strengthening national identity (young, c. and light, d. 2001). what was unimaginable in the former socialist camp strictly controlled by the soviet union came true in the european union. the eu’s minority policy supports the establishment of cultural connections between minority groups and their motherland in many ways, which also opened the gates to political initiatives strengthening national identity in neighbouring countries under the auspices of cultural cooperation (sasse, g. 2008). tourism represents one aspect of mobility among euro-regions, in the framework of which – through the development of cultural and heritage attractions – many trips are realized with the motivation of nation-building. similarly, there is a growing body of literature focusing on the role and benefits of educational travel, partly as a means of connecting the theoretical world of academia with the realities of tourist destinations (tarrant, m.a. et al. 2011) and to encourage critical reflection on behalf of the students (boluk, k. and carnicelli, s. 2015), partly as initiatives embracing the principles of experiential learning in the forms of study trips and field schools (liang, k. et al. 2015). however, most authors concentrate either on university students (particularly on mediumand longterm study abroad programmes) (e.g. juvan, e. and lesjak, m. 2011; abubakar, m. et al. 2014), and on the role of field visits in travel & tourism, or tourism & hospitality degree programmes (e.g. sanders, d. and armstrong, e.k. 2008; arcodia, c. and dickson, c. 2013), or on adults participating in educational experiences as a form of lifelong learning or as serious leisure (e.g. pitman, t. et al. 2010; kask, s. 2011), and there is a general gap in the literature when it comes to elementary or secondary schools’ activities. the present study tries to fill this gap by analysing a hungarian governmental programme that aims to strengthen adolescents’s national identity in the context of educational travel. in addition, it also proposes to contribute to the widening discussion on the relationship of tourism and politics, with special consideration to using tourism as a means to achieve political goals. the objective of the study is to discuss, using an exploratory approach, the phenomenon of financially supported school trips organised outside the borders with the motivation of reinforcing national identity. the paper reviews the historical and political antecedents of national identity building, presents the tourism aspects of the ‘without borders!’ programme, identifies the spatial and temporal characteristics of the trips carried out during the 2013/2014 school year, as well as evaluates the experiences of the student participants during these trips, with special emphasis on national identity, and the social, community-building role of travel. based on content analysis of the participating students’ reports, the primary objective of the study is to determine whether the government’s intention to use travel as a means to national identity building is fulfilled with the ‘without borders!’ programme. theoretical background national identity in the carpathian basin – the geopolitical context hungary occupies a special place in the processes of national identity building in the carpathian basin. according to the trianon peace treaty signed in 1920, following world war 1, two-thirds of the territory of former historical hungary, and half of its population were allocated to the neighbouring countries, leaving approximately 3 million ethnic hungarians outside the new borders (kovács, z. 1989; kocsis, k. and kocsis-hodosi, e. 1998). the trianon peace treaty caused a trauma in the hungarian society, a deeply rooted feeling of injustice that proved difficult to cope with and resulted in serious political consequences (gerner, k. 2007). among oth59rátz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 57–71. ers, the rising of nationalism and revisionism led hungary to participate in world war 2 as an ally of nazi germany, and the defeat brought about another downfall. the paris peace treaties signed in 1947 restored hungary’s borders, with a minimal modification, as laid down in the trianon peace treaty. between 1947 and 1989, hungary was a oneparty dictatorial socialist state under the influence of the soviet union. after 1947, there was no place for condemning the trianon peace treaty or the paris peace treaties, the police of the communist-socialist party repressed systematically all nostalgic feelings about the greatness of former historical hungary. in the eastern block controlled by the soviet union the notion of internationalism was promoted, preventing by all means possible the emergence of national identities. the regions located along state borders, which symbolized national identity, were deliberately underdeveloped, transforming them both economically and socially into peripheries (erőss, á. and tátrai, p. 2010). throughout the decades, the neighbouring states, despite proclaiming the ideology of peaceful coexistence, were trying to impede cross-border relationships, even between families and relatives. this was achieved not only by making crossing borders more difficult, but also by relocating ethnic minorities living along the frontiers across the country. the fate of millions of hungarian minorities trapped outside the motherland following the trianon peace treaty varied greatly. due to migration, assimilation and natural death, the number of hungarians living outside the motherland was rapidly decreasing (kocsis, k. and tátrai, p. 2012): in 1989, the number of hungarians living outside the borders of current hungary only reached 2.3 million. a possible initiative to stop this unfavourable process might be the development of ethno-tourism in which hungarians living in the motherland visit hungarian territories outside of the political borders to nurture their national identity. as a result of economic growth in the areas involved in such ethno-tourism, due to the spending of visitors and their interest in local heritage, favourable demographic processes might be generated that benefit the hungarian minorities living there (ilyés, z. 2006). after the regime change in 1990, the strengthening of national identity and the cohesion of the ‘core nation’ – the motherland and the hungarian territories outside the national borders – appeared in a privileged position in the rhetoric of the conservative political parties (a. gergely, a. 2012; kocsis, k. 2013). after gaining power in 2010, the current government has realized the potential of young people in reinforcing a sense of national identity that was artificially suppressed during decades of socialism, therefore, they created a programme with the aim to bolster the youngest generation’s national identity (pap, sz. 2013). the ‘without borders!’ government programme provides financial support for study trips organised by primary and secondary schools to visit hungarian communities living in the neighbouring countries. educational tourism and identity building schools play a role in formal and informal education on the one hand (conveying information, in situ deepening of knowledge, forming students into environment-conscious, responsible citizens), and in socialization (becoming tourists, adapting to foreign environments) on the other hand (arcodia, c. and dickson, c. 2009). the gap between theory and practice might be significantly lessened by creating experiences and by experience-oriented teaching outside the classroom (falk, j. et al. 2012). during study trips organised for peer student groups, the young participants face several challenges and have specific tasks that promote the development of their creativity (horváth, a. 2015). in secondary and tertiary tourism education, field trips represent an indispensable form of learning and expanding one’s practical knowledge (harris, j. et al. 2012). trips to foreign countries exponentially increase the function of school trips in the field of education and socialization, and help rátz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 57–71.60 the internationalization of young generations (huang, r. 2013). in case the cultural distance is too big between the sending country and the destination, or when students have insufficient knowledge about the destination, participants may find it challenging to adapt to the local circumstances, and the consequent negative experiences may limit the fulfilment of educational objectives (klooster, e. et al. 2008). however, if the students’ opinion is positive, they may soon return to the destination with their relatives or friends, or may repeat the trip later in their lives (frändberg, l. 2010). the protection and presentation of cultural heritage as a tourist attraction play a major role in national identity politics (morgan, n. and pritchard, a. 1998; pitchford, s. 2008). what stands behind the intensification of daily nationalism is the efforts of offsetting european identity – promoted by the european union and its predecessors –, embodied in the preservation of national solidarity (park, h. 2010). among the instruments of nation building widely used in europe one can find the cultivation of mother tongue symbolizing national affiliation, the safeguarding of history and heritage based both on archaeological evidence and legends, the preservation of the iconography of the mutual past as well as the promotion of one’s attachment to the national lands (palmer, c. 1999; hollinshead, k. 2009). identity politics is often discussed in the context of centreperiphery narratives (fonseca, f. and ramos, r. 2012). in contrast of the cosmopolitan cities, the rural areas preserving traditions seem to embody national values and represent common roots (silva, l. and leal, j. 2015). ethnic tourism has a key place in the successful implementation of national identity politics (yang, l. and wall, g. 2009). one of the tools to maintain the connection between the majority nation and national minorities outside the mother country is travelling, which usually takes place under the aegis of cultural and heritage tourism, or visiting tourism of friends and relatives (vfr) (irimiás, a. 2013). the goals of nationbuilding related to tourism can, of course, be served by other devices as well, such as by nurturing the relations of twin-cities, organizing student exchanges, and offering scholarship programmes (altinay, l. and bowen, d. 2006). throughout the history, governments have used countless peaceful solutions which, symbolically, have contributed to the strengthening of national identity politics (peters, k. 2011). however, the examination of cross-border school trips with the goal of national identity building represents an under-researched topic in the scientific tourism literature. as already argued above, including school trips as an active component in an educational programme may have a wide range of objectives, but these are generally connected to the learning process. possible forms include linking classroom-acquired knowledge with practical experience, e.g. as school excursions to historical or literary sites (ayalon, y. and schnell, i. 2014), nature immersion programmes (kövecsesné gősi, v. 2009), or reallife foreign language practice (drozdzewski, d. 2011). another important educational benefit of travelling stems from the personal growth and attitudinal changes that the participants of field trips or voluntary activities undergo as a consequence of their broadened understanding of the visited destination’s realities (orpett long, s. et al. 2010), which may also influence their perceptions of their home environment. and while it may be pointed out that the organisers of trips belonging to the latter category may have underlying soft political motives – such as increasing social sensibility and awareness of the impacts of tourism, supporting critical thinking, or encouraging responsible consumer behaviour during and after the trip (boyle, a. et al. 2015) –, it is rather uncommon to use educational tourism as a state programme to directly support political objectives. although comparisons may be drawn by china’s ‘red tourism’ concept – a nationwide political socialization programme launched in 2004 to promote patriotism and identification with the party-state (zuo, b. et al. 2017) –, since it also gave priority to political goals over eco61rátz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 57–71. nomic considerations, a major difference is that the chinese project focuses primarily on the supply side, i.e. the identification and development of sites associated with communist heritage and the revolutionary era, was initiated as a domestic tourism programme, and targets the whole population of the country, not only schoolchildren (xu, k. 2015). methodology a significant part of school trips belong to the sphere of invisible – or hidden or unobserved – tourism (michalkó, g. and rátz, t. 2013; de cantis, s. et al. 2015). with respect of journeys like these, no statistical reporting requirements exist in hungary. as a consequence, there is no scientific database available on one-day study visits or multi-day school trips using unregistered accommodation. the ‘without borders!’ programme of the hungarian government was launched in 2010 and is run by the human capacities grant management office (emet in hungarian), a background institution of the ministry of human resources. although emet has always imposed strict reporting requirements for schools supported by the ‘without borders!’ programme, the conditions have been modified during the project’s history. year 2013/14 was the period when the most detailed trip report had to be submitted – consisting of a completed form together with a travel diary and photo documentation –, so we selected this year’s submissions (256 reports in total) for our analysis. for processing the reports, the method of content analysis was chosen. the website of emet provides detailed guidance for the participating schools concerning the mandatory content and format of trip reports, enabling us to define the range of available information and to visualise the data structure required for our project. the available information was categorised into three major groups: – the first group of data represented information about the visited destinations as well as the spatial and temporal characteristics of the journeys: target country, visited settlements, location of accommodation, date of arrival and departure. – the second group included data on the organisational aspects of the trips: use of tour operator or individual organisation, type of transportation and type of accommodation. – the third group contained qualitative information on the excursions, such as the type and the characteristics of the programmes, activities organised at each visited site, and the participants’ affective and conative experiences during these programmes. summarising the information in the first two categories did not mount any particular methodological challenge, since the data were recorded in the required form in the submitted reports. in order to examine in depth to the participants’ activities and memorable experiences, inductive content analysis of the submitted travel diaries was employed to identify the key themes. the method was tested by analysing 15 reports, initial codes were classified under activity and experience categories, and themes were developed by expanding, merging or rearranging these initial categories. the present study is based on the reports written by 7th grade (13–14-year-old) students of hungarian primary schools who participated in the ‘without borders!’ programme during the 2013/2014 school year. after recording a total number of 256 entries into our database, the first major challenge was to identify and standardize the geographical names given in the forms. all the visited geographical areas are located in the territory of the ‘historic hungary’ (as the kingdom of hungary before 1920 is often referred to), thus practically all the visited settlements have a traditional hungarian name widely used in colloquial speech besides their official administrative name in the national language of the given country (e.g. košice in slovakia is called kassa in hungarian). although hungarian speakers living in the territory of hungary tend to use the hungarian settlement names almost exrátz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 57–71.62 clusively (many of them, especially the children, are not even familiar with the official romanian, slovakian, ukrainian etc. names), in the trip reports, probably due to their official character, mixed usage was found. another difficulty was using the shortened, conversational forms of geographical place names instead of the complete forms (for instance, using gyergyó instead of gyergyószentmiklós, i.e. gheorgheni in romania). in the end, the standardised database contains the (historical) hungarian as well as the official (administrative) place names of the visited settlements and other geographical entities. research findings nation-building strategy: the present-day political setting in the years leading up to the fall of the socialist system in 1989-1990, a significant aspect of social and political change was the erosion of internationalist ideology and the growing emphasis on national identity (csepeli, gy. 1991). solidarity with the fate of the hungarian minorities living outside the borders, and strengthening their ties with the motherland formed the ideological cornerstone of both the party that won the first free elections in 1990 (the hungarian democratic forum) and the subsequent right-wing and extreme right parties (bárdi, n. 2008). the political elite – in cooperation with the world federation of hungarians – supported the social and economic progress of the hungarian minority by various means (székely, i.g. 2019), and travel has become an integral part of a national reterritorialisation process (feischmidt, m. 2008). furthermore, the cooperation between twin cities has gradually become more intensive, and the position of hungarian-language higher education institutions was strengthened in the minority regions (csete, ö. et al. 2010). in the meantime, due to the higher living standards, a considerable number of persons of hungarian origin migrated to hungary from the neighbouring countries (especially from romania), and since they could settle down and integrate into the mainstream society easily, their example was followed by subsequent waves of friends and relatives. since the hungarian government intended to preserve the minority communities outside the borders (ablonczy, b. and bárdi, n. 2010), in doing so, a so-called ‘status act’ (act lxii of 2001 on hungarians living in neighbouring countries) was accepted in 2001 that granted various benefits and assistance (in e.g. employment, travel, culture, education, social security or health care) for those who declared themselves to be of hungarian nationality and claimed a so-called ‘hungarian identity card’. following the accession to the european union, the transport infrastructure has improved, crossing the borders has become easier, which resulted in the increase of vfr tourism. in 2003, the world federation of hungarians proposed a referendum in order to promote the preferential naturalization of hungarians without hungarian citizenship. although in the referendum held on 5th december 2004 the majority (51.6%) of votes were cast in favour of granting dual citizenship to ethnic hungarians living in the neighbouring countries, only 37.5 per cent of the eligible voters participated, thus the motion failed, since it had to be supported by at least 25 per cent of the electorate. the failure of the referendum and the razor-close results caused shock and disappointment among those who felt responsible for the fate of hungarian minorities and who stood for the unity of the hungarian nation. as an aftermath, the psychological state of the hungarian minorities and their representatives was characterized by desperation and frustration for a long time. the role of the ‘without borders!’ programme in achieving nation-building goals the lessons of the failed referendum encouraged decision-makers who came to power in 2010 to use more creative measures to strengthen the sense of national identity in 63rátz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 57–71. the hungarian society. since those born after world war 2 were socialized in an educational environment where the ‘trianon issue’ was suppressed and the ideology of internationalism dominated, generations grew up feeling disinterested in the fate of hungarians living outside the borders. considerable change in this general attitude can most probably be achieved among the youngest age groups, students of primary and secondary schools, by awakening them to the fact that the hungarian nation is not limited to those who live in hungary, that there are many communities outside the borders who have preserved their mother tongue, culture and traditions. the most effective way to reach this goal is through personal experiences, so the government decided to support and encourage encounters with hungarians living in the territory of the former kingdom of hungary in the carpathian basin (csete, ö. 2011). a journey full of experiences, made together with one’s school community, may create long-lasting memories in 13-16 years old youth. if the trip focuses on components of national identity that were previously included in lessons on history, geography, hungarian literature, arts or music, then the participants are more likely to grow up as conscientious citizens who feel a certain sense of responsibility for the fate of hungarian minorities outside the borders. the programme was first announced in 2010, with the objective of giving chance to students of primary (7th grade) and secondary (3rd grade) schools to visit and to get acquainted with hungarian communities living in the carpathian basin, in the hope that the personal experiences gained during these trips will be shared with the participants’ friends and family, thus reducing the general ignorance about hungarian minorities living outside the borders. (resolution 101/2010. (x. 21.) of the hungarian parliament introduced the day of national unity, partly with the objective to establish and strengthen relations between hungarian and trans border youth.) an additional aim of the initiative was to encourage students to later revisit these or similar areas, or return to these destinations as adults in the future (csete, ö. 2011). the hungarian government supported the implementation of the programme by funding a certain number of trips each year: 177 excursions were realized in the school year of 2010/2011, and 393 trips in the school year of 2013/2014. the present study is based on the analysis of 256 journeys made by 7th grade (13-year-old) primary school groups in 2013/2014. the application procedure as a complex orientation tool the tender dossier of the ‘without borders!’ programme published in 2013 (bga-13ha-01) specified the countries eligible as destinations for state-supported school trips to hungarian-inhabited areas. the applicants could choose all the neighbouring countries but austria as their destination. the targeted age group was 13 years-old. however, no other restrictions were applied: the programme was open to all applicants from private or public schools, from all around the country. in the school year of 2013/2014, 256 excursions were successfully completed. the participating schools represented 155 towns or villages in hungary: 14.8 per cent of the participants travelled from budapest, 18.4 per cent from major cities, 44.2 per cent from towns and 22.6 per cent from villages. thus, most successful applicants were located in cities or towns (77.4%), which generally have more developed educational institutions with more experience or higher capacity in procuring external funding. the analysis of the regional distribution of the participating schools revealed a significant spatial imbalance within the country: while central hungary and transdanubia accounted for 66–66 successful applications respectively, in eastern hungary this figure reached 124. this result might be explained, one the one hand, by the relatively unfavourable financial situation of the students in the economically less developed eastern hungary region rátz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 57–71.64 (they might have been more motivated to travel abroad within the framework of this programme, due to the lack of alternative options). on the other hand, the geographical location, i.e. the proximity and the accessibility of the potential destination areas might have also influenced the higher involvement of schools located in eastern hungary. an important condition of successful applications was to spend at least one night in the visited country (making the programme relevant from a tourism point of view). in addition, participants were obliged to organise activities that fulfilled at least one of the following criteria: be directly connected to the students’ schoolwork (1), or have an educational (2), or cultural focus (3). furthermore, the government urged participants to take on various optional assignments that could help cultivating the relationship with hungarian minority communities living abroad. the programme of each group had to be built in three stages: before the trip, the students participated in preparatory, motivational activities, while after the excursion, in the evolution stage they discussed their experiences and shared them with the public (usually on their school’s website). the success of an application was significantly influenced by its compliance with the government’s objectives of nation-building, i.e. by the extent of planning activities and ceremonies jointly organised with hungarians living abroad. although the timing of the trips was not determined by the tender dossier, certain dates strongly associated with hungarian national identity were preferred, such as the day of hungarian inventors (13th june), the day of hungarian science (3rd november), the day of hungarian culture (22nd january), and the following national holidays or remembrance days endorsed by the state: – 6th october (memorial day for the martyrs of arad); – 23rd october (memorial day of the 1956 revolution); – 15th march (memorial day of the 1848 revolution); – 4th june (day of national unity). the spatial and temporal characteristics of the trips despite the fact that the tender dossier specified ukraine as a preferred destination, the detailed analysis of the trips reveals that the majority of the participants avoided hungary’s north-eastern neighbour (which might have been related to the country’s political conflict with russia since march 2014). romania, on the other hand, proved to be the obvious winner of the ‘without borders!’ programme, as 70 per cent of the participating schools chose the country as their destination. slovakia was ranked second, with 22.3 per cent of the trips realised in its territory, followed by serbia (4.7%), slovenia (2.0%), croatia and ukraine (0.4–0.4%, respectively). these results are strongly linked to the geographical location of the hungarian minority communities living outside the borders as well as the historic value and the cultural heritage of the visited regions. practically all (99.2%) the analysed trips took place in the second semester of the 2013/2014 school year (8.7% in march, 16.2% in april, 44.8% in may and 30.3% in june) (figure 1). following the general practice of school excursions, the organizers tended to prefer the month of may as it is near the end of the school year and is likely to provide optimal weather conditions. however, the detailed assessment of the departure dates clearly reflects the nation-building objectives of the trips. 86.5 per cent of the excursions in march were scheduled to leave between 12th and 14th march, providing participants with the opportunity to celebrate the national holiday together with the transborder hungarian communities. while april and may did not show any temporal concentration, 88.4 per cent of the june trips started between 1st and 4th june, in order to include the day of national unity in the programme. the spatial analysis of the realised trips in two most popular target countries, romania (figure 2, a) and slovakia (figure 2, b) shows that the range of settlements visited by the participating students is extremely diversified. although we can identify certain concentrations in both countries, the high overall 65rátz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 57–71. number of settlements suggests that the groups made a conscious effort to optimally use the available funds and to maximise their experiences. the total number of visited places was 231 in romania and 115 in slovakia, while the average number of settlements visited during one trip reached 11 in romania and 9 in slovakia. the most popular destinations were major cities and/ or places with significant cultural, historic heritage, such as oradea/nagyvárad (visited by 57.2% of groups travelling to the country), cluj/kolozsvár (56.7%) and miercurea ciuc/ csíkszereda (46.1%) in romania; rožňava/ rozsnyó (43.9%), košice/kassa (40.4%) and bratislava/pozsony (36.8%) in slovakia. nation-building tourist programmes and experiences the trips taken within the framework of the ‘without borders!’ programme helped strengthen the participants’ national identity and contributed to nation-building. the programmes of the excursions generally complied with the project’s objectives, and thus included various activities that could increase the value of the applications during the review process. consequently, the trips followed a predetermined theme, the information provided was linked to the school curriculum, and the teachers used a variety of pedagogical and methodological tools to create experiences and deepen the students’ knowledge acquired during their stay abroad. the programmes often included joint activities with local peers as well as initiatives to contribute to the visited community. sharing celebrations were particularly important elements of certain trips, especially if the dates of the journey coincided with that of a hungarian national holiday or a remembrance day. considering that national identity is rooted, on the one hand, in glorious historic events and personalities as well as in fig. 1. temporal characteristics of the analysed trips by calendar date. source: edited by the authors based on data collected by emet. national holiday (15 march) th 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 0 3 .0 1 0 3 .0 4 0 3 .0 7 0 3 .1 0 0 3 .1 3 0 3 .1 6 0 3 .1 9 0 3 .2 2 0 3 .2 5 0 3 .2 8 0 3 .3 1 0 4 .0 3 0 4 .0 6 0 4 .0 9 0 4 .1 2 0 4 .1 5 0 4 .1 8 0 4 .2 1 0 4 .2 4 0 4 .2 7 0 4 .3 0 0 5 .0 3 0 5 .0 6 0 5 .0 9 0 5 .1 2 0 5 .1 5 0 5 .1 8 0 5 .2 1 0 5 .2 4 0 5 .2 7 0 5 .3 0 0 6 .0 2 0 6 .0 5 0 6 .0 8 0 6 .1 1 0 6 .1 4 0 6 .1 7 0 6 .2 0 0 6 .2 3 0 6 .2 6 0 6 .2 9 total slovakia romania n rátz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 57–71.66 fig. 2. romanian (a) and slovakian (b) destinations of “without borders!” school trips, 2013/2014. source: edited and designed by the authors based on data collected by emet. past traumas and victims and, on the other hand, in nurturing the mother tongue and its dialects, preserving literary monuments and material and immaterial cultural traditions, the thematic design of the trips was also based on these values. most of the trips had general, broadly defined themes, such as ‘searching for literary and historic facts in transylvania’, ‘cultural-historic adventures in upper hungary’, and ‘the relationship of the natural and the built environment’, in order to comply with the requirements and, at the a b 67rátz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 57–71. same time, preserve a certain degree of flexibility in planning the itinerary and the activities. however, many historic and cultural figures4 were also highlighted in the themes: icons whose lives and activities were strongly connected with areas outside the current hungarian borders. only a relatively small number of trips had an explicitly national identity-building theme (e.g. ‘joint celebration of national unity – forming a responsible community’) or an overtly religious theme (e.g. ‘exemplary co-existence: religious diversity in transcarpathia’). a classification of the activities described in the trip reports reveals that visiting historic and cultural sites (such as battlefields, birthplaces, cemeteries), sacred places (churches, pilgrimage sites), and the frontiers of historical hungary were included in almost every excursion (in 255 out of 256). in addition, meeting hungarian-speaking peers, joining classes in the local schools, sharing meals, participating in cultural events, singing and dancing were also essential elements of the programmes (245/256). forest hiking, climbing, caving and walking also had an important role (209/256). the participants also tried to find ways to contribute to the local community e.g. by gardening, cleaning or giving gifts (181/256). doing sports together, especially playing football, was also reported as a popular activity (119/256), however, joint celebrations with trans-border hungarians were less common (85/256). 4 among others: árpád, leader of the hungarian tribes who conquered the carpathian basin in the 9th century and founder of the house of árpád (895–1301); saint ladislaus i of hungary (1040–1095); jános hunyadi, general and governor, leading commander against the ottoman army (1407–1456); matthias i, a renaissance king and a popular hero of hungarian folk tales (1443–1490); prince ferenc rákóczi ii, leader of the 1703–1711 uprising against the habsburgs (1676–1735); sándor petőfi, poet, one of the key figures of the 1848–1849 revolution against the habsburgs, who died in the battle of sighişoara/ segesvár (1823–1849); kálmán mikszáth, novelist, journalist and politician from upper hungary (1847–1910); áron tamási, transylvanian novelist (1897–1966); jános bolyai, mathematician, one of the founders of non-euclidean geometry (1802–1860). the analysis of the various activities described in the trip reports resulted in the following classification of the core components of the students’ memorable experiences: the conscious appreciation of hungarian identity (a), the excitement of their first trip abroad (b), and the expression of joy of being in a community (c). a) during the trips, the participants had the opportunity to experience and to consciously reflect on hungarian identity on many different occasions. meeting hungarians living outside the borders and spending time in a hungarian-speaking environment increased the students’ awareness of a greater nationalcultural community. this experience was further reinforced by following the footsteps and encountering the heritage of icons and symbols of hungarian history and culture ‘abroad’. “it was a great experience that everybody was happy to speak in hungarian with the children.” (hat/198/2014, trip made from lepsény to slovakia.) b) most of the participants could also enjoy the excitement of their first tourist experience. some students had never travelled before, so for them this trip was the first step into the world of tourism, while for many others this was their first international journey, and crossing a border and spending time abroad were the factors that made the excursion truly memorable (during the analysed period, slovakia and slovenia were already members of the schengen area, but as the analysis of the trip reports indicates, even crossing an ‘invisible’ border was seen as an adventure by many students). “for most of us this was the first chance to leave our country, thus crossing the border was a big experience for us.” (hat/103/2014, trip made from gyomaendrőd to slovakia.) c) all the participants could benefit from the joy of community life. casual encounters outside the classroom, the birth of new friendships or the deepening of existing ones, participating in shared activities, sports, games, meals, social work or giving gifts all contributed to experiencing positive feelings among the students. rátz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 57–71.68 “we were really happy to give gifts to poor children. they were almost in shock of joy and we also felt the same as we saw the light in their eyes.” (hat/27/2014, trip made from hódmezővásárhely to romania.) the three types of experiences strengthened each other in a synergic manner, and together led to reinforcing and intensifying the students’ sense of national identity. sharing them with one’s friends and family as well as disseminating them in the form of jointly designed websites also helped in creating long-lasting impressions and memories. conclusions the end of the socialist regime in 1989–1990 brought about significant changes in the relationships between the mother nation and the hungarian communities living outside the country’s borders. the partly concealed, predominantly cultureand education-oriented dialogue of the previous decades was gradually replaced by a publicly voiced intent of political and legal relations with the mother country. the increasing political engagement of the hungarian state with the hungarian communities located beyond the borders, based on the earlier repressed principles of national solidarity and responsibility for the fate of minorities, included supporting ethnic hungarian political parties in the neighbouring countries, encouraging different levels of autonomy aspirations, assisting the development of higher education institutions and study programmes in hungarian language, and granting dual citizenship to persons of hungarian origin. however, the reception of the government’s national policy aiming to create a trans-border sense of cohesion was ambiguous in the mother country, particularly with regard to the preferential granting of citizenship and the subsequent ability of non-residents to vote in the hungarian elections. it was thus realised that deeper changes in the hungarian population’s inherited attitudes concerning national identity and kinship with communities living beyond the borders could only be achieved gradually, through the education of young generations. since personal experiences may powerfully affect one’s beliefs and attitudes, organised school trips offering personal encounters with hungarians living outside the country were expected to contribute to a stronger sense of national cohesion and identity among the future generations, enhancing their adherence to the government’s political commitment to minorities. the ‘without borders!’ programme was launched by the hungarian government to give students of public education a chance to visit hungarian territories outside the borders within the framework of state-sponsored school trips. the aims of the project were clearly defined: creation and strengthening of national identity in 7th grade primary school students and 3rd grade secondary school students. the programme urged the implementation of activities that directly promoted the awareness of national unity. most of the participants of the programme chose romania, more precisely transylvania as their destination, a region that has the largest population of hungarian minority and is rich in hungarian historical and cultural monuments. the settlements visited during the supported school trips were iconic pilgrimage sites of hungarian culture. the journeys were scheduled throughout the spring semester, with a temporal concentration around politically and culturally important dates such as the 15th march national holiday and the 4th june remembrance day of national unity. the organised activities and the consequent experiences were considerably pre-determined by the tender dossier, providing the participants with a wide range of opportunities to appreciate national identity. sharing these experiences with their classmates in a foreign country, and later with their friends, family and the public, contributed to the development of memorable experiences. due to the fact that the educational tourism-related activities of adolescents are a 69rátz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 57–71. significantly underrepresented topic in the international literature, the findings of this paper have contributed to filling an existing gap. although the analysis of trip reports submitted in one single year does not allow us to conclude whether the ‘without borders!’ programme is an effective tool in achieving long term national policy objectives, the results suggest that sharing celebrations of national holidays and memorial days as well as visiting settlements related to iconic figures of hungarian culture, science and history promoted hungarian consciousness among the participants. whether the trips made by the investigated school groups into hungarian territories outside the borders indeed brought about long term changes in their sense of national identity would require repeat studies focusing on the same sample. however, this would only be possible with the active involvement of both emet and the students in question. since the original reporting framework was not created with a follow-up study in mind, a mostly qualitative methodology could be used to compare, on the one hand, the participants’ post-trip perceptions on the visit’s impact on their national identity with their current attitudes and, on the other hand, their levels of acknowledgement, then and now, of the minority communities’ role in the development of hungarian culture. complemented by a quantitative component to register any further visits following the first study trip to hungarian territories outside the borders, a more complex and more accurate picture could be created concerning the effectiveness of national identity development through school trips. it has been acknowledged since the early ages of scientific tourism research that the tourism system exists in a complex environment and its development is heavily influenced by a wide range of factors including politics. the political environment’s impacts may be observed in a variety of shapes including, among others, state ownership of tourism facilities, national development plans and marketing campaigns, visa systems, travel warnings, exchange rate manipulations, or providing holiday opportunities for disadvantaged social groups via social tourism. however, the political environment generally influences the tourism phenomenon in an indirect, regulatory manner, based on predominantly economic considerations, by limiting the state’s involvement to providing the necessary framework which, in turn, may affect individuals’ travel behaviour. the intention or actual practice of ideological influence on the tourism system is usually found in societies where consumer behaviour is perceived as a moral or political act – such as in the former socialist countries –, and the state considers its mission to educate its citizens to ensure their ‘correct’ attitudes, behaviour and identity (e.g. in the case of pioneer camps, the world festivals of youth and students organised since 1947, or the current development of ‘red tourism’ in china). generally, participation in tourism is considered a leisure activity as well as a contribution to economic development, and the indicators of success are e.g. guest nights, per capita spending or occupancy rates. although many countries seem to promote staycations and domestic tourism as a special form of patriotism, these campaigns are also usually built on financial arguments. in the case of the ‘without borders!’ programme however, ideological principles were given priority over economic considerations, and the fact that adolescents, an especially sensible social segment, were involved, made the project particularly relevant for further investigation. as the findings confirmed, the political influence was indeed observed in the preparatory phase of the trips as the itineraries and programmes complied to a high extent with the project’s requirements, thus making the feeling of national unity a crucial element of the students’ memorable tourist experience. acknowledgements: authors would like to thank the hungarian scientific research fund (otka) for the financial support of this paper. project number otka k 100953. rátz, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 57–71.70 r e f e r e n c e s ablonczy, b. and bárdi, n. 2010. határon túli magyarok: mérleg, esély, jövő (hungarians abroad: balance, chance, future). in határon túli magyarság a 21. században. ed.: bitskey, b., budapest, köztársasági elnöki hivatal, 9–32. abubakar, a.m., shneikat, b.h.t. and oday, a. 2014. motivational factors for educational tourism: a case study in northern cyprus. tourism management perspectives 11. 58–62. a. gergely, a. 2012. 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hall, m.c. and frost, w. 2009; nash, r. 2014). 1 department of cultural history, faculty of humanities, institute of historical studies, elte eötvös loránd university, múzeum krt. 6–8, 1088 budapest, hungary. e-mail: koszegi.margit@btk.elte.hu 2 institute of geography, faculty of natural sciences, p.j. šafárik university. 041 80 šrobárova 1014/2, 04001 košice, slovakia. e-mails: alena.gessert@upjs.sk, janetta.dicka@upjs.sk 3 aggtelek national park directorate, tengerszem oldal 1. h-3758 jósfafő, hungary. e-mail: info.anp@t-online.hu 4 department of social and economic geography. faculty of science, institute of geography and earth sciences, elte eötvös loránd university, pázmány péter sétány 1/c, 1117 budapest, hungary. e-mail: agria@gmx.net social assessment of national parks through the example of the aggtelek national park margit k ős z e g i 1, alena g e s s e r t 2, janetta n e s t o r o v á-d i c k á2, péter g r u b e r 3 and zsolt b o t t l i k 4 abstract karst areas, which are less involved in productive activities are often declared protected areas that can have a positive impact on the lives of the local communities. to verify this hypothesis, we examine karst areas, where national parks have been established to preserve mostly geological but also biological values. according to the threefold system of objectives in national parks, not only protection and conservation, but also the presentation of the natural values to the outside world is important. thus, tourism and related services are essential and often exclusive economic activities in these protected areas. our questions are how national parks appear in the daily lives of the local communities and how much locals perceive the beneficial effects of national parks. the selected area of our study is the gömör-torna / gemer-turňa karst on the hungarian-slovak border, where national parks have been established on both side of the border (aggtelek national park in hungary and slovak karst national park in slovakia) to preserve karst landforms and caves. we conducted structured interviews with leaders of settlements in and around the national park. interviews reveal the ambivalent system of everyday relationships. local communities are experiencing multiple conflicts with national parks. the conflicts stem from the contrast that usually occurs within the threefold system of objectives of national parks (the tension between the practice of protection/preservation and presentation). locals are negatively affected by the presence of national park as an authority, which limits to some extent their economic activities. they perceive national parks as barriers that prevents them from building a more diversified economy, so the existence of the national park is seen by the majority as a disadvantage rather than an advantage. some people even question the need to protect nature, which can be seen as a legacy of the former socialist regime. thus, we conclude that there is a need to change the attitudes of local communities more positive towards nature conservation. keywords: national park, human environment relationship, preservation protection, presentation received february 2022, accepted june 2022. kőszegi, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 149–162.150 our research group, which has been studying the relationship between man and the environment for many years, focuses on national parks in karst areas (kőszegi, m. et al. 2019; telbisz, t. et al. 2020; telbisz, t. and mari, l. 2020). national parks can also be interpreted as symbolic spaces for dissolving the dichotomy between man and nature (kőszegi, m. et al. 2015). as a basic idea of our research, we suggested that the utilisation of limestone areas (that are less involved in productive activities) for touristic purposes can have a positive impact on the communities living there. one of the sample areas of our investigations is the gömör-torna/gemer-turňa karst on the slovak-hungarian border. on the hungarian side, the aggtelek national park, on the slovak side, the slovak karst national park. these are connected protected areas, separated by a border (telbisz, t. et al. 2014, 2020). the questions in our research presented here are as follows. how do national parks appear in the daily lives of the communities? what is the assessment of national parks? do locals perceive the beneficial effects of national parks, which we assume? we sought answers through interviews with local community leaders. theoretical background – the national park as a social actor from the very beginning, the existence of national parks has been determined by a threefold system of objectives (comstock, t.b. 1874; waugh, f.a. 1918; kőszegi, m. et al. 2019). the basic idea of the national park, the need to keep the stunning landscape, was first articulated by catlin, g. (1844) in the 19th century. catlin says pristine places are treasures of special beauty that must be protected and preserved for future generations and shown to the rest of the world (nash, r. 2014). preserve, protect, and present – basic terms for discourses related to national parks. in addition to the preservation of the “wilderness”, and in connection with this, the protection of the natural values found in the demarcated area also appears. at the same time, the third pillar is influenced by the intention to make protected nature accessible and open to people for their recreational activities (anfield, j. 1993; mayer, m. 2010; byström, j. and müller, d.k. 2014; dollma, m. 2019; bollobani, e. and uruçi, r. 2019; telbisz, t. et al. 2020). the national park is present in our study as a social construction that has an impact on the local communities associated with it (whatmore, s. 2006). we looked for the actors of power that play a role in shaping these effects, in creating and operating the frameworks. regulatory actors appear at different levels, i.e., different scales. the formed hierarchy is shown in table 1. a special organisation, the iucn (international union for conservation of nature and natural resources), was set up in 1948 to organise nature conservation worldwide. the associated wcpa (world commission on protected areas) has classified protected areas according to management objectives (table 2). the iucn and wcpa do not provide a binding classification and regulatory system. the guidelines set out in their documents can help individual countries to organise nature conservation (bishop, k. et al. 2004). they also have an impact on the laws of individual states, which is why we called the role of the iucn symbolic in the first table. at the international level, continental factors also play a role in shaping the rules for national parks. among them, the european union’s nature conservation directives are the most important in the national parks we have examined (van beeck calkoen, s.t.s. et al. 2020). the best known is the european ecological network, natura 2000, whose main goal is to preserve and protect natural values and biodiversity. the formal definition of national parks as social actors is primarily a matter of statelevel regulation. in hungary, for example, the protection of nature is regulated by a law enacted in 1996 (act liii of 1996 on the protection of nature). the introductory text of the law mentions the general objectives in 151kőszegi, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 149–162. line with international guidelines, including the protection of natural areas and the threefold system of objectives for national parks (these are highlighted in the text): “recognising that natural values and natural areas are a special and irreplaceable part of the national wealth, their maintenance, management, improvement of their condition, preservation for present and future generations, ensuring the economical and rational management of natural resources, the protection of natural heritage and biological diversity and the establishment of a harmonious relationship between man and nature, in accordance with our international obligations, as an essential condition for the survival of mankind, requires the establishment of effective protection of nature and therefore constitute the following law:… ” with the increase in the social distance between the local community and the actors belonging to the national park, a symbolic interpretation can be observed in public thinking. in the absence of a direct connection, the state as an actor becomes an abstract concept and symbol for local communities. the same goes for the national park directorate. at the same time, employees of the national park or local leaders (mayors, municipal employees) are more of a direct experience for the local population (selby, a. et al. 2011). in this paper, we focus on the relationship between national parks and local communities, specifically from the community side. in line with the research questions, we examine how the symbolic role of national parks and the interpretation of their international and national system of objectives occur at the local level. on the other hand, we also explore the image that is formed by gaining direct experience. it also provides information on the specifics of the operation defined by the different actors. the threefold system of objectives in national parks and the local representatives of the current state power must cooperate in everyday life in such a way that they can even balance conflicting interests (carruthers, j. 1989; arnberger, a. and schoissengeier, r. 2012; yakusheva, n. 2019; arpin, i. and cosson, a. 2021; fienitz, m. et al. 2022). based on the literature, we can assume that the contradiction between protection/preservation and demonstration works here at the local level as well (fine, k. 1988; turner, r.w. 2000; eagles, p.f.j. 2002; dexler, sz. et al. 2003; nolte, b. 2004; west, p. et al. table 2. the classification of protected areas according to the wcpa classification name ia ib ii iii iv v vi strict nature reserve wilderness area national park natural monument or feature habitat/species management area protected landscape/seascape protected area with sustainable use of natural resources table 1. actors regulating the operation of national parks scales, levels actors role in regulation and enforcement impact on the lives of local communities global continental iucn european union symbolic indirect national regional local state national park directorate municipalities practical direct kőszegi, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 149–162.152 2006; juutinen, a. et al. 2011; sabo, h.m. 2012; zgłobicki, w. and baran-zgłobicka, b. 2013; bell, j. and stockdale, a. 2015; gaynor, a. 2017; widawsky, k. and jary, z. 2019; esfandiar, k. et al. 2021). the protection of values is opposed by the economic interests associated with services, especially tourism, which can generate conflicts in the lives of communities (anfield, j. 1993; wallsten, p. 2003; szalai, k. and szilágyi, zs. 2007; puhakka, r. 2008; arnberger, a. et al. 2018, 2019; kim, m. and jakus, p.m. 2019; warchalska-troll, a. 2019). at the same time, official activities restricting traditional economic activities in communities are often at the root of conflicts (aagesen, d. 2000; trakolis, d. 2001; anderson m.k. and barbour, m.g. 2003; mukherjee, a. 2009; daim, m.s. et al. 2011; hidle, k. 2019). another factor is the contrast between the nihilistic environmental mind set of nature in the former eastern bloc and the protection of nature (cohn, j.p. 1992; habeck, m. 2004; petrova, s. et al. 2009). distrust of the state and state-owned areas, including national parks, is also a post-socialist feature (schwartz, k.z.s. 2006; niedziakowsi, k. et al. 2014). these factors are also reflected in the attendance at the national park, which we also expected in the interviews (arnberger, a. et al. 2012; pietrzyk-kaszyńska, a. et al. 2012; marcel, g. 2013; getzner, m. and švajda j. 2015; schamel, j. and job, h. 2017; gessert, a. et al. 2018; stemberk, j. et al. 2018; mateusz, r. 2021). study area and research methodology our research area is the aggtelek national park and the slovak karst national park (figure 1). the protected areas were established in the aggtelek karst and the slovak karst. both are part of the gömör-torna/gemerturňa karst. the peculiarity of both national parks is that they were created specifically to protect geological values, i.e. karst forms and caves (veress, m. and unger, z. 2015; telbisz, t. and mari, l. 2020). the aggtelek karst became a national park in 1985 and the slovak karst in 2002 (szvoboda, l. 1998). the aggtelek and the slovak karst caves have been a world heritage site since 1995. the protected karst areas on the hungarian-slovak border are adjacent to each other. due to their border situation, they are peripheries in both countries (potter, r.b. and beynon, b. 2000; telbisz, t. et al. 2014, 2020; gálosi kovács, b. and horváth, g. 2018). the natural endowments of the karst areas posed challenges before modernity, but even after the industrial revolution they did not have the economic potential to change the situation of the periphery due to the natural endowments (jakál, j. 1975; telbisz, t. et al. 2015, 2016). mining, which was linked to forced industrialisation during the period of socialism, was loss-making. the mines were closed, leaving only environmental damage and unemployment (geraszimov, i.p. 1978; horváth, i. et al. 1979; cohn, j.p. 1992; habeck, m. 2004). far from the larger centres (košice on the slovak side, miskolc on the hungarian side), the villages of the regions with poorer infrastructure, located in the shadow of traffic, are ageing communities, and there are many commuters among their inhabitants. locally, there are few job opportunities for them, and their livelihood as entrepreneurs and employees is directly or indirectly linked to the tourism of the national park, the municipalities, and the institutions they maintain (such as schools; tózsa, i. 1996; telbisz, t. et al. 2014). in our research, we conducted guided conversations with the leaders of the local governments. we were more successful on the hungarian side in conducting the interviews. on the hungarian side, the selected settlements included aggtelek and jósvafő within the aggtelek national park, as well as villages (bódvaszilas, perkupa, szin, szögliget, tornakápolna and trizs) in the immediate vicinity of the national park. in slovakia, the mayors of kecső, located within slovak karst national park, and of rožňava, the largest settlement closest to the slovak karst, could only be interviewed. interviews were con153kőszegi, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 149–162. ducted in 2018 and 2019. there is only one woman among the respondents. according to age, the range of interviewees ranged from 23 to 70 years. the conversations took place along pre-defined questions. everyone was given the same set of questions (structured interview). audio recordings and notes were also made of the interviews. the questions were as follows (beyond the basic data): the social situation of the settlement: how do you see the situation of the settlement where you live? how has the situation changed in recent decades (if you have lived here for a long time)? has there been any change since the “abolition” of borders (schengen, 2007)? what future do you see for the settlement? if you got money for development, what would you spend the most on? karst landscape: what does it mean to live in a “karst region”? what are the values of the landscape? to what extent are traditional forms of farming still present? is it important to maintain or possibly recreate them? is it good to live fig. 1. the area of the selected national parks and the nearby settlements kőszegi, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 149–162.154 here? is karst more a blessing or a curse? do you visit the sights of the national park? with what regularity? connection to the national park: is it more advantageous or a disadvantage for the people living here? what are the positive benefits of the national park for the locals? what is more of a disadvantage? what are the most common conflicts? what are the relationships with the national park? of the settlement, approximately how many people work directly at the national park? how many are indirectly affected? tourism: are the impacts of tourism felt in the settlement? where do tourists come from? does the municipality itself strive to develop tourism? would it be nice if more tourists came to the settlement? are there any harmful effects of tourism? which form of tourism should be developed? what is the proportion of holiday homes in the settlement? summary, evaluation questions: overall, does the national park contribute to the development of the settlement? is it important to you that “the national park is part of our national heritage, and we can be proud of it”? which title do you feel more important: part of a national park/world heritage site? using the answers to the above questions, we present the assessment of the selected karst national parks based on the opinions of the local community leaders. respondents are distinguished by codes in the text. as we only had two interviewees from the slovak side, we do not indicate the country separately in the text to avoid identification. in the next subsection, we explore the symbolic, value-bound interpretation of the national park as a social actor through conversations. afterwards, we present the practical side, the everyday experiences, and the challenges of coexistence. thereafter, we examine the possibility of merging the two, the assessment of tourism (which was also considered useful from an economic point of view). finally, we devote a separate subchapter to the peculiarities that make people distrustful of the national park as a legacy of the socialist past. results social perception of the national park as a symbolic actor leadership conversations agree that it is a pride for a local person to live in or near a national park. the term “glory” was used in several interviews. the landscape is a value that the state and the world appreciate. it is difficult to separate the love of the birthplace from the values of the national park. “this is my home; i can’t put it into words.” (i1), “this place is beautiful; i don’t want to live anywhere else.” (i5). compared to other landscapes, the emotional attachment also appears: “coming home from the great plain or the coast, i think: well, that’s beautiful.” (i9). however, it is difficult to relate to the common value as a local. locals don’t necessarily see what others are willing to travel for (from other parts of the country, from different parts of the world). “it doesn’t mean much to those who live here.” (i3), “it doesn’t even occur to me; i’ve been living here for over 50 years.” (i2), “i was born here, it’s natural for me.” (i8), “the value of this does not appear to the local population. the thinking of those who live here should be shaped in this. in the forest they see not the beauty but the firewood.” (i10). leaders agree that locals do not visit the national park’s main attraction, the caves. a sign of mistrust is that the existence of the national parks is seen as a construction of power. the operation of national parks is not a local initiative. “others are pointing out that it’s worth something.” (i4). one leader traced the reason for this back to decades of partystate dictatorship: “in the period of socialism, man is accustomed to everything belonging to the state, so he does not realise that this is a national value. the cave belongs to the state in the consciousness of the people.” (i9). one mayor said of protected birds: “they are like fairy-tale dragons. the national park only guesses them, but no one has seen one yet.” (i2). the locals distance themselves from the caves and barely visit them. even mayors only go there for representation purposes. 155kőszegi, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 149–162. they mentioned the caves in the interviews only if the question is specifically about the caves. they do not see them as their own, they are not bound by them, and they see in them the property of the state. “many of the seniors haven’t even been to the cave yet. the former miners don’t really appreciate it.” (i7), “as a teacher, it was my duty to go to the caves with the kids. as mayor, i don’t go with guests. i have no guests who are interested in this. i don’t brag about the national park.” (i2), “for locals, the national park is the cave.” (i8). one of the mayors listed the values of the area at length and then concluded: “the caves may be additional values” (i9), “it is not the cave that is first, but the other values of the national park that can be marvelled at every day.” (i4). the surface landscape is an integral part of life. locals talk about it as their own. the picturesque backgrounds of the positive home image and the basis of their economic activities. “the limestone, the karst waters, the forest, including old stone roads that connected this region to košice.” (i10). the beauty and treasure of the landscape is the primary source of attachment. “i don’t tie the natural environment, the mountains, the waters, the forests, the wildlife to the national park, because i grew up in the woods, i played in the stream.” (i5), “values here are mountains, trees, heights, waters (springs), flora and fauna. one of the most beautiful places in hungary and in the world (i’ve been to a couple of places; i’ve seen a lot). it is also a value from a health point of view (such as karst water).” (i9), “the wilderness is a value. locals used to live better with nature. it was much better in terms of health. now our world is shrinking. today, children are also frightened by the boundless nature. we need good professionals who show nature in an experiential way, for both children and adults.” (i1). recreational interpretation of the national park is essential in local communities. “beauty alone is not enough, it could be better utilised, filled with content” (i6), “for a long time, it was all about aggtelek and jósvafő, but it’s already opening up so that tourists can stay as long as possible.” (i8). the importance of tourism is also related to the situation of settlements, which is presented in the next chapter. life in the “shadow” of the national park – the social assessment of the situation of the settlements the possibility of preserving untouched nature is possible in landscapes that provide less favourable conditions for human activities (glendinning, m. 2003; west, p. et al. 2006; frost, w. and hall, m. 2009; kőszegi, m. et al. 2019). thus, only small communities are connected to national parks. communities that are far from urban centres emerging through modernisation. they do not offer the economic potential to deploy an economic activity that involves significant environmental transformation. careful transformations, on the other hand, lag people’s demands. the world of the city and its level of comfort is becoming more attractive. this is reinforced by the labour requirements of the centres. local communities are lagging behind the demand levels of the rising generations, and emigration is intensifying. “the most important issue is population. only 4–5 children are born each year.” (i1), “there are few children, the village is ageing, the elder are already 50 percent.” (i3), “demographic situation is serious.” (i4), “ageing is a big problem, within 10 years, if no miracle happens, three families will live in the village” (i9). there was no town leader who did not mention the problem of population. the reason for the population decline is seen as a lack of job opportunities. “jobs are rare locally and nearby.” (i3), “young people do not stay here due to lack of work. they migrate to the surrounding larger cities (mainly miskolc).” (i8), “there are few job opportunities in the area. in addition, it requires underpaid and unskilled labour.” (i1), “1990 was a break. the limestone quarry was closed, where 200 people worked (skilled workers, managers, clerks). producer cooperatives have been wound up (some 200 people have also been affected).” (i2), “the mine has been operating for a long time, unemployment began a generation later.” (i5), “young migrants don’t necessarily go to nearby cities. if so, towards kazincbarcika and miskolc.” (i7). in slovakia, košice and the capital, bratislava, have absorbed the rising generations. “there kőszegi, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 149–162.156 is no regular salary, people are migrating from the area to the capital city and even abroad.” (i4). local infrastructure and related public services are considered satisfactory by local leaders and are not cited as a reason for youth emigration. in addition to the school and the doctor’s office, pharmacies and general stores were highlighted. in some settlements, sewerage is waiting for public services. the development of telecommunications infrastructure is considered an important task for the future everywhere (the stagnant internet service in mountainous areas could be eliminated by using more modern technologies, but due to the small population, service providers are not interested in making costly developments). traditional farming methods are disappearing. “there are about ten farmers, the others have already given up. but families still keep animals (10–15 families deal with it). they prefer pigs, less poultry, but the former cattle and sheep herds are missing. the national park first drew boundaries, but now it would support animal husbandry, but there is no one to deal with it anymore.” (i1), “we are starting to urbanise; animal smells and sounds disturb your neighbours. there is confusion in the heads; they only keep dogs. the dog walk has started, it is the beginning of the end in the village. there are no cattle, there are three or four goats. people mow the grass, but there is nothing to eat it.” (i2), “the situation is not lucky from an agricultural point of view, but it is very good wildlife management.” (i3), “animal husbandry is fashionable again. not in the backyard, but on a large scale. it would be important because it should be an integral part of rural life.” (i9), “the plant should not be grown on karst because the soil is not good. ruminants should be grazed here. you don’t have to cut the grass, you have to graze the animals.” (i4). most of the local workers are public employees who are employed by either the municipality or the national park. “most people are employees of the municipality and state institutions.” (i5), „the main employer is the municipality.” (i7). „many people work at the national park. that’s why we’re glad the national park is here.” (i3), „the national park is also a state-owned company. they have a headcount; they can’t employ more people and their budgets are tight.” (i8), „there are two restaurants that employ at least 10 people, two shops, a national tobacco shop, a pub, a post office. all because of the national park, which is positive.” (i3), „there are entrepreneurs, mainly in services (e.g. shops).” (i10), „there is a lack of a suitably qualified workforce.” (i2), „other job opportunities are public utilities and logging.” (i1), „the church is also an employer here locally.” (i5). those who do not provide a local service work as commuters nationwide. the primary destinations of the commuters are ózd, kazincbarcika, miskolc and košice. “people also go abroad to work as construction workers.” (i2), „there are a lot of commuters: seasonal male workers who work abroad, those who work three shifts in miskolc, and those who work in smaller businesses in neighbouring settlements. even agricultural work is typical.” (i9), „the entrepreneurs of košice also come for the workforce.” (i5). there are also newcomers to the settlements (in recent decades) who are primarily attached to the national park. however, among those working in the national park, there are several who have moved out after a few years. another characteristic is that urban dwellers try to adapt to the rural way of life as a farmer but give up after a few years. real estate acquisitions are also common, but this does not necessarily mean population growth. „nonlocals buy local properties as holiday homes.” (i2). the slowly depopulating tornakápolna is in a special situation, where there has been a significant increase in recent years due to the previously low population. along with the mayor and his family moving to the village, another family arrived and took a job in the national park. they were followed by a few more families. they are private entrepreneurs who have a job in the city but have settled down because of the quiet village and the beauty of the landscape. synthesis of the symbolic role and practical aspects: the importance of tourism every local leader wants to stop and reverse the decades-long declining trend in popula157kőszegi, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 149–162. tion. the solution is seen in tourism. this requires infrastructural developments, the costs of which cannot be extracted by local communities. they are waiting for help from the national park, which represents the state, but are not exactly interested in the investments involved in the environmental transformation. at the same time, increasing the number of visitors is also in the interest of the national park and the local population, but the implementation poses difficult dilemmas for society. services would also address job shortages. “the key to the future in the workplace, improving working conditions, developing tourism. the old traditions should be supplemented with something else.” (i10), „the number of tourists is increasing. it also helps the locals indirectly: they bring benefits, they provide jobs.” (i3), „we hope that people will come here to rest.” (i8), „tourism is the future. it has no tradition, the livelihood was different, and the locals do not perceive the beauty and attractions of the place. this requires a change of attitude, which is only just beginning. quality tourism needs to be developed, there is much to be done” (i5), there are also sceptical voices: “there is nothing to do. no one in the country has been interested in the countryside for decades, and the change of regime has not helped either.” (i2). mayors see potential in tourism. “tourism is developing more and more. the cars fit last year. parking is already a problem this year.” (i3). however, they also express their doubts about this. a more diversified supply of jobs is seen as an ideal state. in addition to organic farming and food processing to meet urban needs, assembly plants would also be set up. these provide a livelihood for the low-skilled workforce. however, this is not compatible with the threefold system of objectives of the national park, so they can only think of the only economic sector that does not harm the symbolic principles and related rules. local and national (and international) interests can meet in tourism and catering. in tourism related to the national park, locals see opportunities primarily in accommodation. “it can be felt that accommodation is running out at certain events. there is always movement at the accommodation on the weekends.” (i1). municipalities also see it as a source of revenue. they are trying to use their properties to increase accommodation. the capacity of small settlements is characterised by the following answer: “10–15 families can make a living from it, but there are some families that specialise in providing the widest possible range of tourists.” (i8). however, barriers were indicated in all settlements. “the national park is best suited for active tourism, but it’s declining, people prefer comfort.” (i5). according to the mayors, the national park is not attractive enough. there are not enough tourists according to the special features of the place. “it would be nice if more people came.” (i4). visitors are only in the caves. there are no attractions that can still be attractive to them. “tourists just go to the cave, the rest is negligible.” (i7), “tourism is present, there are a lot of visitors on the weekends, mostly by car, but they only stop for a short time.” (i10). according to the mayors, investments would be needed that would encourage visitors to stay and spend more time. “investments could keep people here for several days.” (i8). the different ideas do not necessarily agree with the principles of the national park. “we wanted an adventure park, but the national park didn’t allow it because it didn’t fit in.” (i3), “it should be developed to spend more days here. not with accommodation, but with a program. for example, you need wellness accommodation because it’s an extra service.” (i1). the development of the spa and water tourism was mentioned as potential by all mayors. this is where they see the greatest opportunity to attract tourists. the need for cooperation was also expressed. “there aren’t many accommodations, but the guest doesn’t even stay local. the programs should be given priority, and this would require cooperation, even across the border (betlér, košice).” (i10), “there should be more festivals, events, the attraction is still missing; cooperation between villages is needed.” (i5). in addition to larger investments, they would also build on local specificities. “to present local specialities. garden, backyard, walking in the forest. to build on quiet village life. local products, interactive country house. local market and local product. local gastronomy, kőszegi, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 149–162.158 typical dishes. beekeepers’ good quality honey. preservation of traditions.” (i10). the costs of the plans would be passed on to the state. in return for restricting the lives of locals with a set of rules related to the national park. „i need government help. call for a state tender for the development of an amusement park.” (i3), „there is no room for improvement. we would try to strive for it, but they say we would rather not submit to the tenders.” (i2). coexistence with the national park how does the national park appear in the everyday lives of the locals? not as their own. rather as the “other”, whose presence must be endured. they must live with it because there is no other choice. the organisation of national parks is separate from the local administration. there is no overlap in budget or staff. the national park directorate, which operates the national park, is present as a foreign body in the lives of the locals. leaders say the population disapproves of the practical existence of the national park. “people don’t see the benefits of the national park. people who live here experience it more as a negative.” (i5), “those who live here and haven’t worked at the national park say it’s not good.” (i1), “locals see that national park workers are not using the things at their disposal wisely. for example, workers go to the same place in a separate car.” (i3), “national park workers don’t necessarily do what they advise people who live here. their negligence is often observed.” (i2). in addition, the workers in the national park often come from elsewhere and are not locals, so they are seen as strangers. the lack and inadequacy of contacts is mostly revealed by local leaders. “residents of the settlement have no connection with the national park” (i10), “when the last director was appointed, there was no introduction for local leaders. there is no live connection.” (i9), “we live on the edge of the national park (in fact, a piece of it is in the village), but we have no experience with it. it is neutral for us here.” (i2), “i need a personal network. as a local mayor, i don’t even get to know what programs the national park organises.” (i5), “in the first cycles, the leaders of the national park withdrew. that is changing now. they have to adapt to the people who live here. a common goal would be for the countryside to flourish, so the national park should also be helped (as a public institution).” (i3), “at first, they didn’t even want to talk to the locals. for example, for the barn i wanted to fix, i got the answer that it wasn’t mine, nor the national park workers. don’t worry about it if it collapses.” (i1). as a positive factor in the direct existence of the national park, leaders highlight the job-creating effect. “it would be positive if more people could be employed in the national park, but at normal wages.” (i7), “they don’t pay anything to the town, but it allows for a visit and gives a lot of people a job.” (i1). the sources of revenue for the national park are often growing to the detriment of local communities. “entrepreneurs at the bazaar pay the national park for the right to sell.” (i3). the national park is in contact with non-local entrepreneurs to carry out site-related works. acting as an authority is a sensitive issue for the local population. „the workers of the national park practice punishment by the local inhabitants” (i7), „they are abusive to farmers. they show that they are the national park workers.” (i8), “there are conflicts with park rangers who want to punish immediately, are unwilling to compromise, to cooperate.” (i3), „behind the tension between the countryman and the park rangers is the pride of the national park. everything is seen as a controversy between distracted villagers and educated national park workers.” (i1). the main source of conflict with the national park is the strict regulation of farming. “locals can’t get dry wood out of the woods to ignite it. bugs are more likely to eat.” (i7), “the pines in the office yard had to be cut down because of the wires. as they were cut down, the guardian of the national park appeared, and reported the new mayor for the felling.” (i1), “the farming was regulated, but at first they took official action, only later did they come to explain the rules to the people living here, to understand how to cooperate with them.” (i2), “locals had previously laid a stone wall on the side of the creek to 159kőszegi, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 149–162. protect against flooding. but this is not allowed now. there is nothing to do with the stream, the properties of the people living here are endangered by the flood.” (i3). the rules often seem ill-considered in the eyes of the locals. “the locals feel the rules for mowing are unnecessary because they give mowing dates randomly, not on a regular basis.” (i8), “protecting the birds would be more effective without the rules. if farmers mowed in may, the bird would not go to the meadow to brood. it is nesting in pristine grass right now. a week later we already have a permit to mow in the nesting area.” (i9). at the same time, it has been expressed as a general trend that attitudes on the part of the national park are changing. they are less reluctant that local leaders are very happy about. “it’s a good thing they’ve let go off the austerity, now it’s better to live together.” (i5) only two cases were positive about cohabitation. “the national park is an advantage, there are professionals out there who protect the world. they have a say in everyday life, but it is important that there are places like this. at least in these places, the values to be protected remain.” (i6), „it preserves the natural values in our environment. opportunity for municipalities to get involved in tourism. the landscape is one, like the endowments, it ensures the survival of the small village as well.” (i4). discussion and conclusions how do national parks appear in the daily lives of the communities? what is the assessment of national parks? do locals perceive the beneficial effects of national parks, which we assume? in our research, we sought answers to these questions in connection with the aggtelek national park and the slovak karst national park. we chose a karst landscape that is divided into two countries, but in both countries, a national park has been established in its territory. the responses got during the structured interviews with the leaders of the local settlements confirmed the preliminary assumptions we made based on the literature. the interviews revealed an ambivalent network of contacts (anfield, j. 1993; wallsten, p. 2003; szalai, k. and szilágyi, zs. 2007; puhakka, r. 2008; arnberger, a. et al. 2018, 2019; kim, m. and jakus, p.m. 2019; warchalska-troll, a. 2019). the symbolic significance of the national park and the coexistence in everyday life are separated. in practical experience, the focus is on the strict set of rules that provide a framework for the activities of those who live here. in addition to the difficult coexistence with the rules, there is also a lack of trust in the state (schwartz, k.z.s. 2006; niedziakowsi, k. et al. 2014). the state is represented locally by the national park in the eyes of those who live here. locals perceive the presence of the national park and the activities of those who work there as foreign bodies. mayors lack closer cooperation. everyday problems obscure the threefold system of objectives of the national parks. from a practical point of view, the recreational interpretation is the most important for the locals because it can give them a livelihood by receiving guests coming to the national park (mayer, m. 2010; byström, j. and müller, d.k. 2014; bollobani, e. and uruçi, r. 2019; dollma, m. 2019; telbisz, t. et al. 2020). due to the regulations, this is almost the only job opportunity, in other economic sectors, they cannot think about the threefold goal system of the national parks. in the 21st century, due to limited opportunities, the biggest problem for settlements is emigration. according to local leaders, the process cannot be stopped due to the national park. the presence of national parks strengthens emigration, the process of depopulation of rural areas. it can be interpreted as a postsocialist peculiarity that the entrepreneurial attitude and the opportunities inherent in services and tourism are not perceived by the communities or they cannot live with them (schwartz, k.z.s. 2006; niedziakowsi, k. et al. 2014). at the same time, every local leader states that with a change of attitude, this process can be reversed (repka, p. and švecová, m. kőszegi, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 149–162.160 2012). people need to be made aware of the value that is present in the national park’s triple target system. for this, however, it is essential that the national park approaches the locals: there should be an overlap in both local and national park regulations, as well as in staffing (carruthers, j. 1989; arnberger, a. and schoissengeier, r. 2012; yakusheva, n. 2019; arpin, i. and cosson, a. 2021; fienitz, m. et al. 2022). it would therefore be important for locals to feel the symbolic significance of the national park and to do so in their daily lives. the results of our present work reveal how the target system of national parks can get into the crossfire of different social interests and how the protection of values can be relativised in everyday life. the practical implementation of the social/national interest may involve conflicts. all actors involved have an essential role to play in resolving this. acknowledgement: the article was produced as part of the project k-124497 with the support of the national research, development, and 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(4): 600–609. widawsky, k. and jary, z. 2019. mass tourism in protected areas – underestimated threat? polish national parks case study. open geoscience 11. 1046–1060. yakusheva, n. 2019. managing protected areas in central eastern europe: between path dependence and europeanisation. land use policy 87. 104036. z g ł o b i c k i , w. a n d b a r a n z g ł o b i c k a , b . 2 0 1 3 . geomorphological heritage as a tourist attraction. a case study in lubelskie province, se poland. geoheritage 5. 137–149. lampland, m.: the value of labor: the science of commodification in hungary, 1920–1956 265book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (3) 265–276. b o o k r e v i e w lampland, m.: the value of labor: the science of commodification in hungary, 1920–1956. chicago– london, the university of chicago press, 2016. 368 p. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.66.3.6 hungarian geographical bulletin 66 2017 (3) martha lampland has been conducting research on hungarian agriculture since the early 1980s. her latest book, ‘the value of labor’ is a summary of research about how scientists and the state bureaucracy worked in hungary on determining the value of agricultural labour in a scientific and rational way. the author conceives of ‘the value of labor’ as a prequel to ‘the object of labor’ (lampland, m. 1995), in which she summarised her ethnographic work in the village and agricultural cooperative of sárosd, hungary, in the 1980s. although at the first sight ‘the value of labor’ might be read as an intellectual history of how the value of agricultural labour was measured (and remunerated) in the interwar period and during early socialism in hungary, the book offers in fact a broader social history of agriculture in the country. therefore, it has conceptual and methodological lessons for both an audience outside hungary and outside the discipline of anthropology. the book consists of two parts which are divided into four chapters each, framed by the ‘introduction’ and ‘conclusion’. the orientation of the reader within the book is eased by a list of abbreviations (in case of hungarian institutions meanings are given in both hungarian and english), a glossary of all hungarian terms used in the book, a detailed bibliography and references to archival sources, as well as a handy index. the first part covers the material between 1920 and 1945, whereas the second part analyses the era between 1945 and 1956. chapter 1 sets the scene by looking at scientific debates in the interwar period on how to modernise hungarian agriculture, including questions of economies of scale or how to calibrate wages of agricultural workers. chapter 2 discusses the infrastructure of such a modernisation: agricultural work science studying “what farmers were actually doing and with what effects” (p. 10), formal institutions such as higher education in business management, as well as accounting as business practice, and shows why this professionalization failed or succeeded only partially. calculating wages is the topic of chapter 3, where the author outlines standardisation measures and research calculations of agricultural work science (i.e. how scientists tried to ‘objectively’ quantify a standard worker’s daily achievement in terms of output), including discussions about commensuration. chapter 4 elaborates the latter issue in detail and shows in a longer historical account why the monetary wage form (instead of in-kind payments or sharecropping) could not find an easy way into remunerating agricultural labour. part two in chapter 5 starts with discussing infrastructural limits to changing state administration by the communist party in 1948. the next chapter analyses the way agricultural wage policy was crafted after the change, which led to the introduction of the work unit system in collective farms in 1949. mastering collectivisation with the use of coercion and class warfare, thus, disciplining workers through propaganda and labour competitions, as well as expropriation of private farmers is the topic of chapter 7. the last chapter discusses the period between 1953 and 1956, the eve of the hungarian revolution, when the new government in the post-stalin era aimed at mediating conflicts of the work unit system and tensions around the dismantling of collective farms. as the book shows, although administrative infrastructures had already been stabilised by then, inherent conflicts over defining the value of labour could not be solved. 266 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (3) 265–276. one important claim of the book is the intellectual continuity of scientific practices and institutions in the case of valuing agricultural labour in hungary. the author shows how for example german business management was influencing hungarian agricultural work science in the interwar period, which formed the basis for introducing the work unit system as quantifying outputs of human labour in the newly established collective farms after 1948. in this way, the book questions the common assumption about a “swift and comprehensive” (p. 5) stalinist transition in hungary, under the rubric of sovietisation. the author’s approach would also help rethink some accounts of the intellectual history of hungarian and eastern european human geography after world war ii, which concentrate more on ruptures than on contingencies (see for example gyuris, f. and győri, r. 2013). consequently, the book opens up comparative work not only across time (lampland outlines striking parallels between agricultural transition in the early 1990s, when she started reading materials for this book, and the stalinist agricultural transition she was reading about), but also geographically and across production systems. her conclusion is that “[i]ncorporating the role of interwar work science and agricultural economics into the history of collectivization also allows us to compare a phenomenon usually limited to the history of socialist states with other schemes for modernizing agriculture at the time, such as colonial plantations and capitalist latifundia” (p. 268). therefore, the book is also at the forefront of global labour history’s intellectual inquiry (van der linden, m. 2008; see also the book review of gagyi, á. and gerőcs, t. 2017), and extends recent geographical literature on policy mobilities (cf. peck, j. 2011), which until now has mostly built on contemporary case studies of ‘neoliberal capitalism’. lampland’s rich empirical analysis might be linked to debates about labour geography and geographies of marketization. the term ‘geography of labour’ emerged in the hungarian economic geography literature in the interwar period, although in a slightly different context to what the book analyses. agricultural economists and work scientists were struggling with how to measure agricultural labour and how these calculations might be incorporated into the accounting practices of agricultural firms, which represented ‘modern’ scientific considerations. at the same time, geographers were looking at hungarian agricultural labour as investment into the ‘national landscape’ which labour supposedly resulted in revisionist property claims with regard to territories outside of the borders of hungary, defined by the treaties of paris (prinz, g. and teleki, p. 1936; for a discussion see czirfusz, m. 2015). scientific exchange of ideas about labour in hungary is a research field in the literature yet to be explored, at least in geography. social relations of labour, property and landscape have been in the core of labour geography since it has radically been reconceptualised in the anglophone geographical tradition since the 1980s (herod, a. 1997). in this vein, and following the former thoughts on comparative studies, it might also be interesting to read the formation of capitalist agriculture in the interwar period in hungary in lampland’s account against classic studies of mitchell, d. (1996, 2013) in california. whereas mitchell’s political-economic agenda, and that of mainstream labour geography research as well, are about how cheap agricultural labour was established and kept in the normalised wage relation, lampland’s hungarian case study unfolds a story about dead-ends of the commodification of labour as well. one aspect of this is the use of the work unit (i.e. “discrete units of activity of a specific duration performed by specific categories of social actors with certain skills or physical attributes” – p. 135) as a commensurable measure of labour value. for scientists in the interwar period, as well as the state during the collectivisation of agriculture after 1947, work unit was meant to be part and parcel of how workers would be rewarded. there had been considerable debate about lacking infrastructure of putting work unit into practice (such as lack of expertise about the new system at the local level), which could not be solved easily. furthermore, as chapter 4 shows, work unit also substituted for the monetary value of labour. in the interwar period (and as the book shows, since the mid-19th century modernisation of hungary) money was regarded by the general public as inappropriate remuneration because of periods of rapid inflation, several changes of the official currency, or a supposed result in ‘dehumanising’ social relations between farm owners and labourers. commodification of labour, as the author concludes, might take place without the capitalist wage relation and without ‘proper’ labour markets. this tenet is an important contribution even against the backdrop of recent discussions on diverse economies within economic geography, especially with empirical work on post-socialist countries. the diverse economies research strand (gibson-graham, j.k. 1996) argues that the concept of economy has to be extended in order to include non-capitalist and alternative capitalist forms of labour. gritzas, g. and kavoulakos, k.i. (2016) confirm with a review of recent articles that this understanding deepened analyses of economic transformations in post-socialist countries. ‘the value of labor’ directs our attention to the fact that the normalcy of wage labour has never been fix, and that there have been continuous struggles around defining, measuring and establishing infrastructures of the ‘capitalist’ labour form. lampland’s discussions on how commodification takes place without markets and how markets as so267book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (3) 265–276. cial relations advanced commodification of labour build on recent accounts of science studies and economic anthropology (for an overview of current debates see pellandini-simányi, l. 2016). this research programme also influenced economic geographers who directed the attention to the spatial and territorial character of markets, building mostly on assemblage and performativity theory within social studies of marketization (berndt, c. and boeckler, m. 2012). within these studies in economic geography, however, as ouma, s. (2015) points out, most research “have so far focused on so-called advanced capitalist economies” (p. 10). martha lampland’s book offers an insightful case study from the european periphery and from two different eras. agriculture (moreover, ‘productive’ agriculture) was at the forefront of 19th and 20th-century modernisation struggles, for agricultural exports were crucial in the international division of labour. how this integration into the world-economy might be achieved was contested throughout the timeframe of the book. are family farms, large manorial estates or socialist agricultural collectives the most effective form of property to achieve this project? the author moves beyond the usual conceptual framework by looking at the infrastructure (the “institutional scaffold”) of commodification of labour and also at bottlenecks of commodification. in her analysis, infrastructure does not only mean material things, but includes human actors (scientists, bookkeepers, government officials, etc.) and a “variety of implements and practices” (p. 9) as well. among others, the weekly newspaper köztelek (commons), which was widely read by landowners, research institutes and universities promoting new business practices in agriculture, manuals of the calculation of work units, party/state bureaucracy managing collectivisation after world war ii were all elements of this infrastructure. compared to eastern european research on the role of technocrats in advocating for and conducting social change (see for example bockman, j. and eyal, g. 2002 as well as gagyi, á. 2015) this book puts more emphasis on material devices and technologies of commodification. a main methodological lesson to be learned for economic geographers after reading ‘the value of labor’ is taking an ethnographic method. ethnographic work has been established lately within economic geography in general, and also within geographies of marketization and commodification (cook, i. 2004; ouma, s. 2012). lampland’s fieldwork is largely confined to archival sources and expert interviews. the main corpus of the first part of the book is constituted by published materials, namely newspapers, academic journals and books as well as some archive documents of public institutions. public debates over commodification, and struggles for building the infrastructure for commodification are reconstructed predominantly with the close reading of köztelek and other public materials, which somewhat, as both the author and balogh, r. forthcoming argue, limits the scope of the analysis. the second part, dealing with the processes between 1945 and 1956, draws on archival sources, primarily on previously confidential party and government documents (pp. 19–22). at this point it is important to mention from a geographical point of view how lampland constructs her narrative at different geographical scales from this material. the book, although never mentions it, follows to a large extent the method of global ethnography, which is interested in the global particular, the locally specific globalized socio-spatial relations (for an empirical study of different hungarian cases see gille, z. 2016). the author often refers to the global context in which the modernisation of agriculture has been a crucial motive for the commodification of labour, and draws short parallels with other countries. the importance of the national scale is self-evident as large part of the analysis deals with such institutions or regulations which had to be established at the national scale in order to make commodification of labour possible. as many accounts would claim, this project was swayed by the sovietisation of hungary. a main argument of the book is, however, that if we look at the local scale (county and district level, as well as the local councils and cooperatives), the power of the state to drive commodification of labour was simply missing. the three counties in which lampland looks at the functioning of lower level administration (győr-moson-sopron, hajdú-bihar and zala) represent different trajectories of socio-economic development throughout the capitalist modernisation of hungarian agriculture. therefore, the author is able to show how geographical location and local social histories matter (p. 189) in how the infrastructure of commodification was built, maintained or enforced. in both parts of the book, the firm (manors of the interwar period and agricultural collectives after world war ii), the person (the agricultural worker or the landowner) and the household also represent important analytical scales. scientific management prevailed all over the world in the first decades of the 20th century, both geographically (in different places and spaces in the world) and in various facets of life (for example in the firm, in the world of labour, in the state administration or within the household). yet, actual forms of modernist technopolitical rationalisation were quite different in different countries and in different parts of the economy. ‘the value of labor’ covers one case study, namely commodifying agricultural work in hungary between 1920 and 1956. lampland refers to connections with other forms of commodification, other forms of labour in hungary and commodifications in other countries in several parts of the book. i can only wish that 268 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 66 (2017) (3) 265–276. studying these parallel stories in detail will also be taken up by economic geographers in hungary, and comparatively, elsewhere in eastern europe. márton czirfusz1 r e f e r e n c e s balogh, r. under review. vidék, munka, tudás és modernizáció a 20. századi magyarországon (countryside, labour, knowledge and modernisation in hungary in the 20th century). manuscript, submitted to korall. berndt, c. and boeckler, m. 2012. geographies of marketization. in the wiley-blackwell companion to economic geography. eds.: barnes, t.j., peck, j. and sheppard, e., malden–oxford–chichester, wileyblackwell, 199–212. bockman, j. and eyal, g. 2002. eastern europe as a laboratory for economic knowledge: the transnational roots of neoliberalism. american journal of sociology 108. (2): 310–352. cook, i. 2004. follow the thing: papaya. antipode 36. (4): 642–664. czirfusz, m. 2015. making the space-economy of socialist hungary: the significance of the division of labour. hungarian cultural studies 8. 105–123. gagyi, á. 2015. a moment of political critique by reform economists in late socialist hungary: ‘change and reform’ and the financial research institute in context. intersections: east european journal of society and politics 1. (2): 59–79. gagyi, á. and gerőcs, t. 2017. the value of labor: the science of commodification in hungary, 1920–1956, by martha lampland. studia universitatis babeșbolyai sociologia 62. (1): 129–136. gille, z. 2016. paprika, foie gras, and red mud: the politics of materiality in the european union. bloomington, indiana university press. gibson-graham, j.k. 1996. the end of capitalism (as we knew it): a feminist critique of political economy. cambridge, blackwell. gritzas, g. and kavoulakos, k.i. 2016. diverse economies and alternative spaces: an overview of approaches and practices. european urban and regional studies 23. (4): 917–934. gyuris, f. and győri, r. 2013. sovietized science at the service of “socialist national economy”: the example of hungarian geography, 1945–1960. berichte: geographie und landeskunde 87. (1): 7–24. herod, a. 1997. from a geography of labor to a labor geography: labor’s spatial fix and the geography of capitalism. antipode 29. (1): 1–31. lampland, m. 1995. the object of labor. commodification in socialist hungary. chicago, university of chicago press. mitchell, d. 1996. the lie of the land: migrant workers and the california landscape. minneapolis, university of minnesota press. mitchell, d. 2013. labour’s geography and geography’s labour: california as an (anti-) revolutionary landscape. geografiska annaler: series b, human geography 95. (3): 219–233. ouma, s. 2012. „markets in the making“: zur ethnographie alltäglicher marktkonstruktionen in organisationalen settings. geographica helvetica 67. (4): 203–211. ouma, s. 2015. assembling export markets: the making and unmaking of global food connections in west africa. malden–oxford–chichester, wileyblackwell. peck, j. 2011. geographies of policy: from transferdiffusion to mobility-mutation. progress in human geography 35. (6): 773–797. pellandini-simányi, l. 2016. non-marketizing agents in the study of markets: competing legacies of performativity and actor-network-theory in the marketization research program. journal of cultural economy 9. (6): 570–586. prinz, g. and teleki, p. 1936. magyar földrajz. a magyar munka földrajza. magyar föld, magyar faj 2 (hungarian geography. the geography of hungarian labour. hungarian land, hungarian race 2). budapest, királyi magyar egyetemi nyomda. van der linden, m. 2008. workers of the world: essays toward a global labor history. leiden, brill. 1 centre for economic and regional studies, hungarian academy of sciences, budapest, hungary. e-mail: czirfusz@rkk.hu the research has been supported by the national research, development and innovation office–nkfih, contract number pd 120798. irodalom.indd 146 joint meeting of the iag/aig working groups human impact on the landscape (hils) and geomorphological hazards (iageomhaz) bochum, 8–12 september, 2008 it is central in the policy of the international association of geomorphologists (iag/aig) to set up working groups for the study of topical issues in geomorphology. accordingly, at the 6th international conference on geomorphology in zaragoza a dozen new wgs were formed, including hils, initiated by dénes lóczy, and iageomhaz, led by irasema alcantara-áyala, director of the institute of geography at the national autonomous university of mexico (unam). there being quite signifi cant overlaps between the research activities planned, it had been proposed that a joint meeting would serve the purposes of both working groups. the event, hosted by the ruhr university of bochum, was an optimal occasion to overview the progress both working groups had made in the fi rst two years of their existence. the 26 items of the abstracts volume refl ect a combination of mostly related anthropo-geomorphological and geohazards topics, among others, the consequences of mining, fl ood hazard, the triggering of mass movements. participants came from seven countries, the remotest of them being mexico, india and indonesia. two days of paper and poster sessions were followed by discussions on future tasks, including the editing of a world atlas of human impact as an end-product of the activities within the hils working group. an interesting guided walk presented the history of bochum and the german coal mining museum, providing a unique opportunity to inform about the technological progress and environmental and social implications of mining activities. two one-day fi eld trips were organized: one to various sites in the ruhr district and another to the open-cast lignite pits of the cologne bight and the eifel mountains. the problems of river restoration, sewage treatment, land drainage, fl ood control, mine rehabilitation, derelict land re-utilization, volcanic reconstruction and many other issues were discussed with the guidance of experts in the fi eld. a memorable social event was a dinner at a well-preserved farm in the immediate vicinity of the university. the participants, perfectly satisfi ed with the program, are grateful to dr. stefan harnischmacher (now: university of koblenz), who invested a lot of work in the successful organization of the meeting. dénes lóczy 91book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 83–92.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.71.1.8 hungarian geographical bulletin 71 2022 (1) vedran duančić’s monograph represents a very significant and important contribution to investigating nation building processes in their connection with geographical knowledge, related to the context of south slavic regions. the research is well situated in the interdisciplinary debate concerning the contribution of geographical knowledge and cartography in shaping the idea of nation and in naturalising the spatial dimension of the modern, territorial state, as well as in contributing to the personification of nation state, thus strengthening the bound between the territorial state and the national community. the most innovative contribution compared to the existing literature is the deep comparative analysis of geographical works produced by several figures of serbian, slovenian and croatian geographers, such as the croatian filip lukas (1871–1958) or the slovenian anton melik (1890–1966). thanks to this comparative analysis of different scholars, duančić’s analysis goes well beyond the traditional and mainly exclusive focus on the serbian geographer jovan cvijić. moreover, connecting all these figures and showing their educational background and theoretical approach, the author gives an important contribution to comprehending the processes of knowledge circulation related to geographical ideas in the first half of the 20th century. from the beginning of the book and in line with recent trends in international literature from benedict anderson (1986) to guntram herb (1997), steven seegel (2018) and charles withers (2001), duančić stresses the role of geographers and geography in nation building processes, sustaining how far this “played an exceptional role in making and breaking interwar yugoslavia” (p. 2). in his perspective, the different figures who at this time developed scientific studies in the field of geography and cartography, significantly contributed to the processes of integration or – on the contrary – separation of the different ethnical and cultural components that characterised the balkan region. this happened due to the geographical skill, which enabled a homogeneous description of physical and cultural landscapes, thus integrating, and reinforcing other historical and/or political narratives. on one side, geographical representation and narrations were aimed to stress the territorial unity of yugoslavia, also in response to threatening politics of the neighbor countries – especially germany, hungary, and italy. on the other side, various geographical perspectives between yugoslavian geographers also reflected the political fragmentation and the tensions between different yugoslavian cultural entities, such as e.g., the ambition of a unified and independent croatia, as formulated by the croatian geographer filip lukas. from a theoretical perspective, duančić situates his reflection in the crossing and circulation of geographical ideas at the time, specifically in the production of german language geography with its reflections on the different national geographies of eastern europe, notably in poland with eugeniusz romer, in hungary with pál teleki and, of course, in serbia with jovan cvijić. the book is based on an extensive research and analysis of printed sources. in fact, primary sources are basically related to geographical works of academic geographers, mainly yugoslavian and german and austrian, but also some polish, french and american works are taken into account. despite the rich references to primary literature sources, the work considers and analyse limited archive sources, which could have shed better light on the relations and networks between scholars and the circulation of european geographical ideas in the balkan. a second critical point of the book is the almost neglected comparative analysis with italian geographical works and italian geography in general. despite, as stated before, the author considers the danger represented by italian politics towards yugoslavia and underlines the importance of geographical unity as a tool for political discourses, the book lacks a comparative analysis of the methodologies that sustained italian argumentation against the political and sciduančić, v.: geography and nationalist visions of interwar yugoslavia. cham, palgrave macmillan, 2020. 286 p. 92 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 83–92. entific discourse developed in the same period by yugoslavian geographers. the book begins with a rich introductive chapter, that discusses international literature on nation building and geographical contribution to nationalism, situating these discourses in the historical and political context of south slavic regions at the beginning of the 20th century. the second chapter of the book is dedicated to the origin of yugoslavian geography, especially in its relationship with german geography and, above all, in connection with the german geographer albrecht penck’s theorisation and methodologies. the author recalls the different figures, which animated slovenian, croatian and serbian geography since the first decades of the 20th century. these figures are put in connection with the further steps in the establishment of academic and governmental geographical institutions in south slavic lands. the third chapter presents and discusses the fundamental figure of the serbian geographer jovan cvijić, in relation to the establishment of modern geography in academic studies. under a scientific-theoretical point of view, duančić analyses cvijić’s understanding of geography, putting his interpretation close to the development of geomorphological studies, and stressing the analogies and differences with the german geographer friedrich ratzel. other aspects concern cvijić’s political explanation of geographical unity, specifically his national idea of a unified serbia which was then applied to understand the whole yugoslavian state. this intellectual process culminated with the publication of the volume la péninsule balkanique, cvijić’s most renowned work, that became a masterpiece of balkan geography and a manifesto of yugoslavia political unity. chapter 4 describes the geographical discourses that formed the base for establishing the yugoslavian state, starting from cvijić’s fundamental work. the narration also considers the role of different european powers in promoting and shaping the unification process of yugoslavia. the fifth chapter introduces the topic of geopolitics and its reception by yugoslavian scholars in the field of geography. in this context, it highlights the figure of the croatian lawyer ivo pilar who firstly introduced political geographical issues to the yugoslavian debate, particularly in relation with border questions. the work of the swedish geographer rudolf kjellén, regarded as the founding father of geopolitics, received much attention by yugoslavian geographers. the last chapter comes back to the croatian geographer filip lukas, whose work was already presented in chapter 4, in order to discuss the new anti-yugoslavian discourse he developed starting from the late 1920s. first, lukas criticised on scientific basis the idea of a geographical unity of yugoslavia, thus questioning its political project, even if he admitted the absence of a geographic unity of a croatian state, as this also lacked natural boundaries. however, in sustaining the idea of a unified and independent croatian state, the main point of lukas’ theorisation was anchored to a geographical principle. he recognised four different geographical regions inside croatian territory, whose differences had shaped the character and the identity of croatian people. his work became one of the most important intellectual contributions to establishing the pro-fascist state of the ustasha regime in the 1940s. one of the strong points of the book is the great reconstruction of the networks and circulation of ideas that sustained the emergence of geographical research in the balkans. in particular, very interesting and original is the analysis of lukas’ works and theories, presented for the first time in an international publication and connected to the theorizations of european and north american geographical ideas. another remarkable contribution of the book concerns the debate about eastern european national geographies in comparison with, and in relation to, western european and specifically german language geography in the first half of the 20th century, as already done by scholars such as steven seegel (2018) and maciej górny (2018). the book would have benefitted from a broader archival investigation of primary sources, especially to extend the analysis of intellectual relations and networks, as well as a deeper comparison with italian geographical works and intellectual figures. despite of that, the book is a very rich contribution to the debate on histories of geographies and their involvement in nation building processes. matteo proto1 r e f e r e n c e s anderson, b.r. 1986. imagined communities: reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism. london, verso. górny, m. 2018. a vacuum to be filled: central and eastern europe in the times of ‘geography without the germans’. studia historiae scientarium 17. 253–272. herb, g.h. 1997. under the map of germany: nationalism and propaganda, 1918–1945. london–new york, routledge. seegel, s. 2018. map men: transnational lives and deaths of geographers in the making of east central europe. chicago–london, the university of chicago press. withers, c.w.j. 2001. geography, science and national identity: scotland since 1520. cambridge, cambridge university press. 1 university of bologna, department of history and cultures, bologna, italy. e-mail: matteo.proto2@unibo.it hungarian geographical bulletin vol 71 issue 1 (2022) m. proto: duančić, v.: geography and nationalist visions of interwar yugoslavia. ferenc gyuris: the political discourse of spatial disparities 221 l i t e r a t u r e hungarian geographical bulletin 63 (2) (2014) pp. 221–223. ferenc gyuris: the political discourse of spatial disparities. geographical inequalities between science and propaganda (contributions to political science series). springer verlag, berlin–heidelberg–new york, 2014. 381 p. the issue of spatial disparities has been in the forefront of geographical thought and enquiry for a long time, along with a number of other disciplines contributing to the topic. beyond the otherwise obvious core concern of these analyses, however, there have always been (and still there is) a massive load of ballast, either explicitly political or ‘only’ obliquely ideological. taking this into consideration, yet quite surprisingly, this volume is the very fi rst att empt to provide a comprehensive, in-depth overview of the political discourse on geographical inequalities, based on the author’s doctoral dissertation submitt ed to (and defended at) ruprecht-karls universität heidelberg. as the subheading of the book suggests, the analysis of such a topic is never ‘neutral’, nor apolitical; on the contrary, the results of scientifi c enquiry have always been tightly connected to political and economic power and, therefore, might be considered as a set of socially constructed and/or negotiated claims, cloaked in a scientifi c (dis)guise. to put it very briefl y, the principal aim of the author is to unveil these intricate relationships. in order to do so, ferenc gyuris fi rst provides concise defi nitions for the contested concepts of ‘spatial unevenness’, ‘spatial differentiation’, ‘spatial inequality / disparity’, and ‘spatial inequity / injustice’, thereinafter focusing on ‘spatial disparities’ which are understood by him as ‘the spatial aspects of social disparities, thus, those forms of unevenness in space that can be traced back to human agency’ (p. 13.). aft er that, he presents a wide-ranging historical overview of the conceptualisation of social disparities spanning from the antiquity (ancient greece and rome) through christianity and the age of enlightenment in england and france (with a short central and eastern european outlook) to the marxist and antimarxist interpretation of darwin’s ideas on natural selection and the post-wwii problematisation of social disparities. in chapter 2.6, as a case study from the recent years, the author analyses the extensively debated 2009 book entitled ‘the spirit level’, writt en by epidemiologists richard wilkinson and kate pickett . with left -wing reviewers tending to present its fi ndings as 222 ‘scientifi c truths’, whereas right-wing critics questioning its validity (and thus, labelling it as an ‘unscientifi c’ work), the diverse receptions of the book clearly demonstrate the politically constructed nature of such contributions to the debate. beyond the conceptualisation of inequalities in general, the emphasis is then shift ed from social to spatial disparities (from chapter 3 to 9), with a particular emphasis on the actors shaping the dominant discourse(s). just as in the case of the previous compendium on social inequalities, this contextual analysis is also embedded in a broader historical context, from the early social surveyors relying on ‘moral statistics’ in the wake of the industrial revolution through the ‘classical’ marxist tradition to non-marxist and neo-marxist approaches. concerning the 19th century french and british contexts, the author fi rst provides an overview of the pioneering work of adolphe quetelet, charles dupin, andré-michel guerry and charles booth, along with the latt er’s far-reaching infl uence on the other side of the atlantic, especially on the subsequent work of the chicago school of urban sociology. however, even before (and partly parallel with) their ecological approach, another highly infl uential tradition emerged from the mid-19th century; the marxist conceptualisation of spatial disparities. within the confi nes of the ‘classical’ marxist tradition, ferenc gyuris thoroughly analyses the spatial aspects of the work of marx and engels, rosa luxemburg’s concept of ‘uneven spatial development’, as well as the related writings of lenin and stalin. in connection with this particular strand of thought, he concludes that the issue of spatial unevenness gradually became one of the focal points of their arguments and hence, made the entire marxist discourse inherently spatial. moreover, under the umbrella of ‘scientifi c socialism’, the above-mentioned thinkers almost exclusively presented their concepts as scientifi c ones (aimed at providing legitimacy against capitalism). in reaction to the marxist authors’ problematisation of spatial unevenness, however, several non-marxist voices also emerged from the mid-20th century. concerning the early cold war context, ferenc gyuris comprehensively examines a number of important (yet confl icting, both neoclassical and non-neoclassical) theoretical contributions published within only one decade, i.e. the works of myrdal (1957), hirschman (1958), easterlin (1958), borts and stein (1964), williamson (1965), and friedmann (1966). aft er this initial heyday fuelled by the ‘big science’, there has been a sudden decline in spatial disparity research in the western world during the 1970s, caused by the changing circumstances of global geopolitics on the one hand, and the harsh criticism of these concepts on the other. nevertheless, this temporary devaluation was soon followed by another signifi cant re-appreciation of the topic in the rapidly neoliberalising economic environment of the 1980s, primarily marked by the works carried out on β and σ convergence, along with endogenous growth theories and paul krugman’s ‘new economic geography’ (neg), not to mention the booming neoclassical spatial disparity research connected to the policy-making (planning and monitoring system) of the european union. largely building on scheler’s (1926) distinction between factual and orientation knowledge, the author att empts to deconstruct ‘objective’ research results throughout the entire book and demonstrate how they alter(ed) in favour of diff erent political claims requiring scientifi c legitimacy. in addition, most of the abstract – yet oft en taken-for-granted – models of spatial inequalities formulated in the above-mentioned works (for instance williamson’s inverted u model or the later concepts of β and σ convergence) are also critically (re-)analysed. ferenc gyuris provides clear and thoroughly elaborated arguments, and eventually comes to the conclusion that over this long-standing tradition, the problematisation of spatial disparities has almost always gone hand in hand with the legitimisation and delegitimisation of certain political powers. 223 as its main tools, several strategies are presented, such as the selective use (or in some cases the complete negligence) of case studies, the acceptance of hypotheses as explanations, or – perhaps less intentionally – the misinterpretation of the actual causes of inequalities. to recapitulate the main fi ndings of the book, fi gures 9.1 and 9.2 (pp. 332–334.) provide an excellent synopsis of this extraordinary discourse analysis. obviously, this monograph fi lls a signifi cant theoretical gap, therefore it is strongly recommended for hungarian readers from the fi eld of social sciences, mainly human geographers (and those familiar with regional science), sociologists, economists and political scientists. nonetheless, even for the international academia, the work of gyuris also points far beyond the usual theorisation of the subject from a rather unconventional, (post)socialist perspective by throwing light on the theoretical and empirical shortcomings of western mainstream neo-marxist approaches (various kinds of left ist ‘dependency theories’ and especially the concept of ‘uneven development’ worked out primarily by david harvey and the late neil smith). the true novelty of the book undoubtedly lies in the arguments elaborated in chapter 8.2 (and particularly in 8.2.2 and 8.2.3., pp. 270–330.): here, the author provides the critique of the re-discovered concept of ‘uneven development’ supplemented by a wide array of empirical examples spanning from the former soviet union to post-world war ii china and hungary. (even by the publisher, springer verlag, the book is labelled as ‘the fi rst work to test harvey’s uneven development concept on »real existing socialism«’.) in connection with the massive body of neo-marxist literature on the topic of geographical inequalities, although underlining that these accounts should defi nitely not be thrown to the garbage heap of pure political propaganda, ferenc gyuris convincingly argues for an urgent need of the international recognition and a greater appreciation of the context of the actually existing socialism(s) (or, as he puts it, ‘the real existing socialism’). indubitably, this comprehensive volume is highly recommended for researchers, lecturers and university students interested in the contested research history of spatial disparities from all fi elds of the social sciences. márton berki 5_kubes_novacek.indd 65kubeš, j. and nováček, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 65–78.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.68.1.5 hungarian geographical bulletin 68 2019 (1) 65–78. introduction while strong residential suburbanisation in northwest europe occurred after world war ii, this was not the case in the socialist part of europe (musil, j. and ryšavý, z. 1983; szelényi, i. 1983; bertaud, a. and renaud, b.m. 1997 and others). the construction of prefabricated housing estates on the edges of socialist cities, especially for people coming from rural areas, cannot be considered as suburbanisation. it was the territorial and population growth of these cities in urbanization. the expansion of the second home recreational cabins and cottages to the hinterlands of czech and other cee socialist cities is sometimes referred to as “second home” or “seasonal suburbanisation” (ouředníček, m. 2007; vágner, j. et al. 2011; makhrova, a.g. et al. 2016). real residential suburbanisation did not have favourable conditions in the period of socialism in this region. people did not have enough money to build a new family house, there were no developers and construction companies focused on this type of individual construction, there was a lack of building material and the level of car was low (kubeš, j. 2015a and others). the only scholars who confirmed the weak socialist residential suburbanisation around larger cee cities were tammaru, t. (2001) around tallinn, brade, i. et al. (2009) near budapest or mantey, d. and sudra, p. (2018) around warsaw. since the second half of the 1990s, the situation has changed – suburbanisation became the most significant process transforming settlement system in post-socialist cee countries (borén, t. and gentile, m. 2007, 1 university of south bohemia, department of geography, jeronýmova 10, 371 15 české budějovice, czech republic. e-mails: kubes@pf.jcu.cz, anovacek@pf.jcu.cz suburbs around the czech provincial city of české budějovice – territorial arrangement and problems jan kubeš 1and aleš nováček1 abstract the article is a contribution to discussions about the territorial arrangement of suburbs, their types and other settlements in suburban zones around post-socialist cee provincial cities, based on the example of the south bohemian “one-hundred-thousand” city of české budějovice, including territorial development problems of suburbs and other settlements. suburbs, separated from the city by free space, originate there from the original villages. these suburbs are population-growing settlements with the majority of flats in newer houses, immigrants from the city and economically active people working in the city (based on census data and ongoing registrations). nearby, moderately distant and more distant suburbs occur in three concentric suburban sub-zones around the examined city, in which the population and spatial size of the suburbs gradually diminish. semi-suburbs with partial suburbanisation and small towns also occur there. the territorial development problems of some suburbs are mainly associated with the disordered (sub)urban sprawl, the inadequate architecture of new houses, the poor quality and capacity of the technical infrastructure, the lack of public transport connections to the city, the absence and low capacity of kindergartens and elementary schools, clashes with recreational second homes, the lack of greenery and the losses of agricultural land. keywords: suburbanisation, suburbs, small towns, suburb zone, post-socialist city, czechia kubeš, j. and nováček, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 65–78.66 and others). sýkora, l. and stanilov, k. (2014) described this process of the massive construction of suburban family houses in the hinterlands of the larger post-socialist central european and baltic cities after 2000 as a “post-socialist suburban revolution”. commercial suburbanisation began in the mid-1990s (nuissl, n. and rink, d. 2005 – leipzig; sýkora, l. and ouředníček, m. 2007 – prague and brno). the process of residential suburbanisation started shortly afterwards in the hinterland of budapest and big east german cities (see kok, h. and kovács, z. 1999, or brown, d.l. and schafft, k.a. 2002). in the eastern part of germany, this was accompanied by a marked fall in the population of cities (also due to migration to the western part of germany; bontje, m. 2005; nuissl, n. and rink, d. 2005). only since 1997 has residential suburbanisation begun to appear in the hinterlands of other central european post-socialist big cities and at the time of the turn of the millennium around cee provincial cities (hardi, t. 2002 – hungarian győr; matlovič, r. and sedláková, a. 2007 – slovakian prešov; halás, m. et al. 2012 – moravian olomouc; szczepańska, a. and senetra, a. 2012 – polish olsztyn; novotný, l. 2012 – slovakian košice). after the strong development of the first decade of the new millennium, residential suburbanisation has weakened somewhat in this region due to the previous strong development, the ongoing economic crisis and the ending population shrinking of cities (haase, a. and rink, d. 2015; kubeš, j. 2015a). the above and further studies on cee suburbanisation have focused on suburban migration (1), the population growth of suburbs and suburban zones (2), also in comparison with the population development of cities in the background of the processes of urbanisation, suburbanisation and reurbanisation (3), the demographic and social structure of residents in suburbs (4), the daily mobility of these residents (5), the residential satisfaction of immigrants in the suburbs and their coexistence with native inhabitants (6), the development of suburban house construction (7), commercial suburbanisation (8) and the transformation of land cover in connection with suburbanisation (9). studies on the territorial arrangement of suburbs and other types of settlements in the suburban zones (10) and the territorial development problems of these types of settlements (11), which are important for this article, are discussed in the third and fourth chapter. this article is a contribution to discussions about the delimitation and territorial arrangement of suburbs, their types and other settlements in suburban zones around postsocialist cee provincial cities based on the example of the south bohemian “one-hundred-thousand” city of české budějovice. attention is also paid to the territorial development problems of the suburbs and other settlements around this city. the article deals with “outer suburbs”, which are separated by open space from the continuously urbanised city area (hereinafter referred to as “suburbs”). the need to clarify the post-socialist cee suburbanisation, specifically in the hinterland of provincial cities, comes in the first step. the next step is to investigate the territorial arrangement of types of suburbs and other settlements around that city. the reason is also the fact that the territorial development problems of settlements located in the suburban zone (the last step) are related to their type. suburbanisation around large and provincial cities in post-socialist cee the post-socialist cee residential suburbanisation is perceived as a process that began in the second half of the 1990s (after a long socialist period with no or little socialist residential suburbanization) in the course of which some inhabitants from the continuously urbanised area of the city (hereinafter referred to as “the city”) began to migrate into villages, small cities and other enclaves in the near hinterland of this city. it is especially new suburban family houses that are being built for these mostly younger 67kubeš, j. and nováček, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 65–78. middle-income incomers forming families with children. they and other inhabitants of suburbs are connected with the city by daily commuting for work and services. the aforementioned villages and other settlement enclaves are gradually becoming (outer ) suburbs in this way. due to the described suburban migration, the population of suburbs is growing and rejuvenating while it is decreasing and aging in the city. authors from post-socialist cee define post-socialist cee residential suburbanisation and suburbs similarly (ouředníček, m. 2003; tammaru, t. et al. 2009 and others). in the hinterlands of large post-socialist cee cities, suburbs are growing mainly from villages, but also from small towns, pre-war or socialist suburban enclaves and socialist recreational cabin settlements. only sometimes do new suburbs arise as new settlements on “greenfields”. particularly in the closest suburban sub-zone of these large cities, the transformation of the landscape is very strong, sometimes chaotic, creating partially interconnected “carpets” and belts of new solitary and row family houses, less often multi-apartment houses and commercial areas (see hirt, s. 2007 – around sofia; mantey, d. and sudra, p. 2018 – warsaw). commercial suburbanization is strengthening there after the completion of the motorway network (sýkora, l. and ouředníček, m. 2007). around the smaller provincial cee cities, the post-socialist suburbs gradually grew out of the near lying villages (derived from maps in matlovič, r. and sedláková, a. 2007; czaková, g. 2009; halás, m. et al. 2012; novotný, l. 2012; repaská, g. et al. 2017). the emergence of suburbs as new settlements is the exception here (kubeš, j. 2015b). new family houses for migrants from the provincial city are built in smaller groups at the edges of former villages or on open plots inside them (zębik, g. 2011); less often these are significantly reconstructed village houses. in these suburbs live the original rural inhabitants which work mainly in agriculture, original rural inhabitants who are commuting to work to the city and new incomers from the city commuting to work to the city. non-residential suburbanisation is usually weak around provincial cities, because in the fringe parts of these cities, there is enough space for the development of commercial and industrial activities. types of suburbs and the spatial extent of suburbanisation in post-socialist cee the intensity of suburban migration was a frequent criterion for “statistical” typologies of suburbs in cee. using suburban migration, leetmaa, k. and tammaru, t (2007) defined nearby and distant suburbs and also satellite small towns in the hinterland of the city of tallinn in estonia. tanaś, j. (2013) did it similarly around poznań. on the basis of suburban migration and also construction of suburban homes, špačková, p. et al. (2016) identified 4 zones of residential suburbanization in the hinterland of prague and other czech towns. suburban migrations, prices and the numbers of transactions involving building plots near the polish city of olsztyn were input data for the typology of suburban municipalities in szczepańska, a. and senetra, a. (2012). a comprehensive approach was chosen by halás, m. et al. (2012), when they identified types of suburban municipalities on the basis of suburban migration, commuting to work and the construction of flats in the hinterland of the moravian city of olomouc. marcińczak, s. (2012) defines suburban belts around łódź according to commuting to work. also in tammaru, t. (2005), different intensities of commuting to work from suburbs to the city form two suburban sub-zones around tallinn. vobecká, j. and piguet, v. (2012) took a similar approach to the hinterlands of the cities in the czech republic. the typology of suburban municipalities in šveda, m. et al. (2016) is based on extensive statistics on migration, the construction of flats, their prices and the structure of land-use. other authors define morphological typologies of suburbs in cee. zębik, g. (2011) and repaská, g. et al. (2017) developed a typology of suburbs in poland and slovakia on the kubeš, j. and nováček, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 65–78.68 basis of the space-structural arrangement of new houses in suburbs formed from earlier villages. dinić, m. and mitković, p. (2016) delineated protrusions of new suburban fabric penetrating from the city to the surrounding landscape and suburban-rural satellites. existing typologies of suburbs use three alternative approaches: statistical, based on available data; morphological, based on a detailed analysis of spatial structures and genetic; each with certain limitations – mantey, d. and sudra, p. (2018). the authors created a morphological typology of warsaw’s suburbs, when they first determined the spatial scale (block, neighbourhood, settlement, district or municipality) and then evaluated the period of origin, the prevailing type of investment, access to the city by public transport, and finally determined the morphology of suburbs in the form of the spatial interaction of suburban fabric with the city (linear, leap frogging, etc.) the prevailing type of street layout (street grid, cul-de-sac streets, along a main street). the ground plan, height, volume and shape of the building are evaluated as secondary, as well as the connection to the original settlements. sýkora, l. and ouředníček, m. (2007) delineated two zones of suburban municipalities in the prague hinterland, the first is located between the continuously urbanised prague and the administrative boundary of this city, while the second is defined by surrounding municipalities with a greater construction of suburban houses and a higher level of commuting to work to the city. kok, h. and kovács, z. (1999) identified 4 types of municipalities in budapest’s hinterland from the point of view of their representatives’ willingness to construct houses in their area for inhabitants from budapest. the spatial extent of post-socialist cee suburbanisation mostly depends on the population size of the city. suburbs can now be found up to 25–30 kilometres from the edge of a city in the case of one-millionth prague or warsaw (especially along highways and railroads), 20 kilometres in the case of czech brno, estonian tallinn or slovakian bratislava with 400,000 inhabitants (derived from kährik, a. and tammaru, t. 2008; špačková, p. et al. 2016; šveda, m. et al. 2016; wolny, a. and źróbek, r. 2017) and up to 13 kilometres in the case of the bohemian provincial one-hundred-thousand city of české budějovice and similarly sized cities in post-socialist central europe (matlovič, r. and sedláková, a 2007 – slovakian prešov; czaková, g. 2009 – slovakian nitra; halás, m. et al. 2012 – moravian olomouc). however, the definition of suburbs in studies is important in this respect. western typologies of suburbs reflect several decades of development of suburbanisation. the north american urban scholars have created a number of studies focused on the types of us and canadian suburbs (see references in bourne, l.s. 1996, or mikelbank, b.a. 2004). they are coming out of socio-economic, demographic, ethnic, functional, morphological, developmental and positional features of suburbs (brown, m.a. 1981; logan, j.r. and golden, r.m. 1986; orfield, m. 2002; mikelbank, b.a. 2004; hanlon, b. 2009; hall, m. and lee, b. 2010 and others). some american and canadian suburbs are larger than the towns of central and eastern europe. some suburbs are 50 or more km away from the city (davis, j.s. et al. 1994, or mikelbank, b.a. 2004). it is a quantitatively, qualitatively and developmentally (historically) different story. in cee countries, there is not yet experience with the us very far “exurbs” (davis, j.s. et al. 1994), very large “superb-urbs” (bourne, l.s. 1996), “ethnic suburbs” (hanlon, b. 2009) or the suburban “edge cities” (garreau, j. 1992) with many job opportunities and services for suburban people. there are few publications dedicated to the distinction and characteristics of suburbs around western european cities. baccaini, b. (1997) characterizes the demographic types of parisian suburbs, bontje, m. and burdack, j. (2005) sought the analogy of american “edge cities” around paris and in central holland, montagné villette, s. and hardill, i. (2007) described spatial peripheries, social peripheries or communities with 69kubeš, j. and nováček, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 65–78. a cultural identity in the suburban zone of paris, and motte-baumvol, b. et al. (2010) defined variously car-dependent outer parisian suburbs. studies on suburbanisation in great britain and the diversity of british suburbs, especially in greater london, are more numerous – vaughan, l. et al. (2009) and the literature in this study. the london suburbs have been developing for over 200 years. in recent years, many have been physically and socially transformed. study area the provincial, secondto third-tier, “onehundred-thousand” city of české budějovice is based on the vltava river in south bohemia, 130 km to the south of prague and 60 km to the north of linz in austria. it is the capital of the south bohemian region, which had 640,000 inhabitants in 2017. currently (2017), the city (continuously urbanised area) has 91,978 inhabitants, compared with 98,026 in 1998, when post-socialist suburbanisation began there. the decline is mainly due to emigration to suburbs (suburban migration). the latest data over the past 5 years shows population stabilization. the municipality of the city is slightly larger because it also includes several suburbs and villages near the city. on the basis of the suburbanisation defined, the agglomeration of the city of české budějovice includes the city, suburbs, semi-suburbs and small towns in suburbanised hinterland, including two villages inside it. based on the analyses done in this article, at present (2017), about 32,500 people live in 53 suburbs and others in semi-suburbs and small towns unlike in other czech cities, there was weak suburbanisation during socialism between 1970 and 1989. non-residential suburbanisation is weak in the study area. for a long time, the city has been waiting for the construction of a freeway from prague to linz, which is currently being built on the eastern edge of the city and which will attract commercial suburbanisation. methodology of delimitation, typology and analysis of suburbs around the provincial city of české budějovice delimitation of suburbs the delimitation and typology of suburbs around the (smaller) provincial city of české budějovice is based on the characteristics of post-socialist cee suburbanisation and suburbs around provincial cities (chapter 2), the above-mentioned typologies of suburbs (chapter 3) and from experience with gradual suburbanisation research around the study city (kubeš, j. 2009, 2015b). the following criteria for delimitation suburbs used in the study area can be applied to similar czech and possibly cee provincial cities and their hinterlands. the criteria can be divided into positional (a–d), population-social (e–g) and morphological (h). the suburb is a geographically delineated mostly compact settlement (criterion a), which emerged from the original village (b; exceptions exist) and which is territorially separated from the city and from other settlements (c). the suburb is an administrative part of a municipality (d; exceptions). commercial areas and buildings may be located in suburbs (old or newer thanks to commercial suburbanization), but territorially separated commercial areas without residents are not considered as suburbs in this study. the suburb should grow in terms of population (e), mainly due to suburban migration. at least half of the population of the suburb has come from the city (and other towns) to the suburb since 1970 (f). czech migration data has only been available since 1990 (however, kára, j. and kučera, t. 1986 describe the socialist migration from české budějovice to the near suburbs), so it was necessary to set a criterion to 40 per cent +. suburb residents should be closely connected with the city through commuting for work and services. most economically active residents in suburbs commute to work to the city (or to the surrounding suburbs; g). it was necessary to set this criterion to 40 per cent + because the kubeš, j. and nováček, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 65–78.70 czech 2011 census was not complete in this regard (špačková, p. et al. 2016). most of the flats (50% +) in a suburb should be relatively new – built since 1970, when family houses of suburban type (unconnected with farming) were built in the village/suburb later (h). this criterion ensures the presence of new nonfarm houses in the suburbs. new houses can take the form of individual or row family houses of a suburban type or, rather rarely, smaller multi-apartment houses. they mostly grow up in groups at the edges of the original village/suburb later (kubeš, j. 2015a). criteria “e” and “f” apply only during the development of suburbanisation. typology of suburbs and other settlements the concentric-genetic typology of suburbs in suburban zone of the provincial city of české budějovice takes into consideration the distance of the suburb from the city (by road) and the related time of origin of the suburb from a village. the location and time of emergence of the suburbs is reflected in other features of the suburbs. the concentric chain of large nearby suburbs is located in the first suburban sub-zone of the semi-urban landscape. weak residential suburbanization began here in the 1970s and 1980s under socialism. the concentric chain of post-socialist moderately remote suburbs forms the second suburban sub-zone of the semi-rural landscape from the new millennium. more distant suburbs appear after 2005 in the rural landscape. there are also settlements in the suburban zone where suburbanisation is beginning to develop but they still do not meet the criteria “f” (suburban migration) and “h” (new flats) for suburbs. these settlements can be considered as semi-suburbs (kubeš, j. 2015b). criterion “f” is reduced to 25 per cent for them, “h” to 30 per cent, while other criteria remain. small towns with 1,500–5,000 inhabitants and with the majority of indigenous inhabitants have also existed for a long time. these small towns around a provincial city are not suburbs because only a few migrants from the city come to them. a suburban-defined agglomeration of the provincial city will be delineated through the city, suburbs and semi-suburbs, including small towns and residual villages lying within the agglomeration. initial data for the delimitation and typology of suburbs and other settlements around the study city was taken from czech censuses (1970, 1980, 1991, 2001 and 2011) – the number of inhabitants, the age of flats and the number of commuters to work from czech continuous registration – the number of inhabitants (2017), new flats (2011–2017) and migrants (1990 – 2017). commuting and migration data for municipalities are recalculated to data for individual settlements. analyses of suburbanisation using municipalities are not appropriate because the municipality of a city includes not only a city but also several of the nearest suburban municipalities are often made-up of different settlement types – of suburbs, semi-suburbs or villages. analysis of territorial development problems of suburbs and other settlements the authors of many studies mention territorial development problems caused by strong post-socialist cee suburbanisation, but only some of them deal with these problems primarily. haase, d. and nuissl, h. (2007) evaluated leipzig’s suburbanisation in terms of its impact on the water environment in the suburban landscape (reduced water retention, increased flood hazard, water quality degradation). petrova, s. et al. (2013) discuss issues of low carbon satellite settlements in czechia and kroll, f. et al. (2012) assessed the supply and demand of different ecosystem services in the suburban zone of leipzig. a number of articles specify agricultural land losses due to suburban construction (spilková, j. and šefrna, l. 2010; grigorescu, i. et al. 2012; stanilov, k. and sýkora, l. 2012; roose, a. et al. 2013). hirt, s. (2007) draws attention to the blurring of sofia’s urban edge due to poorly regulated suburbanisation and 71kubeš, j. and nováček, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 65–78. ment in the form of the construction of new houses in individual settlements (and their types) is proposed in a moderate (++), small (+) or near zero (–) range. delimitation and types of suburbs around the provincial city of české budějovice if the agglomeration of české budějovice is defined as the sum of the city, its suburbs, semi-suburbs and also small towns between them (+ two villages inside) (figure 1) then it currently (2017) has about 147,400 inhabitants (table 1). most inhabitants still live in the city (92,000 – 62.4%), less in growing suburbs (32,500 – 22.0%), stabilized small towns (18,300 – 12.4%) and the least in semi-suburbs (4,500 – 3.0%). due to the gradual transformation of villages and semi-suburbs to suburbs, the number of suburbs rose from about 13 (1989), to 41 (2008) (kubeš, j. 2009) and to 53 (2017). since 1970, the population of contemporary suburbs has doubled (table 1) and their area has increased by 75 per cent (table. 2). there is a relatively mixed set of suburbs and other settlements with regard to the timing of suburban migration, home construction, population growth, with regard to distance from the city, current size by population and area and with regard to territorial development problems in them. the most important suburbs are the nearby suburbs forming a concentric chain in the first suburban sub-zone of the semi-urban landscape, both in numbers (22 suburbs) and in population (64.2% of population in suburbs). suburban construction in them and their population growth began in about the 1970s within weaker socialist residential suburbanisation. over 68 per cent of newer flats (built after 1970) in these suburbs and their population have more than doubled since 1970. seven of them exceeded 1,000 inhabitants. in the study area, they lie within 4 kilometres of the edge of the city. the concentric chain of post-socialist moderately distant suburbs (21 suburbs) and their surroundings forms the second suburban sub-zone with a “semito the architectural problems within sofia’s suburbs. mantey, d. and sudra, p. (2018) emphasize the need to create public spaces in new suburban areas in warsaw’s suburbs. the intrusion of residential suburbanisation into recreational cabin settlements is a current spatial planning problem (vágner, j. et al. 2011; leetmaa, k. et al. 2012, or nuga, m. et al. 2015). ott, t. (2001) points to the monotony of construction forms and styles of new constructions around the east german provincial city of erfurt. according to palang, h. and peil, t. (2010), spilková, j. and perlín, r. (2010), halleux, j.m. et al. (2012), kladivo, p. et al. (2015) or mantey, d. and sudra, p. (2018), post-socialist spatial planners and building officials should regulate the construction of houses in individual suburbs on the basis of the spatial plan of the entire agglomeration and adhere to the regulations of construction contained in the spatial plans of individual suburban municipalities. the simple assessment of territorial development problems of individual suburbs, other settlements and their types in the study area is carried out on the basis of field surveys, aerial photographs, municipal spatial plans and interviews with local experts. specifically, settlements with disordered (sub)urban sprawl in the form of poorly organized built-up areas, streets and roads (u), the inappropriate and monotonous architecture of new (suburban) houses and their inconsistency with original houses (a), the insufficient quality and capacity of technical infrastructure in connection with a new (suburban) development (t), previously created recreational cabin areas and with the negative impacts of suburban development on them (r), a lack of woody greenery inside new (sub)urban areas (g), few connections of public transport into the city (p), the absence or small capacity of kindergartens and schools in connection with the increase in the number of children due to suburbanisation (s) and with a large devouring of quality agricultural land in connection with suburban construction (l) will be searched for. based on the occurrence of these territorial development problems, further suburban developkubeš, j. and nováček, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 65–78.72 ta bl e 1. v al ue s of s el ec te d cr it er ia fo r su bu rb s, th ei r ty pe s an d ot he r se ttl em en ts in th e ag gl om er at io n of c it y of č es ké b ud ěj ov ic e, 2 01 7 t yp e of s ett le m en ts n um be r of se tt le m en ts sh ar e of p op ul at io n gr ow th 4 p op ul at io n fl at s in n ew er ho us es 1 im m ig ra nt s fr om th e ci ty 2 co m m ut er s to w or k to th e ci ty 3 19 70 = 1 00 19 90 = 1 00 t he c it y su bu rb s n ea rb y su bu rb s m od er at el y di st an t s ub ur bs m or e di st an t s ub ur bs se m isu bu rb s sm al l t ow ns v ill ag es 1 53 22 21 10 23 7 3 59 .7 5 67 .1 5 68 .2 5 66 .2 2 63 .7 9 48 .2 8 50 .2 8 32 .6 9 – 57 .3 0 59 .9 3 54 .8 8 48 .3 1 55 .7 9 33 .2 9 46 .7 1 – 58 .9 2 55 .8 3 58 .3 9 71 .4 0 59 .8 1 42 .9 0 59 .2 5 1. 21 2. 00 2. 21 1. 85 1. 45 1. 23 1. 34 0. 77 0. 96 1. 65 1. 68 1. 72 1. 41 1. 37 1. 13 0. 86 91 ,9 78 32 ,5 00 20 ,8 96 8, 23 8 3, 36 6 4, 47 0 18 ,3 17 16 7 su bu rb an z on e of th e ci ty 5 a gg lo m er at io n of th e ci ty 6 c om pa re d v ill ag es 7 86 87 9 62 .4 3 60 .7 4 32 .0 8 54 .2 7 – 31 .1 5 54 .7 1 – 45 .0 2 1. 69 1. 36 0. 56 1. 45 1. 09 0. 87 55 ,4 54 14 7, 43 2 55 9 n ot es : 1 t he s ha re o f fl at s in n ew er h ou se s co ns tr uc te d in 1 97 0– 20 17 o ut o f al l fl at s in 2 01 7; 2 t he s ha re o f im m ig ra nt s fr om t he c it y (a nd f ro m o th er c it ie s, to w ns a nd s ub ur bs ) m ig ra ti ng in 1 99 0– 20 17 o ut o f al l p op ul at io n in 2 01 7; 3 t he s ha re o f co m m ut er s to w or k to t he c it y (a nd a ls o to o th er t ow ns ) ou t of a ll ec on om ic al ly a ct iv e po pu la ti on i n 20 11 ; 4 in d ex o f po pu la ti on g ro w th 1 97 0– 20 17 a nd 1 99 1– 20 17 ; 5 t hi s in cl ud es s ub ur bs , s em isu bu rb s, s m al l to w ns , a nd tw o sm al l vi lla ge s; 6 t hi s in cl ud es a ls o th e ci ty ; 7 t he se v ill ag es l yi ng b eh in d t he a gg lo m er at io n w er e m on it or ed f or c om pa ri so n. s ou rc es : c en su se s an d co nt in uo us r eg is tr at io ns o f in ha bi ta nt s in t he c ze ch r ep ub lic . ta bl e 2. o th er c ha ra ct er is ti cs a nd te rr it or ia l d ev el op m en t p ro bl em s of ty pe s of s ub ur bs a nd o th er s ett le m en ts in th e ag gl om er at io n of c it y of č es ké b ud ěj ov ic e, 2 01 7 t yp e of s ett le m en ts a ve ra ge te rr it or ia l d ev el op m en t pr ob le m s of su bu rb s4 fu rt he r co ns tr uc ti on o f ne w h ou se s5 d is ta nc e fr om th e ci ty 1 , km nu m be r of po pu la ti on se tt le m en t a re a in h ec ta re s d is ta nc e of n ea rb y se tt le m en t3 , k m 20 17 19 70 20 17 19 70 2 n ea rb y su bu rb s 1. 9 1, 00 6 45 4 36 18 1. 3 u , a , r ,g , s , l − m od er at el y d is ta nt s ub ur bs 5. 0 39 2 20 9 16 10 2. 1 a, t , r , g , p , s , l ++ m or e d is ta nt s ub ur bs 10 .5 42 4 28 8 15 11 2. 6 a, t , r , p , s , l ++ se m isu bu rb s 7. 5 17 9 14 5 7 5 2. 4 a, t , r , p ++ sm al l t ow ns 7. 7 2, 95 7 2, 18 3 93 82 2. 4 u, g , l + n ot es : 1 fr om t he e d ge s of t he c it y to t he c en tr es o f th e se tt le m en ts ; 2 t hi s in cl ud es h ou se s, o th er b ui ld in gs , c om m un al s pa ce s an d g ar d en s ar ou nd h ou se s; 3 a m on g th e ed ge s of s ett le m en ts i n su bu rb an s ub -z on e; 4 se le ct ed t er ri to ri al d ev el op m en t pr ob le m s of t yp es o f se tt le m en ts ( m or e fr eq ue nt w it h bi gg er le tt er s) – t he l ett er s ar e ex pl ai ne d i n th e te xt ; 5 t he p os si bi lit y of c on st ru ct io n of n ew h ou se s: i n a m od er at e (+ +) , s m al l (+ ) or n ea r ze ro ( −) e xt en t. so ur ce : o w n re se ar ch . 73kubeš, j. and nováček, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 65–78. rural landscape” usually up to 8 kilometres away from the city. the population of these suburbs increased primarily after 2000. their current approximate population size is about 392 inhabitants (whereas for the previous type it was 950). they have retained their village appearance and there are more extensive agricultural areas and ponds in their surroundings, to the east and south even smaller forests. their development is mostly well-regulated by spatial planning (kubeš, j. 2015a). the territorially disordered set of post-socialist more distant suburbs (10 suburbs) is still small in number. these suburbs are located primarily in the southwest (in the undulating and partly wooded rural landscape) at a distance up to 13 kilometres from the city and attract more affluent and environmentally oriented inhabitants of české budějovice (according to the interviews done in these suburbs). the mentioned moderately distant and more distant suburbs in the study area can be classified as “suburbs with a rural character” due to their small population size, greater distance from the city, rural image and incidence of rural and natural landscapes around them. semi-suburbs (23; mainly in the third subzone) are located at a distance of up to 13 kilometres from the city and they have a predominantly village appearance. they could also be settlements where the construction of new houses is limited (flood risk, a lack of building plots). inhabitants of semi-suburbs also commute to work primarily into české budějovice (see table 1). also semi-suburbs infringe the circular distribution of the agglomeration because they exist mainly on the northwest or southwest of the study area where there are substantial roads leading from the city or valuable landscape (see figure 1). small towns (7) are of a varying size and they are still slowly growing. in the socialist period, small industrial plants were in these small towns. however, they were closed down in the course of the transformation in the 1990s, and thus local inhabitants – when they are not employed in local services – commute to work to the city (see table 1). these towns have a small-town core with town architecture and facilities of services. new family houses were built on the edges of small towns but for the most part these are for local inhabitants. territorial development problems of suburbs around the provincial city of české budějovice especially the large nearby suburbs near the city borders (e.g. hrdějovice, dobrá voda, včelná or litvínovice) can be characterized by symptoms of disordered (sub)urban sprawl in the form of poorly organized built-up areas (chaotic urban structure with no centre, with poorly arranged streets, with commerce and industry enclaves, with intensive road traffic; “u” in figure 1 and table 2). in the east, nearby suburbs are heavily hit by the ongoing highway construction. suburbanisation damages the architectural environment of the original villages, the existing suburbs, mainly due to the inappropriate architecture of new suburban family houses compared to the original farmhouses and due to the monotonous and foreign architecture of these new houses (“a” in table 2; see kubeš, j. 2015a). small towns with small-town architecture and urbanism do not usually have such problems. the technical infrastructure of suburbs (water supply, sewerage, wwtp, electrical station) is sometimes not ready for a substantial increase in the number of houses and inhabitants (“t” in table 2). however, it does not usually apply to nearby suburbs that are connected to the technical infrastructure of the city or have already dealt with these problems earlier. small towns also do not have technical infrastructure problems. recreational cabin areas may be adversely affected by expanding suburbs and some recreational cabins are inappropriately converted into permanently occupied houses (“r” in figure 1 and table 2; similarly, leetmaa, k. et al. 2012 around tallinn). the lack of woody greenery in new suburban areas in suburbs is particularly noticeable in nearby suburbs with dense buildings and small plots around houses (“g” in table 2). kubeš, j. and nováček, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 65–78.74 fig. 1. suburbs, their types, semi-suburbs, small towns and suburban sub-zones around the city of české budějovice (2017). source: own processing, gis by tomíček, f. 75kubeš, j. and nováček, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 65–78. moderately distant and more distant suburbs, as well as semi-suburbs, are mostly surrounded by woody greenery that penetrates to the interior of these settlements. few public transport connections into the city have suburbs and semi-suburbs if they are located outside the main roads and railways and if city public transport does not reach them (“p” in figure 1 and table 2). the nearby suburbs are well connected to the city via city public transport (city trolleybuses and buses). due to the sharp increase in the number of children in the suburbs after the arrival of young families from the city, the capacity of local kindergartens and elementary schools is often insufficient (similarly kladivo, p. et al. 2015 in olomouc’s suburbs). suburbanisation creates irreversible changes to the landscape (sýkora, l. and ouředníček, m. 2007) and often “devours” quality agricultural land (“l” in figure 1 and table 2; literature in the methodological chapter). since 1970, the suburbs and semi-suburbs have absorbed 578 hectares of unbuilt (largely agricultural) land, small towns absorbed 77 hectares (both calculated from the data in table 2) and české budějovice expanded by 950 hectares. suburbanisation should be regulated through spatial planning. the key task is the re-introduction of a spatial plan for the whole agglomeration of the city (see citations in the methodological chapter ). this plan should regulate the further construction of houses in suitable settlements and locations in them. conclusions české budějovice grew in population until the beginning of the post-socialist suburbanisation in 1998; thereafter the population has been decreasing, mainly due to suburban migration. the latest data shows population stabilization in the city: 91,735 in 2011 and 91,978 in 2017. the suburban zone of this city has a more or less concentric character with protrusions along the major roads to the northwest, northeast and east and into the aesthetically and naturally valuable landscape of the šumava foothills in the southwest (see figure 1). the number of suburbs around the city increased from 13 (1989) to 53 (2017), gradually according to individual suburban sub-zones. the population of former villages and today’s suburbs has doubled since 1970 (from 2008 slower growth). suburbs are territorially separated and relatively compact settlements originating from the villages. different types of suburbs and other settlements in individual suburban sub-zones can be distinguished. the first concentric suburban sub-zone is characterised as a semi-urban landscape with a chain of larger nearby suburbs. some of these suburbs have signs of disordered (sub)urban sprawl, a lack of greenery and they are loaded with intense road traffic. nearby suburbs should no longer continue to expand. smaller moderately distant suburbs are distributed in a chain in the semi-rural landscape (the second concentric suburban sub-zone). they can be further developed if they do not “eat” quality agricultural land and nature in the surrounding area and have good connections to the city and the availability of schools and other services. stabilized small towns may help alleviate the harmful monocentric settlement system in the agglomeration of the city in some ways. more distant suburbs and semi-suburbs in the third suburban sub-zone have similar territorial development problems as moderately distant suburbs. the third sub-zone does not have a sharply defined outer boundary, and it forms protrusions up to a distance of 13 kilometres from the edge of the city. nearby, moderately distant and more distant suburbs and semi-suburbs in the suburban zone and also villages lying at greater distances are settlement elements on the urban-rural continuum in the hinterland of the provincial city of české budějovice. this continuum is “disturbed” by small towns, only a few of which are affected by suburbanisation. a similar territorial arrangement of suburbs created by “suburban leapfrog-tovillages development” can be found around other similar czech provincial cities, such as hradec králové, pardubice or olomouc (based on local literature, field surveys and kubeš, j. and nováček, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 65–78.76 aerial photographs). suburbs in the suburban zone of one-millionth prague are more diverse in terms of the types examined in this article. in addition to the suburbs emerging from the villages, there are also large suburbs in the form of suburban small towns created by strong post-socialist suburbanisation from original settlements (small towns or villages), pre-war, socialist and post-socialist suburban enclaves outside original settlements (especially near the city) and suburban enclaves formed from recreational cabin settlements (vágner, j. et al. 2011 and others). prague’s suburban zone reaches up to 30 km from prague (špačková, p. et al. 2016). r e f e r e n c e s baccaini, b. 1997. types and causes of recent growth in the suburban districts of ile-de-france. population 52. 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(8): 1341–1357. doi: https://doi.org/10.1080/00420980120061061 tammaru, t. 2005. suburbanisation, employment change, and commuting in the tallinn metropolitan area. environment and planning a 37. (9): 1669–1687. doi: https://doi.org/10.1068/a37118 tammaru, t., leetmaa, k., silm, s. and ahas, r. 2009. temporal and spatial dynamics of the new residential areas around tallinn. european planning studies 17. (3): 423–439. doi: https://doi. org/10.1080/09654310802618077 tanaś, j. 2013. differentiation of suburbanization processes in poznań agglomeration. international journal of academic research 5. (3): 369–366. doi: https://doi.org/10.2478/remav-2013-0030 vágner, j., müller, d.k. and fialová, d. 2011. second home tourism in light of the historical-political and socio-geographical development of czechia and sweden. geografie 116. (2): 191–210. vaughan, l., griffiths, s., haklay, m. and jones, c.k.e. 2009. do the suburbs exist? discovering complexity and specificity in suburban built form. transactions of the institute of british geographers 34. (4): 475–488. https://www.jstor.org/stable/40270732 vobecká, j. and piguet, v. 2012. fertility, natural growth, and migration in the czech republic: an urban-suburban-rural gradient analysis of long-term trends and recent reversals. population, space and place 18. (3): 225–240. doi: https://doi. org/10.1002/psp.698 wolny, a. and źróbek, r. 2017. the interdependence between suburban enclaves and the road network in the development process: a case study in poland. geographia polonica 90. (2): 41–57. doi: https://doi. org/10.7163/gpol.0086 zębik, g. 2011. typology of suburban communities in poland. bulletin of geography. socio-economic series 16. 173–188. doi: https://doi.org/10.2478/ v10089-011-0021-x 6_book reviews.indd 191doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.68.2.7 growing lifespans, increasing levels of consumption, and the apparently improving environmental conditions of developed and partly underdeveloped countries often make us forget about their environmental impacts, whereas the undoubtedly aggravating situation must turn our attention towards global problems. recently, many people encounter obscure ideas about these crises, however, sooner or later, virtually everyone will be affected. unsurprisingly, a multitude of books has been aiming to shed light on environmental challenges caused by the so-called ‘explosion of globalisation’ worldwide so far. yet, the recent book differs from the majority as the author, professor jános rakonczai, consequently uses a specific geographical approach in order to profoundly describe the urgent challenges and policies of humanity’s present and future. the scrutiny is versatile as both sectoral and thematic issues are introduced from global and regional perspectives in obvious structures. all principal aims – to incline readers for further co-thinking, for deepening their critical views, for encouraging the creation of personal opinions – are praiseworthy. though this book is wholeheartedly recommended in principal to scholars and students in the scientific fields of environmental protection, geopolitics, geopraphy, environmental engineering, the content might also be interesting and easily understandable for a readership from different disciplines as well as to reader eager to get deeper insight into the global socio-economic and political flows affecting the environment. the author supplemented all chapters with thematic maps, figures and photos which make the reading procedure not only scientifically but visually pleasant. besides, up-to-date (sometimes astonishing and shocking) statistical data, historical and recent research results of world-renowned professionals from the scientific arena, and even many comparisons as objective and trustworthy evidences are increasing the reader’s consciousness towards global problems. within the confines of the current review, i consistently go through all important themes, also highlighting the most thrilling data and information provided in the book. the volume comprises three main chapters. the first one gives a theoretical overview and initiates an evolutionary approach to globalisation. as it was already mentioned, global environmental problems have been altering throughout the previous half a century. after world war ii, hungers, then acid rains, and the hole on the ozone layer were in the scientific limelight. during the last three decades, overpopulation, climate change and water-related issues (that are undoubtedly interdependent on each other) have become urging socio-economic and enviromental problems worldwide. consequently, the author considered these topics crucial and necessary to be elaborated in detail – along with other, thematically related issues. the second chapter might well be seen as the spine of the book. global problems and conflicts are examined and introduced thorougly in a clear and didactic structure. as a starting point, overpopulation and other population related issues are introduced. due to the decrease in hunger, epidemics, and wars, the scale of population growth accelerated at unexpected rates. while 124 years were necessary for the population to grow by one billion during the 20th century, nowadays the same takes 12–14 years only. this increase shows many regional and local differences. the most affected areas are highly urbanised areas (54% of the global population lives there, mostly in megacities). in this chapter, income inequality is also analysed. based on contemporary research results, the divergence of the highest and lowest social status groups is accelerating year by year – as one of the main characteristics of capitalism according to the rakonczai, j.: global and geopolitical environmental challenges. budapest, corvinus university of budapest, 2018. 306 p. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 2019 (2) 192 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 187–194. works of joseph stiglitz and thomas piketty. at the beginning of 2017, the wealth of the eight richest people in the world equalled the total wealth of the 3.6 billion poorest people. in only 2017, the 500 wealthiest people increased their wealth by more than one trillion dollars (almost 25%). on the contrary, the share of people in extreme poverty (as living on less than 1.90 usd per day) has steadily been growing on all continents during the past few years. important issues influencing population growth the same way are infectious diseases and epidemics. the author provides a detailed introduction to these topics and critically underlines that, interestingly, everyday attention is mostly focused on wars, acts of terrorism, and traffic accidents, although aids and malaria cause more deaths separately than all former factors combined. still, in terms of population topics, international migration became a hot topic due to its accelerating volume, especially in terms of economic and environmental migrants. in 1970, 2.3 per cent of the world’s population was migrating, whereas the same value was 3.4 per cent in 2017 (equalling to more than 250 million people). the most spectacular migratory flows occurred in the case of mexico, from where 12.3 million people moved to the us in 2017. the next chapter (global climate change and environmental atmospheric problems) deals in general with the composition of, and temporal changes in, the atmosphere. the results of different paleoclimatic researches offer a great overview of past climate changes on global and regional level. rakonczai underlines that the history of the earth involved a series of climate changes. although no spectacular change can be detected in the life of individuals, it is already known that there have been much warmer and colder periods in the history of the earth. as the author stresses, the process, background and major consequences of current climate change can mostly be explained through the changing athmospheric concentration of greenhouse gasses, global warming, seawater acidification, el niño, the great ocean conveyor belt, precipitation conditions, desertification and volcanic activity. in order to emphasise the seriousness of these topics, he provides some thrilling information. for instance, just to mention some evidence on global warming: the annual maximum ice cover varied between 15.7 and 16.3 million km2 in the 1980s, but in the last decade (2009–2018), it decreased to between 14.4 and 15.3 million km2. considering the trends, estimates assume that the arctic sea ice will totally disappear by 2040 (or even earlier). another solid evidence for the global climate change are altering precipitation conditions and desertification. these are not simply natural phenomena but joint consequences of natural, social and economic processes. the situation is the worst in africa, where two-thirds of the population lives in drought-prone areas. deforestation, erosion, deflation are not only results, but accelerating factors for further negativ processes. deforestation advanced southwards at 15–20 km per year on average (up to a sum of 400 km in the 1990s), and the sahara expanded 5–6 km per year to the northwest. other exampe are the gradual melting of permafrost areas, seawater acidification, severe floodings and the changing nature of the global ocean conveyor belt. as a praiseworthy part of several chapters, the author deliberitaly ends with forming a critical opinion on responsibility issues leading the readers towards further re-thinking. the volume provides a detailed analysis of the ozone hole, including its evolution, its chemical and physical attributes, the differences between the northern and southern poles, and the responsible materials and economic activities. similarly, serious, but often neglected global problems are connected to acid rains, which are caused by three major factors: industrialisation, deficiencies in environmental regulations, and gas emissions associated with volcanic eruptions. the reader can find a lot of examples of the harmfulness and long-term effects of these phenomena. as the author stresses, they do not constitute a unified global problem, rather a combination of regional problems over huge areas that does not affect the entire world, but primarily industrial and urban areas where population density is the highest. among atmospheric problems, air pollution must also be mentioned as, according to who data, 92 per cent of the world’s population is exposed to unsafe levels of air pollution, and an estimated three million deaths a year are linked to outdoor air pollution and 4.3 million to indoor air pollution. the reader can also find many information on health consequences of natural and anthropogenic air pollution. a remarkable part of the book is dedicated to global water problems, which constitutes an important issue since, besides food, water is another ‘bottleneck’ for humans in the future, and the importance of water has already preceded that of food. growing population, its food supply, and urbanisation have caused rapid growth in water use. declining water resources and the population growth in many countries result in water scarcity or water stress (concerning quality and quantity as well). in 2015, about two-thirds of the people suffered from water stress, and 1.8 billion people lived in areas of water scarcity. according to the book, humanity used about 54 per cent of all available freshwater at the beginning of the third millennium, and this figure is expected to increase to 70 per cent by 2025. the annual increase of water use exceeds the rate of population growth: between 1950 and 2014, population increased by 2.87 times, and water consumption increased by 3.25 times. a relevant solution might be the the extraction of groundwater in many places, though the over-exploitation of groundwater also causes problems. sad examples are for that ir193doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.68.2.7 responsible water use, such as in case of the aral sea, lake chad, lake urmia and lake poyang, just like the yellow river, colorado and nile rivers. water pollution and flood risks are perfectly presented through regional and local examples. at the end, the book investigates water resources which are flowing through semi-arid areas and causing serious water conflicts that might lead to ‘water wars’ in the future, such as in israel, jordan, syria, turkey, iraq, egypt, and ethiopia. in connection with water, sea issues such as overfishing also pose a big problem. between 1950 and 2006, the size of fishing areas has increased tenfold, now reaching 100 million km2 and affecting the wildlife in at least one-third of the world’s seas. on more than 30 per cent of the seas the signs of overfishing can clearly be detected. another striking sign of overfishing is the size of the fish that are captured. moreover, as a typical change in marine fishing, after the radical decline in the population of some species, previously less valuable species are being caught now. as one of the hottest environmental topics of the year 2019, the pollution of world seas, especially the appearance of masses of plastic waste seems to be the biggest problem. eight million tonnes of plastic per year reaches the sea, but some calculations suggest the claim that the amount will be double of that this year. an important example is the so-called eastern garbage patch, which later was renamed the great pacific garbage patch. it was already more than twice as large as the state of texas in 2007, and was located in the northern pacific ocean between california and hawaii. the waste in this ‘plastic island’ originates from the continents, and has been transported and shaped by ocean waves for a long time, causing enormous problems to wildlife. the water and air pollution by supertankers and tanker disasters are also investigated through many examples from the previous decades. in the following parts of the volume, two small chapters are dealing with deforestation and the waste problem. according to the author, one of the most spectacular changes has been caused by the destruction of the natural forests of the world. about 8,000– 10,000 years ago, approximately 62.2 million km2 of land was covered by natural forests, close to 42 per cent of all land area. by 2015, this amount had decreased to below 40 million km2, with significant regional differences. the waste problem is also mentioned as the amount of waste is increasing much more rapidly than the opportunities for its treatment or processing. the major factors of this growth are urbanisation, industrial growth, the emergence of consumer society, and changes in social habits. the huge increase in waste since the 1960s has become an increasingly difficult challenge for economically developed, consumptionoriented societies. it is no coincidence, therefore, that waste appeared as a major global problem. many versions of future scenarios predict a catastrophic end due to environmental pollution. the next part puts special emphasis on limits of non-renewable natural resources, especially hydrocarbons and noble metals. based on the demand-supply relationship, it was not surprising that raw material price shocks occurred during the past decades. this economic process fundamentally changed the rate of raw material use, and further price explosions have led to a constant decline in the rate of increase in consumption. the author gives a detailed overview of oil and rare earth metals, and provides estimations about the ways and time frame of their use. after chernobyl and fukushima, the utilisation and consequences of nuclear energy are obligatory issues for a book like this. in 2018, 450 nuclear power plant reactors were operating in 34 countries around the world, 57 were under construction, and 154 were at the planning stage. nuclear energy has become a leading source of electricity production in many countries. in 2017, the share of nuclear power exceeded 30 per cent in 12 countries. the most challenging environmental problem related to nuclear energy is the safe disposal of the high-level radioactive waste of nuclear power plants and the further 250 research reactors in 55 countries around the world. an average power plant reactor generates approximately 27–30 tons of high and 200–350 m3 of low-level and intermediate-level radioactive waste every year. nuclear power plants had also generated 370,000 tons of highlevel radioactive waste by the beginning of 2018, out of which 120,000 tons were reprocessed. fertile soils are the most important criterion for food production and they play a major role in meeting further anthropogenic demands. that is the reason why chapter 11 is about soil. the associated problems mainly belong to three categories: the limitation of the size of arable land, a decline in the area of agricultural production due to environmental problems and urbanisation, and the continuously decreasing amount of productive area per capita. an improvement in the food supply of the growing population has been ensured by the increasingly intensive use of land in the past decades. increasing yields are the result of the growing use of fertilisers, improving plant protection and, especially, irrigation, which contribute to higher crop yields and food security. soil degradation has many causes and consequences. the causes include overgrazing, deforestation, improper agricultural practices and overproduction. a further cause is the withdrawal of agricultural land due to the development of settlements, industrial facilities and transport infrastructure. the most significant consequences are erosion, deflation, chemical degradation, physical degradation and the decrease in biodiversity, which is associated with all the above mentioned factors. last but not least, decreasing biodiversity is also a mainstream environmental problem. humanity has become a new factor in the alteration of the natural environment on earth – numerous examples of this 194 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 187–194. can be found in earlier chapters of the book. its role in the changes is, of course, less dramatic than that of the meteorite mentioned before, but its impact on wildlife is greater in terms of efficiency and speed than that of the glacial climate change. appparent causes are habitat loss, a direct loss of wildlife, habitat fragmentation, pollution, spread of invasive species, and climate change. eventually, the author scrutinises human responses to environmental challenges in much detail. one can observe the development of legal and practical ways of enviromental protection as well as the role and responsibility of science and politics. for this reason, the author presents important earth summits, which fostered paradigm shifts, such as those in stockholm (1972), rio de janeiro (1992), johannesburg (2002), and, again, rio de janeiro (2012). furthermore, based on sectoral divisions, global summits have been introduced (e.g. conventions on ozone, greenhouse gases, acid rains, marine environment, freshwater, natural protection, and waste disposal). the examples provided in the book show not only our environmental responsibility, but also the power of human knowledge. the basic question concerning the future of humankind is when and how this knowledge might be mobilised to tackle global challenges both socially and economically. another question is whether the moral responsibility of major powers for global matters will overcome their desire for power. levente halász1 1 department of tourism, institute for social wellbeing, kodolányi jános university, székesfehérvár, hungary. e-mail: halaszlevente@hotmail.com 8_literature.indd 349literature – hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 345–353. stockholm; vienna; athens; amsterdam; budapest; riga; vilnius; prague; and oslo. finally, as the main conclusion of the book, even though european cities are still less segregated compared to those in the americas, africa or parts of eastern asia, almost all of the cities involved in the study were found to be more segregated than initially hypothesised (with the only exception of amsterdam). the spatial gap between the poor and the rich has been widening since the early 2000s; these changes are mostly driven by globalisation and the recent neoliberalisation of european cities, both in the case of welfare states and former socialist countries. moreover, as an alarming signal for policy-makers, the trend of rising inequalities and residential segregation does not appear to be changing anytime soon. márton berki the title geographies of knowledge and power was published by springer in july 2015. this is the seventh volume of the series "knowledge and space", launched in 2008 and dedicated to topics dealing with the production, application, spatial distribution and diff usion of knowledge. chief editor in charge of the series is peter meusburger from heidelberg university, whose work was this time supported by fellow editors derek gregory (university of british columbia, vancouver, canada) and laura suarsana (heidelberg university). the release is an outcome of the 7th interdisciplinary symposium on knowledge and space, held at heidelberg between 17 and 20 of june 2009. both the symposium and the book were supported by the klaus tschira foundation. the book focuses on the complex relations between knowledge, power and geographic space, and involves contributions from seventeen scholars with diff erent fi elds of inquiry therewith to investigate the issue at stake from multiple viewpoints. the large majority of the authors represent the fi eld of human geography, as do all three editors, whilst others come from various fi elds such as anthropology, scientifi c theology, assyriology and communication science. like many contemporary releases in human geography, the book largely builds on the theoretical fi ndings of michel foucault. the approach of this title is mostly based on the french philosopher’s dual concept of “power-knowledge” (pouvoir-savoir), by which he referred to the interconnectedness and mutual dependence of political rule and scientifi c knowledge in reinforcing and legitimating each other. the introductory chapter (chapter 1), in which the three editors lay the ground for the key notions of the book, is already set by a quote from foucault, suggesting that “knowledge and power are integrated with one another, and there is no point in dreaming of a time when knowledge will cease to depend on power” (foucault, m. 1980: 52. 1.). a basic argument of the book is that “power and knowledge depend on each other and incorporate each other; both have enabling and innovative eff ects. knowledge consolidates power, and power att racts and sometimes legitimates knowledge” (3.). though this issue has already been discussed by several authors throughout the last decades, the category of space, which is, according to foucault, “fundamental in any exercise of power” (foucault, m. 1984: 252. 4.), has remained relatively meusburger, p., gregory, d., suarsana, l. (eds.:) geographies of knowledge and power. springer, dordrecht, 2015, 347 p. literature – hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 345–353.350 under-examined. thus, an explicit goal of the volume is to contribute to the discourse on the relationship between power-knowledge and space “by bringing the voices of various disciplines, diff erent theoretical concepts, and diff erent scales of analysis together” (6.). as presented above, the volume indeed sought to involve authors from various fi elds, therefore, the sixteen chapters show a wide range of thematic focuses. nevertheless, some key questions received distinguished att ention and were put on the agenda by several authors. the core issue of the book is framed by important theoretical foundations, aiming to contribute to a better understanding of the nature of power as such, not only in political, but also in more general terms; this is to a great extent helpful for the reader. beyond the editors’ introduction, chapters 2, 3, 13 and 16 are those that are dealing mainly with theoretical questions. in chapter 2, which is by far the longest and, thus, the most encompassing one in the entire volume, peter meusburger off ers an overview on the multiple ways in which knowledge, power and geographical space may be intertwined; moreover, he introduces some signifi cant or at least promising concepts for the interpretation of these relations. an essential contribution of this chapter is the diff erentiation between factual and orientation knowledge, the fi rst one being “regarded as widely shared, canonized knowledge that is generated by experts and taken as true on the basis of the prevailing state of the art in research” (25.), and the second one consisting of “belief systems, values, cultural traditions, worldviews, ideologies, religions, moral positions, mindsets, action-guiding norms …, and refl ection about the ethical conduct of one’s life” (27.). a detailed argumentation is also provided by the author on why both categories of knowledge are needed for the acquisition and retention of power. in chapter 3, nico stehr aims at exploring the multiple linkages between civil society, governance, and democracy; his approach att ributes an important role to the spread of knowledge and the “growing knowledgeability of modern actors” (78.), through which an enhanced refl exivity and a growing infl uence of greater segments of society is expected in democratic regimes. in chapter 13, richard peet performs a brief critical assessment on the geographical implications of speculation as well as on the logic of this process and the power centres behind. chapter 16 by jo reichertz off ers an insight into the persuasive power of words, communicative power. this special sort of power is well known from everyday life though its true nature is barely recognised. the author provides with an encompassing discussion on this mundane, yet powerful form of rule; by all means an appropriate piece for closing chapter. the book is considerably successful in presenting distinct spatial contexts and outcomes of powerknowledge. several chapters focus on past or, from a european point of view, faraway cultural milieus and more precisely on how certain ideas and practices emerged and subsequently spread in these specifi c historical and spatial contexts. stefan m. maul (chapter 5) provides with an introduction on ancient mesopotamia, where “kings and their counsellors did not rely exclusively on their own professional expertise” (127.), but created some kind of a space for negotiation, aiming to gain divine legitimation for their decisions by using the professional knowledge of the two most important fi elds of that time, extispicy and astrology. the need for gods’ (or the god’s) approval of political and social practices was also of signifi cant importance not only for ancient cultures but also for later ones. some of these traditions are still eff ective in contemporary discourses. such cases are presented from the muslim world by dale f. eickelman (chapter 6), and from the united states by robert jewett (chapter 7). in his study, eickelman points to the fact that although the islam faith and its key proponents have an important role on what knowledge is valued in muslim countries, this has shown diff erent forms in various historical and geographical contexts; ultimately, the author suggests, that “there is no singular islam, but rather a multiplicity of overlapping forms of practice, discourse, and invocations based on readings of the past” (144.). in his essay, jewett provides with a narrative on how civic millennialism spread from new england to all thirteen colonies in the emerging united states of america during the 18th century to subsequently become a source of legitimacy for a proactive, if not off ensive american foreign policy still to our days. as the author puts it, “millennialism remains evident in the peculiar orientation of america toward the future and peculiar belief in their alleged innocence and power, including their widespread conviction that they are in some sense a chosen people, destined to exercise global leadership” (148.). this somewhat critical assessment of us’ att itude for global dominance lays the ground for a more nuanced criticism of the mutual support of colonialism and knowledge production/distribution, which makes up an important portion of the book. the comparative (economic, military, etc.) advantage of colonialist powers not only enabled them to gain dominance over foreign lands and people through direct violence, but also to invest heavily in knowledge production and distribution, therewith, to establish an ‘objective’ legitimacy base for their own superiority. for various reasons, scientists of diff erent eras and powers all contributed to this process, either directly or indirectly. the most striking examples in this respect are presented by trevor j. barnes (chapter 9), and by two hungarian geographers róbert győri and ferenc gyuris (chapter 10). both chapters discuss how 351literature – hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 345–353. scientists directly contributed to or at least laid the ground for the implementation of violent external and, in some cases, internal policies of undemocratic regimes such as nazi germany as well as preand post-wwii hungary, respectively. barnes takes the personality of walter christaller to illustrate how an ultimately violent regime managed to seduce the most prominent scholars of its time into ensuring the smooth operation of a lethal system. in a similar vein, győri and gyuris trace the history of human geography in hungary. whilst a distinguished and renowned fi eld in the interwar period, backed by the then regime in exchange for the legitimatisation of its irredentist foreign policy, human geography paid the price for this heyday by falling victim to a complete reshaping of the fi eld by the communist regime in the aft ermath of world war ii. while radical changes were adapted and theoretical concepts were adjusted to new ideologies, the most prominent scholars were removed from academic positions. following this complete uprooting of the discipline from its former context, it became suitable again for the service of the new (communist) regime. past and present forms of political-ideological colonisation through the spread of appropriate knowledge are also introduced and investigated in the volume. processes such as civilisation, democratisation or internationalisation are considered as important techniques in this account. a classic case of colonisation is presented by sarah de leeuw (chapter 15), who seeks to understand and theorise the “countervailing practices and strategies levied by those whom dominant forces att empt to subordinate” (298.) through the case of the indigenous people of canada. in contrast, the essays of john agnew (chapter 11) and anssi paasi (chapter 12) discuss a more global issue, the worldwide dominance of a few centres and, thus, a limited number of viewpoints above entire scientifi c fi elds. agnew scrutinises how a us-originated academic idea, the international relations theory, have exerted decisive infl uence on contemporary thinking about world politics. in his account the emergence and the subsequent spread of the theory (“the local becomes the global”; for a detailed introduction see agnew, j. 2007) exemplifi es how “the geography of knowledge can be conceived and related to world politics” (236.). in a similar vein, anssi paasi critically discusses the internationalisation of social sciences through the case of human geography. his criticism lies on the observation that “the current interest in publication cultures and language has been part of a broader debate on the almost self-evident understanding that the geography practiced in the united states and united kingdom is a product of the global core and that the same discipline practiced elsewhere is a product of the periphery” (255.). he considers this as threatening with the increased homogenisation of geographic knowledge in general, as “non-english speaking researchers … should publish in top international journals, but publishing in such journals oft en forces them to adapt to research agendas created in the anglophone world” (257.). this is a striking revelation from paasi, himself a descendant of a linguistic group of about 5 million native speakers, but otherwise a scholar with high international reputation, on how contemporary scientifi c thinking in human geography is in fact att empted to be uniformed from a few global power centres (publishing houses), which is also leading to new global inequalities (for more on this issue see paasi, a. 2005; paasi, a. 2013). beyond these main thematic focuses the volume is coloured by a handful of other papers, introducing further issues from the history of power-knowledge and space. derek gregory (chapter 4) provides an insight on how maps became “some of the deadliest weapons in the staff offi cers’ armoury” (117.) at the western front in world war i. a completely diff erent story is told by graeme wynn (chapter 8) on the power of books. he illuminates how two widely known books, man and nature from george p. marsh (marsh, g.p. 1864) and silent spring from rachel carson (carson, r. 1962), were able to exercise meaningful infl uence on subsequent policy making thanks to the very specific social, economic, political, environmental, and intellectual contexts of their ages. the essay of jürgen wilke (chapter 14) on the history of media control is a very insightful piece as well. indeed, “media control is nearly as old as media itself” (277.), though it took diff erent forms in diff erent times and places. as the author reviews recent surveys of the state of press freedom, it is clearly remarkable that “there are still discrepancies regarding media freedom on the international level” (284.). nevertheless, these surveys themselves, conducted exclusively from western countries, tend to consider contemporary western notions on media freedom as global standards. though not explicitly insisted by the author himself, this may also give as a sort of legitimacy for global western dominance. all in all, the volume is an essential reading for those showing interest in the distinct spatialities of power’s infl uence and at the same time dependence on the production, distribution and use of knowledge. the editors earned a great honour in adjusting essays with such diff erent viewpoints within one title. the fi nal content of the book is not seamless; indeed, it does not need to be. its greatest asset lies in opening up a wide range of questions of crucial importance for critical discussion, many of which are highly relevant for central and eastern europe as well. they may hopefully att ract scholars from the region to join these discussions. márton pete literature – hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 345–353.352 references agnew, j. 2007. know-where: geographies of knowledge of world politics. international political sociology 1. 138–148. carson, r. 1962. silent spring. boston, houghton miffl in. foucault, m. 1980. power/knowledge: selected interviews & other writings, 1972–1977 trans. colin gordon, leo marshal, john mepham and kate sober, new york, pantheon. foucault, m. 1984. space, knowledge and power. in the foucault reader. ed. rabinow, p. harmondsworth, uk, penguin, 239–256. marsh, g. p. 1864. man and nature: or, physical geography as modifi ed by human action. new york, charles scribner & co. paasi, a. 2005. globalisation, academic capitalism and the uneven geographies of international journal publishing spaces. environment and planning a. 37. 769–789. paasi, a. 2013. fennia: positioning a ‘peripheral’ but international journal under conditions of academic capitalism. fennia 191. (1): 1–13. damir magaš author of the geography of croatia volunteered to introduce and describe the physical and social geographical patt ern of croatia. the volume issued by the university of zadar is the english translation of geografi ja hrvatske published in 2013. we can state that this is a seminal work that aims to set croatia in the global context, and it also tries to familiarise the international audience with croatia’s natural, social and economic conditions. the language of the book and the extremely rich appendices with maps and fi gures are undoubtedly serving this goal. the chapters of the book are arranged in the traditional way; fi rst readers get to know about the absolute and relative geographical situation of croatia, and this is where the author emphasises the fact that his country is situated in the buff er zone of east and west, of the continent and the mediterranean, on the borderline between diff erent cultural regions (i.e. western christianity, orthodoxy and the islam). in his view croatia is part of the western side, even if it means that this way croatian nation is enlisted amongst the central european countries. the division of the country and the dichotomy of countless origins can be traced in various aspects; one of them could easily be the natural conditions of the country discussed in the second chapter. the wellknown duality of physical geography has its eff ect on the climate, on geological and morphological characteristics, on hydrography or on the grounds and situation of vegetation. the northern and eastern part of croatia belongs to the carpathian basin, whereas southward and westward it stretches into the mediterranean zone facing the mediterranean (adriatic) sea. the transition zone between the two major regions is provided by the steep, karst mountains of the dinarides which, on the one hand, infl uence the climatic and hydrological features of the coastline, they form a special region of soil and vegetation, but on the other hand they also have impacts on the – later described – population distribution or circulation. the third chapter is a register and individual representation of landscapes. the 120-page long part of the book reports shortly on all of the landscapes of magaš, d.: the geography of croatia. university of zadar, department of geography, meridij ani publishing house. zadar, 2015. 597 p. environmental conditions of gully erosion in hungary 79 hungarian geographical bulletin 2009. vol. 58. no 2. pp. 79–89. environmental conditions of gully erosion in hungary ádám kertész1 abstract soil erosion research has become very important over the last decades. it is the subject matt er of several disciplines, geographers, geomorphologists, soil scientists, hydrologists, agronomists and other scientists publish on this topic and the authors of these publications are members of interdisciplinary and in most cases also international teams. research on soil erosion by water concentrated, however, mainly on sheet erosion. the role of gully erosion has been recognized only lately. the presence and dynamics of various gully types (permanent, ephemeral and bank gullies) can be observed and their development can be followed under diff erent climatic conditions and various land use types and sheet and rill erosion measurements on runoff plots are not realistic indicators of total catchment erosion (poesen, j. et al. 2003). another weakness of plot measurements of sheet erosion is that they do not give information about the redistribution of eroded soil within a fi eld (poesen, j. et al. 2003). gully erosion plays a decisive role in the redistribution of eroded soil on a slope and in delivering it to watercourses (evans, r. 1993, cited by poesen, j. et al. 2003). all these statements point to the need of intensive research on gully erosion. keywords: gully and rill erosion, soil loss, land use change introduction the process of gully erosion generates 20–30 cm to 20 m deep gullies (bergsma, e. 1996). although there are contradictory views about the share of gully erosion in the total amount of soil loss our experiences show that gully erosion processes have a bigger share than those of sheet erosion (jakab, g. et al. 2006). according to the hungarian classifi cation gully erosion is one of the processes of linear erosion (see e.g. jakab, g. 2008). linear erosion is a logical scientifi c name for this group of processes but it is not used worldwide. microrill, rill and gully erosion belong to the group of linear erosion processes. for the really big gullies, i.e. for those with signifi cant volume and especially deepness the expression of gorge (ravine) erosion is also used. linearity is included in every defi nition. e.g. poesen, j. et al. (2003) defi ne gully erosion “as the erosion process whereby runoff water accumulates and oft en recurs in 1 geographical research institute, hungarian academy of sciences. h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mail: kertesza@helka.iif.hu 1_kertész_cikk.indd 791_kertész_cikk.indd 79 2009.10.19. 10:32:552009.10.19. 10:32:55 80 narrow channels and, over short periods, removes the soil from this narrow area to considerable depths”. the defi nitions of various forms of linear erosion (rill and gully erosion) are given by jakab, g. (2006) in hungarian language. in this classifi cation the value of 50 cm (width and depth) separates rills from gullies and deep-cut tracks are defi ned as a special group of gullies. they were dealt with in detail by kertész, á. (1984). kerényi, a. (1991) applied also the 50 cm value to diff erentiate between rills and gullies. various hungarian and foreign authors use diff erent threshold values and defi nitions. a detailed analysis and comparison of them will not be given here as it would not bring essential information on the topic. an important step in gully erosion research was the introduction of the term ephemeral gully erosion (foster, g.r. 1986). the size of ephemeral gullies is between rills (photo 1) and gullies (photo 2), i.e. these gullies can still be removed by cultivation, while permanent gullies are too deep to ameliorate with tillage machines (soil science society of america 2001). bank gullies are defi ned as gullies developed on earth banks, i.e. where concentrated runoff crosses a bank (poesen, j. et al. 2003). a very clear classifi cation and description of erosion processes is given by laflen, j.m. (1985, see table 1). photo 1. rills on arable land 1_kertész_cikk.indd 801_kertész_cikk.indd 80 2009.10.19. 10:32:562009.10.19. 10:32:56 81 ta bl e 1. c la ss ifi ca ti on a nd d es cr ip ti on o f e ro si on p ro ce ss es b y la fl en , j .m . ( 19 85 ) sh ee t a nd r ill e ro si on e p he m er al g u lly e ro si on g u lly e ro si on o cc u rs o n sm oo th s id e sl op es a bo ve d ra in ag el in e. o cc u rs a lo ng s ha llo w d ra in ag el in es u p st re am fr om in ci se d c ha nn el s or g u lli es . g en er al ly o cc u r in w el l d efi n ed d ra in ag elin es . m ay b e of a ny s iz e bu t a re u su al ly sm al le r th an c on ce nt ra te d fl ow c ha nn el s. m ay b e of a ny s iz e bu t a re u su al ly la rg er th an r ill s an d s m al le r th an p er m an en t gu lli es . u su al ly la rg er th an c on ce nt ra te d fl ow ch an ne ls a nd r ill s. fl ow p att e rn d ev el op s m an y sm al l d is co nn ec te d p ar al le l c ha nn el s w hi ch e nd at c on ce nt ra te d fl ow c ha nn el s, te rr ac e ch an ne ls o r in d ep os it io na l a re as . u su al ly fo rm s a d en d ri ti c p att e rn a lo ng w at er c ou rs es b eg in ni ng w he re o ve rl an d fl ow , i nc lu d in g ri lls , c on ve rg e. f lo w p at te rn s in fl u en ce d b y ti lla ge , r ow s, te rr ac es , m an m ad e fe at u re s. d en d ri ti c p att e rn a lo ng n at u ra l w at er co u rs es . m ay o cc u r in n on -d en d ri ti c p at te rn s in r oa d d it ch es , t er ra ce o r d iv er si on ch an ne ls , e tc . r ill c ro ss -s ec ti on s u su al ly a re n ar ro w re la ti ve to d ep th . c ro ss -s ec ti on s u su al ly a re w id e re la ti ve to d ep th . s id ew al ls n ot w el l d efi n ed . h ea d cu ts n ot r ea d ily ; d o no t b ec om e p ro m in en t b ec au se o f t ill ag e. c ro ss -s ec ti on s u su al ly n ar ro w r el at iv e to d ep th . s id ew al ls a re s te ep . h ea d cu t p ro m in en t. e ro d in g ch an ne l a d va nc es u p st re am . r ill s no rm al ly r em ov ed b y ti lla ge , u su al ly d o no t r eo cc u r in th e sa m e p la ce . te m p or ar y fe at u re , u su al ly r em ov ed b y ti lla ge ; r eo cc u r in s am e p la ce . n ot r em ov ed b y ti lla ge . so il re m ov ed in th in la ye rs o r sh al lo w ch an ne ls . s oi l p ro fi le b ec om es th in ne r ov er e nt ir e sl op e. so il re m ov ed a lo ng n ar ro w fl ow p at h, to ti lla ge d ep th if u nt ill ed la ye r is r es is ta nt to e ro si on , o r d ee p er if u nt ill ed la ye r is le ss r es is ta nt . so il m ay e ro d e to d ep th o f p ro fi le , a nd ca n er od e in to s oft b ed ro ck . l ow e ro si on r at es n ot r ea d ily v is ib le . a re a m ay o r m ay n ot b e vi si bl y er od in g. e ro si on r ea d ily v is ib le d et ac hm en t a nd tr an sp or t b y ra in d ro p s an d fl ow in g w at er . d et ac hm en t a nd tr an sp or t b y fl ow in g w at er o nl y. d et ac hm en t b y fl ow in g w at er , s lu m p in g of u ns ta bl e ba nk s an d h ea d cu t r et re at ; tr an sp or t b y fl ow in g w at er . 1_kertész_cikk.indd 811_kertész_cikk.indd 81 2009.10.19. 10:32:562009.10.19. 10:32:56 82 in order to understand gully initiation and development usually the following questions are asked: (1) what is the importance of surface and near surface lithology? (2) what are the topographic threshold values leading to the formation of gullies? (3) what are the characteristics climatic conditions (fi rst of all rainfall amounts and intensities) to trigger gully development? (4) what is the role of land use and land use change? (5) what socio-economic factors infl uence gully initiation and extension in a given area? the present paper tries to answer these questions by examining the conditions of gully formation and development in hungary. photo 2. gully in a forested area just below an arable fi eld 1_kertész_cikk.indd 821_kertész_cikk.indd 82 2009.10.19. 10:32:562009.10.19. 10:32:56 83 soil erosion in hungary land degradation processes play an important role in relief formation and development in hungary. soil erosion is one of the most signifi cant land degradation processes on agricultural areas. other land degradation processes, such as: mass movements, extreme soil reaction (including acidifi cation and salinization/alkalization), physical degradation and other chemical, physical and biological degradation processes (see várallyay, gy.–leszták, m. 1990; kertész, á. 2001) are also important, but they are not as extended as soil erosion. soil is one of the most important natural resources in hungary, therefore soil erosion studies and soil erosion control are very important issues. 25% of the total area of hungary (more than one-third of agricultural land) is aff ected by water erosion (on agricultural land 13.2% slightly, 13.6% moderately and 8.5% severely eroded) and 16% is aff ected by wind erosion (stefanovits, p.–várallyay, gy. 1992, see table 2). the signifi cance of soil erosion processes was recognized half a century ago and a soil erosion map was constructed by stefanovits, p. and duck, t. (1964) covering, however, only improved farmland (excluding non agricultural uses, e.g. forests, urban and industrial areas, roads, etc.). the mapping was based upon the analysis of soil profi les. as a consequence of the applied method only areas eff ected by sheet erosion are identifi ed on the map and the areas of gully erosion were not shown on it. soil erosion research concentrated mainly on sheet erosion and the assessments were restricted to smaller areas, hillslopes or small catchments. a) water erosion. sheet erosion is an important problem on most of arable land. before the change of the regime in 1989 large arable fi elds were created allowing for an even more extensive damage of sheet erosion. most of the crop is harvested by the beginning of july leaving large surfaces without vegetation during the most sensitive period, i.e. between july and october. sheet erosion processes are supported by micro-solifl uction and by splash erosion (kerényi, a. 1991). gully erosion will be dealt with below in detail. table 2. soil erosion in hungary indicator thousand hectares % of the total area % of the agricultural land % of the eroded land area of the country agricultural land arable land total eroded land strongly moderately weakly 9,303 6,484 4,713 2,297 554 885 852 100.0 69.7 50.7 24.7 6.0 9.5 9.2 – 100.0 73.0 35.3 8.5 13.6 13.2 – – – 100.0 24.1 38.5 37.4 1_kertész_cikk.indd 831_kertész_cikk.indd 83 2009.10.19. 10:32:562009.10.19. 10:32:56 84 b) wind erosion is highly extensive on the areas of wind blown sand, which occupy about 20% of the country’s territory. the thickness of the sand varies form a few centimeters to 25–30 meters. damage is primarily caused on sandy soils, where crop yields may be reduced by up to 50%. improperly cultivated peat soils with decomposed, powdery surfaces also have low resistance to wind erosion. gully erosion research in hungary as mentioned before, the role of gully erosion processes was not properly recognized until lately and it was believed that it is mainly sheet erosion which causes damage on agricultural land. this statement is also true in the case of hungarian research. gully classifi cation systems will be treated fi rst followed by a short review of scientifi c publications on gullying. a gully erosion survey was carried out to characterize gully erosion according to the length of gullies in a given area (stefanovits, p.–várallyay, gy. 1992). based on this survey the following categories were suggested. a) weakly gullied area: <200 m/km2 gullies; b) moderately gullied area: 200–500 m/km2; c) strongly gullied area: >500 m/km2. a classifi cation system based on soil loss values was suggested by thyll, sz. (1992). according to the method soil loss values will be identifi ed on a 40x40 m test area to give the rate of gully erosion. the categories are weak (<40 t/ha), medium (40–100 t/ha) and strong (>100 t/ha) gully erosion. the selection of the very small test area infl uences the obtained result very much and therefore this method cannot bring reliable results. observations and descriptions of gully erosion date back to the last century (see. e.g. pécsi m. 1955). the gullies of the tokaj hill were investigated by pinczés z. (1968, 1980). he used the number and extent of rills to identify the degree of soil erosion. boros l. (1977) elaborated a simple method for mapping rills and gullies providing also some information on their morphometrical properties. hilly areas with thick loess cover or with loose pannonian sediments have unique geomorphological features and they are prone to rill and gully development (see. e.g. kádár l. 1954; ádám, l. 1969). among them the tolna and szekszárd hilly countries were studied in detail by ádám, l. (1969). kerényi, a. and kocsisné hodosi, e. (1990) reported on the development of erosional forms in vineyards covered by loess. the role of piping was recognized by several authors (kádár l. 1954; ádám, l. 1969; kerényi, a.–kocsisné hodosi, e. 1990). 1_kertész_cikk.indd 841_kertész_cikk.indd 84 2009.10.19. 10:32:572009.10.19. 10:32:57 85 investigations in lake balaton catchment by various authors included also some aspects of gully development. the department of physical geography of the hungarian academy of sciences carried out several research projects on soil erosion forms and processes in the catchment. tóth a. (2004) analysed the ratio of sheet and gully erosion in the tetves catchment. jakab, g. et al. (2005) made a very detailed morphometrical survey of gullies in the same catchment. kertész, á. (2004a) studied geomorphic processes on collapsible and dispersive soils. rill initiation and development was part of various rainfall simulation experiments (csepinszky b. et al. 1998; csepinszky b.–jakab g. 1999; sisák, i. et al. 2002; centeri, cs. 2002; centeri, cs.–pataki, r. 2003, 2005; 2005, szűcs, p. et al. 2006; jakab, g.–szalai, z. 2005; balogh j. et al. 2008). there is also historical evidence (see e.g. gábris, gy. et al. 2003) that a very intensive gully erosion activity took place in the nineteenth century when large areas covered by loose sediments were deforested and opened for arable farming. conditions of gully development a) slope gradient stefanovits, p.–várallyay, gy. (1992) investigated the eff ect of relief on water erosion (including both sheet and gully erosion) in hungary according to slope gradient categories. on slopes <5% erosion hazard is negligible. as slopes >25% are generally forested they do not imply a high erosion risk. the 17–25% slopes are either under forest or were deforested in the recent past. most of the 5–17% slopes are used for agriculture and deteriorated by soil erosion to a certain extent (krisztián j. 1992). there are no studies carried out on the threshold value of slope gradient for gully initiation. it would be interesting to investigate the relationship between critical slope gradient versus upslope drainage area for (ephemeral) gully initiation (see vandaele, k. et al. 1996). b) soil parent material about two thirds of the total area of hungary are covered by loose sediments, mainly by loess and loess like deposits, susceptible to soil erosion and mass movement processes in the hilly regions of the country. soil erosion is the greatest environmental hazard on hillslopes under cultivation. the thickness of slope loess varies between 5 and 25 m. recent processes acting on loose sediments were mainly dealt with as part of geomorphological mapping activities and geomor1_kertész_cikk.indd 851_kertész_cikk.indd 85 2009.10.19. 10:32:572009.10.19. 10:32:57 86 phological surveys (kertész, á. 2004b). the best conditions for gully erosion are provided in the areas of thick loess cover (e.g. szekszárd hilly country). other loose sediments like pannonian sands are also susceptible to gully erosion. c) soil properties soils of the loess covered areas are generally highly erodible because the parent material of the soil is a loose sediment. the initiation and development of gullies is in some cases promoted by subsurface erosion, i.e. by piping (called also suff osion in hungarian literature, see jakab, g. et al. 2005). physical and chemical properties of loess and loess-like sediments off er favourable conditions for the development of pipes. collapsibility is primarily connected with calcium carbonate content (including lime concretions in older loess deposits), with the very high porosity (volume of pores is 40–60%). the most important processes on collapsible/dispersive rocks and soils include sheet erosion, rill erosion, gully erosion, piping (tunnel erosion, suberosion), wind erosion and mass movements. d) climatic conditions gully erosion is more frequent under arid conditions and less frequent under humid climatic conditions (poesen j. et al. 1996). recent research concentrates on the occurrence of erosive rainfall events. in most cases the role of rainfall characteristics in sl gully % (the percentage of soil loss caused by gully erosion in the total soil loss of the catchment. evidently the amplitude and frequency of rainfall events are the most important rainfall characteristics. it is also evident that any change in rainfall regime (e.g. because of climate change) will lead to the change of the value of sl gully %. for the development of sheet and gully erosion, „erosion-sensitive days” characterized by >30 mm daily rainfall are of crucial importance. (stefanovits, p.–várallyay, gy. 1992), which may occur 4–12-times per year in hungary. concerning rainfall characteristics the most informative value is the rainfall threshold leading to the development of gullies in various environments. according to poesen j. et al. (2003) there is not much diff erence in threshold rains of rills and gullies. there are no data available on threshold rains in hungary. global climate change is very likely to increase gully erosion risk. extreme events are going to be more frequent. in summer long periods of draught will alternate with storms (high intensity rainfalls). in winter freezing, melting and intensive rainfalls will alternate. 1_kertész_cikk.indd 861_kertész_cikk.indd 86 2009.10.19. 10:32:572009.10.19. 10:32:57 87 e) land use change land use plays a key role in the development of land degradation processes. recent studies indicate that (1) gully erosion represents an important sediment source in a range of environments and (2) gullies are eff ective links for transferring runoff and sediment from uplands to valley bott oms and permanent channels where they aggravate off site eff ects of water erosion. in other words, once gullies develop, they increase the connectivity in the landscape. many cases of damage (sediment and chemical) to watercourses and properties by runoff from agricultural land relate to (ephemeral) gullying. there is a huge number of studies on the eff ect of land use on gully development. gábris, gy. et al. (2003) reported on a very intensive gully erosion activity in the nineteenth century when large areas deforested. deforestation and starting agricultural activity on former forested areas increases gully erosion risk also in hungary. conclusions the hilly countries of hungary are mainly covered by unconsolidated sediments, with a prevalence of loess and loess like sediments among them. loess covered areas are prone to erosion and mass movements. the paper provided an analysis of the physico-geographical conditions of gully development in hungary. gully erosion risk is present on various landscapes because of the environmental conditions. a) great hungarian plain. even lowlands covered by a thick layer of loess and other loose sediments are prone to gullying. along the banks of rivers (e.g. some sections of the danube valley) various forms of erosion including gullies are present. rills and gullies will be formed on sand accumulation areas. these forms are very dynamic, change rapidly and disappear on moving sand (see boros l.–boros l.-né. 1980) and on sandy soils. b) hilly countries and mountains. being covered by loess and other loose sediments hilly countries all are prone to gully erosion. big elevation diff erences in a small area, i.e. high relative relief values point to a high risk of gullying (e.g. somogy, tolna, szekszárd hilly countries). deforested areas used by agriculture, especially arable lands and vineyards have an enhanced risk. mountains are mostly forested with spots of clearings. even in the mountain forest there is a risk of gullying. antropogenous activities (e.g. timber transport tracks, unpaved forest roads etc.) contribute to the risk of gully erosion. medium and long term land use planning should ensure a minimum risk of gully erosion with special emphasis on aff orestation. acknowledgements: the present study was supported by the hungarian scientifi c research fund (otka), project number: t 76434. the support is gratefully acknowledged. 1_kertész_cikk.indd 871_kertész_cikk.indd 87 2009.10.19. 10:32:572009.10.19. 10:32:57 88 references ádám, l. 1969. a tolnai-dombság kialakulása és felszínalaktana. – akadémiai kiadó, budapest. 83 p. balogh j.–baloghné di gléria m.–jakab g.–szalai z. 2008. talajeróziós vizsgálatok esőszimulátorral. – in: schweitzer f.–bérci k.–balogh j. szerk.: a bátaapátiban épülő nemzeti radioaktívhulladék-tároló környezetföldrajzi vizsgálata. – mta földrajztudományi kutatóintézet, budapest, pp. 90–104. bergsma, e. 1996. terminology for soil erosion and conservation. – international society of soil science (isss). 313 p. boros l.–boros l.-né. 1980. hóolvadékvíz által előidézett talajpusztulás a nyírség északnyugati részén. – földrajzi értesítő 29. 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(2). pp. 161–173. várallyay, gy.–leszták, m. 1990. susceptibility of soil to physical degradation in hungary. soil technology 3. pp. 289–298. 1_kertész_cikk.indd 891_kertész_cikk.indd 89 2009.10.19. 10:32:572009.10.19. 10:32:57 lászló jeney and dávid karácsonyi (eds.): minsk and budapest, the two capital cities 157literature – hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 155–158. while budapest used to be the bridge between the west and east in central europe, minsk seems to be in a similar role between the russian and the eu–polish infl uence zones, or in other words, both capitals are situated on the frontiers between the euro-atlantic and the euro-asian macro regions. besides their situations, their similarity in size renders the comparison and the cooperation obvious to proceed. the volume is divided into two parts; the fi rst dealing with the socio-economic development of the two cities and the second with urban climate, environment and ecology. the fi rst chapter writt en by zoltán kovács introduces budapest as a central european metropolis with its historical trajectories and the results of the postsocialist transformation. aft er a short introduction of the city’s past development preceding 1990, the author identifi es administration, economy and housing market as the main factors infl uencing the post-socialist urban development in budapest. the main socio-spatial restructuring of the metropolis taking place aft er 1990 includes the city centre as the result of a business function explosion; the upand downgrading of the inner-urban residential quarters; the transitional zones of slow conversion; the dangerous heritage of the communist ‘fl at-factories’ that acts as a time-bomb in the housing estates; the space of the newly developing garden suburb zones of the well-to-do; the residential ’villa quarter’ areas of the ageing upper-middle class households; and the urban sprawl of the agglomeration zones encircling budapest. the chapter succeeded in giving a detailed picture of the developing business hub in central europe with its few upward trajectories and the numerous downward ones characterising it. ivan pirozhnik, henryk oziem and vladimir korotayev wrote about the major issues of spatial structure planning of minsk in a similar context, describing the past and the present changes taking place in the spatial structure of the metropolis. the trends in the development of the city are analysed in comparison with other european capitals together with the spatial characteristics of the population of minsk. special att ention is paid to the dynamics of the city’s master plan and the evolution of its spatial structure in the post-industrial transition period. in summarising the study we can conclude that post-soviet and post-industrial renovations in minsk are in full swing, however the dynamics of present transformation depend on the degree of restrictions of market regulation mechanisms which is thought to ‘soft en’ the extent of spatial diff erentiation of the urban environment. this is an important diff erence in the case of minsk compared to budapest. the spatial and temporal diff erentiation of demographic development of minsk is characterised by ekaterina antipova and liudmila fakeyeva. the spatial structures of demographic development, population increase and migration factors are analysed in the chapter. three main types of geodemographic districts are identifi ed in the metropolis: progressive with natural increase and stationary age structure (1); stable with natural increase and regressive age structure (2); regressive with natural decrease and regressive age structure (3). besides the intensive housing and regreslászló jeney and dávid karácsonyi (eds.): minsk and budapest, the two capital cities. department of economic geography and futures studies, corvinus university of budapest; geographical institute rcaes, hungarian academy of sciences; faculty of geography, belarusian state university; institute for nature management, national academy of sciences of belarus. budapest, 2015. 194 p. literature – hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 155–158.158 sive industrial development of the city, a distinctive feature is manifested in the fact that minsk has more or less preserved its role as a major industrial centre during the period of transition and post-industrial age aft er 1993. the study gives an example of how eastern european metropolises experienced the demographic transformation processes of the post-socialist era. balázs szabó and ágnes erőss wrote about the main features of large housing estates and the results of their rehabilitation in budapest. the chapter surveys the history of the housing estates with comparison outlooks to other west and central european cities. then the authors explore the rehabilitation initiatives carried out in budapest in the last decade, with special att ention to their outcomes and eff ects. they also examine whether renovations resulted in some new socio-spatial diff erentiations at large housing estates. the rate of renovation is relatively high in some low statues large housing estates built in the 1970’s. the renovation is likely to be an instrument that could be used to prevent the declining status and position of such housing estates on the housing market. achieving that aim could be further enhanced by the renovation eff orts of residents. completely renovated housing estates are hardly found in budapest, while there are a great number of them without renovation. if the government fi nanced rehabilitation support was concerned, for a longer period, the large nonrenovated housing estates would be in a desperate situation, because they are not able to compete with either the smaller estates with good location or the renovated larger ones on the housing market. the fi rst chapter of the second part of the volume deals with the urban climate of budapest, the trends and perspectives, writt en by ferenc probáld. the author surveys the milestones of climate research of budapest; he defi nes the urban heat island, and the rising heat stress in the city. the metropolitan growth and the climate change have brought about new global ecological conditions and this would require more responsibility in preparing decisions regarding the values of environment. in budapest the ultra-liberal mayor and city council that led the city between 1990 and 2010 adopted laissez-fair att itude, thus, allowing private companies to get through their interests at the cost of the whole urban community. in order to save the environmental assets of budapest and to achieve a turn towards a sustainable property development, bett er governance, comprehensive planning and appropriate regulation measures as well as their rigorous implementation are needed. the following chapter writt en by vladimir loginov focuses on the estimation of the impact of urbanisation on climate and extreme weather phenomena. the chapter includes the survey of the role of urbanisation in the increasing use of south belarussian thermal resources, the estimation of contribution of urbanisation to regional climate changes and the evaluation of the urban impact on air humidity, fog, heavy rains and hails. while investigating the impact of anthropogenic heat sources on belarussian cities and the countries of the world, the calculation shows that in the majority of the countries the anthropogenic fl uxes exceed the geothermal fl ow by times. it is estimated that urbanisation plays an increasing role in the rise of thermal resources in south belarus. the chapter sheds light on anthropogenic heat fl uxes in urbanised areas, the contribution of the heat islands to the temperature changes, the diff erences of air humidity and temperature between cities and their vicinities. the integrated assessment of the state of urban environment is examined on the example of minsk by valery khomich, sergey kakareka, tamara kukharchyk and ludmila krauchuk. this chapter presents the approaches and results in measuring the condition of air quality, underground water and soil pollution as well as the state of vegetation on the territory of minsk. the integrated assessment is based on the analysis of monitoring and statistical data, result of geochemical investigation and modelling. the obtained and spatial diff erentiated and integrated data of urban environment including natural and technogenic factors served as a basis for urban planning, technical, technological and organisational actions that aim at the realisation of planning decisions and ecological regulations. they are manifested in the optimisation of the environment is zones belonging to the most adverse ecological categories outlined in the general plan of minsk city. the last chapter deals with the ecological frame of the environmental planning in urban agglomerations, using the case of minsk writt en by mikhail struk. it gives the explanation of optimal environmental planning in the metropolitan area. due to the growing urban population and anthropogenic pressure recommendations were made to introduce environmental planning for the suburban area to carry out the functions of sanitation, water supply and recreation. it is based on a recommended spatial model of the ecological system providing specialised methods of nature management in diff erent parts of the urban areas. ecological and geographical criteria were determined for outlining suburban area boundaries of the natural frame. they are based on the analysis of external matt er and energy relations of the city mainly by air and water fl ows. on the basis of the obtained criteria the external environmental boundaries of minsk agglomeration could be identifi ed. they cover a more extended territory than the boundaries of suburban and green zones. the volume serves as a good starting point of an extensive cooperation between belarussian and hungarian geographers dealing with social and physical urban environment, the state of which deserves extra att ention especially in post-socialist central and eastern europe. istván tózsa 197book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 197–208. b o o k r e v i e w s e c t i o n doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.71.2.7 hungarian geographical bulletin 71 2022 (2) among the distinctive features of borderlands is their high vulnerability to changes in international relations (both interstate and cross-border), along with various external shocks and geopolitical tensions. the recent past has provided a range of evidence in support of this. border regions were particularly affected during the economic crisis in 2008. western sanctions in response to the russian annexation of crimea and the outbreak of conflict in ukraine’s eastern regions in 2014 further sealed the eu’s eastern external border. the migration crisis of 2015 and the series of terrorist attacks in western europe from 2015 to 2017 brought about the partial reintroduction of internal eu border controls. brexit and the issue of reintroducing customs borders became another challenge. finally, the covid-19 pandemic resulted in the almost universal reintroduction of border controls and travel restrictions. currently, europe is experiencing an unprecedented humanitarian crisis related to the russian aggression against ukraine, which has resulted in the opening of the eu’s external borders to almost 6 million ukrainian refugees, as well as in further restrictions on citizens and businesses from russia and belarus. these events have caused borders and borderlands in europe – where the naive, utopian vision of a borderless world seemed to be closest to becoming a reality – to undergo profound changes away from a policy of open borders. from the center’s perspective, strengthened border securitization is seen as a remedy ensuring state security vis-à-vis emerging external threats. however, the dynamic re-bordering processes, with the construction of border walls and fences in its extreme form, constitute additional challenges for border regions and the people who live there. in the body of literature, it is generally expected that borderlands “are less able to respond positively to shocks and to undergo transformative processes” (pascariu, g.c., kourtit, k. and tiganasu, r. 2020, p. 750). however, it is the border communities, facing constant instability and uncertainty, that must cope with external disturbances in their daily life. this is what makes the book edited by dorte jagetic andersen and eeva-kaisa prokkola particularly topical and relevant. its objective is to examine “how different groups of people whose lives are always-already entangled with borders and border crossings maintain well-being and adaptive capacities in the face of border transitions, including reinforced securitization as well as new openings” (p. 2). the volume offers a broad, conceptually and empirically nuanced study of how different societies experience, adapt, and resist border reconfigurations and the related uncertainties. following wandji, g. (2019), the collection adopts a broad understanding of resilience, and by treating it within the highly complex context of borders and borderlands, a new, innovative conceptualization is developed over the subsequent portions of the book. the volume consists of ten chapters that bring together case studies of different borders and borderlands. empirical chapters are preceded by an introduction (chapter 1) and followed by an epilogue (chapter 12), the body being divided into three sections. thus, borderlands resilience has been presented and discussed in differing contexts, and this andersen, d.j. and prokkola, e.-k. (eds.): borderlands resilience: transitions, adaptation and resistance at borders. abingdon and new york, routledge, 2021. 210 p. 198 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 197–208. clarifies the overall argument, makes it more readable, and highlights the main issues. in the introductory chapter (introduction: embedding borderlands resilience) andersen and prokkola conceptualize the notion of borderlands resilience, referring to the varied definitions of resilience across disciplines and the different meanings of the term ‘borderland.’ taking the concept of social resilience as a starting point for further consideration directs the editors to explore the adaptive strategies, changes, and resistance of social groups to various stresses, what they have termed ‘peoples resilience.’ the editors recognize the uniqueness and diversity of borderlands and the human communities that inhabit them and therefore take a situational approach that analyzes “resilience processes in their historical, political and cultural contexts” (p. 4). finally, they debate the role played by identities and identity-formation processes in borderlands resilience, by considering the self-identification of people as an important asset and resource that facilitate dealing with geopolitical changes. the introduction provides an appropriate point of reference for the presentation of the individual case studies, adequately defining the thematic, theoretical, and conceptual framework for further studies. part i provides theoretical and empirical insights into borderlands resilience by examining what roles borders play in resilience in ‘exceptional circumstances’ like the implications of the crimean crisis, the influx of migrants, brexit, and the covid-19-related border closures. in chapter 2, eeva-kaisa prokkola continues the discussion initiated in the introduction on the complexity of the relationship between national borders and processes of resilience. she analyzes the imaginary risks in the context of alternative processes of de-bordering and re-bordering and the differentiated nature of boundaries on the hard-soft continuum. in doing so the chapter highlights the role of the top-down politics of resilience in relation to ambivalent approaches to border management and security perceptions. the chapter then shifts the focus to three recent resilience processes in three different border policy contexts: the eu neighborhood policy, the response to the immobility shock at the finnish-russian border in the aftermath of the crimean crisis in 2014, and the disruption at the finnish-swedish border in tornio valley as a consequence of the influx of asylum-seekers and during the covid-19 pandemics. these cases have been used to illustrate and prove that borderlands resilience is highly context-dependent. chapter 3 by katharina koch approaches resilience from the perspective of mobility by examining the impact of brexit on irish/northern irish university cross-border cooperation. this study points to the various joint efforts, policies, and negotiations undertaken, ones resulting in the development of contingency plans and mitigation strategies for various post-brexit scenarios – and creating new perspectives for cooperation in a transforming cross-border environment. in this way, the chapter highlights “the relational aspect of resilience, meaning that borderland resilience does not only stem from a bounded region or territory but can also be fostered through crossborder institutional interactions” (p. 47). in chapter 4, maría lois, heriberto cairo and mariano garcía de las heras explore borderlands resilience in relation to the borders at different scales, comparing the imaginations and practices about borders used by the central state and communities in borderlands in the context of the covid-19 pandemic. the authors suggest that, while from the perspective of the state, the border is widely used as a tool applicable to the control of the insecurity generated from outside, the borderlanders imagine and practice the border as ‘enabling’ through “constant negotiation of the meaning of borders for everyday life, related to memories and experience in the borderland” (p. 65). this indicates the possible existence of different border-related resiliencies at different scales, which may sometimes be contradictory. the next part (part ii) entitled ‘tracing space: social relations and movement as resilience’ broadens our understanding of resilience by focusing on the consequences of border transitions from the perspective of different communities living in the borderlands. the following three chapters trace how these groups adapt to ongoing change and renew themselves or resist in often ordinary, mundane situations. chapter 5, authored by sara svensson and péter balogh, gives a relatively broad overview of the social resilience practices of three cross-border communities in hungarian borderlands in response to border closure practices. first, it describes the process of including the ‘other side’ in what is considered local by using the example of cross-border food producers and customers, for here food becomes a link between people in territories spanning borders. second, the chapter addresses cross-border commuting that secures livelihoods in thriving agglomerations and neglected peripheries. thirdly, the chapter discusses the activities of the action group migszol, which has resisted the practice of closed borders by providing humanitarian assistance to refugees. this example suggests that borderlands resilience may be “understood differently depending on ideological orientation” (p. 85). the first and third cases are of utmost importance as they cover two understudied and, thus, particularly interesting topics. all these considerations have been presented against the background of an excellently outlined socioeconomic context, often characteristic for other central and eastern european countries as well. in chapter 6, olga hannonen analyzes russian cross-border second-home mobilities to finland under changing mobility regulations since 2013. the author examines the capacity for adaptation to the changes using an analytical tool based on the open-closed con199book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 197–208. tinuum in which the open end gives space for resilient solutions, whereas a closed-end does not offer such possibility. in light of the presented findings, changes in visa regime, mobility restrictions, bank policies, and new regulations on property purchases in finland forced russian second-home owners to develop various personalized solutions to meet the changed circumstances. it demonstrates how situational and contextual the resilient practices of borderlanders are. the final chapter in part ii (chapter 7 by md azmeary ferdoush) provides the only insight into borderlands resilience from outside europe in the book. it outlines the history of a transnational movement of a group of stateless residents of the former border enclaves of bangladesh and india. through seeking to exchange enclaves between the two states, the movement became an act of refusal that can be located in the analysis of the resilience of border populations. the chapter proves that even stateless border populations who are not granted citizenship rights can act to change a disadvantaged status quo. the last part of the volume (part iii), consisting of four chapters, further explores issues of borderlands resilience through identity formation and cultural representations in historically developing border and diaspora communities. in chapter 8, steen bo frandsen discusses borderlands resilience from the border region perspective. using the case of schleswig, the author scrutinizes the historical process of transformation of a land-in-between into the national borderland of denmark and germany. the chapter suggests that borderlands resilience remains strongly linked to historical memory and the desire to preserve identity, which includes also countering the influence of another national ideology. chapter 9 by juha ridanpää contributes to the studies on borderlands resilience by discussing language resilience as manifested in a bottom-up approach in which decision-making concerning the revitalization of endangered languages is given to local groups. drawing on the example of the meänkieli language, an endangered minority language from the swedish-finnish borderland, the author argues that resilience refers to “recognizing and accepting the irreversible development of language loss and still being able to live with it” (p. 148). the following chapter (chapter 10) by christian lamour and paul blanchemanche offers inspiring insights into the cultural dimension of spatial resilience across state borders through investigation of the evolving use of space by diasporas. the authors explore the role of the italian villerupt film festival in the resilience of a translocality of the italian community within a changing cross-border metropolitan environment. the chapter underscores the role of ritualized practices in space, allowing for a better understanding of the importance of culture and identity in resilience. the book’s final chapter, authored by dorte jagetic andersen, investigates the everyday life of people living in istria facing the constant redrawing of borders through geopolitical decisions. this context leads the inhabitants of the peninsula not to see new border closures as problematic, but as a challenge that should be overcome. indeed, in the case of istrians, boundary changes translate into everyday practices, becoming a manifestation of differentiation in space. the collective volume ends with an erudite epilogue written by jussi laine. in his text, the author confronts the widespread visions of risks, dangers, and threats to which border securitization seems to be the only appropriate response. the chapter demystifies the unreliability of such practices, suggesting that they are not a solution, but rather a typical source of additional problems. at the same time, it exposes the illusory perception of challenges to borderland communities as something purely external, pointing out that resilience refers to both domestic and international concerns. he concludes his contribution by arguing that “border communities tend to be resilient essentially in terms of adaptation as a form of continuity rather than change,” while a resilient world “necessitates the transcending of boundaries and the binaries of which they are markers” (p. 188). the book borderlands resilience: transitions, adaptation and resistance at borders is an excellent contribution to the study of resilience proving that this concept holds great potential in relation to borders and borderlands. it is the first study of this kind to offer such a coherent and comprehensive overview of the diverse contexts of borderlands resilience. the conceptual framework has allowed the editors and contributing authors to go beyond simple schemes as the volume covers not only resilience towards external threats but also internal stressors and resilience vis-à-vis both ‘fast stress events’ and slow crises. the individual chapters reveal the different faces of borderlands resilience, but still follow the uniform theoretical framework outlined in the introduction. the book of course has some minor weaknesses. i appreciate the authors’ ambition to recognize the political and social “components of resilience, easily overlooked in a field dominated by economic approaches” (svensson, s. and balogh, p. 2021, p. 74), although the volume unfortunately goes on to largely neglect the economic dimension. also, there is some european bias in the empirical studies. however, the chosen cases focus on somewhat less frequently studied, sometimes peripheral borderlands that require more research attention, and this should be considered a significant advantage. in conclusion, this volume is by all means highly recommended. the book encourages the reader to rethink the concept of resilience in light of the complex social processes that characterize borderlands and it provides an opening for a discussion of the 200 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 197–208. various forms of these processes. i am convinced that this timely, valuable, necessary, and fascinating work will become a source of inspiration for numerous researchers dealing with issues of borders and borderlands. andrzej jakubowski1 1 maria curie-skłodowska university, institute of social and economic geography and spatial management, lublin, poland. e-mail: andrzej.jakubowski@umcs.pl r e f e r e n c e s pascariu, g.c., kourtit, k. and tiganasu, r. 2020. regional development, spatial resilience and geographical borders. regional science policy & practice 12. (5): 749–754. svensson, s. and balogh, p. 2021. resilience at hungary’s borders. in borderlands resilience. eds.: andersen, d.j. and prokkola, e.-k., london, routledge, 73–89. wandji, d. 2019. rethinking the time and space of resilience beyond the west: an example of the postcolonial border. resilience 7. (3): 288–303. spatial and temporal heterogeneity of runoff and soil loss dynamics under simulated rainfall 25szabó, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 25–34. spatial and temporal heterogeneity of runoff and soil loss dynamics under simulated rainfall judit s z a b ó1, gergely j a k a b 2 and boglárka s z a b ó3 1 department of environmental and landscape geography, eötvös loránd university, faculty of science. h-1117 budapest, pázmány péter sétány 1/c. e-mail: szabojuditalexandra@gmail.com 2 geographical institute, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences, has. budapest, h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mail: jakabg@mtafk i.hu 3 department of nature conservation and landscape ecology, szent istván university, faculty of agricultural and environmental sciences. h-2100, gödöllő, páter k. u. 1. e-mail: bogi87@gmail.com doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.64.1.3 hungarian geographical bulletin 64 2015 (1) 25–34. abstract the factors aff ecting soil erosion processes are complex and various, comprises two phases: detachment and transport by water. previous studies indicated that initial moisture content, slope and soil crusts are playing an important role in soil erosion. the primary objectives of this study were to examine the sediment concentration and aggregate size distribution of the washed sediment. aims were also to create diff erent season specifi cally modelled situations in order to check runoff rates on bare soils under heavy rainfall. the experiments were conducted with a laboratory-scale rainfall simulator using a 1/2 hh 40 wsq fulljet nozzle on eutric calcaric cambisol loamic. altogether, 72 soil loss samples were collected (6 separate precipitations, 3 time periods, 4 particle size fractions). the experiments indicated that the runoff rate was not increased by the presence of soil crusts, and even less sediment occurs on crusted surfaces. this sediment contained smaller fractions compared to recently tilled surface. the sediment concentration increased with the slope angle, but the runoff rates probably depend rather on the micro-morphology and initial moisture content of the surface. the main erosion process is the raindrop erosion after inland inundation and drought in gentle slopes, while the intermediate period of the precipitation is the most erosive. in general, the ratio of the macro aggregates in soil losses decrease and the ratio of the smaller fractions increase with the time during a precipitation event. changing climate conditions are shown to have an eff ect on agricultural production through the temporal and spatial distribution of the erosion rates. keywords: soil erosion, rainfall simulation, runoff , aggregate size introduction the soil loss by erosion is a widespread problem in agricultural areas. soil erosion processes are aff ected by complex and various factors, including two phases: detachment and transport by water. a laboratory-scale rainfall simulator is an ideal tool for examining both phases of soil erosion on arable soils since most of the infl uential factors can be simulated and examined by its help. the advantages of the laboratory scale rainfall simulators are the szabó, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 25–34.26 cial rock fragments during rain splash erosion. gómez, j.a., and nearing, m.a. (2005) analysed the natural surface roughness while the eff ects of the impervious surface runoff were studied by pappas, e.a. et al. (2008). both provided diff erent points of view regarding surface roughness. mohammad, a. and adam, m. (2010) concentrated on the effect of vegetation and land use. however, the major problem with this kind of applications is that various simulators and methodologies exist. all the essential variables that indicate sediment dynamics are to be taken into consideration, especially sediment concentrations, sediment yield and transportability of soil particles (defersha, m.b. and melesse, a.m. ₍2012). nearing, m.a. et al. (2005) modelled different situations to present how the soil responses to potential climate change. among others nearing, m.a. et al. (2005) pointed out on the climate change impact of runoff and erosion, as the increasing rainfall intensity and rainfall amount together “will have greater impact on runoff and erosion than changes in rainfall amount alone.” recently, the meteorological conditions in hungary got more and more inordinate. the probability of drought occurrence is estimated to increase; the wett est months are april and may while the driest are july and august (bartholy, j. et al. 2014). extreme rainfalls occur more often therefore agricultural areas will be potentially endangered by water erosion in a much wider range. this risk alternates during one year according to the diff erent seasons. the primary objectives of this study were to examine the sediment concentration and aggregate size distribution of the soil loss and to create diff erent season-specifi c modelled situations in order to check the runoff rates. three approaches were in the focus of the experiments on bare soil under heavy rainfall: (1) sedimentary crust formed after a precipitation event (west, l.t. et al. 1992). the eff ect of this crust on sediment concentration was examined in case of two diff erent slope steepnesses (5% and 12%) by applying followings: the eff ect of the soil heterogeneity is negligible, easy to concentrate on one or two factors and this is a fast method (grismer, m.e. 2010). according to meyer, l.d. (1965) “the use of rainfall simulators generally provides a more rapid, effi cient, controlled and adaptable tool than natural rainfall.” the first rainfall simulator in hungary was designed by kazó, b. (1966) in order to study infi ltration, while kerényi, a. (1986) concentrated on the role of initial erosion. experiments were conducted to determine the erodibility (“factor k” in usle equitation) of diff erent hungarian soils using a fi eld scale rainfall simulator ₍centeri, cs. and császár, a. 2003; centeri, cs. and pataki, r. 2003; jakab, g. and szalai, z. 2005; kertész, á. and centeri, cs. 2006; centeri cs. et al. 2011). aggregates are groups of soil particles that are bound to each other. their patt ern – soil structure – has an infl uence on the physical and chemical processes of soils. aggregate stability is one of the most important properties, which indicate soil resistivity against external eff ects as raindrop impacted aggregate breakdown (kerényi, a. 1986; le bissonnais, y. et al. 1989). the aggregate breakdown process is also connected with crust formation (west l.t. et al. 1992) and thus eff ects erosion rates. erosion studies usually use the measurement of the sediment concentrations, runoff rates and aggregate stability in order to examine the eff ect of the slope, initial moisture content, rainfall intensity, eff ect of the crust or the surface roughness on erosion rates (jin, k. et al. 2008; defersha, m.b. and melesse, a.m. 2012). the literature on simulated soil erosion experiments suggests several approaches. defersha, m.b. and melesse, a.m. ₍2012) examined the eff ect of the initial moisture content and slope steepness on erosion, whereas le bissonnais,y. et al. (1989) studied the aggregate breakdown mechanism and soil crusting on pre-wett ed and air-dry soils. jomaa, s., et al. (2012) concentrated on initial moisture contents and on the eff ect of surfi 27szabó, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 25–34. two simulated rainfalls within following two days. (2) two extreme soil moisture contents. the role of inland inundation and the drought were studied related to the changing climate conditions. (3) periods of each precipitation were studied beside the seasonal aspect. aims were to compare the runoff dynamics and aggregate size distribution of the soil loss on diff erent surfaces. rainfall simulation three fundamental criteria are commonly considered in designing a rainfall simulator (hall, m.j. 1970), namely, (1) the control of application rates in both time and space, (2) the reproduction of drop-size distributions observed in diff erent intensities of natural rainfall at the corresponding application rates, (3) the reproduction of the terminal velocities of drops in natural rainfall. grismer, m.e. (2010) summarized the rainfall simulation methodology, the simulator types, the erosion models and the rainfall characteristics. several authors reported many types of laboratory scale rainfall simulators those can be used for research (e.g. le bissonnais, y. et al. 1989; gómez, j.a. and nearing, m.a. 2005; pappas, e.a. et al. 2008; aksoy, h. et al. 2012; defersha, m.b. and melesse, a.m. 2012). according to grismer, m. e (2010) the 80 percent of the simulators (both fi eld and laboratory) are nozzle type simulators. in this study, a laboratory rainfall simulation procedure was developed and utilized to examine aggregate size distribution of the soil loss and the runoff rates during the precipitation on diff erent surfaces, but using the same soil. our laboratory scale rainfall simulator is situated in eötvös loránd university, faculty of science, budapest. the fi rst stage of the simulator was designed by zámbó and weidinger (zámbó, l. and weidinger, t. 2006) (photo 1). for the fi rst time, it had only an individual (pin) drop-former system 9 m above the monolith. in these days 1/2 hh 40 wsq fulljet nozzle, 1/2 hh 50 wsq fulljet nozzle can be used, too. the soil sample fl ume is 0.5 m × 1.0 m × 0.2 m (0.1 m3) and its steepness is adjustable (0–40%). there are four taps on the bottom of the fl ume, so the leached water can be collected as well. the soft water from the plumbing runs through a pressure regulator system therefore no water tank is needed during the simulations. photo 1. the rainfall simulator: the rainfall simulator viewed from the front (a), drop-former system (b), the examined soil viewed from above with falling droplets (c), and the saturated soil (d) szabó, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 25–34.28 methodology rain simulation this paper presents data of six treatment combinations: recently tilled (t) and crusty soil surface (c) on two diff erent slope steepness (5; 12), inland inundation (ii) and drought (d) soil conditions on 2 percent slope steepness (table 1). for each treatment the same 20 cm thick soil sample was packed into the fl ume overlaying a geotextile. 5t, 12t 2d treatments were applied on initially dry soil conditions, 5c, 12c treatments were applied on fi eld capacity water content soil and 2ii treatment was applied on the three weeks saturated soil. the distributed soil was taken in ceglédbercel, hungary (n47.249765°, e19.678761°, 150 m a.s.l.). the mean annual temperature in the studied area is 10.8 °c and the annual precipitation is around 600 mm (dövényi, z. 2010). the eroded eutric calcaric cambisol loamic has 18.8 percent of caco3, the total organic carbon (toc) content is 1 percent, and the ph is 7.5. drop forming nozzle system was chosen to examine the eff ect of intensive rainfall under diff erent seasonal situations. later, the same nozzle system can be used during fi eld experiments in order to compare the results. the experiments were conducted in the laboratory using a 1/2 hh 40 wsq fulljet nozzle which is widely used in rainfall simulation studies (strauss, p. et al. 2000; armstrong, q. and quinton, j.n. 2009). since the cone basis of this nozzle was four times larger than the size of the monolith only one nozzle was applied. the simulated rainfall characteristics depend on the nozzle type used and the pressure applied. according to the measurements of strauss, p. et al. (2000) the kinetic energy of the rainfall simulated by the nozzle 1/2 hh 40 wsq is 17 kj m-2 mm-1 at 20 kpa. this value would correspond to approximately 65 percent of the kinetic energy of natural rainfall with the intensity of 50 mm h-1. figure 1 shows table 1. details of the six treatments simulation code slope steepness % surface time min’ sec” energy kj m-2 mm-1 cu % median drop size mm aim of the treatment 5t 5c 12t 12c 2ii 2d 5 5 12 12 2 2 recently tilled crusty recently tilled crusty after inland inundation after drought simulation 42’11” 32’43’’ 33’34” 8’45” 22’25” 29’22” 17 17 17 17 17 17 98 97 94 97 93 96 1.95 1.95 1.95 1.95 1.95 1.95 bare soils in autumn and spring eff ect of the crust bare soils in autumn and spring eff ect of the crust extreme situation (summer) extreme situation (summer) fig. 1. spatial distribution of simulated rainfall in mm after 20 minutes precipitation. the average intensity is 80 mm/h. a = 26–28 mm; b = 28–30 mm; c = 30–32 mm; d = 32–34 mm 29szabó, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 25–34. the spatial distribution of simulated rainfall in mm after 20 minutes precipitation. the average intensity is 80 mm h-1. simulated rainfall intensity was held constantly for these tests. the christiansen’s uniformity coeffi cient (cu) (christiansen, j.e. 1942) which determine the uniformity of a sprinkler system was over 90 percent in case of all the six simulations, hence, the rainfall can be considered both spatially and temporary uniform. each runoff event was divided into three temporal phases, therefore the eroded sediment was collected in three periods (i, ii, iii) at three litres of the runoff intervals during the precipitation. aims were to detect the temporal changes in aggregate sizes. each three litre runoff phase soil loss was collected through sieve series with the following openings: 1 mm, 250 μm and 50 μm to a bucket. therefore, by measuring the mass of fractions, the scale of the diff erent aggregates is obtained directly. the capacity limitation of the sieves was equal to the sediment amount of three litres of water. during this study a (2%), b (5%) and c (12%) slope steepness were applied which represented: a) fl at plain where the inland inundation took place, b) the average steepness of the agricultural areas in hungary, c) the suggested steepest slope in arable land areas. altogether 72 sample were collected (6 treatments × 3 time periods × 4 aggregate size fractions). the samples were used to calculate sediment concentration. four sample repetitions of the untreated soil were also separated by this sieve system in prior to the measurements using the wet sieving method of kemper, d.w. and rosenau, r.c. (1986) as a control. the time was recorded after every 1 litre collected runoff . in the experiment 12c only three litres of runoff were collected (one period of the precipitation was represented by one litre runoff ) because the high amount of the sediment on the sieves. in the experiment 12t the time and litre data had to be corrected subsequently because of sieve sealing. weights of dried soil losses were recorded at the nearest 0.01 g. results and discussion the changes of necessary time for 1 litre runoff are presented on figure 2. there are two points in the zero line, the fi rst point represents the time when runoff was started and the second means the time of surface ponding without any runoff . runoff started after a twice longer period in case of 2d when the drought was simulated, because of the formation of big rifts according to the arid period, and because these needed to be infi lled fi rst. shortest time was needed for the runoff in case of 2ii, when the inland inundation was simulated. runoff starts almost immediately, which means signifi cantly 10 minutes diff erences (one fourth of the total time) (table 1). to compare the 5t-5c and 12t-12c cases, the runoff started earlier from the crusty surfaces. this was due to the bigger initial moisture content on the crusty surfaces compared to the tilled surfaces. three diff erent runoff periods are separated on figure 2. as fi rst stage the curves are positioned in the zero line, without any runoff yet. the curves are diff erent, because of the changing runoff rates and thus infi ltration rates till the runoff of the third litre suspension. the ratio of the runoff and infi ltration is constant during the third period (after the runoff of the third litre). the curves turn straight, which means that runoff and infi ltration are in balance. the equations on figure 2 show the third runoff periods of the 5t, 5c and 2ii, 2d treatments. the curves of the 5t and 5c have the same steepness, which means that crust evaluated this way is not characterized by any infl uences on runoff rates except the length of the time period before the runoff changed. the curves of 12t, 12 c, 2ii and 2d treatments are steeper than 5t and 5c curves, therefore a higher infi ltration rate is presumed in the latt er cases. high runoff rate from 2 percent slope are assumed to be related to the degraded soil structure, but more experiments are needed in order to prove this phenomenon. the results of 12t were corrected and at 12c the duration of the precipitation was too short. szabó, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 25–34.30 by this means the observed results were not examined in more detail. figure 3 represents the average sediment concentration increase with the slope angle. runoff on steeper slopes contains greater amount of soil particles compared to gentle slopes. runoff rates are not infl uenced by slope angles and thus do not infl uence the velocity of runoff . defersha, m.b. and melesse, a.m. (2012) got the same results in three different soil types with two diff erent moisture contents and under three diff erent rainfall intensities. on the other hand, fox, d.m. et al. (1997) reported contradicting results on the slope dependence of the infi ltration and crust formation on runoff rates. they assume that this contradiction may be connected to the diff erent micro-morphology of the surfaces. table 2 summarizes the sediment concentration changes during the precipitation. the concentration of the sediment is higher at the tilled surface except the third period of the treatment 12c where the steep slope increased the concentration of the sediment, but more data is needed to determine the highest concentration which has eff ect on the mean values in figure 3. during the precipitation in case of 12t fourfold measure of the sediment was washed down compared to the case of the 5t in the fi rst period. in the second period, the diff erences decreased threefold and to the end of the precipitation increased a litt le bit more than fourfold again. during the three periods of the precipitation, the rates in case of 5c and 12c treatments are bigger, 5.0, 3.5 and 5.0-fold respectively. almost the same density sediment was washed down from the surfaces of 2ii and 2d precipitation and there was no signifi cant diff erence between the periods of the precipitation. it was one order less dense than the others (table 2, figure 3), therefore, we can state that extreme initial moisture content has no eff ect on sediment concentration changes. wett ing and drying cycles have infl uence on the soil structure (bodner, g. et fig. 2. the changes of necessary time for 1 litre runoff . there are two points in the zero line. the fi rst point represents the time of surface ponding. there is no any runoff yet. second point means the time when runoff has started. the equations refer to the 5t, 5c and 2ii, 2d treatments after the third litre of runoff . 31szabó, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 25–34. al. 2013) therefore erosion aff ects diff erently in extreme moisture content soils. the treatment of 2d and 2ii had the lowest soil content in the runoff because the structure of the soil and aggregate stability was very weak. aggregates were easy to detach to elementary particles, and due to the gentle slope, the runoff was able to transport only fi ner particles. initial erosion and raindrop impact are supposed to have more signifi cant infl uence on particle redistribution in these two cases. the lowest sediment concentration and highest runoff rate were observed for 2b. areas covered by inundation are generally fl at or have only gentle slopes hence the main risk there is not the runoff , rather the structure degradation. the fraction content and sediment concentration are almost the same due to the degraded structure. the sediment concentration trend is the same in all cases during the precipitation. the second period is the most erodible, except the 12c when the sediment concentration increased (table 2). table 3 summarizes the results of all (72) soil loss samples and the 4 sample sets of the original soil. washed sediment lacked macro aggregates larger than 1 mm. on the average, the diff erence is 38 percent between the ratio of the aggregates >1 mm in original soil sample and the soil loss. this fraction is underrepresented fig. 3. the sediment concentrations and runoff rates of the six treatments table 2. sediment concentration changes during the precipitation in the six treatments periods 5t 5c 12t 12c 2ii 2d g l-1 period i period ii period iii whole precipitation 10.95 15.19 10.69 12.28 7.46 12.09 11.70 10.42 43.88 49.93 45.79 46.26 35.19 43.00 64.03 47.41 5.89 6.16 6.29 6.11 6.65 6.16 6.26 6.35 szabó, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 25–34.32 in the sediment with less than 1 percent except for 12c. during the rain, there were no trends present, but the mass of the soil loss in this fraction was under 1 g (therefore the dynamics were not relevant). the lack of this fraction was probably connected to the raindrop impact and partly to macro aggregates broke down to micro aggregates (50–250 μm) and elementary particles (<50 μm) due to slaking (as it was also reported by le bissonnais, y. 1996). generally, the rate of the soil loss of recently tilled surfaces (5t and 12t) was larger in the 250–1,000 μm fraction than in the soil loss of crusty surfaces (5c and 12c). the proportion of this fraction was also larger at 12 percent slope steepness with the exception of the i. period of 5t when this ratio is the largest. the proportion of 250–1,000 μm was under 10 percent in case of 2ii and 2d. the fraction of 50–250 μm showed the largest proportions in the soil loss compared to the original soil sample. the same trend was presented in the 250–1,000 μm fraction, where the tilled surface and the slope increased the proportion of this fraction (with the exception of the i. period of 5t, where the dominant fraction is the 250–1,000 μm). treatment 2ii and 2d showed decreasing trend during the precipitation. soil loss was larger than in the case of the original soil, concerning the fraction of <50 μm at all proportions. the largest ratio was found in treatment 2ii, whilst the last period of the precipitation. this fraction was characteristic of treatment 2ii and 2d has with over 50 percent rate. to conclude, the runoff was faster from crusty or wett er surfaces (5c, 12c, 2ii), however, larger aggregates were eroded from recently tilled surfaces (5t, 12t). the runoff of 2d started late but it was fast. the aggregate size distribution changed in the eroded sediment, which depended on the time frame of the treatment. conclusion laboratory scale rainfall simulator was used to examine soil erosion and runoff under six diff erent conditions represented by diff erent seasonal situations. our results showed that the same soil sample under the same precipitation was eroded totally diff erent. crusting had no defi nite role in infi ltration mitigation; moreover, we measured ambiguous data regarding soil loss reduction. in general, the ratio of the macro aggregates decreased and the ratio of the micro aggretable 3. the aggregate size distribution results of all the 72 sediment samples, and the 4 sample of the original soil size, μm untreated soil 5t 5c 12t 12c 2ii 2d % period i >50 50–250 250–1,000 1,000< 4.81 24.63 32.00 38.57 32.56 19.84 46.96 0.64 29.59 47.88 22.49 0.04 14.08 52.50 32.77 0.66 36.54 29.87 31.74 1.85 52.70 43.07 3.93 0.29 70.16 19.91 9.63 0.30 period ii >50 50–250 250–1,000 1,000< 4.81 24.63 32.00 38.57 29.43 44.58 25.81 0.18 51.12 35.13 13.53 0.22 12.46 49.22 37.52 0.79 33.86 36.72 28.26 1.16 79.88 14.01 5.73 0.38 72.87 17.65 9.31 0.16 period iii >50 50–250 250–1,000 1,000< 4.81 24.63 32.00 38.57 38.01 42.75 18.64 0.61 49.97 37.69 12.19 0.14 13.30 49.91 35.96 0.84 28.99 40.93 28.44 1.64 80.06 13.47 6.10 0.37 72.38 18.79 8.62 0.21 33szabó, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 25–34. gates and clay fraction increased in the sediment during the precipitation. larger amount of sediment was transported from steeper slopes by runoff , but larger aggregates were washed down from the tilled surface. the most erodible fractions play an important role in nutrient supply of agricultural areas thus the erosion protection is relevant. changing climate conditions have even more eff ect on agricultural production through the temporal and spatial distribution of the erosion rates. it is necessary to understand the erosion processes under diff erent conditions. the next stage of our research is to perform more experiments at the laboratory by using other soil samples and to compare and verify the results live on the fi eld. further studies are planned concerning the elementary particles of the aggregate fraction, the organic matt er content and the clay mineral composition of the sediment. future aims are to fi nd the main reason of surfi cial variability, i.e. to detect the diff erences among the seasonal erosion characteristics under heavy rainfall situations. r e f e r e n c e s 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can be opened with acrobat and adobe reader 5.0 and later.) >> /namespace [ (adobe) (common) (1.0) ] /othernamespaces [ << /asreaderspreads false /cropimagestoframes true /errorcontrol /warnandcontinue /flattenerignorespreadoverrides false /includeguidesgrids false /includenonprinting false /includeslug false /namespace [ (adobe) (indesign) (4.0) ] /omitplacedbitmaps false /omitplacedeps false /omitplacedpdf false /simulateoverprint /legacy >> << /addbleedmarks false /addcolorbars false /addcropmarks false /addpageinfo false /addregmarks false /convertcolors /converttocmyk /destinationprofilename () /destinationprofileselector /documentcmyk /downsample16bitimages true /flattenerpreset << /presetselector /mediumresolution >> /formelements false /generatestructure false /includebookmarks false /includehyperlinks false /includeinteractive false /includelayers false /includeprofiles false /multimediahandling /useobjectsettings /namespace [ (adobe) (creativesuite) (2.0) ] /pdfxoutputintentprofileselector /documentcmyk /preserveediting true /untaggedcmykhandling /leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice population mobility and urban transport management: perspectives environmental quality degradation and sustainable development of suburban makassar city, indonesia 383surya, b. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 383–400.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.71.4.5 hungarian geographical bulletin 71 2022 (4) 383–400. introduction the expansion of the makassar city area towards suburban areas contributes to changes in land use, transportation systems and population mobility. the change in land use is marked by various development activities being developed, namely industry, commercial activities, services, education and health services. land use change has specific and cumulative effects on air and water quality, waste generation, climate and human health (lu, y. et al. 2021; zhao, y. et al. 2021). increased socio-economic activities have an impact on population mobility based on the pattern of origin and destination of travel (graells-garrido, e. et al. 2021; heine, c. et al. 2021). the spatial dynamics of suburban areas which are dominantly developed for housing and settlement development are positively related to an increase in traffic volume on main roads, traffic congestion and disturbances to residents’ travel patterns (nair, dj. et al. 2019; nozdrovická, j. et al. 2020; surya, b. et al. 2020a). furthermore, the intensity of land use change and population mobility, in addition to having an impact on traffic congestion, also contributes to air quality pollution originating from motor vehicle exhaust emissions. air pollution not only has an impact on climate change but also affects public health (manipopulation mobility and urban transport management: perspectives environmental quality degradation and sustainable development of suburban makassar city, indonesia batara surya1, agus salim1, haeruddin saleh1, seri suriani1, kafrawi yunus1 and patmawaty taibe1 abstract the expansion of the area towards suburban areas accompanied by suburbanization has an impact on the conversion of productive agricultural land and transportation movement systems. this study aims to analyse land use change works as a determinant of environmental degradation in suburban areas, the effect of land use changes, socio-economic activities, population mobility and transportation systems on environmental quality degradation, and models for handling land use, population mobility, transportation infrastructure and system management transportation towards sustainable development of suburban areas. this study uses a sequential qualitative-quantitative approach. data obtained through observation, survey and documentation. the results of the study show that the intensity of land use change coupled with population mobility, in addition to affecting the urban transportation system based on the pattern of origin and destination of travel, also has an impact on the environmental quality degradation of suburban areas. changes in land use, socioeconomic activities, population mobility and transportation systems has an effect in the environmental quality degradation of suburban areas with a coefficient of determination of 95.65 percent.. this study recommends the application of a land use management model, population mobility, and transportation infrastructure towards the sustainability of the suburbs of makassar city, indonesia. keywords: land use change, population mobility, transportation system, sustainable development received december 2021, accepted october 2022. 1 department of urban and regional planning, faculty of engineering, university bosowa makassar city, 90231 indonesia. correspondent author’s e-mail: batara.surya@universitasbosowa.ac.id mailto:batara.surya@universitasbosowa.ac.id surya, b. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 383–400.384 salidis, i. et al. 2020). increased levels of co2 in the air have an impact on public health and affect social stability and economic development (wu, j. and pu, y. 2020; fears, r. et al. 2021). thus, the complexity of land use and population mobility besides affecting the transportation system also has an impact on environmental pollution (nugmanova, a. et al. 2019; surya, b. et al. 2021a). development activities that tend to increase in suburban areas cause changes in land cover and a decrease in environmental quality (hasan, s. et al. 2020; how jin aik, d. et al. 2021). thus, the spatial designation developed in the outskirts of makassar city has been identified as having exceeded the carrying capacity of the environment and threatens the sustainability of the ecosystem (surya, b. et al. 2021b). the distribution of the flow of goods and services coupled with the mobility of the population from the outskirts to the city centre has led to an increase in the flow of transportation movements on the main road corridors of the suburbs. thus, the city government is faced with the challenge of handling and providing adequate public transportation facilities that are integrated with the land use system (shen, l. et al. 2018; surya, b. et al. 2020b). furthermore, socioeconomic activities that tend to increase have an impact on the complexity of land use and transportation systems in the suburbs of makassar city. that is, the transportation system and land use are an integral part of the urban system in relation to population mobility (clement, c. 2015; rodrigue, p.j. 2020). this tendency is caused by the weak control over the use of space and inconsistency in the implementation of the spatial plan that has been determined (sadli, m. 2008; surya, b. et al. 2020c). thus, the complexity of land use and allocation of utilization in suburban areas becomes very important and strategic to be immediately addressed in relation to the expansion of the makassar city area towards suburban areas. this study aims to answer research questions, namely: (1) how does land use change work as a determinant of environmental degradation in suburban areas? (2) how big is the influence of changes in land use, socioeconomic activities, population mobility and transportation systems on environmental degradation? and (3) how is the model for handling land use, population mobility, transportation infrastructure, towards the management of the transportation system and the sustainability of the development of suburban areas? thus, the contribution of this study is expected to be the basis and reference for the government in formulating development policies related to land use and transportation system management towards sustainable development of suburban areas for the case of metropolitan cities. theoretical background the tendency of land use change is dominantly influenced by the demands of meeting the needs of urban development, namely housing and settlements, transportation infrastructure and other socio-economic activities. built-up areas that are developed in suburban areas contribute to land cover and conversion of productive agricultural land (lee, j. et al. 2020; wang, f. et al. 2020). the intensity of land use change has an impact on population mobility towards generation and transportation pull based on the population’s travel pattern from the area of origin to the area of destination (chen, y. et al. 2019; chemura, a. et al. 2020). thus, the mobility pattern of the urban population is very important to be formulated in the mechanism of transportation planning and urban traffic management (guo, y. et al. 2020). land conversion is basically a form of human intervention in land use to meet the needs of its socio-economic activities (hersperger, a.m. et al. 2018; mandeli, k. 2019). furthermore, the socio-economic dynamics of the community in relation to changes in land use have direct influence on urban aesthetics, land values and transportation systems towards decreasing environmental quality (segura, e.a. et al. 2020; tanaka, k. and hashiguchi, y. 2020). file:///e:/0_csfk/2022_geobull/4/surya%20et%20al/javascript:; file:///e:/0_csfk/2022_geobull/4/surya%20et%20al/javascript:; 385surya, b. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 383–400. development activities that tend to increase in addition to contributing to land use change also have an impact on population mobility and affect the urban transportation system based on patterns of origin and destination. increased socio-economic activity in suburban areas has an influence on the spatial social structure, road network system and distribution pattern of urban service functions (hidayati, i. et al. 2019; surya, b. et al. 2021c). thus, an increase in population mobility followed by an increase in urban activity causes a decrease in the environmental quality of suburban areas (carrasco, j.c. et al. 2021; ribeiro, p. et al. 2021). development investments carried out through the expansion of urban areas towards suburban areas have an impact on changes in land cover and interactive transportation systems towards the formation of the built environment (huang, g. et al. 2020). furthermore, the effects caused by the complexity of land use, namely the increase in traffic volume, environmental pollution and public health. these three things require handling and control measures towards the sustainability of suburban areas (fernandes, p. et al. 2019). sustainable development is centred on intergenerational justice that rests on the pillars of three different but interconnected dimensions, namely the environment, economy and social (mensah, j. and casadevall, s.r. 2019). cities face increasing environmental, social and economic challenges that threaten the resilience of urban areas (bush, j. and doyon, a. 2019). the increasing levels of human population in urban areas and the importance of urban functions pose a number of ecological challenges (cepeliauskaite, g. and stasiskiene, z. 2020). the world commission on environment and development (brundtland, g.h. 1987) states that sustainable cities are built through caring and paying attention to natural environmental assets, paying attention to the use of resources and minimizing the impact of activities on nature. sustainability in its broadest sense is the capacity of natural systems to endure and to remain diverse and productive over time (almusaed, a. and almssad, a.e. 2018). furthermore, indicators that can be used to measure the sustainability of development are ecological, economic and social (branch, m. 1995). thus, sustainable development is a goal to be achieved towards a balance between economic, social and environmental in order to create a stable and quality society. quality of life and sustainability i.e., the creation of jobs, reducing inequality, local investment, responsible social practices or environmental protection (landin, s.a. 2020). the hypothesis built in this study, namely changes in land use, socio-economic activities, population mobility and transportation systems affect the environmental quality degradation of suburban areas. conceptual and methodological framework land use change is the use of land for the needs of urban activities on a land that is different from previous activities, both for commercial, industrial, and services as well as for housing and settlement development needs. changes in land use are closely related to government policies in terms of expanding urban areas. furthermore, population mobility is assessed based on three interests, namely physical, economic and socio-cultural. population mobility is closely related to the pattern of origin and purpose of travel for work, trade and social purposes, its relevance to socio-economic activities developed at certain locations both in the city centre and in suburban areas. the transportation system is a link between passengers or goods, transportation infrastructure and facilities that interact in a series of passenger or goods movement. meanwhile, the decline in environmental quality is understood in the context of the non-functioning of environmental components. thus, the weak control of spatial use in the development of suburban areas coupled with the intensity of land use changes, increased socio-economic activities, population mobility and transportation systems will have an impact on environmental quality degradation. surya, b. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 383–400.386 this research was carried out in the suburbs of makassar city. the choice of research location was based on the following considerations: (1) makassar city is the main city in the mamminasata metropolitan urban system; (2) the expansion of makassar city towards suburban areas has an impact on the urban spatial integration of the mamminasata metropolitan. this condition is indicated by the presence of the city’s main road corridors, including: (i) the perintis kemerdekaan road corridor with a road length of 11.93 kilometres that functions to connect makassar city with maros regency, (ii) the hertasning-samata road corridor with a road length of 8.76 kilometres serves to connect makassar city with gowa regency, and (iii) the metro tanjung bunga road corridor with a road length of 6.70 kilometres serves to connect makassar city with takalar regency. furthermore, the population of makassar city in 2016 was 1,469,601 people, in 2019 there were 1,526,677 people, and in 2021 there were 1,545,455 people. the transfer of land use functions and the increase in socio-economic activities developed in suburban areas are marked by the presence of activities, including: (1) housing and settlements occupying an area of 2,468.61 ha; (2) commercial activities occupy an area of 433.88 ha; (3) industry and warehousing occupy an area of 59.4 ha; and (4) education and health occupy an area of 182.89 ha (bps makassar city, 2021). the suburbs of makassar city which are the object of research are presented in figure 1. this study uses a qualitative-quantitative approach sequentially. the case studies in this study were selected with the following considerations: (1) the transportation system for the suburbs of makassar city is specific; (2) the observed cases have a fairly prominent consistency in the dynamics of development in the suburbs of makassar city. thus, to obtain data in the field it is necessary to combine a qualitative-quantitative approach. observations in this study were used to track data, namely (i) land use changes, (ii) socio-economic activities, and (iii) spatial use patterns in suburban areas. the instruments used in data collection were field notes, periodic notes, checklists and location base maps. this study also uses various documents related to the development of suburban areas of makassar city. the documents referred to include: (1) traffic volume data obtained through the makassar city transportation service; (2) data on land use change and makassar suburban spatial plans were obtained through the makassar city regional development planning agency; and (3) data on socio-economic activities in suburban areas are obtained through the district office. the survey in this study used a questionnaire instrument. measurement of data using an ordinal scale based on the questions posed in the questionnaire. thus, the questionnaire in this study was used to track data, namely (i) land value and price; (ii) socio-economic activities, (iii) population mobility, (iv) transportation system, and (v) environmental degradation in the suburbs of makassar city. respondents who filled out the questionnaire in this study, namely (i) economic actors, (ii) community who carry out mobility, and (iii) local government. respondents in this study were determined using a purposive sampling technique which the researchers determined based on certain criteria. determination of the research sample refers to neyman, j. (1934). the formulation used is as follows: where nh is the sample size of each stratum, n must be allocated according to (proportionally). sampling is simple random at each stratum, so that the probability of each sampling unit in the strata h to be selected as a subsample is . each unit in the population has an equal chance of being selected as the sample. the number of samples in this study was determined by as many as 300 respondents. the suburban transportation system data in this study uses the analysis method of traffic volume, road capacity, and degree of saturation. (1) 387surya, b. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 383–400. the formulation used is as follows: where q is the volume of traffic passing through a certain point, n is the number of vehicles passing that point in the observation time interval, t is the observed time interval. c is the capacity (pcu/hour), co is the basic capacity (pcu/hour ), fcw is the direction separation adjustment factor, fcsp is the side drag adjustment factor, and fccs is the city size adjustment factor. ds is the degree of saturation, q is traffic volume (pcu/hour ), and c is capacity (pcu/hour ). multiple refig. 1. research location in the suburbs of makassar city with land use in 2016 (a) and in 2019 (b). sources: google earth survey arca raster 2020, geospatial information agency of indonesia. (2) (3) (4) surya, b. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 383–400.388 gression analysis method is used to analyse the causal relationship of several independent variables, namely land use change (x1), socio-economic activities (x2), population mobility (x3), transportation system (x4), to the dependent variable, namely the environmental quality degradation (y). the formulations used for multiple regression analysis and correlation analysis are as follows: where y is the dependent variable, a is a constant, b1, b2, b3, b4 and bn are the regression coefficients x1, x2, x3, x4 and xn are independent variables, and ε is the residual value. furthermore, n is a lot of data or samples, rxy is the correlation coefficient between variable x and variable y, ∑xiyi is the number of the multiplication between variables x and y, ∑x2і is the sum of the squares of the x value, ∑y2і is the sum of the squares of the y value, (∑xі) 2 is the sum of the x values then squared, and (∑yі) 2 is the y value then squared. furthermore, implementation of structural equation modelling (sem) in this study refers to several exogenous variables, including: (1) the land use construct variable is measured by indicators, namely space utilization (x1), built area (x2) and spatial function (x3). (2) the construct variable of population mobility is measured by indicators, namely the means of transportation used (x4), availability of transportation modes (x5), origin of travel (x6) and destination of travel (x7). (3) the construct variable of transportation infrastructure is measured by indicators, namely the road network system (x8), road body capacity (x9), road services (x10), road conditions (x11). furthermore, the constructs of the endogenous latent variables include: (1) the latent variables of transportation management are measured by indicators, namely accessibility (y1), generation and attraction of movement (y2), distribution of movement (y3), mode selection (y4), distribution of movement (y5) and behaviour road users (y6); (2) the latent variables of suburban development sustainability are measured by indicators, namely environmental (y7), economic (y8), and social (y9). the sem analysis method uses the following formulation: where α is the intercept vector, β and γ is the coefficient matrix and ζ = ζ1 ∙ ζ2 ∙ ζm is the error vector in the structural equation, element β presents variable influence η and variable η other, and elements γ present a direct influence of variables ξ in variable η. it is assumed that ξ not correlated with ζ and ι − β is nonsingular. furthermore, is the intercept vector m x 1, η is the endogenous latent variable m x 1, b is the coefficient matrix of the endogenous latent variable m x m, γ is the coefficient matrix of the exogenous latent variable m x n, ξ is the exogenous latent variable vector n x 1, ζ structural model error vector relationship between η and ξ size m x 1. random vector η and ξ not measured directly but through the indicator, namely the variable yt = (y1, y2, … yp) and x t = (x1, x2, ... xp). results and discussion changes in land use, population mobility and decline in environmental quality the expansion of the makassar city area has an impact on changes in land use, increased socio-economic activities and population mobility and transportation systems based on patterns of origin and destination of travel. population growth and land requirements that tend to increase are positively associated with discrepancies between land use patterns and the designation plans stipulated in the city spatial plan (khadiyanto, p. 2005; (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) 389surya, b. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 383–400. surya, b. et al. 2021a). thus, changes in land use coupled with increased social activities are determinant factors that affect population mobility and the transportation system in the direction of decreasing the environmental quality of suburban areas. changes in land use in the suburbs of makassar city are presented in table 1 which shows changes in land use during the period 2010–2021. socio-economic activities that developed in the outskirts of makassar city were marked by the presence of several activity functions, including: (1) commercial activities increased by 5.15 percent; (2) housing and settlement development increased by 1.10 percent; (3) educational activities occupy an area of 7.65 ha or 3.73 percent; (4) industrial and warehousing activities occupy an area of 3.06 ha or 1.49 percent. these four activities are the driving force for increasing population mobility and transportation systems in the suburbs of makassar city. this means that the development of suburban areas will be faced with the challenge of providing land that is integrated with the urban transportation system (surya, b. 2016; shen, l. et al. 2018). population mobility which tends to increase will require the support of providing adequate transportation facilities in relation to the mobility of goods and passengers from the suburbs to the city centre. the facts found in the field indicate that two factors that influence the increase in land prices are related to the complexity of land use and transportation systems in the suburbs of makassar city, namely: (1) related to the selling value of land in relation to the function of economic activities; (2) use value land and spatial functions that develop have a direct influence on increasing population mobility. these two factors are positively associated with an increase in the value and price of land economically and affect the transportation system in the suburbs of makassar city. thus, distance, accessibility, transportation infrastructure, and economic activity affect the use value and price of land in suburban areas (hudalah, d. and firman, t. 2012). thus, changes in land use and the function of economic activities contribute to changes in transportation characteristics and population mobility based on the pattern of origin and destination of travel and their effect on spatial dynamics and environmental degradation in the suburbs of makassar city. the characteristics of transportation in relation to land use change are presented in figure 2. changes in transportation characteristics in the suburbs of makassar city (see figure 2, a) are influenced by two main factors, namely economic activities and social activities related to land use. this means table 1. utilization of space on the suburban of makassar city type of activity space utilization 2010 2021 ha % ha % settlement 71.39 34.77 73.65 35.87 offices 42.36 20.63 42.64 20.77 commercial and services 31.35 15.27 41.92 20.42 education facility 7.65 3.73 7.65 3.73 health facility 2.77 1.35 2.77 1.35 industrial and warehouse 3.06 1.49 3.06 1.49 bus station 2.27 1.11 2.27 1.11 worship facility 2.12 1.03 2.12 1.03 shrubs 36.99 18.01 24.03 11.70 swamp 3.79 1.85 3.64 1.77 park 0.37 0.18 0.37 0.18 rivers 1.21 0.59 1.21 0.59 surya, b. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 383–400.390 that changes in land use in the corridor are closely related to socio-economic activities developed by the community. field facts found indicate that three factors are related to socio-economic activities in the suburbs, namely (i) economic productivity, (ii) consumption, and (ii) distribution. these three things are positively associated with the transportation system and environmental degradation. this means that changes in land use and the function of urban activities are closely related to the characteristics of transportation and population mobility based on the pattern of origin and destination of travel and their influence on the spatial dynamics of the suburbs of makassar city. four factors affect the urban transportation system in relation to road infrastructure, namely (i) basic capacity, (ii) effective lane width, (iii) distribution direction, and (iv) side barriers. the interpretations proposed (see figure 2, b) are: (1) population mobility from residential locations to commercial, industrial, educational, workplace and health services; (2) people’s travel orientation to the city centre is dominant using private vehicles. the increase in socio-economic activity has an impact on the generation and attraction of transportation. field facts found indicate that population mobility coupled with land use complexity is positively associated with environmental degradation in the suburbs of makassar city. the road capacity and degree of saturation on the main road corridor in the suburbs of makassar city are presented in figure 3. it shows the relationship between traffic volume, road capacity and degree of saturation in the suburbs of makassar city. interpretations can be proposed regarding these conditions, including: (1) the degree of road saturation at the location of the business centre and power plant is 0.450 with a daily traffic volume of 94,220 pcu/hour; (2) the degree of road saturation at the location of the pltu and sermani industry is 0.339 with a daily traffic volume of 71,064 pcu/hour; (3) the degree of road saturation at the makassar industrial estate location is 0.266 with a daily traffic volume of 55,766 pcu/hour; (4) the degree of road saturation at the hasanuddin international airport is 0.291 with a daily traffic volume of 60,826 pcu/hour. these results confirm differences in daily traffic volume and road network saturation levels. this means that the scale of urban activfig. 2. socio-economic activities and transportation system. a = transportation systems and activity patterns; b = pattern of origin and destination of travel. source: author’s elaboration. 391surya, b. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 383–400. ity affects the traffic volume and the level of saturation of urban roads in the suburbs of makassar city. socio-economic activities will affect the availability of urban transportation (nadi, p.a. and murad, a.k. 2019; surya, b. et al. 2021b). air and noise pollution are externality factors generated by road transport and affect environmental quality (zefreh, m.m. and torok, a. 2021). the impact of development on environmental quality degradation in the suburbs of makassar city is presented in figure 4 demonstrating the decline in environmental quality in the suburbs of makassar city. the interpretations that can be put forward for these results include: (1) the dominant urban activities that contribute to the decline in environmental quality, namely the volume of waste generated by informal economic activities with a value of 9.72 percent; (2) 9.53 percent of the volume of waste generated by formal economic activities; (3) 9.25 percent of waste is generated by informal economy activities and traditional markets; and (4) 9.16 percent generated by industrial waste. these results confirm that the complexity of land use and transportation systems contributes positively to environmental pollution. the transportation system on the outskirts of makassar city, shows that the complexity of land use has an impact on increasing daily traffic volume, travel distances and inefficient transportation costs. the use of public transportation facilities and private vehicles is an intermediary variable that shows the relationship between land use, travel destination, travel time, and distance based on the mode of transportation used by residents in mobility (silva, j.a. 2018). the increase in traffic volume and the complexity of land use has an impact on three important things that interact with each other, namely activities, transportation networks and flows. this condition has an impact on increasing air pollution due to vehicle exhaust gases and decreasing environmental quality. in general, air pollution refers to the release of pollutants into the air that are harmful to the environment and health (zulauf, n. et al. 2019). the travel pattern and traffic volume on the main road sections in the suburbs of makassar city are presented in figure 5. this figure shows the difference in vehicle volume at the observation location based on the type of activity that develops on the suburban of makassar city. the proposed interpretations regarding the traffic volume are: (1) the highest traffic volume occurs at 7.00–8.00 (first peak hour), as many as 15,479 at the business centre and daya terminal, 12,568 at the pltu and sermani industrial power plant locations 11,124 in the makassar industrial area and 10,479 at the location of hasanuddin international airport; (2) the traffic volume at the second peak occurs at 16.00–17.00. in this condition, even though there is a reduction in volume, it will not significantly affect traffic jams on the suburban area; (3) the orientation and destination of fig. 3. traffic volume, road capacity and degree of saturation of main road corridors in suburbs of makassar city. source: primary data. surya, b. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 383–400.392 transportation movements in the morning are dominated by three main activities, namely offices, education, trade and business centres. conversely, in the afternoon it is dominated by movement to the area of origin. increasing traffic is an inherent symptom of vigorous urban development and its prosperity but is concurrently one of the main factors that contribute to the deterioration of the urban environment and the endangerment of the sustainability of urban development (surya, b. et al. 2021c). the mobility of the population from the suburbs to the city centre in relation to the availability of facilities and infrastructure is presented in figure 6 showing the mobility of the population in relation to transportation facilities and infrastructure. interpretations that can be proposed for these results include: (1) population mobility in relation to road infrastructure provides an illustration that 60.67 percent is categorized as supportive, 20.67 percent is categorized as fig. 4. decline in the environmental quality of the suburbs of makassar city. source: primary data. fig. 5. traffic volume on the main road corridor in the suburbs of makassar city. source: primary data. 393surya, b. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 383–400. sufficiently supportive, and 18.66 percent is categorized as not supportive. (2) population mobility in relation to the availability of public transportation gives an illustration of 25 percent in the supportive category, 17.33 percent in the sufficiently supportive category, and 57.67 percent in the not supportive category. (3) population mobility in relation to the purpose of the trip gives an overview of 58.34 percent in the supportive category, 21.67 percent in the sufficiently supportive category, and 19.99 percent in the not supportive category. this figure confirms that the mobility of the population from suburban areas to the city centre and vice versa, people tend to use private transportation facilities due to the limitations of public transportation in relation to factors of comfort, security and timeliness to get to their destination. thus, the function of urban activities and the limitations of public transportation modes lead to dependence on private vehicles in relation to the mobility of residents in suburban areas (bueno-suárez, c. and coq-huelva, d. 2020). the facts found in the field illustrate that the increase in socio-economic activities that develop in the suburbs of makassar city positively associated with land use complexity and transportation system disturbances leading to environmental degradation. the pattern of origin and destination of travel in relation to socio-economic activities in the suburbs of makassar city is presented in figure 7 demonstrating the pattern of origin and destination of travel from the suburbs to the centre of makassar city. interpretations that can be put forward in relation to these results include: (1) transportation movements related to travel times provide an overview of 21.33 percent with the supportive category, 18.67 percent with the sufficiently supportive category, and 60 percent with the not supporting category. (2) the transportation movement system in relation to movement barriers gives an overview of 25 percent in the supportive category, 22.67 percent in the sufficiently supportive category, and 52.33 percent in the not supportive category. (3) the transportation movement system in relation to the cost of travel obtained an overview of 20.66 percent with the supportive category, 20.67 percent with the sufficiently supportive category, and 58.67 percent with the not supportive category. these results confirm that the travel pattern of the population based on the pattern of origin and destination of movement from the outskirts to the city centre is not effective and efficient in terms of travel time, movement barriers, availability of transportation modes and transportation costs. thus, travel time, availability of transportation modes and relatively high transportation costs are positively related to the travel pattern of residents from suburban areas to socio-economic activity centres being inefficient and having an impact on increasing air pollution leading to a decrease in environmental quality. the effect of changes in fig. 6. population mobility of transportation facilities and infrastructure. source: primary data. surya, b. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 383–400.394 fig. 7. the pattern of origin and destination of travel from the suburbs to the centre of makassar city. source: primary data. land use, socio-economic activities, population mobility, and transportation system on environmental quality degradation in the suburbs of makassar city is presented in table 2. the results of table 2 that can be explained include: (1) changes in land use have a positive effect on the environmental quality degradation; (2) socio-economic activities have a positive effect on the environmental quality degradation; (3) population mobility has a positive effect on the environmental quality degradation; (4) the transportation system has a positive effect on the environmental quality degradation. thus, changes in land use, socio-economic activities, population mobility, and transportation systems simultaneously explain 95.65 percent of the environmental quality degradation in the suburbs of makassar city. the management model of the urban transportation system and the sustainability of the suburbs of makassar city is presented in figure 8. this figure shows a model for estimating land use, population mobility and transportation infrastructure and sustainable development in the suburbs of makassar city. interpretations that can be put forward to the model include: first, the variable constructs of land use, population mobility, and transportation infrastructure have a positive effect on table 2. summary of test results for the significance of multiple regression coefficients correlation coefficient error t-count t-table β sbi land use change to environmental quality degradation (ryx1) 0.193 0.068 2.972 1.95 socio-economic activity to environmental quality degradation (ryx2) 0.148 0.056 2.865 1.95 population mobility to environmental quality degradation (ryx3) 0.407 0.098 3.284 1.95 transportation system to environmental quality degradation (ryx4) 0.206 0.078 2.893 1.95 source variant sum of squares, jk free degrees, db average of the sum of the squares, rjk f-count f-table α = 0.05 regression residue 20,642 0,548 7 12 7.548 0.076 88.146 6.78 total 20,642 19 – – – r r2 db1 db2 f-count f-table 0.978 0.9565 7 12 88.146 6.78 395surya, b. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 383–400. transportation management and sustainable development of suburban areas of makassar city. the results of the chi-square test showed a value of 125.421 with a probability of p = 0.122 > 0.05, df = 74, gfi = 0.865, cfi = 0.656 and agfi = 0.704. these results confirm that the built model is categorized as a fit model. second, the total influence of land use on the endogenous variable of transportation management is 0.8836 or 88.36 percent, population mobility on the endogenous variable of transportation management is 0.6241 or 62.41 percent, and transportation infrastructure on the endogenous variable of transportation management is 0, 7569 or 75.69 percent. third, the total influence of land use on the endogenous variables of suburban development sustainability is 0.5625 or 56.25 percent, population mobility on endogenous variables of suburban development sustainability is 0.4356 or 43.56 percent, transportation infrastructure to endogenous variables the sustainability of suburban area development is 0.5329 or 53.29 percent. the effect of the endogenous variable of transportation management on the endogenous variable of the sustainability of suburban development is 0.7921 or 79.21 percent. thus, the implementation of the transportafig. 8. urban transportation system model and the sustainability of the suburbs of makassar city surya, b. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 383–400.396 tion management model will have an impact on the sustainability of the development of suburbs makassar city. sustainability of the suburbs of makassar city the sustainability of the suburban area requires efforts to control the use of space and ensure the balance of the process or condition of a system, in relation to the built environment and biological resources as a single system. this means that the sustainability of the suburbs of makassar city is part of the effort to ensure the sustainability of the ecosystem in order, to maintain function, productivity and ecological diversity. five basic principles that can be implemented for the fig. 9. sustainability of the suburbs of makassar city 397surya, b. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 383–400. development of suburban areas towards sustainable development, namely: (1) capacity, refers to the carrying capacity of the environment as a medium for carrying out community socio-economic activities; (2) resilience, in terms of interactions between humans and the environment; (3) adaptive in responding to ecosystem changes; (4) diversity, in this case integrating the socio-economic interests of the community which is accommodated in a space that does not exceed the carrying capacity of the environment and is integrated with a sustainable transportation movement system; (5) balance, in this case refers to the balance of the natural environment in relation to the development carried out by the community and the government. this means that the government must take into, account the balance between the expenditure allocated for development activities and the accumulation of human and technological capital to ensure environmental balance towards improving the welfare of the population and the sustainability of the transportation system (wu, f.c. et al. 2020; surya, b. et al. 2020a). the sustainability of the suburbs of makassar city is presented in figure 9. conclusions the expansion of the makassar city area has an impact on changes in land use, increased socio-economic activities, population mobility and transportation systems. these three things cause a decrease in the environmental quality of suburban areas. changes in transportation characteristics coupled with the intensity of land use changes have an impact on air, water and soil pollution. furthermore, economic activity that tends to increase causes an increase in population mobility based on the pattern of origin and destination of travel and has an impact on increasing traffic volume, slowing vehicles, traffic congestion and high transportation costs. the decline in environmental quality is indicated by the increased potential for environmental pollution due to the intensity of development allocated to suburban areas. thus, it is necessary to control the use of space, structuring land use and managing the transportation system towards the sustainable development of the suburban area of makassar city. the development of the suburbs of makassar city is oriented to create a balance in the use of natural resources to support sustainable development which is carried out through three main principles, namely (i) future-oriented equality between generations, (ii) 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10.15201/hungeobull.72.1.4 hungarian geographical bulletin 72 2023 (1) 59–74. introduction significant progress has been made recently in moving towards gender equality, and the position and activities of the governments of several countries of the world have been characterized by a positive attitude towards this problem. ensuring gender equality is one of the factors for achieving sustainable development and effective economic growth of the country and region. despite the growing attention to the problems of gender inequality, professional segregation, and insufficient use of women’s human capital in the economy, most countries are not able to overcome barriers to equal rights for men and women. the gender factor determines educational and career opportunities, influences the social status of an individual in society, influences professional self-determination and self-realization. representatives of various scientific schools of the 17th–18th centuries, studying market relations, paid attention primarily to men as active participants in production and social processes, not taking into account the subordinate position of women, who for a long time were not considered as social units, which did not allow assessing the domestic work of women and mothers as a process of reproduction of human capital. the involvement of women in social production in the 18th–19th centuries did not lead to an gender features of the kazakhstan labour market in the context of sustainable development gulnara nyussupova1, gaukhar aidarkhanova1, laura kenespayeva1 and roza kelinbayeva1 abstract kazakhstan is demonstrating its commitment to promoting gender equality and working closely with the global community. over the past decade, the gender gap in the structure of labour force of kazakhstan has slightly decreased. however, gender gaps persist. women in kazakhstan make up slightly more than half of the total population of the country, but their contribution to indicators of economic activity, growth and well-being of republic is significantly below their potential. in this article, gender dynamics of kazakhstan labour market are explored at macro and micro levels using gis. in this article, authors tried to answer the following questions: what is the gender situation in the labour market of kazakhstan, as a country of central asia region with an eastern mentality? does the growing number of employed women lead to higher levels of gender equality in the kazakhstan labour market? what are the characteristics of women’s employment compared to men’s? the results of research show that women’s increased access to jobs has not led to a significant reduction in the gap in earnings and incomes between men and women. this is due to the gender segregation of vocational education, which lays the foundation for sectoral differentiation of employment with different geographical distributions. also, the so-called “glass ceiling” or low accessibility to leadership positions hinders women’s greater competitiveness. in addition, such an important element of labour market as unpaid domestic work, which is mainly occupied by women, is still not recognized. keywords: gender inequality, labour market, labour force, gis, sustainable development goals (sdg), human capital, regions, spatial differentiation. received may 2022, accepted january 2023. 1 al-farabi kazakh national university, 71 al-farabi ave., almaty, republic of kazakhstan. e-mails: gulnara. nyusupova@kaznu.kz, gaukhar.aidarkhanova@gmail.com, laura.kenespaeva81@gmail.com, zhar80@mail.ru nyussupova, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 59–74.60 active study of the problem of social equality of the sexes, and the justification of discrimination against women by property relations excluded gender aspects from the analysis of society and caused gender deformation in the social policy of “real socialism” as classical marxists declared (o zhenskom voprose… 1971). only in the 19th century researchers of the concept of “living productive forces” in the context of approaches to the assessment of human capital in their works, assessing the human capital of the nation, considered it as a combination of the male and female human capital of the country. this was the starting point for further gender-based labour market research by scholars such as sinha, j.n. (1967), who looked at the impact of economic growth and education on women’s labour force participation, lincove, j. (2008) who studied the relationship between national income and women’s labour market participation, lam, d. and duryea, s. (1999), matas, a. et al. (2010), contreras, d. et al. (2011) highlight the importance of education in women’s labour force participation. han, j-s. and lee, j-w. (2020) made an analysis and assessment of human capital in terms of the composition of the labour force by age, gender, education and wage level. gender aspects of inequality in the world of work are described by different scientists using different bases. kessler-harris. a. (1982) explains the current position of women in the structure of labour relations through the concept of the ideology of the family, which for a long time kept women away from jobs, from reaching the heights of their profession, giving much more importance to their reproductive function. hartmann, h. (1976) argues that capitalism seeks to maintain a patriarchal society in which men can exercise control over women’s labour, ensuring and protecting their own privileged position. in conditions where women are not allowed to enter highly paid and prestigious professions, they look at marriage as a means of resolving material problems and are ready to put up with domestic exploitation. game, a. and pringle, r. (1983) in “gender at work” describe the situation of women working in the context of the development of computer technology. according to their observations, the growth of computerization did not lead to a decrease in labour market segregation, but only secured a certain area of professional activity in the field of information technology for women, blocking access to more prestigious activities. mies, m. (1986) in “patriarchy and accumu lation on a world scale”, argues that considering housekeeping as a natural role for women means reducing her paid work to just a source of “additional” income, thus, justifying lower wages for women) and isolating women workers from each other and from working men (which prevents collective struggle in the workplace). agarwal, b. (2007) in her work on gender, property and power “towards freedom from domestic violence” demonstrates that the ability of women to own and inherit property acts as a serious deterrent to spousal violence. women’s empowerment is one of the 17 sustainable development goals. sdg 5 is not only a vital goal in its own right, but it is also a cross-cutting goal for all sdgs by virtue of the recognition that economic and social development depends on the achievement of gender equality (bushati, b. and galvani, a. 2017). the relationship of gender equality and religion, ethnicity, age and environment studied by kumar-pathania, s. (2017). gender equality issues within the sdgs were also considered by küfeoğlu, s. (2022) and zampone, g. et al. (2022). the majority of women in the world work long hours a day, although most of their work is related to family or childcare responsibilities, which prevents them from working outside the home (ilo, 2017). a study of the correlation between fertility and female employment showed that until the mid-1970s, a strong negative relationship prevailed in developed countries, but subsequently the correlation became low (engelhardt, h. et al. 2004). this was due to greater availability of childcare services, family policies 61nyussupova, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 59–74. (maternity leave), changing attitudes towards working mothers, and an increase in part-time jobs (rindfuss, r. and brewster, k. 2000). although the balance between motherhood and employment is still negative in some developing countries, even though they are experiencing strong economic growth (contreras, d. et al. 2011). kern, l. explores gender processes from the point of view of geography, the role of a woman living in an urban environment (sági, m. 2022). b u r i b a y e v , y. a . , k h a m z i n a , z . a . , yermukhametova, s., turlykhankyzy, k., yessengazieva, a. and oryntayev, z. studied the possibilities of ensuring equal employment for men and women in kazakhstan, proposed measures to improve legislation on labour protection and working conditions, improve working conditions, as well as the possibility of introducing and expanding flexible forms of employment, studied the role of international legal instruments in the formation of national methods for ensuring gender equality in kazakhstan (see buribayev, y.a. and khamzina, z.a. 2019; khamzina, z. et al. 2022). gis tools have also been used to highlight issues of gender inequality. brown, s. (2003) used field research and gis to explore gender roles, responsibilities and workloads in a spatial context. considered women’s employment in oman and modelled the women’s employment rate based on gis (shawky, m. 2018). a gis platform has been created to visualize gender inequality at the subnational level in the lower mekong region (see https://servirmekong.maps.arcgis. com/apps/webappviewer/index.html?id=38 67739472d14d9f9f6bebb17f6f976b). scientists from shahid chamran university studied and analysed women’s socio-cultural barriers to using public transport in iran using gis tools (goodarzi, m. et al. 2020). in the book edited by ozdenerol, e. (2021), scholars have explored using the latest mapping and gis applications, contemporary issues of gender inequality such as the visualization of gender dynamics at the macro and micro levels, the role of gis in the context of gender inequality, the adaptation of gis for the criminal justice response to domestic violence, and to address gender-based violence, spatial inequalities in gender representation across industries, social and environmental injustice faced by female migrant workers, a social vulnerability index is presented to identify spatial patterns of social vulnerability and gender inequalities. the gender gap in the global labour force participation rate has narrowed. despite the progress made, some gender gaps remain and greater efforts are needed to close them. in particular, the gender gap in unemployment remains large, especially for young women. in addition, women continue to be disproportionately represented among contributing family workers and in other forms of informal employment. despite some improvements, women continue to face significant pay gaps caused by occupational segregation and discrimination, as well as different working hours compared to men in paid and unpaid work (asif, i. et al. 2018). according to world bank research, women are excluded from working life in some societies. in the world, the share of working women is 49 percent, and the share of working men is 75 percent. gender inequality persists in the distribution of power. globally, women head less than 20 percent of all businesses (world bank, 2019). women work in economically less productive sectors and in occupations that offer potentially fewer opportunities for on-the-job learning. in the process of employment, women face industry-specific legislative restrictions. in 65 countries women are prohibited from working in the mining industry, in 47 countries employment opportunities for women in the manufacturing industries are limited, and 37 countries do not allow women to work in the construction industry. moreover, in 29 countries around the world, women have shorter hours of work than men (world bank, 2019). in the development strategies of international organizations, the problem of gender equality as a component of socio-economic development is perceived as an important direction of state policy. https://servirmekong.maps.arcgis.com/apps/webappviewer/index.html?id=3867739472d14d9f9f6bebb17f6f976b https://servirmekong.maps.arcgis.com/apps/webappviewer/index.html?id=3867739472d14d9f9f6bebb17f6f976b https://servirmekong.maps.arcgis.com/apps/webappviewer/index.html?id=3867739472d14d9f9f6bebb17f6f976b nyussupova, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 59–74.62 the convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women (cedaw), adopted in 1979 by the un, defines the imperative of equality in results, not just equality in opportunities: it is not enough to develop anti-discrimination laws, it is necessary to form a mechanism for their application in public life and the economy, to guarantee true gender equality, so that women enjoy equality in their daily lives. the dual goal of achieving gender equality should be taken into account: on the one hand, it is the expansion of opportunities and choices for women, on the other hand, the realization of national potentials for a positive response to the interests and problems of women. in the synthesis report of the un secretarygeneral on the sustainable development agenda prepared for the global summit (september 2015), 12 out of 17 goals are gender-sensitive. of course, the position of women in the world over the past quarter century has undergone significant changes for the better in areas such as education and health care, as well as the level of employment in the labour market, sources of income. and what is the situation in kazakhstan, in the country of the central asian region with an eastern mentality? what are the characteristics of women’s employment compared to men’s? with over a decade of experience in implementing a comprehensive gender equality strategy and an updated policy approved in 2017, kazakhstan demonstrates an unwavering commitment to promoting equality between women and men. over the past two decades, kazakhstan has committed itself to some international agreements, adopted many laws and developed government measures that have become a key condition for increasing the participation of women in public life. based on the observance of international agreements, such as the beijing declaration and platform for action (1995), the un convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women (cedaw) (1998), the millennium development goals, the republic has developed its gender equality strategy for 2006–2016, which until recently served as the main reference point for government activities in the gender area. in connection with the completion of the implementation of the gender strategy 2006–2016. the government has prepared a concept for family and gender policy until 2030. programs within the framework of gender policy should be developed based on legislative and socio-economic factors, but it is also necessary to take into account the established ethno-economic and geopolitical conditions, including national and cultural traditions. however, the assessment of indicators of socio-economic development of the regions of the republic of kazakhstan indicates gender disproportions associated with existing national traditions, which is especially evident in the southern regions of the country due to various mental, national and religious characteristics that determine attitudes towards women. in the south of kazakhstan, the population is territorially and historically closely connected with the peoples of central asia and adheres mainly to the views characteristic of eastern countries in relation to women. whereas, the inhabitants of northern, northwestern, and eastern kazakhstan border on russia, which causes the concentration of the european contingent in the regions and a more loyal attitude towards women (shatrov, m. 2013; un news. 2016; representation… 2020). data and methods this article assesses progress and gaps about gender equality and women’s empowerment in kazakhstan, based on information from global databases and available in the country, with a focus on the following key areas of sdg 5: women’s access to decent work, low-paid female labour, increase in women’s unpaid work, overrepresentation of women in the informal sector, women’s participation in decision-making, women’s and girls’ access to education and training. the analytical part of the study began with an analysis of the level of participation of women in the labour force of the republic of 63nyussupova, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 59–74. kazakhstan in comparison with other countries. for country analysis, the statistical database of the international labour organization (ilo) was used. when selecting indicators, we relied on a system of indicators to track progress towards the sdgs and key ilo indicators. also, these indicators seemed relevant to us, since in the analysis the gender imbalance was clearly expressed in them. the gender characteristics of some key demographic indicators, labour market indicators (labour force participation rate, employment rate, employment by sectors of the economy, wages, employment in the informal economy, unemployment, unpaid domestic work) were analysed in the context of the regions of the republic of kazakhstan. for this purpose, statistics were collected for the last 20 years (2000–2021) from statistical collections, the “taldau” information and analytical system, the national sdg reporting platform of the bureau of national statistics of the republic of kazakhstan to analyse gender dynamics in the context of the regions of kazakhstan. although gender statistics are available in kazakhstan compared to other central asian countries, many indicators are missing at the micro level, which does not provide a clear picture of gender differences and hinders regional analysis of gender processes. the general legislative framework for statistics is generally gender-neutral. for the assessment, a mixed methods approach was adopted, including spatial comparative, statistical analysis, gis methods. gathering gender statistics in a geographic context and retaining baseline location information can reveal patterns in data that would otherwise be missed, draw insights into gaps, missed opportunities and, ultimately, entry points for policy agendas. the use of gis in the analysis of gender issues will help to identify spatial patterns of gender imbalance and with the presence of a relationship with the location of certain objects. gis will allow not only to make a quantitative analysis, but also to bring the results to an understanding through visualization. the result of the spatial analysis will be thematic maps reflecting the results of the research work. the geo-information part of the study is based on the scientific and methodological principles and ideas of the general theory of cartography of domestic and international integrated mapping. a geodatabase (db) was developed on objective indicators of the labour market. the database consists of two types of information: statistical and spatial. vector layers are created and processed in gis and meet the basic requirements of vector information (required detail, reliability, accuracy, compliance with the requirements for the coordinate system and cartographic projection, data exchange format, etc.). vector layers are loaded into the database as a cartographic base for all thematic maps and contain information about the boundaries and settlements of administrative-territorial entities. the basis of computer software is the instrumental geographic information system arcgis. results and discussion kazakhstan, being a country with a vast territory, has difficulty balancing regional differences between a few centres and a vast periphery (nyussupova, g. et al. 2021). differences across regions make it difficult to achieve gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls in the country (sdg 5), as well as an obstacle to other sustainable development goals, such as ensuring healthy lives and promoting well-being for all at all ages (sdg 3), inclusive and quality education (sdg 4), promoting sustained, inclusive and sustainable economic growth (sdg 8), building resilient infrastructure and promoting sustainable industrialization and innovation (sdg 9). the article presents an analysis of gender differences in kazakhstan with a focus on the following areas of sdg 5: women’s access to decent work, women’s low-paid work, increase in women’s unpaid work, women’s overrepresentation in the informal sector, women’s participation in decision-making, women’s and girls’ access to education and training. these areas highlighted in sdg 5 continue to seriously undermine the potential to achieve nyussupova, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 59–74.64 equal rights, opportunities and quality of life for women not only in kazakhstan but also in many other countries of the world. women’s access to decent work according to official statistics, at the beginning of 2021, 9,719.2 thousand women lived in the republic of kazakhstan, which is 51.5 percent of the total population of the country. the number of women exceeds the number of men, while the life expectancy of women is on average 10 years longer than the life expectancy of men in all regions of kazakhstan (figure 1). in kazakhstan, according to the ilo, the participation rate of women in the labour force in 2019 was 62.8 percent. the republic maintains a stable level of employment of women and is not inferior in this regard to many countries, including countries with highly developed economies (figure 2). however, the contribution of female labour to the indicators of economic activity, growth, fig. 1. dynamics of the sex structure of the population and life expectancy of the male and female population in the republic of kazakhstan, 2000–2021. source: bureau of national statistics of the republic of kazakhstan. fig. 2. the share of the male/female population in the labour force for 2019. source: ilostat, https://ilostat.ilo.org/ https://ilostat.ilo.org/ 65nyussupova, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 59–74. and the well-being of the population is much lower than its potential. according to the international monetary fund, the global economy is losing from 10 percent of gdp in developed countries to 30 percent in south asia, the middle east and north africa due to inequality between women and men (kalpana, k. et al. 2017) in addition, the study shows that increasing the participation of women in the labour force significantly increases the rate of economic growth and the well-being of the country (jonathan, d.o. et al. 2018). however, there is a significant gap in the gender structure of the labour force. if, in developed countries, the gap is about 6 percent, then in kazakhstan this figure is twice as large. thus, in the republic, the level of participation of women in the labour force in 2020 was 63.7 percent, which is 11.8 percent lower than among men. the gender gap in the labour force shows no signs of narrowing. in the republic, by region, the same trend is observed in the gap between the share of women and men in the labour force (figure 3). in all regions of the republic, the male population prevails in the structure of the labour force. according to the bureau of national statistics, gender differences in employment status are small. the employment rate of women in kazakhstan in 2020 amounted to 94.6 percent or 4,212.5 thousand people. over the past 20 years, the employment of women in the republic has had a positive trend. thus, compared with 2001, the employment rate of women by 2020 increased by 6.6 percent, or by 983.9 thousand working women (figure 4). about 76.6 percent of the employed population, both women and men, are employed, about 23.4 percent are self-employed. the main area of female employment is the service sector. it employs 55.2 percent of women. the global pandemic and the state of emergency introduced in connection with this in 2020 have seriously affected the kazakhstan labour market. the acceleration of the transition to flexible forms of employment due to covid-19 in 2020 is now reflected in the wide spread of remote work in kazakhstan. the result of this in kazakhstan was the development of alternative forms of employment, the active involvement of women and rural residents in labour activities. thus, every 3rd remote worker in the country is a rural resident. fig. 3. the share of the male/female population in the labour force for 2020 by regions of the republic of kazakhstan (see left axis). dynamics of the gap in the coefficient of the female and male population in the labour force in the republic of kazakhstan (see right axis). source: https://taldau.stat.gov.kz/ https://taldau.stat.gov.kz/ nyussupova, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 59–74.66 many organizations in kazakhstan have transferred employees to remote work (70% of employees), using online technologies as much as possible, but faced issues of proper design and organization of work processes. as a result of the state of emergency in 2020, kazakhstan adopted legislative amendments to the labour code to improve the legal regulation of remote work. now in the legislation, there are such concepts as “remote work” and “combined remote work”. although, in general, there is an increase in the employment of women in the republic, a regional analysis shows that the growth in the use of female labour is due to cities of republican significance (nur-sultan, almaty and shymkent), and several regions (almaty, east kazakhstan, karaganda and turkestan oblasts) (figure 5). the growth of women’s employment in large cities of the country is explained by the predominance of the service sector in them, where women’s labour is most concentrated. almaty and turkestan oblasts are adjacent to large cities of the republic, where women from the oblast come to work. at the same time, the distribution of men and women by sectors of the economy differs markedly. thus, in the areas of transport and construction, 23.3 percent of employees in each area are represented by women. in addition, the proportion of women is 1/3 of workers in the industry. the highest concentration of women (over 72%) was noted in the areas of education, health care, as well as in the field of accommodation and food services (63.5%). also, women accounted for about 60 percent of all workers employed in trade and financial activities compared to men (figure 6) (see gender statistics of the bureau of national statistics of the republic of kazakhstan, https://gender.stat.gov.kz/). there are several reasons for the uneven distribution of women and men across sectors of the economy. thus, the choice of activity is accepted by many women in favour of more flexible work schedules to combine work and family responsibilities. gender stereotypes also influence the professional self-determination and career development of women. as a rule, only a small share of women has a technical education and relevant qualifications. until recently, women in the republic were denied access to 191 types of work related to adverse working conditions, hard physical work (until 2018 there were 287) (labour code of the republic of kazakhstan, 2021). in october 2021, a law fig. 4. dynamics of the level of employment by sex in the republic of kazakhstan, 2001–2020. source: https://taldau.stat.gov.kz/ https://gender.stat.gov.kz/ https://taldau.stat.gov.kz/ 67nyussupova, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 59–74. fig. 6. share of employed by groups of types of economic activity by sex in the republic of kazakhstan, 2020. source: https://taldau.stat.gov.kz/ fig. 5. employment of women by regions of the republic of kazakhstan, 2020. source: https://taldau.stat.gov.kz/ https://taldau.stat.gov.kz/ https://taldau.stat.gov.kz/ nyussupova, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 59–74.68 was signed that removes restrictions on the employment of women from the labour code (law of the republic of kazakhstan, 2021). this action to eliminate discrimination against women became part of the human rights priority action plan approved on 11 june 2021. however, the most overriding factor remains the gender segregation of vocational education, which lays the foundation for sectoral employment differentiation. women’s low-paid work women’s greater access to jobs has not led to a significant reduction in the gap in earnings and incomes between men and women. some of the countries where the income gap between men and women is particularly large are among those that have experienced the fastest growth in female employment in recent years. as a rule, these are countries with pronounced export orientation, such as china, the republic of korea, singapore and chile. this trend suggests that the traditional pattern of discrimination against women’s access to employment appears to be giving way in some cases to a targeted preference for female workers. it should be emphasized here that this preference is usually based on the consent of women to perform unskilled work, receive low wages, as well as their reputation as obedient and uncomplaining workers. in the regions of kazakhstan, as well as the average for the republic, women’s wages are 30–35 percent lower than men’s ones. in 2020, women’s wages were 75 percent of men’s wages. over the past 10 years, the dynamics of the ratio of wages of men and women shows that women, on average, earned 32 percent less than men (figure 7), women received the least wages in 2018 (65.8% of men’s wages), but 2020 saw a sharp drop in the maleto-female wage ratio of 9.2 percent from its fig. 7. differences in earnings of men and women in kazakhstan, 2020, in percent. 69nyussupova, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 59–74. lowest point in 2018. this phenomenon is explained by a 25 percent increase in the salaries of teachers from 1 january 2020, 72.2 percent of which are women, as part of the execution of the order of the president of the republic of kazakhstan kassym-jomart tokayev (law of the republic of kazakhstan, 2019). the gender pay gap tends to be much lower among first-time labour market entrants and tends to widen as workers age. thus, in 2020, the largest gender pay gap was noted in the age groups of 35–44 years (36.7%) and 45–54 years (35.0%), the smallest in the age groups of 65 years and older (25.3%) and below 25 years (16.9%) (see “taldau” information and analytical system, https://taldau.stat.gov.kz/). the gender pay gap is largely affected by socio-economic factors – the number of men and women in a certain type of economic activity, their profession, education, age, length of service, and so on in kazakhstan. a regional analysis of the gender pay gap shows that this indicator deserves special attention in atyrau and mangystau regions, where the difference is 45–50 percent, and in some areas of western kazakhstan, women earn about 35 percent of the wages of men (isatay, makat, kzylkoga, borli, makhabet districts, and zhanaozen, aktau, atyrau cities) (see figure 7). this imbalance is explained by the predominance of the oil and gas sector of the economy in these regions, where female labour is less competitive. a high gender imbalance in wages is also characteristic of regions where the metallurgical sector of the economy is developed (satpaev, shakhtinsk, saran cities and ayаgoz district). in the capital of the republic of kazakhstan in nur-sultan city, the imbalance is explained by the fact that construction is developed here, where mainly men work and the civil service, where senior positions with high wages are occupied mainly by men. investments in women as human capital are higher than the return on these investments as a result of the incomplete demand for women in the field of employment, which reduces their level of economic activity and manifests itself in lower wages compared to men by 30–35 percent. increase in women’s unpaid work the gender imbalance in wages in the republic is also partly explained by the fact that women have less time for paid work because they are engaged in unpaid household chores. as in most parts of the world, a significant proportion of unpaid domestic work is done by women. as a result, women tend to work longer hours than men. for example, according to the international labour organization, on average in the world, women spend 4.4 hours on unpaid work, while men spend only 1.7 hours. the smallest gap remains in norway, where women work 3.7 hours without pay, while men work 3 hours. in the us, the figure is 3.8 hours versus 2.4 hours (georgieva, k. et al. 2019). in kazakhstan, a woman spends an average of 2.2 hours per day in paid work and 4.1 hours in unpaid care work and housework. for comparison, one day in the life of an ordinary kazakhstani man is 3.3 hours at a paid job and 1.8 hours doing unpaid household chores (ilo, 2019). it is worth noting the uneven impact of the pandemic on men and women. the covid-19 pandemic has not only exacerbated inequalities around the world but also exposed many of the gender-based issues that exist in kazakh society. as mentioned above, of course, teleworking gives women the opportunity to work and combine household chores, thereby allowing them to feel satisfied with financial independence and the availability of free time for the family. but this situation is not ideal either. it is worth noting that the boundary between the workplace and home disappears, the boundary between work and personal time and other side costs are erased. with the closure of kindergartens and schools due to the dangerous sanitary and epidemic situation, women began to work even more due to the increased burden of caring for children. the number of paid hours at best has not changed, and at worst it has decreased or disappeared altogether. on average, the volume of women’s household chores increased by 1.5–2 times. https://taldau.stat.gov.kz/ nyussupova, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 59–74.70 many studies show that gender imbalances in unpaid work not only deprive women of economic opportunities but also impede the qualitative growth of the economies of countries. the ilo estimates that 16.4 billion hours a day are spent on unpaid care work worldwide. this is the equivalent of 2 billion people working an 8-hour day every day without pay (ilo, 2018). in europe and central asia, women devote 2 times more time to unpaid care work than men (4.5 versus 2.2 hours). and when we consider paid and unpaid work together, women generally work longer hours than men (çağatay, n. et al. 2017). oxfam experts concluded that the value of women’s unpaid labour is 10 billion usd a year or 1/8 of the world’s gdp (oxfam international, 2022). in australia, the contribution of unpaid care work to gdp is 41.3 percent (of which women account for 26.8%). in kazakhstan, unpaid work is estimated at 2.5 percent of gdp (of which 1.8% is the contribution of women). gender disparity in the distribution of unpaid care work leads to growing gender gaps in the labour market and in other areas that affect the position and status of women in society. there is an inverse relationship between the length of time spent on unpaid care work and women’s labour force participation. care responsibilities also affect the quality of women’s employment. in some countries, due to gender inequality in the distribution of unpaid work, the reduction of the gender gap in education did not bring significant changes to the labour market (ferrant, g. et al. 2014). the relationship between a woman’s role in the family, occupational choice, and income suggests that narrowing the gender pay gap could lead to a reduction in violence against women. employment of women in the informal sector work in the informal sector lacks security and social protection, is associated with hard work, is poorly paid and provides limited opportunities for the development of human capital. there is a certain gender imbalance in official unemployment figures in kazakhstan. in 2020, the share of unemployed women was 5.4 percent compared to 4.4 percent for men. in 2020, the share of women in the unemployed population amounted to 53.3 percent and the economically inactive population -62.3 percent (https://taldau.stat.gov.kz). part of this gap can be explained by the fact that women are more likely to take maternity leave. self-employed women and men in kazakhstan do not contribute to a pension fund or receive social insurance and are therefore economically less secure and have precarious working conditions. measures have been taken to reduce informal self-employment, including among women. thus, in 2001, women accounted for 47.7 percent of the self-employed, but by 2020 the share of self-employed women has decreased to 45.5 percent. the majority of self-employed women work in agriculture (38.7%) and trade (40.4%). self-employed men also tend to work in these sectors, as well as in transport, warehousing and construction (https://gender.stat.gov.kz/). participation of women in decision-making in addition to sectoral differentiation, the labour market of kazakhstan is characterized by professional segregation. this means that women are underrepresented in senior leadership in most sectors of the economy. women have the right to participate in public life and hold public office, according to the beijing platform for action, women’s participation in political life should be at least 33 percent. despite some progress in promoting gender equality in the country, kazakhstan has a lot of work to do in achieving sdg 5 to ensure full effective participation and equal opportunities for women at all levels of decision-making in political, economic, and public life. thus, in 2020, women headed only 17.9 percent of large enterprises, 28.3 percent of small and 33.2 percent of medium-sized enterprises https://taldau.stat.gov.kz https://gender.stat.gov.kz/ 71nyussupova, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 59–74. in kazakhstan. education is the only field of activity where the prevailing share of managers is women (64.4%). 47.4 percent of top managers in health and social services are women. in the financial and insurance sector, 41.7 percent are women managers, in the hotel and restaurant business 41.1 percent. a small number of women leaders are noted in agriculture (14.8%), mining (12.7%) and construction (16.9%). in addition, the higher the position, the smaller the number of women holding it compared to men. so, according to the bureau of national statistics, in 2020, the average salary of men working as heads of all levels of organizations was 1,417.7 usd, a labour protection engineer 638.4 usd, and an economist 508.9 usd. this is 1.11.5 times higher than the average salary of women in similar positions and professions (https://gender.stat.gov.kz/). access of women and girls to education and training kazakhstan has approved a roadmap for the development of higher education until 2020, which outlines the role of education and research institutions in the development of a knowledge-based economy and the preparation of a modern skilled workforce. the transition to a more knowledgebased economy significantly accelerates the advancement of gender equality. there is a high level of gender segregation in kazakhstan’s labour force. the pre-requisites for this begin already from the moment the applicants choose higher educational institutions. gender differences are especially evident in vocational education. vocational schools must attract a gender-balanced number of students in in-demand majors to meet future labour demand. a learning environment that offers a wide variety of careers and is free from gender stereotypes will allow students to freely express their abilities and interests, which will ultimately lead to optimal educational outcomes. conclusions the republic of kazakhstan has maintained a stable level of women’s participation in the labour market, which distinguishes it favourably from most other central asian countries. however, a geographical analysis of women’s employment shows that women’s employment is territorially differentiated. the growth of women’s employment in the republic is provided by the cities of republican significance (nur-sultan, almaty and shymkent), and a number of regions (almaty, east kazakhstan, karaganda and turkestan oblasts). the main factor in the regional differentiation of the female labour force is the disproportion in the incomes of the regions, the predominance of the service sector in the economy of these regions. high economic growth smooths out gender disparities. regions with middle and low income in the republic – almaty and turkestan oblasts are regions – “donors” of commuting labour migration for the cities of almaty and shymkent. in the republic, there is also an uneven gender distribution across sectors of the economy. women are employed mainly in lower paid sectors such as health and social work (72%), education (72%) and other services. in addition to sectoral differentiation, the labour market of the republic of kazakhstan is characterized by professional segregation. women are underrepresented in senior leadership in many sectors of the kazakh economy. on the basis of adb (2018) data, sociological research by sarsembayeva, r. (2017), we believe that the main reasons for gender segregation are gender stereotypes common among the population of kazakhstan, which affect professional self-determination and career growth of women. thus, according to the analysis of public opinion conducted by sarsembayeva (2017) on attitudes towards gender equality and the beliefs of women and men in this regard, many respondents associate the role of women to a greater extent with the family and home than with the economic and political spheres. moreover, https://gender.stat.gov.kz/ nyussupova, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 59–74.72 the percentage of women who share this belief (39%) exceeds the percentage of men who share this opinion (25%). similarly, the ebrd report “life in transition” (2016) found that two-thirds of both men and women in kazakhstan surveyed believe that men are better at political leadership than women. according to about 86 percent of respondents, a woman should do household chores, even if her husband does not work, this opinion is shared by both women and men. the wide access of kazakhstan women to jobs has not reduced the gap in earnings and incomes between men and women. in terms of wages, there remains a gap between the pay of men and women. in some regions of the republic (atyrau, mangystau oblasts), the difference in wages between men and women is more than 50 percent. for example, statistics show that in some districts of the atyrau oblast (isatay, makat districts) women earn 394 usd against 1,083 usd of men’s wages, which is about 35 percent of men’s wages. the pay imbalance is partly since women have less time for paid work because they are doing unpaid household chores. in particular, women take breaks from work to have children, and significantly more often than men take extended maternity leave. women also have more responsibility for housework, including caring for elderly family members, which forces them to leave their jobs. gender disparity in the distribution of unpaid care work leads to growing gender gaps in the labour market and in other areas that affect the position and status of women in society. the kazakh government is in no hurry to recognize unpaid female labour worthy of material compensation, and even the covid-19 pandemic, which has exacerbated the problem many times, is still unable to change the current situation. in developed countries, the policy of employment of women in the labour market is more flexible. many women choose to work in favour of more flexible work schedules to balance work and family responsibilities. the prerequisites for this begin already from the moment the applicants choose higher educational institutions. thus, the basis for sectoral differentiation of employment is laid. thus, gender stereotypes influence the professional self-determination and career development of women. as a rule, only a small proportion of women have a technical education and relevant qualifications. despite some progress in promoting gender equality in the country, kazakhstan still has a lot of work to do in achieving sdg 5. to further empower women, the country needs: – d evelopm ent of gender stat istic s. although gender statistics are available in kazakhstan compared to other central asian countries, many indicators are missing at the micro-level, which hinders the regional analysis of gender processes. – increasing the representation of women in politics and leadership positions in national, regional and local governments; – development of the service sector, expansion of women’s telecommuting or parttime employment as an alternative form of employment. what would be a powerful factor in increasing women’s participation in the labour force; – ensuring the availability of childcare services, family policy (maternity leave), changing attitudes towards working mothers; – eliminating stereotypes in education and the professional field, encourage the promotion of women to leadership positions and reduce the wage gap; – introduction of gender planning of the state budget, which can provide a more effective policy aimed at achieving gender goals. at present, gender budgeting in kazakhstan is still at an early stage of development. the under demand of women in employment, the decline in their level of economic activity, lower wages, and the increased burden of childcare and unpaid domestic work all negatively affect the quality of life of women and reduce the return on women’s human capital. 73nyussupova, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 59–74. r e f e r e n c e s adb 2018. kazakhstan country gender assessment. institutional document. manila, philippines, asian development bank, available at http://dx.doi. org/10.22617/tcs179181 agarwal, b. 2007. towards freedom from domestic violence: the neglected obvious. journal of human development 8. 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https://doi.org/10.1108/jaar-06-2022-0151 https://doi.org/10.1108/jaar-06-2022-0151 bernard j. smith 352 bernard j. smith (1951–2012) in the 1980s hungarian physical geography much profi ted from the assistance of the british geomorphological research group, its members visited us on several occasions. the british– hungarian geographical seminars also provided an excellent framework for gett ing new information on international research trends, consultations on various topics and also fi eld trips to interesting sites. to the trip to the giant’s causeway (northern ireland) in 1982 our bernie smith from the queen’s university of belfast accompanied us. he proved to be a knowledgeable guide with humour and kindness. he remained to be associated with hungary and included budapest among the study sites of his urban stone weathering experiments (along with rio de janeiro, venice, prague, dublin). with his students he also did fi eld work in the loess and granite regions of hungary. the fi rst disturbing news of his serious illness reached me when he did not respond to my christmas card last year. and now a sad message came that he passed away on 31 october 2012 – exactly on my birthday. he was only 61 years old. bernie was a geographer, enthusiastic about geography both as a scientifi c discipline and a school subject. this means that he could not separate the researcher in himself from the teacher. as a geographer always hungry for new experience, he travelled widely in the world to gather fi rst-hand information and impression on as many spectacular landscapes of the globe as he could. on completing his university education at reading in 1975, he chose to start his career in northern nigeria, at the ahmadou bello university of zaria and spent four years there. grasping an opportunity to work in the united kingdom, he joined the staff of queen’s and sett led in belfast. when i asked him in the late eighties whether living in this city of constant turmoil or even street fi ghting involved some danger for him, his reply was that he had never ever seen any religious clashes during his stay there. working with professor brian whalley, he became head of the department of tropical geomorphology and held this position from 1979 to 2011, when he had to retire early because of his illness. within geomorphology bernie’s interests ranged on a wide scale: he fell in love with the arid environments at an early age, and to this were added his curiosity in desert processes (granite weathering, dust and loess formation) but also deep weathering in the humid tropics and similar processes under mediterranean climate. within the school of geography, archaeology and palaeoecology in the early 1990s he established a specialized research unit, the weathering research group. this allowed him to start international investigations embracing many countries and numerous links to human geography, since the study of building stones decay involves aspects of architecture, urban planning, cultural heritage, archaeology, history and many others. the interdisciplinary contacts brought him 353 many friends in all parts of europe and – through his participation at conferences – also in other continents. he also became associated with the unesco’s natural world heritage programme and worked as an evaluator. among his achievements is the inscription of the giant’s causeway on the list of the heritage sites. along with the members of his family, his wife, dorothy, and children, daniel and catherine, bernie must be best remembered by his students, who follow in his steps and teach with great enthusiasm not only at queen’s but also at the various universities of the united kingdom and the world. the older generation of hungarian geomorphologists will also keep him in good memory and feel gratitude for the conversations with him on both academic and every-day topics, which gave us insight into his modest but wise, somewhat secluded but kind personality. may you rest in peace, bernie. dénes lóczy irodalom.indd 139 oecd environmental outlook to 2030. organisation for economic co-operation and development, 2008, paris, 517 p. the oecd environmental outlook to 2030 provides analyses of economic and environmental trends to 2030, and simulations of policy actions to address the key future challenges. the focus of this environmental outlook is expanded from the fi rst outlook published in 2001 to refl ect developments in both oecd countries and brazil, russia, india, indonesia, china, south africa (briics), and how they might bett er co-operate on global, regional and local environmental problem-solving. the oecd environmental outlook to 2030 is based on projections of economic and environmental trends to 2030. the key environmental challenges for the future are presented according to a „traffi c light” system. the outlook also presents simulation of policy actions to address the key challenges, including their potential environmental, economic and social impacts. the outlook highlights some of the „red light” issues that need to be addressed urgently. the policy scenarios in this outlook indicate that the policies and technologies needed to address the challenges are available and aff ordable. ambitious policy actions to protect the environment can increase the effi ciency of the economy and reduce healthrelated costs as well. in the long run, the benefi ts of early action on many environmental challenges are likely to outweigh the costs. if no new policy actions are taken within the next few decades, humankind risk will irreversibly alter the environmental basis for sustained economic prosperity. to avoid that, urgent actions are needed to address in particular the „red light” issues such as climate change, biodiversity, soil degradation and loss, water scarcity and health impacts of pollution and hazardous chemicals. without further policies, for example: global emissions of greenhouse gases are projected to grow by a further 37% by 2030, and by 52% to 2050. this could result in an increase in global temperature over pre-industrial levels in the range of 1.7–2.4°c by 2050, leading to increased heat waves, droughts, storms and fl oods, resulting in severe damage to key infrastructure and agricultural production. a considerable number of today’s known animal and plant species are likely to be extinct, largely due to expanding infrastructure and agriculture, as well as climate change. food and biofuel production together will require a 10% increase in farmland worldwide with a further loss of wildlife habitat. continued loss of biodiversity is likely to limit the earth’s capacity to provide the valuable ecosystem services that support economic development and human well-being. water scarcity will worsen due to unsustainable resource use and management as well as climate change; the number of people living in areas aff ected by severe water stress is expected to increase by another 1 billion to over 3.9 billion. health impacts of air pollution will increase worldwide, with the number of premature deaths linked to ground-level ozone quadrupling and those linked to particulate matt er more than doubling. chemical production volumes in non-oecd countries are rapidly increasing, and there is insuffi cient information to fully assess the risks of chemicals in the environment and in product chain. the greatest environmental impacts will be experienced by developing countries, which are less prepared to manage and adapt. but the economic and social costs of policy inaction or delaying action in these areas are signifi cant and are already aff ecting economies – including in oecd countries – directly (e.g. through public health care costs) as well as 140 indirectly (e.g. through reduced labour productivity). the costs of policy inaction for biodiversity loss (e.g. fi sh stocks) and climate change could be signifi cant. there is a window of opportunity now to introduce ambitious policy changes to tackle the key environmental problems and promote sustainable development. investment choices being made today need to be directed towards a bett er environmental future, particularly those that will lock-in energy modes, transport infrastructure and building stocks for decades to come. based on the long-term analytical experience of the oecd the following conclusions can be drawn: bett er use a mix of complementary policies to tackle the most challenging and complex environmental problems, with a strong emphasis on market-based instruments („polluter pays principle”), such as taxes and tradable permits. priorities action in the key sectors driving environmental degradation: energy, transport, agriculture and fi sheries. environmental administrations cannot solve this alone. environmental concerns need to be integrated into all policy-making by relevant authorities including fi nance, economy, energy, transport, agriculture, tourism and trade, and refl ected in all production and consumption decisions. ensure that globalisation can lead to more effi cient use of resources and the development and dissemination of eco-innovation. business and industries need to play a lead role, but governments must provide clear and consistent long-term policy frameworks to encourage eco-innovation and to safeguard environmental and social goals. improve co-operation between oecd and non-oecd countries to address global environmental challenges. brazil, russia, india, indonesia, china and south africa (briics) in particular are key partners given their growing infl uence in the world economy and increasing share of global environmental pressures. further environmental co-operation between oecd and non-oecd countries can help spread knowledge and best available technologies and practices. the oecd environmental outlook to 2030 with its very rich analytical background provides policy-makers and researchers with guidance how to address more complex and long-term global environmental challenges and to enhance forward-looking, preventive and effi cient environmental policies. istván pomázi – – – – 5_6_irodalom_kronika.indd 217 budapest as well as the internal trade and capital exports each received a subchapter. the fi nal part deals with tourism in hungary. it is a great asset of the atlas that the maps and fi gures clearly orientate the reader to discover the regional patt erns and diff erences within hungary. unfortunately, the dark colours of symbols block the reading of some maps, while in some other cases the colours are too much reduced. although the use of geographical names is not always consistent, the maps always help identify the objects or places mentioned in the explanations. the graphs and tables of international indicators help the interested to place the economy of hungary fi rst of all in a european dimension. most of the data are surprisingly fresh – due to the computers that can wait until the last days to process the latest data either in table or map form and to the scientists who interpreted the data and the trends. a book like this is surely an important source of information for geographers and other earth scientists. although writing this volume did not need direct international cooperation, the publication will surely generate an echo outside hungary. i wish that hungary in maps become a popular publication with the international readers: this book may also serve as a nice and useful gift for visitors including not only the professionals of the scientifi c community, but also businessmen, politicians or the sophisticated readers. it also satisfi es the interest of those readers who wish to learn about the land and inhabitants of the hungarian state and want to have a reliable guide to the modern image of the country in a european context and on a global scale. the price of this professional guide is most advantageous! this atlas makes hungary even more att ractive to visit. gábor gercsák oecd environmental performance reviews hungary. organisation for economic co-operation and development, paris, 2008, 226 p. the review of public policies and country performance is a core function of the oecd, whose aim is to help member countries improve their individual and collective performances in environmental management and sustainable development. oecd also reviews environmental performance of key non-member countries. to date, oecd has completed reviews of chile, china and of the russian federation. the environmental performance review of hungary, published in 2008 in english, french and hungarian examines hungary’s progress since the previous oecd environmental performance review in 2000, and the extent to which the country had met its domestic objectives and international commitments. the oecd report also reviews hungary’s progress in the context of the oecd environmental strategy for the first decade of the 21st century. some 46 recommendations were made that should contribute to further environmental progress in hungary. it addresses the combined eff orts of government and civil society (including industry, labour, households and environmental ngos). the fi rst environmental review of hungary assessed the progress made between 1990 and 2000, a period marked by hungary’s accession to the oecd (in 1996). it was very timely to release the second report, covering the period since 2000, aft er accession of hungary to the eu and aft er more than 10 years of co-operation with oecd. since 2000, 218 hungary has experienced a high rate of economic growth – averaging 4% annually – as well as signifi cant structural change and integration in the european and global economy. imports and exports of goods now represent 78% of gdp. fiscal consolidation and economic convergence with the rest of the oecd are high on the agenda. since 2000, hungary has made signifi cant environmental progress in several fi elds. hungary has not only transposed the eu environmental legislation, but it has also improved its environmental policy planning and its law enforcement activities; progressing towards the polluter-pays and user-pays principles, with increasing use of economic instruments. hungary’s pollution abatement and control expenditure has reached 1.6% of gdp. hungary has considerably reduced air pollutants emissions and improved air quality. for instance, sulphur oxides and carbon dioxide emissions have been further decoupled from economic growth. sulphur oxides emissions per unit of gdp in hungary now stand below the oecd average, but are still above the europe oecd average. nature protection has benefi ted from government action with the creation of the natura 2000 network. nature and biodiversity are key assets for hungary’s tourism sector and they provide important ecological services such as fl ood protection. the report stresses that environmental democracy has progressed in hungary with improved environmental information, environmental education, and environmental awareness. an innovative ombudsman's position has been established in 2008, to protect the rights of future generations. this can be seen as a model for other countries. in the energy sector, energy pricing has become “greener”, with regulated tariff s to consumers refl ecting the cost of supply. for instance, in 2006 the gas subsidy was abolished and replaced by a direct income support scheme for poorer households. this makes sense from the economic, energy and environmental points of view. hungary has developed a proactive stance in international environmental co-operation. it chairs the international network of basin organisations and plays an important role in river basin and fl ood management, with 52% of its territory fl ood-prone. following the baia mare accident in romania, which contaminated the tisza and danube rivers in 2000 with toxic mining waste, hungary played a pivotal role by ensuring public safety and communications in aff ected towns downstream; but also by leading the negotiations of the protocol on civil liability under europe’s water and industrial accident convention. hungary launched in budapest a sequence of international conferences on the environment-health interface. these are all important achievements, but there are number of areas for further progress. hungary still needs to address a number of environmental challenges, while pursuing sustainable development and balancing economic, environmental and social concerns. meeting these challenges is achievable and aff ordable and should bring signifi cant economic and social benefi ts. hungary faces a multiple challenge in water management; not only to satisfy the very demanding eu water framework directive, but also to improve fl ood management, strengthen waste water treatment infrastructure and upgrade drinking water quality. a number of health-related indicators are not favourable. drinking water is still oft en contaminated by ammonium, arsenic (of geological origin), nitrates, fl uoride and boron. this is despite costly programmes to open new drinking water sources, extend public water supply and improve purifi cation technology which have only reached 10% of the target population under the drinking water quality improvement programme. improving air and drinking water quality should bring well-being to the population, as well as economic benefi ts such as reduced health expenditure and improved labour productivity. hungary’s energy and transport policies need to bett er integrate environmental concerns, for example by bett er addressing demand management. the country must fur219 ther improve effi ciency in energy and materials use. in doing so, it could capture multiple benefi ts, such as reducing dependency on imported energy, cutt ing co2 emissions, reducing air pollution and related health costs and being prepared to respond to more stringent greenhouse gas emission reduction goals by 2020. hungary should identify a set of priority measures to mitigate and adapt to climate change, and implement fully its national climate change strategy. it also needs to adopt and implement its national biodiversity strategy and to strengthen the fi nancial and human resources for nature protection. the oecd report also recommends establishing institutional arrangements to review the environmental eff ects of fi scal instruments, identify environmentally harmful subsidies and improve the use of economic instruments such as taxes, charges and emission trading schemes. istván pomázi 0_tartalom.indd 74 c h r o n i c l e hungarian geographical bulletin 2009. vol. 58. no 1. pp. 74–75. in memoriam andrás rónai on november 21, 2006 geographical research institute of hungarian academy of sciences (gri has) held a birth centenary conference in honour of andrás rónai (1906–1991), the geographer and geologist of wide renown. aft er the opening speech of academician sándor marosi (gri has), professor zoltán dövényi, deputy director of gri has made a broad outline on rónai’s life-work and on the historical circumstances of his activities. he drew att ention on the dramatic events in hungary during the 20th century which had had an adverse eff ect on the scientifi c public life. following world war ii hitherto fl ourishing academic disciplines disappeared or sank into negligence having not fi tt ed into the new offi cial political orientation. these changes also aff ected the career of scholars who conducted such studies and there had been only few among them to carry on through giving up original fi eld of interest and taking up a politically neutral stance. such a representative of geosciences was andrás rónai, who cultivated human geography (primarily political and ethnic geography) until the end of the 1940s, then switched to geology and had become an expert of world renown in hydrogeology and quaternary studies. professor zoltán hajdú (research centre for regional studies has, pécs) spoke about rónai’s contribution to political geography which could be characterised by an overall fair and unbiased approach to the issues that had to be solved, through the analyses of high accuracy, orderly and scholarly level. he had always accepted this principle as valid, even in the course of handling statistical data produced in successor states of the austro-hungarian monarchy. rónai wanted to get a clear insight in autorepresentation of these states and formed his analysing and correcting criticism on the basis of fairly elaborated data sets. rónai had come from below socially, i.e. he did not belong to the ominous middle classes, which did not stand unprecedented in hungarian geography of the period between the world wars. he became university professor thanks to his gift , diligence, stubborn and persevering work; his advancement along the social ladder was purely due to his merits. he engaged himself to service in sharp historical and political situations and represented scholarly approach in an age when it was not advantageous in many cases, because propaganda seemed to yield more spectacular results than making use of well-founded arguments. professor károly kocsis (gri has) emphasized, that in the fi rst third of rónai’s academic career he acted as political geographer. though he never considered himself an ethnic geographer, from the viewpoint of the discipline in the present-day sense, i.e. research of spatial aspects of ethnic issues and their mapping, his scientifi c activity prior to 1949 is to be considered a milestone in the development of hungarian ethnic geography of the 20th century. his studies on political and economic geography of central europe and the carpathian basin and their regions were subordinated to the eff orts in territorial revision of trianon peace treaty by hungary. these demands were also supported by ethnic geographical investigations. apart from the multi-ethnic composition of population of the whole area in general and of transylvania as his homeland in particular, this approach stemmed from impressions of childhood and youth spent there, his ethnic tolerance, command of languages and last but not least from the moral and scholarly infl uence of his 75 patron and mentor, count pál teleki. rónai’s research activities of nearly two decades in ethnic geography can be subdivided into four phases on the basis of national and personal cataclysms (1938, 1941, 1945) presented by his main publications. academician istván klinghammer (eötvös loránd university, budapest) gave a detailed information about the atlas of central europe, rónai’s masterpiece in cartography. from december 1940 until may 1945 rónai acted as director of the institute of political sciences at budapest. according to the verbal testament of count pál teleki immediately prior to his suicide (he probably anticipated an eventual defeat of the axis powers) rónai launched a project to publish an atlas of central europe containing a series of predominantly thematic maps which was compiled from more than 3.5 million statistical data published by ten states of the region in the 1930s and 40s (environment, population, economy, transport etc.). the atlas represents an area from saxony to lemberg (west to east), to the abruzzi and foggia in italy, albania, skopje and edirne (down south). this volume of 171 maps with an extensive explanatory notes (altogether 367 pages) had been edited and drawn at the institute, which was relocated to balatonfüred at the end of the war. a limited number of rotaprint copies (quasi-proofs) were produced by march 15, 1945. the soviet troops took the settlement ten days aft er. from the material a digital facsimile was produced at the department of cartography of eötvös loránd university, budapest and the atlas was printed out anew in 1993. it provides an image of central europe on the eve of world war ii. the last paper was presented by dr lászló kuti (geological institute of hungary, budapest) who spoke about rónai’s activity in the fi eld of geology. rónai joined the geological institute of hungary in february 1950 as the head of the department of cartography. he became involved in the newly initiated mapping of the great hungarian plain led by j. sümeghy, organised and managed groundwater mapping of lowland areas to the very end. in 1956 he was appointed head of lowland department. he initiated the mapping of lowland areas at 1:200 000 scale being as a matt er of fact the revision of the previous survey. during this campaign he elaborated the methodological bases of lowland mapping. upon these principles he started the complex, comprehensive geological mapping of the great hungarian plain in 1964. the survey based on a shallow borehole grid spaced in a predefi ned network opened a new perspective in lowland mapping on international level as well. the work had not only been initiated but it was completed brilliantly, though the last map sheets were compiled by his colleagues half a year aft er his retirement. just another result of international interest was the establishment of deep subsurface water monitoring network in the great hungarian plain. drillings set up along two profi les and penetrating the whole quaternary sequence not only contributed to the unrivalled monitoring network but they put the quaternary stratigraphy of central europe on a completely new basis. the results of his survey of the great hungarian plain during several decades were summarised in his last substantial work “the quaternary geology of the great hungarian plain” (1985). in the closing part of the three-hour-long memorial conference professor ferenc schweitzer, director of the gri has summarized the results of the meeting. he emphasized that rónai’s scientifi c heritage must be referred to among the greatest achievements of hungarian geology. rónai presumed that geological survey would in perspective shift from classical geology, lithology and paleontology towards hydrogeology, engineering geology and environmental geology. it was the promotion of the latt er disciplines that he recommended strongly. at last professor schweitzer added: andrás rónai was a real hungarian patriot, who did his best for our homeland and hungarians in all of his life. edit éva kiss musterd, s. and murie, a. (eds.): making competitive cities 103 musterd, s. and murie, a. (eds.): making competitive cities. 2010. wiley – blackwell 360 p. the book investigates how creative industries contribute to the competitiveness of cities. it epitomizes the results of a four year long project called acre. in the framework of the project participants from 13 european cities carried out a comprehensive research about the role and possible development of creative and knowledge intensive industries. the papers of the fi rst section of the book entitled “pathways” deal with the developing paths of the investigated cities: their socio-economic structure, position in the international urban network in terms of competitiveness, and the role they fulfi ll in their native country. in most cases, the general description of cities means an overview of the history during the last few hundred years (e.g. milan from the 15th or amsterdam from the 16th century) but the focus is put on the relevant events which have been responsible for the present conditions of their economic performance. these chapters show that the economic success and problems are rooted not only in the last decades but sometimes they can be related to the past centuries. peripheral european cities like helsinki and dublin are good examples for rapid development in recent years because as capital cities they played a central role in the national economic development and modernization and they could rapidly change their economic profi le due to massive foreign investments. toulouse represents another way of development, as it was the benefi ciary of the french decentralization policy and especially the national high-tech and r&d strategies. there is a strong diff erence between the western and eastern european cities, the latter still lagging behind their western counterparts in many respects. for example, the share of low-paid creative workers is much higher in the post-socialist countries as burdack, j., egedy, t. and stryjakiewicz, t. pointed out through the examples of budapest, leipzig, poznań, riga, and sofi a. the studies of the next section of the book under the title of “actors” discuss the most intriguing question concerning the creative class: how the theory of richard florida fi ts to european cities. the results of the international survey carried out in acre project reveal that the main diff erence between the european and the american creative workers lies in their mobility. the lower level of mobility of the european creatives has several reasons e.g. the local embeddedness of creative workers (mostly 104 those who run a business) due to cultural (e.g. language), family and social factors (e.g. pension funds). the same survey showed that the role of soft factors in the decisions of creative workers to move to a particular city is much weaker in europe than in the united states. in europe the central functions of cities and the personal contacts seem to be more important than the social atmosphere or the level of tolerance. on the other hand, albeit soft factors can not att ract new creative workforce to a city they can keep those already working there. the language problems and cultural att ractiveness are also important. for instance even culturally att ractive cities like barcelona have the problem that the everyday use of english is not common, which discourages international workers. the life of creative workers is proved to be partly diff erent from the stereotypes of progressive lifestyle. gender inequalities exist both in working and in private life despite all expectations. young employees have many diffi culties in their job career; one of them is being the temporary contracts they are oft en employed on and what they consider as a source of insecurity, and not fl exibility. at the same time, some other features fi t to the stereotypes: people working in the knowledge intensive and creative industries appreciate professional stimulation and are ready to work overtime. the last part of the book headed by “policies” intends to give a direct answer to the major question: how cities can be made competitive? there are examples of policies based on bott om-up approach (e.g. milan where it has a long tradition), and also of topdown interventionist strategies (e.g. dublin). while analyzing the development strategies and plans of toulouse, milan and dublin, mugnano, s., murphy, e. and martin-brelot, h. drew diff erent conclusions. in toulouse, soft factors can be considered as key elements of the development strategy. in milan, the city should build intense relations with its metropolitan area. in dublin, where the private actors have played a dominant role for the last decades, they should be involved in the planning process. the connection between clusters and the creative economy is highlighted by the cases of helsinki, birmingham and poznań. the fi rst has a long experience in the evolution of clusters. according to the authors, it can be explained by the strong tradition of cooperation between these sectors developed during the nation building process in the 19th century. in west-midlands it is the regional policy that strengthened the formation of clusters, whereas in poznań the universities and the scientifi c institutions have strong connections with the clusters, business companies hardly have them. a major question is analyzed by kovács, z., pethe, h. and miosga, m.: whether the soft or the hard factors are more important in att racting the creative industry and creative workforce. the local and national development plans they have examined reveal the higher importance of hard factors, namely of the infrastructure (e.g. science parks, universities). one of the main merits of the book is in an innovative approach: its focus on the topic of creative city and creative class in europe. it identifi es the similarities and diff erences of the creative industries in the european cities and their diff erence from the american experience. besides the excellent papers included in the volume, a rich bibliography off ers the readers the opportunity to follow up numerous issues: conceptual, theoretical and practical ones. the book can be equally useful for researchers and urban planners. balázs szabó 7_book reviews.indd 310 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 303–312.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.68.3.9 hungarian geographical bulletin 68 2019 (3) “relatively unsuccessful in a number of ways” – as the author of this book describes the balkans, and as the international public opinion and many people living there think about the region. because of the war of the 1990s, the name of the balkans has connected to the failure of democratisation and statebuilding. however, the negative perception of the balkans is much older: the balkan wars following the disintegration of the ottoman empire established its bad reputation as early as the beginning of the 20th century. the much-mentioned balkan powder keg, the scene of the sarajevo assassination, has no good reputation in the 21st century, either. maria todorova started her famous work about the balkans with the following words: “a specter is haunting western culture – the specter of the balkans. all the powers have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this specter: politicians and journalists, conservative academics and radical intellectuals, moralists of all kind, gender, and fashion.” (todorova, m. 2009. p. 3). now we can read an attempt of exorcism, not from a social scientist, but a fact-finding journalist and correspondent. robert c. austin traces the vicissitudes of creating and operating modern nation-states in the balkans in a gripping and extremely readable work. under the shadow of border changes and armed conflicts in recent decades, and of frequent government crises, the construction and operation of nation-state frameworks have been cumbersome even in the 21st century. as it appears in the subtitle of the book (nations and states since 1878), austin follows the formation of nation-states in the region, trying to explore the causes of failure (making and remaking the balkans) through political history. according to the author, the following states belong to the balkans: “albania, bosnia, bulgaria, greece, kosovo, macedonia, montenegro, romania and serbia” (p. xiv). austin considers them the “products of the once-powerful ottoman empire” (p. xiv); therefore, he does not list slovenia and croatia among them (“their past placed them in the habsburg empire”; p. xiv). however, these two countries are also involved when discussing the events leading to the dissolution of yugoslavia. in the “introduction” to his book, the author briefly refers to the pejorative sense of the balkans, but he only mentions the wars and failed transitions of the 1990s as the cause. a few decades after the works of edward said (1978) (orientalism) and maria todorova (1997) (imagining the balkans), we still feel the power of discourses that regard one area and its peoples as ‘other’. for austin, the mysterious area to be explored (the ‘orient’) was the secular socialist state, the people’s socialist republic of albania, in the 1980s. thanks to this interest, he became more and more immersed in the study of the balkans and the central european countries of the former eastern bloc. he did his fact-finding work not as a social scientist, but as a journalist and correspondent, and as a result, he became an expert in the political history of the central and south-eastern european states. now we can read the results of his activity in this book. as an assistant professor at the munk school of global affairs at the university of toronto, the author recommends his work to his students. “this book is largely a political history that is not written for an academic audience.” (p. xix) – as we can read in the “introduction”. austin gives a general interpretation of a region, where “there is too much history in too small place” (p. xiv), to everyone who is interested in political events of the world, especially travellers (not ordinary tourists) and undergraduate students. austin, r.c.: making and remaking the balkans: nations and states since 1878. toronto–buffalo–london, university of toronto press, 2019. 232 p. 311book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (3) 303–312. in line with these goals, the light style makes his work especially readable (as we can expect from a journalist). austin invites the reader on an exciting balkan journey through time and space. the focus of this trip is on territories and conflicts in which the albanian population is affected. however, it is worth forgiving him for this unilateralism because the least known areas are the ones that are most discussed in this work. the book consists of six chapters. after the “acknowledgments” and the “introduction”, where the author reveals the main goals and the structure of his work, political history starts with the 19th-century ottoman empire. chapter 1 (making nations and states) summarises the history of more than a hundred years. a brief introduction of the discourse of nationalism in european nation-states, now considered classic, can be read here. according to this classic interpretation, under the influence of the french revolution (1789), yet more than a century later, political events led to the break-up of multinational empires in the eastern part of europe (starting in 1878 with the ottoman empire) and the establishment of a nation-state framework for central and eastern europe. with these 19thcentury nationalisms, a series of wars began in the history of the balkans: the russian-ottoman wars, the balkan wars, the world wars, and, finally, the wars of the 1990s. under the guise of these armed conflicts, dictatorships appeared in the region instead of the rule of law based on liberal ideas. according to the author, in the 20th-century history of the balkans, left-wing communists replaced right-wing fascist regimes, and after 1989 the opportunity for democratisation reopened. behind the interpreted political history of states trapped in the shackles of nationalism and dictatorship, the author’s viewpoint also allows the games of the great powers on the balkan chessboard to be seen. the big neighbours view the young nation-states of the balkans as caring older brothers: as if the people here could not take care of themselves, so they needed outside help. the author also takes over this point of view to some extent, using it in his work. therefore, he concludes by the end of the book that only joining the european union can save the region. after the story of a whole century, chapter 2 (good news, bad news: before and after 1989) briefly presents the political turnarounds of the few years after the transition. due to his interest, the author explores the course of events from a particular territorial perspective. first, he explores the history of the change of regime in albania, as well as areas neighbouring albania with albanian populations, and travels to more distant countries (this is how he reaches bulgaria and then romania after the former yugoslavia). according to his general finding, communist regimes handed over the power to authoritarian leaders in the balkans who operate with nationalist vocals. his findings are supported by his experience in journalism (interviews, local friends, visits to balkan countries), even with surprising judgments. for example, he writes about the mental abilities of newcomers (about ramiz alia, head of state of albania from 1982 to 1992: “prior to my interviews with him, my albanian friends always warned me to be careful for he was clever and they thought he could spin me. he was not clever, not in the least.”; p. 41). he often uses clichés in describing situations (“… the balkans really were hotel california – you can check out but never leave.”; p. 54). the following chapters no longer present the whole of the balkans, but interpret decisive events with a territorial focus. the order is given by the intensity (and public awareness) of the events. accordingly, the author devotes a separate (but short) chapter to the wars accompanying the dissolution of the former yugoslavia (chapter 3, hero-free wars and ethnic purity). after a sketchy history of war events, austin discusses in one chapter the two ‘albanian states’, albania and kosovo, as well as the armed conflicts associated with the independence of the latter (chapter 4, albania implodes, kosovo arms). while the previous section offers other sources for more credible and detailed information (e.g., the bbc has also made a film and book adaptation of the war for a wider audience), in this chapter, he relies again on his personal experiences: “one friend noted the map on the flag was a bad omen. among european states, only divided cyprus had a map on his flag.” (p. 109). chapter 5 (contested heroes: alexander the great, mother teresa, and the republic of macedonia) introduces the circumstances of the creation of an independent macedonian state and its hindrances. the international controversy surrounding the name of the new state and its national symbols, as well as its tense relationship with the albanian minority, are a necessary step for the author to illustrate the political motives behind the monumental architectural program using classic symbols. this chapter reaffirms the author’s opinion in a previous chapter, which is considered controversial in a part of europe characterised by the myths of national freedom and increasing ethnic nationalism: “as noted in chapter 2, macedonia and bosnia have some 312 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 303–312. common features. both republics would have been better served within a new and reformed yugoslavia” (p. 113). the last chapter of the book deals with the balkan states that have recently joined the eu (chapter 6, to europe, for some: slovenia, bulgaria, romania and slovenia). the author sketches three different paths to the eu: a straight slovenian, a roman and bulgarian with a curling ring, and a war-torn croatian between the two. his book here is contradictory in some ways. despite the list given in the introduction, it still deals with slovenia and croatia in detail, and these two countries also play a major role in the “epilogue”. however, unfortunately, a chapter discussing serbia and montenegro in more detail is missing. each chapter ends with conclusions – general statements about the situation presented in the chapter. finally, with a longer epilogue (epilogue: grater this or greater that, alone or in europe), following the style of “conclusions”, the book concludes with a general picture of the current political situation in the balkan states. austin’s point of view is determined by the line of thought that emphasises the populist, nationalist and anti-liberal nature of the leadership of the balkan (and central and eastern european) states. according to the reviewer, it is important to reveal the nature of these nationalisms. after the collapse of the eastern bloc, the new free european nation-states are similar to what benedict anderson calls “the last wave” (anderson, b. 2006[1983]). if we would like to create a clear image about the balkans, we should consider anderson’s words: “one should therefore not be much surprised if revolutionary leaderships, consciously or unconsciously, come to play lord of the manor (p. 160). … i emphasize leaderships, because it is leaderships, not people, who inherit old switchboards and palaces (p. 161). … but nothing can be usefully done to limit or prevent such wars unless we abandon fictions like ‘marxists as such are not nationalists,’ or ‘nationalism is the pathology of modern developmental history,’ and, instead, do our slow best to learn the real, and imagined, experience of the past.” (p. 161). robert c. austin wrote a book about the balkans not for an academic audience, as we can read in “introduction”. the associate professor at the munk school of global affairs at the university of toronto worked as a journalist and correspondent and had been interested in central and southeastern european political events for decades. he has prepared an exciting and sweeping political handbook for interested readers in a highly readable style about an area that is still mysterious and difficult for many to know. his albanian-centric viewpoint is beneficial to the presentation of the area, as it places the least known and understood areas and conflicts at the forefront. the structure of the book reinforces the handbook character of his work. chapters with territorial focus (chapters 2–6) are framed by parts summarising history (chapter 1) and current conditions (epilogue). each chapter concludes with a summary (conclusions), and the index at the end of the book helps the reader search through the chapters. i recommend the book for anyone who wants to get a general overview of the political history of the balkans. margit kőszegi1 r e f e r e n c e s anderson, b. 2006 [1983]. imagined communities: reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism. london–new york, verso. said, e.w. 1978. orientalism. new york, pantheon books. todorova, m. 1997. imagining the balkans. new york, oxford university press. 1 institute of geography and earth sciences, eötvös loránd university, budapest, hungary. e-mail: koszegi.margit.email@gmail.com 325kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 325–337.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.70.4.3 hungarian geographical bulletin 70 2021 (4) 325–337. introduction snow cover has impacts in the earth system, as it plays an important role in surface energy fluxes (e.g. ellis, a.w. and leathers, d.j. 1998) via its high albedo, in atmospheric circulation (e.g. cohen, j. and rind, d. 1991) and in catchment hydrology (e.g. rottler, e. et al. 2020) via delaying precipitation towards runoff. furthermore, snow determines soil moisture (petersky, r. and harpold, a. 2018), soil water saturation in the first part of the growing season (potopová, v. et al. 2016), evaporation (milly, p.c.d. and dunne, k.a. 2020), and freshwater availability (fontrodona bach, a. et al. 2018). it can also moderate soil temperature, hence snow acts as a ground insulator with the capability of protecting plants from frost damage (oke, t.r. 1987). therefore, it is important to analyse the past tendencies of snow-related variables, so we can possibly deal with the simulated future changes and make adaptation strategies in time. the special report on the ocean and cryosphere in a changing climate (ipcc 2019) claims that a general decline in low-elevation snow cover emerged in the recent decades according to the observations. the snow extent of the northern hemisphere had a maximum in the period 1950–1970; since 1980 a reduction can be seen. snow mass also shows a negative trend based on the ensemble of six observation-based dataset (mudryk, l. et al. 2020). according to the global historical the role of temperature and the nao index in the changing snowrelated variables in european regions in the period 1900‒2010 anna k i s 1 and rita p o n g r ác z 1 abstract snow-related variables are analysed in the present paper in the period 1901‒2010 on the basis of the era-20c dataset. relationships between different snow characteristics, temperature and the nao index are investigated on monthly, yearly and decadal scales for eight regions within europe representing different climatic types (i.e. oceanic, continental, polar) to analyse the differences and similarities between them depending on the climatic conditions. according to our results, the ratio of snow (i.e. snowfall compared to total precipitation) can reach 1 in winter in the colder, northern regions, whereas it is about 0.6 in the continental areas of central europe, even in the coldest months. during a strong positive phase of nao more snow falls in the northern regions of europe due to the large-scale circulation characteristics. when a negative nao phase occurs, the temperature and snowfall anomalies are the opposite in northern europe. the highest temperature values generally occurred after 2000, and the snowfall amount was smaller in the first decades of the 21st century compared to the previous decades. the relationship between temperature and snowfall is the strongest in autumn in the colder regions; in spring in the continental areas and in winter in the oceanic climate. keywords: snowfall ratio, era-20c, winter climate, decadal change, regional warming, north atlantic oscillation received september 2021, accepted november 2021. 1 elte, eötvös loránd university, institute of geography and earth sciences, department of meteorology, pázmány p. sétány 1/a, 1117 budapest, hungary. e-mails: kisanna@nimbus.elte.hu, prita@nimbus.elte.hu kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 325–337.326 climatology network daily dataset (menne, m.j. et al. 2012), maximum snow depth decreased in many european stations during the period 1960‒2015. this process is clearly caused by the poleward and upward elevation shift of snow due to higher temperature values (kunkel, k.e. et al. 2016). fontrodona bach, a. et al. (2018) found that mean snow depth decreased more than extreme snow depth in europe from 1951, and these trends accelerated after the 1980s. kunkel, k.e. et al. (2016) found that snowmelt starts earlier in spring, especially at higher latitudes due to the arctic amplification (zhang, j. 2005; hernández-henríquez, m.a. et al. 2015). in europe, continental snow conditions may be associated with certain large-scale processes and/or pressure patterns. for instance, kim, y. et al. (2013) showed that the north atlantic oscillation (nao) is related to european snow cover, especially in january and february: a negative nao phase (i.e. when the meridional pressure gradient over the north atlantic region is weaker than usual) results in a snow cover increase, while temperature is lower on average. in those areas where a relatively large amount of snow accumulated during winter, as the weather gets warmer, it starts to melt and becomes part of the runoff, thus, snowmelt-induced floods can occur in spring. floods can cause serious damages to the economy and they may also demand human lives; the flood-related losses have increased in recent years (kundewicz, z.w. et al. 2014). hydropower can also be affected, as river runoff conditions may change because of altered snowfall, snow cover and snowmelt characteristics (rottler, e. et al. 2020). snow can have socio-economical effects as well, as in european mountains skiing and winter tourism has a great role. due to climate change, winter tourism faces challenges in many regions as snow period and snow depth are likely to reduce in the future. this has quite a great impact on economy and employment, while hotels, restaurants, transportation, local businesses, sport equipment sale and rental are also affected. using artificial snow can be a solution, but it also needs specific, appropriate weather conditions (spandre, p. et al. 2019), moreover, the production cost and water usage increase in this case (e.g. moreno-gené, j. et al. 2018). the response of snow-related variables to temperature and precipitation changes is not straightforward, it can depend on the local climatic conditions and elevation (brown, r.d. and mote, p.w. 2009; brown, i. 2019). there are several studies focusing on snowrelated changes in smaller, specific domains (e.g. klein, g. et al. 2016; potopová, v. et al. 2016; marke, t. et al. 2018), however, as far as we know, a comprehensive analysis of different climatic regions based on the same dataset and time period is missing. instead of separate studies for specific regions and taking into account different time periods, our aims in this paper are (i) to analyse the trends of snow-related variables in the 20th century extended to 2010 and (ii) to investigate how snow is affected by global warming in the selected european regions. for this purpose, we use a unified methodology and a gridded database with time series that are long enough to detect long-term changes and processes. regional anomalies can play important roles in determining local climates, therefore, subregions with different climatic characteristics are selected for this study. in order to reveal the causality of local and large-scale processes, the possible relationship between snow-related meteorological variables and the nao index is also analysed with a special focus on the winter half-year. data and methods time series from the so-called era-20c dataset (poli, p. et al. 2016) were used. era-20c is designed for climate applications, thus, it provides global atmospheric data for the period 1900‒2010. era-20c is a reanalysis of ecmwf (european centre for mediumrange weather forecasts) that assimilates surface pressure and marine wind observations collected in the observation feedback 327kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 325–337. archive (ofa – herschbach, h. et al. 2015) of era-20c. for the assimilation, era-20c applies a 24-hour 4d-var analysis (rabier, f. et al. 2000). era-20c is based on the ifs (integrated forecast system) cycle 38r1 (ecmwf 2013), which contains 91 atmospheric vertical levels between the surface and the 0.01 hpa pressure level. the horizontal resolution of era-20c is 0.125° (poli, p. et al. 2016), which equals to about 125 km along a meridional. overall, era-20c is considered to be a reliable database generally, which is supported by the study of wang, y. et al. (2017) and wegmann, m. et al. (2017) for instance. ideally, it would be more precise to use observational data for the analysis, however, on the one hand, meteorological stations are not evenly distributed in space; on the other hand, wegmann, m. et al. (2017) showed that reanalysis data are able to reproduce daily and sub-decadal snow depth variability well, but a general overestimation of snow depths occurs (e.g. in russia). the main advantage of using reanalysis data in the snow analysis is that data are available on a regular grid. in addition, reanalysis data take into account satellite data too, which provide a better spatial coverage than interpolated station data. the monthly means of daily means of the following variables of era-20c were downloaded from the public website of era-20c (https://apps.ecmwf.int/datasets/data/era20cmoda/levtype=sfc/type=an/): total precipitation, snowfall, runoff and 2 m temperature. the monthly mean of the nao index was prepared on the basis of mean sea level pressure of the icelandic low and the azores high for the period 1900‒2010 using the era-20c database. first, normalised sea level pressures were calculated for the two areas (the region of the icelandic low is defined by 60–62.25°n; 33–38°w, and the region of the azores high is defined by 31.75–34°n; 24–19°w). after that, the difference between them is determined for each year on a monthly scale. as there are quite substantial differences between climate characteristics within europe, eight subregions (table 1 and figure 1) were determined for this study, so the potential local trends of the selected meteorological parameters can be assessed in the period 1900‒2010. we focused on snow-related varitable 1. regions defined for the analysis name domain topography criteria, m number of grid cells northern scandinavia 65‒70°n, 10‒25°e > 500 880 southern scandinavia 58‒65°n, 5‒15°e 1,331 finland 60‒65°n, 20‒30°e < 200 2,077 carpathian basin 44‒50°n, 16‒27°e 1,088 carpathians 44‒50°n, 16‒27°e > 500 616 alps 43‒49°n, 5‒15°e 1,484 northern great britain 55‒60°n, 0‒10°w > 200 242 southern great britain 50‒55°n, 0‒10°w 133 fig. 1. location of the selected regions: dark blue = northern scandinavia; blue = southern scandinavia; light blue = finland; light green = northern great britain; dark green = southern great britain; red = alps; brown = carpathians; yellow = carpathian basin. 0 500 km kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 325–337.328 ables, therefore, mainly mountainous areas (e.g. alps, carpathians) were selected for the detailed analysis, however, two lowlands (i.e. carpathian basin, finland) were also selected in order to compare elevation-related differences. we aim to cover the differences due to the climatic conditions, i.e. northern near-polar regions with colder characteristics (scandinavia, finland), and regions from the oceanic climate with wet conditions and relatively low temperature fluctuations (great britain), and from the continental climate with higher summer temperatures and precipitation maxima generally occurring in early summer (central europe: alps, carpathians, carpathian basin) were selected. the calculations are based on monthly values for different time periods, namely, years and decades. our analysis considers the spatial averages calculated for each variable on different time scales (i.e. month, year, decade, 30-year long period) for the selected regions. in order to measure the linear dependence between two variables, the pearson correlation method was applied, and to determine significance at 0.05 level, p-values were calculated. results and discussion the present analysis starts with the joint comparison of annual cycles in general and recent changes in monthly values of hydrometeorological variables. first, the snowfall ratio (i.e. the snowfall amount relative to total precipitation) is evaluated as a function of monthly mean temperature. the scatter plot diagrams of figure 2 summarise all the monthly values for 1900–2010, where the last 10 years are highlighted with different symbols. the overall patterns clearly show the climatic differences of the selected regions, namely, the british isles are the warmest among these regions in winter (the average temperature of the coldest month is higher than ‒5 °c) and scandinavia is the coldest (where the mean temperature of winter months is often below ‒10 °c). both in scandinavia and in finland (figure 2, a–c), the snowfall ratio in the winter months and also in march usually exceeds 0.7, sometimes it is even close to 1, the theoretical maximum (which means that all precipitation falls as snow) and mean temperature varies between 0 °c and ‒20 °c due to the geographic locations, i.e. the vicinity of the polar arctic. snow occurred even in june, when the mean temperature was above 0 °c, but its ratio is rather low (< 0.2). in the central european regions, namely in the alps, in the carpathians and in the carpathian basin, where the mean temperature is generally higher, snowfall mostly occurs only in winter, when its monthly ratio is greater than 0.6, but rarely reaches 1 (figure 2, d–f). snow also appears in november and march with a higher ratio (about 0.5), when temperature varies between 0 °c and 10 °c in these areas and in the alps in october, too. in great britain, where the oceanic climate dominates with mild winters, clearly less snow is likely to occur: the snowfall ratio is usually less than 0.4 even in the winter time period of the year (figure 2, g–h). in northern scandinavia (figure 2, a), the smallest ratio of snow in january, april, november and december occurred in the last 10 years of the entire 1900‒2010 period, whereas in southern scandinavia (figure 2, b), it occurred in april and november. in 2006, there were two minimum records of snowfall ratio (except for the summer and early autumn/late spring period): in january in northern great britain (0.02, figure 2, g) and in december in finland (0.15, figure 2, c), which highlights the warming effects. analysing the monthly temperature values, the most record high values occurred after 2000, more specifically, from april to october in the alps (figure 2, e), in january and from may to july in the carpathians (figure 2, f), from april to july and in october in the carpathian basin (figure 2, d). april, july and september were record warm in the british isles (figure 2, g–h), as was october in the northern regions and may in the southern parts of the domain. in the northern european regions, december was record warm after 2000 in finland and in northern scandinavia, where january, april 329kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 325–337. fig. 2. scatter plot diagrams of monthly temperature and snowfall ratio values in the selected regions. each point represents a specific month from a year from the 20th century (1900‒2000) or from the 21st century (2001‒2010) indicated by ‘ο’ and ‘×’, respectively. different colours are used for the months as shown at the top. and november also showed record high values (figure 2, a–c). in southern scandinavia, the highest temperature values in april and in november occurred in 2002 and 2005, respectively (figure 2, b). the first decade of the 21st century was warmer in several regions compared to the 20th century (wmo 2021), while in the case of snowfall ratio, the minimum record in the northern regions is associated with the start and end of the snow-period. blahusiaková, a. et al. (2020) also found a significant increase in air temperature and a decrease in snowfall fraction and snow depth in central europe. figure 3 summarises the correlation coefficients between the snowfall ratio and mean temperature. one expects a strong reverse relationship between snow amount kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 325–337.330 and temperature in winter: the lower the temperature, the higher the snowfall sum. kim, y. et al. (2013) concluded that overall snow cover in europe expands by about 30 percent if the mean temperature decreases by 2 °c. we found that the relationship between temperature and snowfall is significant at 0.05 level from october to may in all the selected regions (except in southern great britain, where it is true only from november to april due to the milder climatic conditions – see; figure 3). the strongest relationship (with a negative correlation between ‒0.6 and ‒0.9) occurs in march, but it varies among the regions depending on the intra-annual temperature distribution and the mean temperature values themselves. so this spring maximum occurs earlier (in february) as we get closer to the ocean, e.g. in great britain, and it shifts to a later time (to april or even may) in the northern regions with colder climatic conditions. the correlation coefficients are close to zero when snow rarely occurs (if at all). similarly, henderson, g.r. and leathers, d.j. (2010) found that temperature and snow cover extent show a significant relationship, especially in central and eastern europe, however, snow coverage generally depends on specific weather conditions in a complex way (martin, e. and etchevers, p. 2005). according to bednorz, e. (2004), the correlation between the annual number of days with a mean temperature below 0 °c during 1960–1993 and the annual number of snow cover days is about 0.46 in the european part of russia, whereas 0.9 in the north-western parts of poland and in the baltic countries. in the northern areas, the highest negative correlation occurs in autumn, but it is also stronger than ‒0.7 in most of the spring months (see figure 3). in the central european regions, the greatest correlation between temperature and the ratio of snow occurs in spring, which can be related to melting, too. the correlation exceeds ‒0.7 from november to march in the alps, in the carpathians and in the carpathian basin as well. in great britain, both in the northern and southern regions, february shows the strongest correlation, but also greater negative coefficient values occur in january and in march. to conclude: (i) in the colder, northern regions, the strongest relationship between temperature and snowfall ratio was found in autumn when the snow-season starts; (ii) in the central european, continental areas temperature plays the most important role fig. 3. correlation coefficients between the time series of monthly snowfall ratio and mean temperature, 1901‒2010. filled and empty symbols represent significant and non-significant coefficients, respectively. -1,0 -0,8 -0,6 -0,4 -0,2 0,0 0,2 j f m a m j j a s o n d northern scandinavia (significant) southern scandinavia (significant) finland (significant) carpathian basin (significant) carpathian basin alps (significant) carpathians (significant) carpathians northern great britain (significant) southern great britain (significant) northern scandinavia finland alps northern great britain southern great britain 331kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 325–337. in snow-melting, therefore, the highest negative correlation between the two variables emerged in spring. finally, (iii) in the oceanic climate, the ratio of snow is originally less (apart from some extreme years), and it occurs only in winter, so the correlation with temperature was the strongest in winter. after the monthly analysis, the regional average snowfall sums and the mean temperatures of the time period from october to may are presented for each decade in figure 4. in northern scandinavia, greater average snowfall sums (360‒410 mm) were typical at the end of the 20th century, while smaller amounts of snow (320‒330 mm on average) appeared in the first decade of the 21st century and in 1901‒1940. temperature also displays variation, but the 2001‒2010 decade was warmer by 0.5 °c on average than the warmest decades (1931‒1940 and 1991‒2000 with ‒6.8 °c) in the 20th century. the highest average snowfall amount (414 mm) occurred in 1981‒1990 in southern scandinavia. in the first half of the 20th century, a warmer period emerged, hence the snowfall amount was less in this region also. meanwhile, the warmest decade was 2001‒2010 with a mean temperature of ‒3.7 °c between october and may (in the 20th century it was never above ‒4 °c on average). finland, which is mainly lowland, shows similar tendencies to the scandinavian regions located more towards west, but with lower snowfall amount values (maximum ~220 mm) due to the somewhat stronger continental effect and the less effective humidity transport of midlatitude cyclones following a northern path (van bebber, w.j. 1891). focusing on temperature, the weather is milder than in northern scandinavia, but the warm 2001‒2010 period (> ‒2 °c) compared to the earlier decades can be clearly seen in this region as well. in central europe, smaller amounts of snow and higher temperature values are typical because of the continental climate and the greater distance from the arctic. in the alps, the greatest average snowfall sums (from october to may), 236 mm and 237 mm, occurred in 1961‒1970 and 1971‒1980, respectively, when the temperature was only 1.0 °c and 1.2 °c on average, the lowest during the analysed period (figure 4, d). in the first decade of the 21st century, temperature was record high (2.7 °c) compared to the 20th century and snowfall dropped to a lower amount (it was less than 190 mm). other studies focusing on the alps also found a decrease in the duration of snow cover, taking into account the second half of the 20th century (e.g. valt, m. and cianfarra, p. 2010; klein, g. et al. 2016). this shortening occurred mainly because of the earlier snowmelt (by 5.8 days/decade on average). in the carpathians and in the carpathian basin, average snowfall (161 mm and 108 mm, respectively) was more substantial in the colder period of 1961‒1970 compared to the other decades (figure 4, e–f). the warming trends of the last few decades appear clearly: the average temperature was higher by 0.6 °c in 2001‒2010 compared to the warmest decade of the 20th century in both central european regions. we note that studies highlighting this region showed that snow cover days have been decreased in austria (marke, t. et al. 2018), czechia (potopová, v. et al. 2016) and romania (birsan, m-v. and dumitrescu, a. 2014), while only minor changes in snowrelated characteristics were detected in poland (falarz, m. 2004). because of the oceanic climate, the least snowfall occurs in great britain among the analysed regions and the mean temperature is the highest in the winter half-year (figure 4, g–h). similarly to scandinavia, the minimum amount of snow occurred in the first half of the 20th century and in 2001‒2010 here as well. temperature values show a clear increase from the 1960s, but the changes are smaller compared to the carpathian regions with strong continental influence instead of the oceanic proximity of the great britain regions. brown, i. (2019) also showed that in the british isles, the average yearly snow cover duration decreased in 1980‒2010 compared to 1960‒1990, especially in the northern locations. according to kim, y. et al. (2013), a strong positive phase of the nao (nao+) indicates warmer and wetter conditions than normal in northern europe and below-normal temperakis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 325–337.332 fig. 4. long-term changes of average temperature and average snowfall sum from october to may, for each decade in the period 1901‒2010. 333kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 325–337. ture and precipitation in the southern parts of the continent. strong negative phases of the nao (nao–) usually result in opposite patterns. this is why we also investigated the relationship of temperature and snow-related variables with the nao index for each region. first, figure 5 shows the regional connection between temperature and nao. for this purpose, the nao index and temperature values are both divided into three groups: the thresholds are defined by the 33rd and 67th percentiles (i.e. the lower and upper terciles) of the monthly data during the entire period 1900‒2010, and then the intervals of the nao index (nao-1, nao-2, nao-3 phases) are paired with the regional temperature conditions (tx: warm conditions, tg: around mean conditions, tn: cold conditions), thus,resulting in nine groups. the size of the circles is determined by the number of cases that belong to the corresponding group. since the nao dominantly appears in winter, we selected january for this part of the analysis. as one can see, in the case of a positive nao index, the temperature is usually higher than its 67th percentile (considering the period 1900‒2010), especially in southern scandinavia, in finland and in southern great britain (> 20 cases; see figure 5). when the nao index does not indicate a specific phase, the regional temperature is roughly equally distributed among the three intervals; thus, no significant anomalies can be detected. in the case of a strong negative nao index, lower temperature values are more frequent (> 14 cases), whereas positive temperature anomalies are rare, especially in southern scandinavia, in finland and in great britain (in southern great britain only three cases occurred during the 111 years). finally, we analysed the connection between snowfall amount (sfx: much snow, sfg: around average snow, sfn: little snow) and the nao index for january (figure 6). clearly more snowfall occurs during a strong nao+ phase (nao-3) in the northern parts of europe (especially in southern scandinavia and finland, where the number of cases is 22) because of more precipitation and higher temperature values (but still below 0 °c). when the nao index indicates a nao-1 fig. 5. relationship between the nao index and temperature values in january for each region. the categories were defined by the lower and upper terciles of the monthly data. the size of the circles is determined by the number of cases within the corresponding group. tx, tg, tn = for explanation see the text. kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 325–337.334 case, the snowfall amount is below normal in the scandinavian regions (< 42 mm) and in finland (< 32 mm). this is explained by the differences in large-scale circulation patterns during nao+ and nao–, namely, eastern european blocking (resulting in less precipitation and lower temperature) is more likely to occur during nao– (which is nao-1), when the polar jet is meandering with higher amplitude and the zonal flow is less strong compared to nao+ (which implies nao-3) with a less meandering polar jet and strong zonal flow from the west towards scandinavia (and northern europe in general), resulting in more precipitation and higher temperature but still below freezing in winter in the north (trigo, r. et al. 2002). a nao+ phase indicates drier climatic conditions in central europe, so less snowfall is likely to occur in the carpathian basin, in the carpathians and in the alps. in romania, all the investigated snow-related parameters display a strong negative correlation with the nao index in winter, which is due to the fact that positive temperature and negative precipitation anomalies in romania are associated with a high nao index (bojariu, r. and paliu, d. 2001). on the contrary, when the nao index shows a negative phase, the snowfall sum is above normal in the carpathian basin (> 26 mm), in the carpathians (> 36 mm) and in southern great britain (> 6 mm), as more precipitation is related to the nao. bednorz, e. (2004) calculated the correlation coefficients between snow cover in eastern europe and the nao index and found a strong correlation in winter, which is statistically significant west of 30° e. henderson, g.r. and leathers, d.j. (2010) also concluded that there is a strong association (r = ‒0.591) between large snow-covered areas and the negative phase of the nao in europe, based on noaa (national oceanic and atmospheric administration) satellite products. conclusions snow plays an important role in many processes and conditions (e.g. surface energy flux, catchment hydrology, soil moisture, fig. 6. relationship between the nao index and snowfall values in january for each region. the categories were defined by the lower and upper terciles of the monthly data. the size of the circles is determined by the number of cases within the corresponding group. sfx, sfg, sfn = for explanation see the text. 335kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 325–337. freshwater availability, tourism), therefore, it is important to analyse its characteristics and changes. relationships between snow-related meteorological variables, the temperature in eight european regions and the nao index are investigated in this study for 1900‒2010. the era-20c dataset was used for the calculations, and in order to take into account the different climatic types, mountainous and/or plain subregions with continental (alps, carpathian region), oceanic (great britain) and polar climates (scandinavia, finland) were selected for the evaluation. temperature and snow-related variables were analysed on monthly, yearly and decadal scales, too. to investigate the relationship between the selected variables and the nao index, categories were defined by the lower and upper terciles of monthly data. on the basis of the presented analysis the following main conclusions can be drawn. (i) snowfall shows a strong relationship with temperature; the ratio of snowfall can reach 1 in the colder, northern regions in winter, while it is about 0.6 in central europe with a continental climate, even in the coldest months. (ii) correlation coefficients between the snowfall ratio and mean temperature are significant from october to may in all regions. the strongest relationship occurs in march, but it varies among the regions depending on the temperature. in the vicinity of the ocean (in great britain), this spring maximum occurs earlier, while in the northern regions, it shifts to april or even may. (iii) the strongest relationship between temperature and snowfall occurred in autumn in the colder, northern regions; in spring in the central european, continental areas; and in winter in the oceanic climate. (iv) snowfall amount was smaller in the first decades of the 20th and in the 21st century as well, compared to the middle of the 20th century, but temperature clearly shows the highest values after 2000. (v) the effect of the nao appears in snow characteristics, especially in the winter months because it affects both temperature values and precipitation amount. the connection is stronger in scandinavia, in finland, and in great britain than in the continental central european regions. this can be explained by the large-scale circulation characteristics during different nao phases with more substantial consequences for regional climatic conditions closer to the northern action centre of the nao, i.e. the icelandic low pressure centre. temperature clearly rose in the period 1900‒2010, and according to climate model simulations, this trend will continue in the next decades even if the most optimistic scenario is taken into account (ipcc 2013). this will certainly affect snow-related characteristics, but the changes may not be linear. therefore, our ultimate aim is to expand this study with further analyses for the future conditions on the basis of regional climate model outputs. acknowledgement: research leading to this paper was supported by the following sources: the hungarian national research, development and innovation fund under grants k-129162 and pd138023. r e f e r e n c e s bednorz, e. 2004. snow cover in eastern europe in relation to temperature, precipitation and circulation. international journal of climatology 24. 591–601. available at https://doi.org/10.1002/joc.1014 birsan, m-v. and dumitrescu, a. 2014. snow variability in romania in connection to large-scale atmospheric circulation. international journal of climatology 34. 134–144. available at https://doi. org/10.1002/joc.3671 blahusiaková, a., matousková, m., jenicek, m., ledvinka, o., kliment, z., podolinská, j. and snopková, z. 2020. snow and climate trends and their impact on seasonal runoff and hydrological drought types in selected mountain catchments in central europe. hydrological sciences journal 65. 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changed continuously over the past decades, always adapting themselves to the processes of globalisation and to the related trends. as a consequence of the shift from the fordist production system to the post-fordist economic structures the metropolitan regions have acquired an ever growing importance and became the centres of economic and social development of countries and regions. international experience shows that in economic competition an increasing role is played by creativity (and particularly by culture), invention and innovation. concerning further development of the european metropolitan regions it might be decisive how these cityregions will be able to att ract and integrate fi rms in the sphere of the creative knowledge sector and their manpower. regarding to the new economic development tendencies drawn above this paper highlights the capacity and potentials of the budapest metropolitan region based on statistical analyses and results of empirical questionnaire surveys and in-depth interviews carried out amongst employees, managers and transnational migrants working in the creative knowledge sector. keywords: creative knowledge sector, innovation, acre project, budapest metropolitan region, soft and hard factors, decision on sett lement introduction creativity, knowledge and innovation are broadly recognised as the essential ingredients of economic success in the advanced capitalist world. naturally, they have always been important to economic progress, but their importance has never seemed as crucial as in the early 21st century. creative and knowledge-intensive industries are increasingly seen as the most important economic activities for international competitiveness in the advanced capitalist world. still, what exactly makes some city-regions more att ractive locations for these industries and their workers is not entirely clear (scott , a. 2003; florida, r.–tinagli, 2004; musterd, s. et al. 2007). 1 geographical research institute, hungarian academy of sciences. h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mail: ege6727@mail.iif.hu, zkovacs@helka.iif.hu 282 in october 2006 the acre project (accommodating creative knowledge – competitiveness of european metropolitan regions within the enlarged union) fi nanced by fp6 of the european union was started to improve the empirical evidence base of urban regional conditions for creative knowledge. in this project the international consortium aims to assess the impact of the emerging ‘creative class’ and the rise of the ‘creative industries’ on the competitiveness of eu metropolitan regions. the project compares the recent socio-economic development trends and economic development strategies in 13 metropolitan regions across europe to get more insight in the extent to which creativity, knowledge and innovation are indeed the keys to a successful long-term economic development (fig. 1). the central research questions that the project wants to address are: what are the conditions for creating or stimulating ‘creative knowledge regions’ in the context of the extended european union? more particularly, what is the role of so-called ‘soft ’ factors in creating and stimulating ‘creative knowledge regions’? the most important topic to consider is which metropolitan regions might develop as ‘creative knowledge regions’, and which regions might not (chapain, c. et al. 2009). figure 1. participants of acre project 283 the project is based on empirical research carried out in the partner cities. these empirical studies in the framework of acre project could be subdivided into three stages. in the fi rst stage a quantitative questionnaire survey (200 questionnaires in each metropolitan region) was carried out to investigate the opinion of highly skilled graduates and workers in creative and knowledge-intensive industries about their living and working conditions and to explore the role that both ‘hard’ and ‘soft ’ location factors play in decisions taken by workers and graduates to live in a particular location in the region. in the second stage qualitative in-depth interviews (25 interviews in each city) were conducted with leaders, managers of fi rms to understand the drivers behind the decisions of the managers of selected knowledge-intensive and creative sub-sectors to sett le at a certain location in the metropolitan region and to estimate the relative importance of the location factors that played a role in their decision making process. the third stage also comprises in-depth interviewing of international migrants actively working in the creative knowledge sector (25 interviews in each city). the object of this phase of the survey was to recognise and to investigate the drivers behind the decisions of expats to sett le at a certain location and at the same time to estimate the relative importance of the location factors that played a role in their decision. based on the empirical survey and interviews comparative analyses will be provided on the metropolitan level of europe. the present paper summarises the most relevant results of local analyses carried out in the budapest metropolitan region (bmr). the role of creative economy in budapest the economic output of the budapest metropolitan region has always been dominant within hungary. nowadays the bmr is the economically most advanced region of the country. in 2004 44.5% of the gdp was produced in the central hungarian region and 35% in budapest itself. in terms of output and employment the top fi ve branches are: chemical industry, machinery, food processing, woodworking and publishing. within services the fi nancial sector has been developing most intensely, other innovative economic branches in budapest are info-communication technologies, life sciences (medicine production, biotechnology and nanotechnology), creative industries and cultural economy (egedy, z.–kovács, z. 2008). according to the defi nition of acre consortium on creative economy at the end of 2004 there were 264 thousand active economic organisations in hungary operating in the fi eld of creative industries and knowledge-intensive industries, which made up 36.4% of the active economic organisations registered in the country. within the creative knowledge sector the proportion of creative 284 industries was 57% with 150,331 organisations, whereas the knowledge-intensive industries represented 43%. within the knowledge-intensive industries the weight of law and other business services was outstanding with 70,115 active economic organisations (62% of the fi rms within the sector). it is also important to analyse the relative weight of economic organisations of the creative knowledge sector within the local economy. firms in the creative knowledge sector make up 44% of the active economic organisations registered in the bmr and 46.1% in budapest proper. within the creative knowledge sector the weight of bmr is outstanding in the fi elds of ict (53.6%), r&d and higher education (52.4%). according to table 1. bmr and budapest play an outstanding role in hungary both with respect to employment and revenues; with 39.1% of all employees working and 53.2% of the revenues realised here in 2004. as a general trend it can be stated that the weight of bmr in the creative knowledge sector is even higher. the greatest extremes could be found in fi nances, only 27.4% of fi rms in this branch are located in the bmr, nevertheless 66.5% of employees are working here, and 91% of total revenues are realised here. examining the agglomeration zone we can also discover signifi cant diff erences as far as the distribution of creative fi rms is concerned. within the agglomeration the relative weight of fi rms operating in the creative knowledge sector is the highest in the north-western sector of buda (41.8%), and the lowest in the south-eastern sector of pest (30.2%). the highest proportions of creative fi rms are registered in the sett lements of the north-western sector (csobánka 52.1%, nagykovácsi 49.9%, telki 48.1% and budakeszi 47.9%), on the other hand the lowest fi gures can be found in the south and south-east (alsónémedi 23.3%, ócsa 23.4%). also essential geographical differences can be detected within budapest. districts of the buda side show up higher proportions with regards to the relative share of creative fi rms (12th district 55.3%, 1st district 54.2%, 2nd district 54.0% whereas the number and share of creative knowledge sector is generally lower in the south-eastern districts of the pest side (fig. 2). table 1. the importance of bmr in the creative knowledge sector in hungary (%) industries enterprises employees revenues creative industries ict finances law and business r&d, higher education creative knowledge sector total 43.3 53.6 27.4 41.9 52.4 42.3 35.0 44.8 46.7 66.5 53.0 48.7 49.0 39.1 62.3 43.1 91.2 66.6 77.5 58.4 53.2 285 budapest as a living space for creative employees data of the 2001 national census reveal the main features of spatial distribution of labour force in the creative knowledge sector in hungary and in the budapest metropolitan region. to the most important group of occupations, where the role of bmr is outstanding, belongs the category ‘market research, advertising and marketing’. two-thirds of the 14 thousand employees working in this fi eld in hungary live in the bmr and 73% of them work here (fig. 3). bmr has equally high shares in art (9,000 employees) and performing arts (6,000 employees), 72% and 68% of people working in these sectors in hungary live and work in the bmr (figs 5 and 6). there were 3,000 journalists and editors in the publishing sector in hungary in 2001, 74% of them lived in the bmr. in addition to these occupations the share of bmr is also high in the electronic media (radio and tv). we should also note that in all sectors of the creative industries a major part (from 57% to 68%) of the high rank managers and professionals live and work in the bmr. figure 2. the ratio of creative and knowledge-intensive enterprises in the bmr. source: cso hungary, 2004 286 fi gu re 3 . r at io o f c re at iv e em pl oy ee s liv in g in th e b m r . s ou rc e: c so h un ga ry , c en su s 20 01 287 budapest in view of creative professionals aft er our results became evaluated it had become clearly established that in the course of the analyses of the hard, soft and personal factors distinction has to be made between the macro (global) and micro (local) levels. macro level is meant to be the general motivations of the interviewee to come and stay in budapest and/or bmr whereas micro level encompass factors having been decisive for the choice of the place of residence and site selection within the metropolitan region. motivations to come to budapest our investigations have shown that the resett lement of creatives as international migrants from abroad to hungary and budapest had been primarily determined by hard factors: the main trigger was the intention either to undertake work or to pursue studies in higher education. in this respect no particular diff erence could be identifi ed between the members of the creative and knowledge-intensive groups. similar to the international migrants, hungarian employees predominantly came to budapest in order to undertake jobs. as a motivation factor of a nearly similar importance, another goal was to pursue studies in higher education (in colleges or universities). when founding a fi rm market conditions was the foremost consideration: budapest represents an enormous economic potential relative to that of the whole country and this exert a great att raction upon the economic units. creative fi rms sett led in the bmr are primarily due to the size of the market and of labour market. a high number of entrepreneurships and a well trained manpower is not a negligible factor of site selection either. the moving in of the creative fi rms and sett ling down of the managers are mainly determined by hard factors as well. another motivation factor already belongs to the soft ones: according to the unanimous opinion of the managers, informal links play a decisive part in hungarian economy therefore enterprises might profi t a lot from their presence in the capital. moreover here they have an access to legal, fi nancial, commercial, logistic services of high standard. summing up our achievements of the analyses performed on the macro level it can be stated that workers and graduates employed in creative economy, managers and enterprises, and transnational migrants arriving in hungary and budapest are att racted by the economic advantages off ered by the bmr: employees favour job opportunities of broad range and undertake diff erent kinds of labour as employers do for the same reason, notably by the favourable labour market conditions. for the latt er the large market (enterprises, clients) is part of the strongest att ractions. the second greatest att raction is the 288 use of education and training, being important because sett ling down is a general trend, so higher education of prominent quality raises the economic potential of the bmr. the third is the personal and soft factors changing by target groups when transnational migrants take decisions on an emotional basis (they followed their partner, or the metropolis appealed to them), while the managers tend to consider economic factors (e.g. informal links, availability of services). it can be stated that motivation and att raction factors on the macro level for the creative and knowledge-intensive professionals do not diff er from those for the people employed in the other sectors of the economy. why to stay and sett le down in budapest? based on the micro level analyses no diff erences could be recognised as to the factors decisive for the sett ling down of professionals working in creative vs knowledge-intensive sectors. the most important motivation factors are the cost of dwelling, the size of the residence and proximity to public transport as hard factors (table 2). they are not only att racting but also retaining factors i.e. they are determinant for moving of the creatives to a certain neighbourhood but also for their staying there longer. following the above determinant hard factors several soft factors are to be considered before decision is made. of them the quality and atmosphere of the neighbourhood is to be mentioned in the fi rst place. in the scale of values this was mentioned by the employees as a factor examined just aft er dwelling and public transport. proximity to the place of work was referred to as a pull factor by the creatives, whereas high traffi c and noise pollution evaluated as a push factor. for a longer perspective personal safety and public security, access to commercial facilities and the quality of life off ered by the neighbourhood that are primary retaining factors. from the analyses of cross-tables on the choice of residence the conclusion can be drawn that young people tend to make their choice along the hard factors ta bl e 2. r ol e of fa ct or s in c ho os in g th e cu rr en t d w el lin g pl ac e (w ho le s am pl e, n =2 03 ) fa ct or s v er y im po rt an t q ui te im po rt an t so m ew ha t im po rt an t n ot im po rt an t d on ’t kn ow m is si ng c os t o f d w el lin g q ua lit y of s ur ro un d in g ne ig hb ou rh oo d t he n ei gh bo ur ho od a tm os ph e r e si ze o f d w el lin g p ro xi m it y to p ub lic tr an sp or t 33 .5 33 .5 28 .0 23 .5 19 .5 40 .5 38 .0 39 .5 48 .0 44 .5 11 .0 16 .0 19 .5 13 .5 20 .5 6. 0 4. 0 5. 5 6. 5 9. 0 3. 5 2. 5 3. 0 3. 5 2. 0 5. 5 6. 0 4. 5 5. 0 4. 5 289 (in pursuit of studies in budapest, seeking for job), whereas soft factors (e.g. proximity to natural environment) appear as preference for the middle-age and older generations. the employers and managers primarily consider hard factors in the course of site selection. the leading aspects are the price of offi ce, the size and infrastructure of offi ce, further the accessibility i.e. connection both to traffi c lines and public transport. for certain creative fi rms the presence in budapest is important because it is a prerequisite to applying for subsidies and allowances. an accentuated importance has the place of residence of the managerial strata (in inverse ratio to the size of the fi rm) which also emerges in the process of choosing the site of the fi rm’s headquarters. soft factors come to the fore in the second round, especially the offi ce’s neighbourhood: the managers of creative fi rms favour prestige aspects, whereas those of knowledge-intensive enterprises prefer the quiet and calm surroundings. among the soft factors informal links and good services are equally att racting factors (macro level) and retaining factors (micro level) for the creative fi rms. there is no doubt that personal trajectories have some part to play in the decision making process concerning sett lement: family and friends can play both of these roles. strengths and weaknesses of the budapest metropolitan region summarising the results on the strengths of budapest three groups of location factors were judged equally and very positively in each of the three target groups: a) job off ers and career opportunities; b) cultural life and leisure, sport and entertainment opportunities; c) services, retailing and shopping networks and gastronomy. the fi rst group belongs to the hard factors, whereas the second and third categories can be evaluated as soft factors. apart from the above mentioned groups there are factors that have less importance but strengthen the position of budapest. the capital is an undisputed leader in the country’s higher education, and the level of training is highly appreciated among specialists from hungary and abroad. job and career opportunities are strong att ractions of the bmr. they are supported with favourable working conditions: by the hungarian and foreign employees the enterprises and institutions as a rule provide more sophisticated working facilities than their counterparts in the countryside. the issue of subsidies and allowances belong to the hard factors. it is well known that there exists an extensive social network in hungary, i.e. a system of state subsidies and social allowances, involving high expenditures thus imposing a heavy burden upon the economic performance of the country, which extend beyond its capability. it is not accidental that the respondents (chiefl y transnational migrants and managerial strata) based on fi nancial 290 considerations of their own, highly appreciated this system of subsidies and allowances (egedy, t. et al. 2009). residential environment is also to be mentioned among the soft factors; it means that most diverse quarters of high standards and quality are evaluated as the strong points of budapest. this great variety of the neighbourhoods is ready to meet the demands of all social strata. of the soft factors there are two advantages of the bmr: a fi ne geographical sett ing which is praised especially by the transnational migrants and managers and the cultural milieu typical of the city. the latt er is closely related with a rich choice of cultural programmes (table 3). there are few hard and soft factors that should be mentioned among the weaknesses of budapest. the former is the hungarian system of taxation judged very negatively both by the employers and transnational migrants. although there were att empts to reform the system in the recent years, these have proven to be unsuccessful or ineffi cient. therefore budapest is in a loser position in the economic competition because tax bands and high tax payments appear as push factors: they curb the infl ow and sett lement of professionals and fi rms. there are four further factors that weaken budapest’s position in the domestic and international competition of cities even though to a lesser extent than those two mentioned above. of the hard factors high living costs should be referred to. all the three target groups expressed their view that price of living and especially everyday expenses are very high in comparison with the level of income. other weak points of budapest are the lack of tolerance and acceptance of diversity and the missing openness. a surprisingly high level of intolerance (contrary to all expectations) in most places of the bmr was one of the fi ndings of previous surveys. in relation with this issue employees hold that solidarity, social cohesion and equity are problematic, not only in the bmr but all over hungary. a closely related question is that in the opinion of the respondents there is a very low level of the political culture in hungary, and the situation is further corroborated by an overwhelming over-administration and bureaucracy. among the negative soft factors the indicators typical of big cities: pollution, uncleanness and noise are oft en referred to. high traffi c and the noise generated add to the deterioration of quality of life. the uncleanness and neglected state of the districts, quarters and streets complained about by the respondents can be att ributed to an inferior level of environmental consciousness among the local population. it is not surprising in this sense that almost half of the respondents from both investigated sectors voiced their stance about the deteriorating quality of life in budapest over the past years (fig. 4). a bulk of hard and soft factors can be observed which exert a negative impact upon the quality of life and satisfaction of people in the bmr being also decisive for the further development of the hungarian capital and its 291 ta bl e 3. s w o t a na ly si s of th e b ud ap es t m et ro po lit an r eg io n ba se d on th e op in io ns o f c re at iv e m an ag er s s tr en gt h s w ea k n es se s w ei gh t a nd r ol e of b m r in th e na ti on al ec on om y fa vo ur ab le p os it io ns in th e cr ea ti ve k no w led ge s ec to r g eo gr ap hi ca l l oc at io n of b ud ap es t h ig he r st an d ar d c ul tu ra l s er vi ce s su pp ly o n th e offi ce m ar ke t g oo d jo b op po rt un it ie s on th e la bo ur m ar ke t si tu at io n of tr affi c an d p ub lic tr an sp or ta ti on l ac k of w ill in gn es s fo r co op er at io n be tw ee n fi rm s l ow le ve l o f c ol la bo ra ti on b et w ee n fi rm s an d u ni ve rs it ie s, r es ea rc h an d p ub lic in st it ut io ns sl ow a nd in ad eq ua te c lu st er in g pr oc es s l ac k of b us in es s st ra te gi es a nd s tr at eg ic th in ki ng o f m an ag er s pa ss iv e be ha vi ou r of m an ag er s on th e m ar ke t po lit ic al c lim at e an d c ul tu re , p ro bl em s of a d m in is tr at iv e an d e co no m ic r ul es q ua nt it y an d q ua lit y of g re en s pa ce s o p p or tu n it ie s t h re at s h ig h co nc en tr at io n of c om pa ni es a nd e nt er pr is es c on ce nt ra ti on o f u ni ve rs it ie s an d c ol le ge s at b ud ap es t sp ec ta cu la r d ev el op m en t o f c er ta in b ra nc he s w it hi n th e cr ea ti ve k no w le d ge s ec to r a tt ra ct iv en es s of b m r fo r th e co un tr ys id e m an po w er g re at v ar ie ty o f n ei gh bo ur ho od s si ze , c ap ab ili ty a nd o pe nn es s of n at io na l e co no m y sy st em o f e d uc at io n an d h ig he r ed uc at io n h ar d c om pe ti ti on b et w ee n en te rp ri se s be ca us e of it s hi gh n um be r in th e b m r h ig h sp ec ia lis at io n of s m e s in ad eq ua te c on ce nt ra ti on o f h um an r es ou rc es p ri ce le ve l o f e xp er ie nc ed a nd w el lsk ill ed la bo ur u nb al an ce d r ol e of s ub si d ie s in th e d ev el op m en t o f d iff e re nt b ra nc he s d an ge r of c or ru pt io n re ga rd in g in fo rm al li nk s in ad eq ua te d ev el op m en t o f p ub lic s er vi ce s p ri ce le ve l o n th e offi ce m ar ke t e m er gi ng s oc ia l p ro bl em s, te ns io ns a nd in to le ra nc e 292 international competitiveness in the long run (table 4). if proper measures are taken for the amelioration of the environmental factors, budapest and the bmr could be successful in att racting fi rms and experts of the creative and knowledge-based sector to sett le here. in the opposite case the city region might become a loser in the competition between the big cities and its place would occupy other metropolises with similar potentials from the region (egedy, t.–kovács, z. 2009). table 4. limiting factors within the bmr based on the opinion of creative professionals factors type of factor costs of living (prices, level of wages and salaries) traffi c and public transport cleanness of the city and living environment air and noise pollution intolerance, aggressiveness homelessness, poverty, social polarization politics, political culture quantity and quality of green space living standards, quality of life public security state of building stock and public places hard hard soft soft soft soft soft hard soft soft hard figure 4. perception of improvement or decline in the quality of life 293 conclusions aft er 2000 the budapest metropolitan region managed to keep its leading position in the economic development and modernisation of the country in most respects. it serves as gateway for innovation and modern technologies, and national centre of most creative activities. the bmr has an outstanding role in the creative knowledge sector of hungary and in all the branches of the sector the role of budapest is predominant. bmr is over-represented in terms of the number and ratio of these fi rms, as well as the employees in fi rms of creative and knowledge-intensive industries and the revenues generated by this sector. the development of these industries in provincial cities now is somewhat lagging behind that of the capital but their gradual close up is indicative of positive shift s and promising for the future. summarising the results on location factors it can be stated, that highly qualifi ed people employed in the creative knowledge sector in the budapest metropolitan region in the course of decisions about their place of residence tend to take into account both hard and soft factors, but in general the hard ones are more infl uential. according to the opinions expressed by managers no rules of general validity can be established concerning site selection of the enterprises within the area of the bmr, because there are signifi cant diff erences between the creative and knowledge-intensive sub-sectors and branches, depending on the size and age of the studied fi rms. as a general conclusion it can be stated that the sett lement and site selection of the fi rms is aff ected by hard factors predominantly and soft factors currently play only a marginal role in att racting enterprises and managers towards budapest. based on our interviews it became clear that hard factors play an important role rather in att racting creative transnational migrants to the city, while soft factors are decisive in the decision about staying in the metropolitan region in the long run. since workers and highly qualifi ed representatives of the creative knowledge sector as it was revealed by our survey were more satisfi ed with the soft factors of the city than with the hard ones, in budapest it would be essential to improve the hard location factors in the near future. 294 references chapain, c.–collinge, c.–lee, p.–musterd, s. (eds) 2009. can we plan the creative knowledge city? – built environment, 35. 2. 292 p. egedy, t.–földi, zs.–balogi, a.–kovács, z. 2009 budapest in the eyes of creative foreigners – the view of transnational migrants. – acre report 7.4, amidst, university of amsterdam, amsterdam, 132 p. egedy, t.–kovács, z. 2008. the creative knowledge sector in the budapest metropolitan region – in: kertész, á.–kovács, z. (eds): dimensions and trends in hungarian geography. studies in geography in hungary 33. geographical research institute, hungarian academy of sciences, budapest. pp. 149-167. egedy, t.–kovács, z. 2009. the potentials of budapest to att ract creativity – the views of high-skilled employees, managers and transnational migrants. – acre report 7.4, amidst, university of amsterdam, amsterdam, 57 p. florida, r.–tinagli, i. 2004. europe in the creative age. – demos, london. musterd, s.–bontje, m.–chapain, c.–kovács, z.–murie, a. 2007. accommodating creative knowledge – a literature review from a european perspective. acre report 1, amidst, university of amsterdam, amsterdam, 42 p. scott, a. 2001. global city-regions: trends, theory, policy. – oxford university press, oxford. << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated 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can be opened with acrobat and adobe reader 5.0 and later.) >> /namespace [ (adobe) (common) (1.0) ] /othernamespaces [ << /asreaderspreads false /cropimagestoframes true /errorcontrol /warnandcontinue /flattenerignorespreadoverrides false /includeguidesgrids false /includenonprinting false /includeslug false /namespace [ (adobe) (indesign) (4.0) ] /omitplacedbitmaps false /omitplacedeps false /omitplacedpdf false /simulateoverprint /legacy >> << /addbleedmarks false /addcolorbars false /addcropmarks false /addpageinfo false /addregmarks false /convertcolors /converttocmyk /destinationprofilename () /destinationprofileselector /documentcmyk /downsample16bitimages true /flattenerpreset << /presetselector /mediumresolution >> /formelements false /generatestructure false /includebookmarks false /includehyperlinks false /includeinteractive false /includelayers false /includeprofiles false /multimediahandling /useobjectsettings /namespace [ (adobe) (creativesuite) (2.0) ] /pdfxoutputintentprofileselector /documentcmyk /preserveediting true /untaggedcmykhandling /leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice fóti, g. and ludvig, zs. eds.: economic crisis and political turmoil in ukraine 217 fóti, g. and ludvig, zs. eds.: economic crisis and political turmoil in ukraine. east european studies no 2. institute for world economics of the hungarian academy of sciences, budapest 2010. 153 p. in late 2009 the institute for world economics launched a new publication series entitled “east european studies”. the second piece of this series is devoted to the research topic of the impacts of global economic crisis on ukraine. since this crisis has been accompanied by a lasting political turmoil in the country the volume treats the two phenomena in parallel while also analyzing their interdependence. the fi rst study (economic crisis and ukraine’s financial system) by valeriy heyets leads the reader to the true substance of the ukrainian economic crisis focusing on its fi nancial issues. as it is widely known, hungary’s eastern neighbor is one of the most hardly hit economies by the global crisis even in a broad international comparison. however, before the crisis period ukraine’s economy had a prolonged growth stage with annual rates exceeding 7%. even though in its separate phases the causes of growth were quite diff erent, this period terminated in the middle of 2008, later these triggers appeared to be the factors determining the very actuate character of the crisis arising in 2008 and 2009. the author gives a comprehensive explanation why this should and could happen, and presents an analysis of the previous fi scal and monetary policies and their relationship with domestic political developments. the second article (crisis management in ukraine: state, private and international actors) by tetyana i. yefimenko deals with the challenging issue of crisis management and draws some predictions concerning the future of public private partnership in ukraine. yefimenko also argues that it is an objective development trend worldwide that new institutions emerge to promote interactions between government authorities and private business. international experience shows that ppp-based co-operations boost the effi ciency of society’s essential systems and divide the risk between the state and the private sector in a rational manner. the third study (the effect of presidential elections and the world economic crisis on power politics in ukraine) by istván szabó closely connects the problems of the economic crisis and the issue of domestic political landscape with a special att ention l i t e r a t u r e hungarian geographical bulletin 60 (2) (2011) pp. 217–220. 218 to ukrainian oligarchs. oligarchic structures are present in almost each post-soviet polity, although their role and position may alter from country to country. opposite to their russian counterparts, ukrainian oligarchs need to spread out their business activities on almost all sectors of the economy due to the scarcity of natural resources. one major thesis of the author is that the economic crisis amplifi ed the scope for change in the political elite, whereas oligarchs managed to survive during the last nearly two decades. nonetheless, the challenge they have to face at present, namely the global economic crisis is a dreadful one. the second block of studies focusing on key ukrainian economic issues contains two prominent studies on the state and prospects of the agrarian sector and the processes of migration. in his economic geographical study (the ukrainian agrarian sector and the global economic crisis) dávid karácsonyi raises the question whether european and worldwide agro-ecological conditions could off er an inexhaustible source of wealth or not. the study analyzes the history of agrarian transformation since the systemic change in ukraine with an emphasis on the product structures and production dynamics, the issues of agricultural employment, ownership and production effi ciency with a regional approach, and the participation in global agricultural markets. eventually karácsonyi highlights the impacts of the global crisis on the ukrainian farming sector. it should be highly appreciated that the study is rich in thematic maps demonstrating diff erent scales of indicators of agricultural activity in ukraine. the closing study (migratory process transformation under conditions of a global crisis) by ella libanova leads the reader to the intriguing issue of ukrainian migration as it is one of the most precise characteristics of any given population’s att itude to the quality of life and living standards, assessments and expectations of possible changes in the region of permanent residence and in other places accessible for in-migration. it is only since 2005 that migratory balance turned positive again in ukraine. the study provides rich statistical database to these processes while trying to give answers to basic motivations for the movements as well. regretfully, maps showing the main geographical directions and volumes of migration across the country are sorely missing. with this publication the authors contribute to the bett er understanding of today’s ukraine and hopefully the readers from the academic and the educational fi elds as well as from the administration sphere will fi nd this volume valuable and useful in their work. tibor tiner zoltán keresztesi – 75 224 zoltán keresztesi – 75 it is a rare occasion that the professional career of a specialist coincides almost exactly with an accelerating transformation of the technology of the academic domain he has been involved in deeply. nonetheless this is just the case with zoltán keresztesi who has been chief of the department of cartography of the geographical research institute (gri) has for several decades. most of his half-century activities cover this period of cartography when classic technology based on photoand lithography was replaced by computer assisted mapmaking. keresztesi received his diploma of geographer-cartographer at the faculty of natural sciences of eötvös loránd university, budapest, in 1960 and joined the geographical research group (rg) has in the following year. this group, led by márton pécsi, was thoroughly engaged in thematic mapping, particularly in elaborating the methodology of geomorphological mapping. this way the young cartographer entered the academic sphere. for ten years (1963–1973) keresztesi returned to his alma mater as an assistant professor, to teach the young generations and to project and set up a modern laboratory of cartography providing equipment for reproduction photography, typesett ing, preparation for printing. he defended his dissertation in hydrogeographic mapping in 1965. at the same time he kept on maintaining close contacts with the rg, where established a similar laboratory aft er his return, in the mid-70s. later keresztesi became involved in large-scale projects, participating in the edition of two maps for atlas of the danubian countries (atlas der donauländer) edited by josef breu: those of hydrology and geomorphology. at the gri the engineering-geomorphological mapping of budapest was completed by 1980 at a scale of 1:20 000. then the legend of a new type of base map for the environmental assessment of urbanized and technogenous areas was created with his active participation. the 1980s were dominated by atlas cartography in his life work. he became the editor of the physical geographical section of the second edition of the national atlas of hungary (nah) and co-author of some of the maps. these eff orts in organization and coordination yielded an atlas that gained a high governmental recognition: the editorial board members received széchenyi prize in 1990. two years later a thematic atlas in palaeogeography came out (on the late pleistocene–holocene environment of the northern hemisphere), prepared in international cooperation. the responsibility for lithography and printing rested completely with keresztesi’s department. it should be mentioned that the high quality was reached in spite of the very modest technological background. for instance, the printing of copies of four-colour maps was carried out on the monotint 225 press of the gri. this was one of the last pieces among the series of atlases produced by the traditional way, with the strict division of design, drawing, colour separation, and printing from plates. in the 1990s keresztesi was championing the new technology – computer aided mapping. all over the world cartography laboratories grew up with workstations, pcs and peripherals: scanners, plott ers and printers. keresztesi was in charge of purchasing instruments for the gri for long decades. it has been largely his merit that by the mid-90s a sun workstation with arc/info electronic map publishing soft ware supported by pcs produced nah supplementary map folios. the primary demand towards the system was the adequate preparation for printouts. at the same time gis-based mapping of hungarian ethnic minorities in the carpathian basin started with the establishment of textual and graphic databases: their merges resulted in a map series at diff erent scales (burgenland, slovakia, transcarpathia, transylvania, vojvodina, the pannonian territory of croatia, prekmurje) authored by károly kocsis. the long lasting editorial work and computer assisted mapping was completed with a double ethnic map of hungary (scale of 1:500 000; 1941–2001) in 2009. the fi rst decade of the new millennium saw the publication of magyar tudománytár in six volumes by the centre for social studies of has. some of the volumes are richly illustrated with maps produced by the small workshop of a couple of gift ed young cartographers guided by keresztesi. initially solicited by high eu circles, three pieces of the “in maps” albums with a strong geographical orientation (on south-eastern europe, ukraine and hungary) were published in english in the second half of the decade. the hungarian version of the latt er (magyarország térképekben) appeared in may 2011. the editorial board of the hungarian geographical bulletin (hgb) congratulates zoltán keresztesi on his 75th birthday. for he has shown a high accomplishment in technology of mapmaking, persistence in teaching cartography to young generations, consistence in the application of innovations, skills in organization and leading large-scale projects. ferjan ormeling, secretary-general and treasurer of the international cartographic association in a lately evaluation of our journal hgb wrote: “to have access to a cartographic laboratory where cartographers are able to illustrate in a relevant way the papers and articles to be incorporated in the journal is a real bonus and the scientists working in the gri of the has might not treasure this suffi ciently. the level of the cartographic illustrations in hgb is very high, and i hope it will remain so.” thank you, zoltán! lászló bassa – – – – oecd environmental outlook to 2050. the consequences of inaction 343 l i t e r a t u r e hungarian geographical bulletin 61 (4) (2012) pp. 343–348. oecd environmental outlook to 2050. the consequences of inaction. organisation for economic co-operation and development, 2012, paris, 349 p. this book provides a detailed analyses of main economic, social and environmental trends for the world to 2050, and simulations of policy actions to address the key future challenges. obviously humankind has witnessed unprecedented growth and prosperity in the last four decades, with the size of the world economy more than tripling and population increasing by over 3 billion people since 1970. this tremendous economic and population growth, however, has been accompanied by serious environmental degradation and natural resource depletion. the current growth model and the unsustainable use of natural resources could ultimately undermine future human development. the authors of this outlook ask “what will the next four decades bring for the world?” based on joint modelling by the oecd and the neaa (netherlands environmental assessment agency) it looks forward to the year 2050 to fi nd out what demographic and economic trends might aff ect the environment if the mankind does not adopt more ambitious green policies and technologies. it also looks at what policies could change that picture for the bett er future of the next generations. this publication focuses on four areas: climate change, biodiversity, water and health impacts of pollution. these key environmental challenges were identifi ed by the previous outlook to 2030 (oecd, 2008) as red light issues requiring urgent attention and decisive actions. by 2050, the earth’s population is expected to increase from 7 billion to over 9 billion and the world economy is projected to nearly quadruple, with growing demand for energy and natural resources. average gdp growth rates are projected to slow in china and india. nearly 70% of the world population is projected to be urban residents in 40 years time, magnifying challenges such as air pollution, transport congestion, and waste management. a 344 world economy four times larger than today is projected to use 80% more energy in 2050. without more eff ective policies, the share of fossil energy in the global energy mix will still remain at about 85%. the emerging economies of the briics states (brazil, russia, india, indonesia, china and south africa) are projected to become major energy users. more disruptive climate change is likely to be locked in, with global greenhouse gas (ghg) emissions projected to increase by 50%, primarily due to a 70% growth in energy-related co2 emissions. (as a result, the global average temperature increase is projected to be 3oc to 6oc higher by the end of the century, exceeding the internationally agreed goal of limiting it to 2oc above pre-industrial levels. surpassing the 2oc threshold would alter precipitation patt erns, increase glacier and permafrost melt, drive sea-level rise, and worsen the intensity and frequency of extreme weather events. this will hamper the ability of people and ecosystems to adapt to increasing extreme situations. biodiversity loss is projected to continue, especially in asia, europe and southern africa. globally, terrestrial biodiversity (measured as mean species abundance – or msa – an indicator of the intactness of a natural ecosystem) is projected to decrease a further 10% by 2050. primary forests, which are rich in biodiversity, are projected to shrink in area by 13%. the main pressures driving biodiversity loss include land-use change (e.g. agriculture), the expansion of commercial forestry, infrastructure development, urban sprawl, human encroachment and fragmentation of natural habitats, as well as pollution and climate change. freshwater resources availability will be further strained, with 2.3 billion more people than today (in total over 40% of the global population) projected to be living in river basins experiencing severe water scarcity, especially in north and south africa, and south and central asia. global water demand is projected to increase by some 55%. groundwater depletion may become the greatest threat to agriculture and urban water supplies in several regions. nutrient pollution from urban wastewater and agriculture is projected to worsen in most regions, intensifying eutrophisation and damaging aquatic biodiversity. the millennium development goals for sanitation will not be met by 2015; by 2050 1.4 billion people are projected to live still without access to basic sanitation facilities. air pollution is set to become the world’s top environmental cause of premature mortality under this scenario. air pollution concentrations in some cities, particularly in asia, already far exceed world health organization safe levels. by 2050, the number of premature deaths from exposure to particulate matt er is projected to more than double to reach 3.6 million a year globally, with most deaths occurring in china and india. the burden of disease related to exposure to hazardous chemicals is signifi cant worldwide, but more severe in non-oecd countries where chemical safety measures are still insuffi cient. these baseline projections highlight the need for urgent action today to change the course of our future development. natural systems have “tipping points” beyond which damaging change becomes irreversible (e.g. species loss, climate change, groundwater depletion, land degradation). acting now is environmentally and economically rational. well-designed policies can reverse the trends projected in the outlook baseline scenario. making reform happen will depend on political leadership and widespread public support that changes are both necessary and aff ordable. not all of the solutions will be cheap, which is why seeking out the most cost-eff ective among them is so important. a key task is to improve understanding of the challenges and trade-off s that need to be made. integrating environmental objectives in economic and sectoral policies (e.g. energy, agriculture, transport) is vital, as the latt er have greater impacts than environmental 345 policies alone. environmental challenges should be assessed in the context of other global challenges such as food and energy security and poverty reduction. as many of the environmental problems are global in nature (e.g. biodiversity loss, climate change) or linked to the trans-boundary eff ects of globalisation, international co-operation is indispensable to ensure an equitable sharing of the cost of necessary measures. the oecd environmental outlook to 2050 with its very rich analytical background provides policy-makers, researchers and interested readers with guidance how to address more complex and long-term global environmental challenges and to enhance preventive, eff ective and effi cient environmental policies for bett er and cleaner future of our children and grandchildren. istván pomázi rátz, t. and irimiás, a. eds.: risk and uncertainty in tourism: theory and practice. kodolányi jános university of applied sciences, székesfehérvár, 2012. 146 p. during the summer of 2012 a new volume of studies was published as a result of a cooperation between the kodolányi jános university of applied sciences and the egyptian october 6. university, located at 6 th of october city, a satellite city of cairo. the chapters of this study book written in english were composed by international and hungarian authors and they discuss several diff erent aspects of the uncertainty and risk within fi eld of tourism. hearing the words uncertainty, risk and risk management in connection with tourism, we tend to associate them with some sort of outer negative effect or threat such as terrorism or att acks on tourists whilst they are abroad. this book wants to avoid that negative tendency. furthermore, with its 11 chapters, it explains a wide range of potential risks and uncertainty factors via a number of interesting cases. 87book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 83–92.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.71.1.7 hungarian geographical bulletin 71 2022 (1) many academic publications serve the understanding of capitalist versus socialist and north versus south relations during the cold war. beyond geographical and geopolitical works, the viewpoints of other disciplines may also be useful for geographers. the book of łukasz stanek, associate professor at manchester school of architecture (uk) deals with post-wwii global architecture, nesting the topic into the broader historical, political economical, and geographical context, through case studies from west africa and the middle east. by doing so, it also provides new aspects for understanding the global urbanization process. the novelty of stanek’s work is enhanced not only by the fact that, beyond the two characteristic groups of architectural actors in postcolonial states (former colonizers and colonized nations), it draws attention to a third group formed by experts from socialist countries, but that it examines and presents these relations through the lens of the global south. we get to know these actors primarily through the architecture they designed in postcolonial countries and their relationship with local actors. however, opportunities for these architects and planners to realize their visions were significantly affected by diverse geographical circumstances and changing political climate (i.e. the considerably different reception of socialism). studies on architectural mobilities, joint ventures and international cooperations among eastern europe, west africa and the middle east during the cold war are scarce in western literature. even in the countries concerned, knowledge about collaboration has survived mainly in the archives and experts’ recollections. collecting, systematizing and analyzing these sources is a gap-filling work. stanek’s book also aims to develop a conceptual framework to better understand architecture and urbanization in the global south. during the cold war, newly independent postcolonial countries, many of them members of the non-aligned movement (nam), were trying to reduce their economic and political dependence on the former colonizers. the nam countries’ demand for greater independence met with the soviet leader nikita khrushchev’s policy of socialist internationalism, which emphasized that the socialist bloc would provide help without exploiting these countries. therefore, from the questions of housing and design-and-build of public buildings to the scale of urban planning, eastern european professionals were welcome in nam countries to share their knowledge. this was further enhanced by the narrative that eastern european countries were claimed victims of semicolonization by western europe in the 19th century, meaning that they had also significantly left behind in the process of modernization. hence, the involvement of eastern european professionals fostered the idea of emancipation, at least in theory. during the 1960s, the narrative of socialist internationalism was legitimized by the economic progress in the ussr based on scientific results and increasing social welfare. that time, soviet-type planned economy seemed to be a well-functioning framework, and communist anticolonial rhetoric aroused sympathy in several countries of the global south. although numerous postcolonial countries were even hostile to the idea of socialism, they were interested in cooperating with the members of the eastern bloc, because their bargaining position seemed better than with the leading capitalist economies. in addition, since these countries had limited reserves of hard currency, they found favorable the barter agreements preferred by the ussr. however, from the 1970s onwards, socialist countries started to increasingly consider postcolonial countries as suppliers of raw materials. the rhetoric of solidarity was, thus, replaced by the rhetoric of mutual benefit. the oil crises and growing public depts in comecon countries forced these to export their stanek, ł.: architecture in global socialism: eastern europe, west africa, and the middle east in the cold war. princeton and oxford, princeton university press, 2020. 357 p. 88 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 83–92. design-and-build services in exchange for crude oil. as state contractors often competed with each other, comecon countries did not form a cohesive bloc from a southern perspective. consequently, relations with smaller countries from the eastern bloc did not appear to cause too much vulnerability, compared to their relations with the much stronger ussr. as a result, various architectural mobilities took place in terms of scale, actors and contract types. the book focuses on the spatial and institutional relations among the main actors, notably individual architects, design institutes, state contractors, and foreign trade organizations (ftos) that coordinated contracts. through individual career paths, the reader gains insight into the architects’ motivations (i.e. the reasons for working abroad) and opportunities (i.e. financial recognition and mobility limits compared to their western counterparts). similarly, we get an insight into the strategic goals of design institutes and state contractors. the author’s declared aim is to analyze the mobility of the above mentioned actors, whom he calls the vessels of architectural mobilities. in addition, his book provides an overview of the mobility of other actors (e.g. administrators, managers, educators, foremen and workers) and a comparison of the narratives about mobility (whether it was rather the result of export contracts or directly served individual professional experience). łukasz stanek examines whether architectural mobility from socialist countries has indeed brought antagonism and differentiation into urbanization in the global south through the concept of “worldmaking” (based on the concept of “mondialization”) (lefebvre, h. 2009 [1978]; stanek, ł. 2011). according to this, a “world” is not only a piece of the earth’s surface delimited along spatial, social and economic characteristics, but “a ’social’ or ’concrete’ abstraction that becomes ’true in practice’” (p. 29) and becomes perceptible through diversity. stanek’s interpretation of worldmaking is “the production of the world from within its many, often antagonistic, options” (p. 30). in this context, “socialist worldmaking” was an existing reality, and it provided an alternative in the process of global urbanization. it created networks and interactions that influenced the development of postcolonial states. chapters 2 to 5 show in detail how path-dependency caused by western colonizers was differentiated as a result of socialist worldmaking. chapter 2 (“a global development path”) illustrates the direct spread of the socialist path in the 1950 and 1960s through the example of accra. for kwame nkrumah, the first president of independent ghana, planned economy and one-party system seemed to be suitable for realizing decolonization and modernization, as well as to achieve his ambitions of pan-african leadership. the ghana national construction company started cooperating with architects from the soviet union and other contractors from the eastern bloc. for ghana, the main motivation for cooperation was to fill the gap of local experts and to reduce the country’s dependence on the west, while partners from the ussr followed khrushchev’s policy toward postcolonial states along the official claims of “fraternal assistance” and “peaceful coexistance.” although the soviet housing plans presented in the book chapter have not been materialized, the author does not interpret that as a failure, rather as an attempt of the translation of soviet technologies into different climatic and cultural conditions. according to contemporary narratives, this effort was legitimized by the modernization of the ussr’s central asian cities. however, the adaptation was ambiguous. while prefabricated elements of the buildings were adapted to the local needs of shading, ventilation and earthquake protection, no attention was paid to the cultural roots of future inhabitants. the layout of housing estates forcefully promoted the socialist way of life. in the case of the international trade fair, finished in 1967, one year after nkrumah was toppled, there was no direct spread of socialism. eastern european experts were motivated by the professional challenges of tropical architecture. yet, only marginal reports appeared in prominent western architectural literature about the spectacular investment, which can be seen as an imprint of cold war relations. in summary, although the geopolitical importance of west africa was not so great, it served as a testing ground for the eastern bloc to realize global socialism. at the same time, limited freedom and opportunities of actors had a noticeable impact on “socialist worlmaking.” chapter 3 (“worlding eastern europe”) takes the reader to nigeria in the 1970s. although the country’s political leadership was hostile to socialism, contracts with comecon companies were signed to diversify international actors. socialist countries were open to such agreements, because they expected crude oil from the western african country. the legitimacy of their presence was ensured by the narrative of transferring the experience gained during the elimination of underdevelopment in eastern europe. the first case study is especially close to us, as it deals with the hungarian architect charles polónyi. according to polónyi, conditions in rural hungary in the 1950s did not differ much from those in postcolonial countries one or two decades later. based on former studies and articles of the ciam east group (a regional subdivision of international congresses of modern architecture, formed by central european architects), he drew attention to the structure of hungarian market towns, where the implementation of traditional forms of urban fabric by using modern tools can ensure efficient functional operation. he was involved too in regional planning in ghana (bui study), then in nigeria (survey and development 89book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 83–92. plan for calabar ). he utilized his previous experiences of the balaton plan and mohács island plan, plans that had been designed with a focus on specific regions of hungary. meanwhile, he never emphasized links between his plans for african countries and either hungary or the socialist system, rather the use of international principles and methods in architecture. the next two case studies also show how previous responses to peripherality were reconsidered, and how concepts and techniques were translated into the western african context. zbigniew dmochowski made significant efforts on the decolonization and emancipation of traditional nigerian architecture, using the methods of architectural typification applied in poland. with his work, he also helped lay the foundations for the modern school of architecture in nigeria. as for the construction of the international trade fair (itf) in the western african country, it “brought yugoslavia into lagos.” as a co-owner and technical partner of the nigerian engineering and construction company, the yugoslavian energoprojekt supplied a team of experts, with the purpose of developing the local construction industry as well. finally, the emancipatory aims nearly went lost, so according to local opinions, energoprojekt exploited them similarly to western companies. however, the project did not become totally controversial, as the itf provided acceptable solutions to urbanization challenges in lagos. chapter 4 (“the world socialist system”) takes us to the middle east. worldmaking already appears as a practice of international trade, in the framework of the world socialist system (yagodovsky, l. 1975). we read about the relationship between comecon and affiliated countries through the examples of iraqi urban planning and architectural projects. the baath regime designated a “non-capitalist” development for iraq (as a “socialist arab state”), which reinforced cooperation with eastern european contractors. for comecon member states, the emphasis was on “mutual benefit” in foreign trade, which was expected to eliminate the dichotomy between raw material producing countries and industrially developed countries, originating from colonial times. after the oil crisis of 1973, eastern european countries became increasingly interested in exporting design-and-build procedures, as they were able to incorporate these as “salable” products into petrobarter agreements. the polish contractor miastoprojekt had a leading role in creating the baghdad comprehensive development plan. miastoprojekt’s position was legitimized by its eminent role in the post-wwii reconstruction of cities in poland. however, it had to successfully compete with western design offices during the tender process. a main reason for its success as a large socialist company was its capacity to involve a large number of employees to carry out multi-scale studies, and to elaborate possible scenarios in a largely consultative manner. the cooperation later continued within the framework of the general housing project for iraq. however, iraqi expectations diverged in the late 1970s, driven by cultural considerations. the aim of iraqi leaders was to represent and regain the former greatness of baghdad, that required significantly different architectural solutions than the modernist plans of miastoprojekt. finally, other companies were invited to develop a new vision for iraqi urbanization. as another remarkable case, the story of baghdad’s abattoir reveals the anomalies of economic harmonization among socialist states. the conflict between the general contractor from the german democratic republic and the subcontractor from romania was even politically embarrassing, as it undermined the credibility of the whole comecon. by the end of the cold war, not much remained from the original emancipatory discourse. still, the world socialist system has not become a failed project of globalizing architecture, as the middle east served as a testing ground for socialist contractors to respond to expectations in the international market. chapter 5 (“socialism within globalization”) expands the focus to the persian gulf, as a paradigmatic place of architecture’s globalization. it highlights that actors from socialist countries were not negligible in this process. to ensure their position, they presented their previous experiences in africa and the middle east as evidence of their ability to adapt to western norms. they have successfully deterritorialized and reterritorialized those experiences. although they were no longer competitive in technology, their design services could be sold profitably, as “intellectual and immaterial export.” as traditional urban structures were drastically overwritten during the modernization of the cities in the persian gulf, dissatisfaction was emerging by the 1980s. mediation, i.e. the reconciliation of modernism and arab culture has become necessary. the contract between the local tayeb engineering and the bulgarian technoexportstroy (tes) for the municipal and town planning department in abu dhabi was based on the fact that tes provided western type organizational culture, financing practices and technical solutions, and at the same time, the proposed plan met the elite’s expectations in the united arab emirates. they used modern elements, prefabricated panels and flexible modular systems, in parallel with traditional forms, where the characteristic motifs on the building can be read as cultural references. in addition, the whole complex was visually well-suited to the wider urban development plans. the examples of individual architects’ carriers in kuwait give us an insight into the significantly changed practice of architectural mobilities. individual contracts through ftos became common, and many professionals arrived directly to private companies. their level of mobility and professional freedom was much greater than those of expatriate architects in the 1960 and 1970s. they could gain professional skills that were still 90 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 83–92. not accessible in their home country. as a result, when many of them returned to eastern europe in the years the socialist bloc collapsed, they had the opportunity to transfer international experience to their homeland. while in the 1960 and 1970s “thinking baghdad through warsaw” was typical in architectural mobilities, after the collapse of socialist regimes “thinking sofia through abi dhabi” has become dominant. in the meantime, some successors of contractors in former socialist countries have managed to maintain their activities abroad in a path-dependent manner, based on their previously gained positions. at the end of the book, the reader gets an insight into the diverse research methods and sources stanek applied. research sites included national archives, document repositories of different organizations and societies, and the private collections of individual actors. in addition, he examined relevant publications from scientific journals and the daily press, as well as propagande materials. the case studies are based on a large number of interviews and discussions. the author took into account the context in which the illustrations were previously published, and collided these often contradictory sources to make the case studies transnational and situated. all together, the chapters of the book provide a nuanced view on socialist worldmaking in an everchanging environment. their novelty is the recalibrated perspective, or in other words, “the view from the south” on the architectural mobility from socialist countries. stanek does not define what architecture is in a normative way, but collects all the activities that were connected to the protagonists of the book, and the frameworks in which architectural mobility was realized. thereby he reconceptualizes architecture as part of the global urbanization process. the constant change and the contradictions around socialist labor causes “the main dilemma of this book: the relationship between the studied architectures and the project of socialism” (p. 305.). based on an idea from an interview, stanek writes: “the cold war appears as a clockwork mechanism in which cogs of antagonostic worldmaking projects sometimes gnashed and ground, and sometimes complemented each other to mutually productive effect” (p. 33.). although the reader meets a number of failed or heavily criticized projects, the book goes far beyond them, and “contributes to a more heterogeneous and antagonistic historiography of global urbanization and its architecture” (p. 4). gábor tolnai1 1 elte eötvös loránd university, faculty of science, institute of geography and earth sciences, department of social and economic geography, budapest, hungary. e-mail: gabor.tolnai@ttk.elte.hu r e f e r e n c e s lefebvre, h. 2009 [1978]. the worldwide experience. in state, space, world: selected essays. eds.: brenner, n. and elden, s., minneapolis, university of minnesota press, 263–278. stanek, ł. 2011. henri lefebvre on space: architecture, urban research and the production of theory. minneapolis and london, university of minnesota press. yagodovsky, l. 1975. the world socialist system: its role in the world today. moscow, novosti press agency. hungarian geographical bulletin vol 71 issue 1 (2022) g. tolnai: stanek, ł.: architecture in global socialism: eastern europe, west africa, and the middle east in the cold war 6_varga.indd 317varga, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 317–326.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.64.4.6 hungarian geographical bulletin 64 2015 (4) 317–326. introduction recognition of past climatic changes plays a crucial role in deeper understanding of natural variability of earth system processes. this is especially true nowadays when we would like to know more about the nature and dynamics of present climate change and about the anthropogenic infl uence on these variations. pleistocene glacial-interglacial variability represents two major opposite states of longterm climatic regimes with short transitional periods. based on stable isotope analyses of worldwide reference curves from deep sea, ice core and speleothem records, it has long been apparent that duration, intensity and climatic conditions of diff erent interglacial periods were signifi cantly diverse. by the identifi cation of driving forces leading to warm-humid periods and reconstruction of paleoenvironmental conditions of these interglacials could provide analogues to holocene interglacial period and natural climate change dynamics. alternating loess and paleosoil strata of aeolian dust deposits in the carpathian basin are regarded as one of the most important terrestrial archives of climatic changes of the last 1 million years in europe (marković, s.b. et al. 2011, 2015; újvári, g. et al. 2014). during cold-dry glacial periods characterised by changing nature of pleistocene interglacials – is it recorded by paleosoils in hungary (central europe)? györgy varga1 abstract based on stable isotope analyses of worldwide reference curves, it has long been apparent that duration, intensity and climatic conditions of pleistocene interglacial periods were signifi cantly diverse. as a consequence of negligible fresh, detrital material admixture during interglacials, the soil formation intensity and maturity of various kinds of past soils have been holding vital information on the environmental conditions at the time the soils formed. this, in turn, means that several physicochemical properties of soils allow us to reconstruct past climatic regimes. loess-paleosol sequences in hungary (central europe) provide insight into the cyclic nature of glacial-interglacial variations of the last 1 million years. the paleosoils have been recognized as the product of warmer and moister interglacials, when the (glacial) loess material was altered by chemical weathering and pedogenic processes. the gradual change from oldest red mediterranean soils via forest and forest-steppe soils to steppe soils represents well the continuous decrease of chemical alteration of interglacial paleosoils determined by environmental factors and duration of soil formation. pedogene units from mis-21 to mis-5 strata were analysed in the course of this study. major element analyses were carried out to get a proper picture on the paleoenvironmental conditions. geochemical transfer functions have been applied to derive mean annual precipitation and mean annual temperature. these kinds of quantitative data on past climate and the stratigraphic data allow us to fi t our pedostratigraphic units into a global context. the present paper is aimed at providing new information on the various climatic and environmental characteristics of pleistocene interglacial periods and soil forming processes. keywords: pleistocene, interglacial, paleosoils, hungary 1 geographical institute, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences, hungarian academy of sciences, budaörsi út 45, h-1112 budapest, hungary e-mail: varga.gyorgy@csfk .mta.hu varga, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 317–326.318 high dust fl uxes, the deposited mineral dust particles accumulated in large quantities and formed into loess deposits. warm and moist interstadials and interglacials favoured to weathering processes and soil formation. as a consequence of negligible fresh, detrital material admixture during these intervals, the soil formation intensity and maturity of various kinds of past soils have been holding vital information on the environmental conditions that prevailed at the time of their formation. this, in turn, means that several physical and chemical properties of soils allow us to reconstruct past climatic regimes. the detailed diff erentiation and climatic characterisation of past soil forming periods is limited by various kinds of problems, discussed in detail e.g. by catt, j.a. (1988). the precise dating of soil forming periods; the detachment of climatic factors from those related to parent material or relief; the mathematical relations between soil features and climate and several other questions make these estimations diffi cult and tough. in case of buried paleosoils in well-dated loess sequences, however, most of these diffi culties can be arranged. paleo-geomorphological conditions of soil formation and geochemical properties of parent material are very similar in case of some long loess-paleosoil series, while the duration of pedogenesis can be obtained from the proper age-depth model of the sequence. mathematical relations between climatic factors and geochemical composition of soils have been widely investigated, and the emergence of new paleoclimate transfer functions from geochemical data provide the opportunity to quantify environmental conditions of soil formation; and so, to distinguish various kinds of warm-moist phases of the pleistocene period (sheldon, n.d. and tabor, n.j. 2009). weathering indices, major element ratios and paleoclimate transfer functions provide information on past environments (kovács, j. et al. 2011, 2013). according to schatz, a.-k. et al. (2015), glacial loess samples allow also us to quantify environmental conditions that prevailed at the time of their formation, because loess deposits can be regarded as moderately pedogenised (loessifi ed) aeolian dust deposits (pécsi, m. 1990; smalley, i. et al. 2011). as in the course of previous studies, mainly the glacial wind-blown loess deposits have been extensively investigated, the aim of this paper is to provide new information on the various climatic and environmental characteristics of pleistocene interglacial periods and soil forming processes. materials and methods time-frame pleistocene main climatic fl uctuations have been controlled by the forcing of 100, 41 and 19-23 ka orbital cycles (hays, j.d. et al. 1976). the superimposition of several harmonic cycles with different wavelength and amplitude creates non-harmonic cycles, clearly visible on reconstructed summer insolation curves. the dominant orbital driver of the various long-term climatic regimes was different from time to time. in the pliocene, the 19–23 kyr precessional cycles were the dominant, at about the onset of the northern hemisphere glaciation (~2.6–2.8 ma) the obliquityrelated 41 kyr cycles can be identifi ed as the main factor, and until about 1 ma the 100 kyr cycles became the prominent (raymo, m.e. et al. 1997; demenocal, p.b. 2004; lisiecki, l.e. and raymo, m.e. 2005, 2007). the physical mechanisms driving to the change from a 41 kyr to a 100 kyr world, the so-called “middle pleistocene revolution” (similarly to the early/middle pleistocene transition from 19--23 kyr to 41 kyr cycles) are not well understood. however, the typical, ~100 kyr glacial-interglacial variations of the last 1 million years cannot be characterised by homogeneous and equivalent cold and warm fl uctuations. differences in the duration of interglacials have long been apparent in paleoclimate records of the late and middle pleistocene. the lr04 curve from 57 globally distributed benthic δ18o records have been used as primary reference curve (lisiecki, l.e. and 319varga, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 317–326. raymo, m.e. 2005). odd and even marine isotope stage boundaries have been distinguished based on this database. the proxies of climatic changes of the last 800 thousand years were also archived in ice cores. the epica dome c (edc) δd record has been applied to get another independent archive of middle and late pleistocene environmental variations (epica community members 2004). the climatic fl uctuations of the last glacial-interglacial period can be observed more properly from the archives of greenland ice cores. the synthetic greenland (glt_syn) record, constructed from the edc δd record, based on the bipolar-seesaw model was the third investigated reference curve to get a proper global time frame on the global climatic changes (barker, s. et al. 2011). the three reference curves unevenly spaced in time (intervals between sampling times are diff erent and not constant) were rescaled to equal with millennial time intervals. the amplitude of the curves was also fairly different because of the diff erent applied paleotemperature proxies (benthic δ18o vs. ice δd). standardized values of amplitudinal scores were used to defi ne warm (sub-)stages (interglacials and interstadials). warm periods were determined as periods with above average mean temperature. the interglacial (interstadial) intensities were calculated from the multiplied values of duration and standardized mean values between the onset and the end of an identifi ed warm period. geological sett ing and samples samples from hungarian key-sites were collected (dunaföldvár, dunaszekcső, paks, tamási). loess deposits in central europe provide insight into the cyclic nature of the last 1 million years. the intercalated paleosoils have been recognized as the product of warmer and moister periods, when the loess material was altered by chemical weathering and pedogenic processes. wind-blown loess and loess-like deposits are widely distributed in the carpathian basin, covering more than half of the area. the upper and partly, the middle pleistocene loess deposits are intercalated by steppe, forest-steppe and brown forest soils, while the older pedogene horizons are diff erent kinds; these are red, mediterranean-type soils. traditionally, based on its lithology, fi ve main units have been distinguished; the dunaújváros–tápiósüly series and the mende–basaharc series belong to the young loess sediments, the paks i. and paks ii. series belong to the old loess sediments, while the oldest strata of the sequence is part of the dunaföldvár series. this last section consists of thin loess horizons between red (mediterranean-type) paleosols, reddish clays and loess-like deposits, underlain by aeolian red clay. geochemical transfer function soil properties are products of several different factors: climate, time, parent material, relief and organisms (jenny, h. 1941). degree of chemical weathering is dependent on climatic conditions, on parent material and on post depositional addition of fresh mineral dust to the weathering profi le. the geochemical characteristics of hungarian loess deposits are fairly homogeneous (újvári, g. et al. 2008) and the interglacial dust addition could have played only a minor role in the interglacial soil formation in the case of most hungarian paleosoils. in the case of paleosoil samples from the well-dated and documented paks loess-paleosoil series, parent material and relief conditions can be regarded similar along the whole sequence. thus, climate-related paleoweathering conditions have been refl ected in the major elemental geochemical composition of paleosoil samples, and geochemical transfer functions can be applied to derive mean annual precipitation (map) and mean annual temperature (mat) estimates. the quantitative assessment of climatic indicators relies on the selective removal of soluble and mobile elements from the soils compared to the relative enrichment of non-soluble elements. the varga, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 317–326.320 relationship between the xrf-based data and the climatic parameters has been obtained from precipitation, temperature and majorelement data of modern soils from north america. major element data were used as input of the paleoenvironment indicator geochemical transfer functions to quantify mean annual precipitation and temperature (for further details of the method see sheldon, n.d. et al. 2002; and nortd, l.c. and driese, s.g. 2010 and the references therein). the following functions were applied: map-1 = -259.3 ln(∑bases/al) + 759 (sheldon, n.d. et al. 2002), map-2 = -130.9 ln(ca/al) + 467 (sheldon, n.d. et al. 2002), map-3 = 221.1e0.0179×(cia-k), where cia-k = al/(al+na+ca) × 100 (sheldon, n.d. et al. 2002), mat-1 = 46.9 (al/si) + 4 (sheldon, n.d. 2006), mat-2 = -18.5 (k+na)/al + 17.3 (sheldon, n.d. et al. 2002), mat-3 = -2.74 ln(pwi) + 21.39, where pwi = (4.2na + 1.66mg + 5.54k + 2.05ca) × 100 (gallagher, t.m. and sheldon, n.d. 2013). results and discussion the global time frame based on the calculations, we could estimate the exact duration of warm, soil forming periods and defi ne warm, average and cold interglacials. according to the fi ndings, the mis-5e (duration: 18–20 kyr), mis-9e (duration: 16–18 kyr), mis-11c (duration: 26–34 kyr) and mis-15c (duration: 14–20 kyr, but not so intense) periods provided the most suitable paleoenvironmental conditions for intense soil formation in a global context, from a theoretical viewpoint. analyses of loess-paleosoil sequences of hungary have shown a fairly good agreement with these assumptions, but some uncertainties still exist, and most of these obscurities are connected to the older stratigraphic units (figure 1, table 1). – – – – – – (paleo)climate of the studied area present day climate of the region is determined by three competing climatic regimes: (1) atlantic; (2) continental and (3) mediterranean. the mean annual temperature is ~10.5 °c, while the mean annual precipitation is between 600 and 700 mm. to get a proper picture on past climate conditions, paleoclimate transfer functions were used, while the stratigraphic position of the paleosoils were determined based on previously published studies (pécsi, m. and schweitzer, f. 1995; gábris, g. 2007, újvári, g. et al. 2014). the mis-5 pedocomplex (mf2 unit) consist of three parts at several hungarian sites, however the pedogene units cannot be correlated unequivocally with the three mis-5 warmer substages, due to the scarce absolute age data. the mis-7 (bd1 and bd2) and mis-9 (ba) stages are represented by three forest steppe soils. the mis-11 pedocomplex (mb) and the lowermost rubefi ed soils mis19 (pd1), mis-21 (pd2) and mis-23 (pdk) units are thick and well-developed forest soils, formed under a more humid climate compared to the younger pedogene strata. the chronological subdivision of old paleosoils is based on the controversial position of matuyama-brunhes boundary (mis-19), the only reference point, which was placed at the last time in the uppermost part of the pd2 soil (sartori, m. et al. 1999). however, mis-17 was a relatively cold interglacial as it was recorded by global reference curves. from a pedostratigraphic point of view, the discussed soils are well-developed, rubefi ed forest soils representing a warmer phase, a more intense interglacial period. the calculations resulted a mean annual temperature of 10.6–10.7 °c for these soils, while the precipitation values were ranged from 830 to 850 mm/year, suggesting that the pd1 soil cannot be formed during the cold mis-17 stage. according to the studies of basarin, b. et al. (2014) and buggle, b. et al. (2014) mis-17 is represented the by v-s6 fossil cambisol and its iron mineralogical proxies indicate lower temperature and/or more summer precipi321varga, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 317–326. fi g. 1 . g la ci al -i nt er gl ac ia l r ec or d s of th e la st 8 00 k yr . d at a se ri es o f t he fo llo w in g re fe re nc e cu rv es h av e be en u se d in o ur c al cu la ti on s: l r 04 b en th ic s ta ck : i t i s an a ve ra ge o f 5 7 gl ob al ly d is tr ib ut ed b en th ic δ 18 o r ec or d s (l is ie ck i, l .e . a nd r ay m o, m .e . 2 00 5) ; e d c : e pi c a d o m e c ic e co re r ec or d [δ d ] ( e pi c a c om m un it y m em be rs 2 00 4) ; g lt _s yn : s yn th et ic g re en la nd δ 18 o r ec or d , c on st ru ct ed fr om th e e d c r ec or d b as ed o n th e bi po la rse es aw m od el (b ar ke r, s . e t a l. 20 11 ). varga, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 317–326.322 table 1. quantifi ed intensities and diff erences of middle and late pleistocene interglacials based on global reference curves* lr04 benthic δ18o stack age end start duration mean st_mean intensity mis 5a 81 85 4 3.84 0.70 2.80 mis 5c 94 101 7 3.83 0.74 5.20 mis 5e 114 132 18 3.50 1.48 26.59 mis 7a 198 204 6 3.64 1.16 6.95 mis 7c 206 219 13 3.65 1.13 14.73 mis 7e 234 244 10 3.65 1.14 11.39 mis 9c 308 316 8 3.75 0.91 7.24 mis 9e 318 336 18 3.45 1.57 28.27 mis 11c 395 421 26 3.41 1.66 43.26 mis 13a 484 503 19 3.73 0.95 18.08 mis 15a 572 581 9 3.61 1.23 11.08 mis 15c 604 618 14 3.67 1.08 15.16 mis 17 690 704 14 3.67 1.09 15.20 mis 19c 772 790 18 3.69 1.04 18.63 mean 13.14 3.65 1.13 16.04 st. dev. (σ) 6.19 0.13 0.28 10.79 -1σ 6.96 3.52 0.85 5.25 +1σ 19.33 3.78 1.42 26.84 -1/2 σ 10.05 3.59 0.99 10.65 +1/2 σ 16.24 3.71 1.28 21.44 epica dome c ice core record [δd] mis 5a – – – – – – mis 5c – – – – – – mis 5e 114 134 20 -393.13 2.08 41.53 mis 7a 197 203 6 -410.88 0.76 4.54 mis 7c 206 218 12 -407.86 0.98 11.78 mis 7e 237 246 9 -400.19 1.55 13.96 mis 9c 318 320 2 -410.04 0.82 1.64 mis 9e 322 338 16 -396.04 1.86 29.76 mis 11c 391 425 34 -396.23 1.85 62.75 mis 13a 482 499 17 -411.16 0.74 12.52 mis 15a 564 580 16 -404.78 1.21 19.37 mis 15c 603 623 20 -409.30 0.87 17.49 mis 17 688 707 19 -409.34 0.87 16.56 mis 19c 773 786 13 -410.20 0.81 10.50 mean 15.33 -404.93 1.20 20.20 st. dev. (σ) 8.15 6.69 0.50 17.14 -1σ 7.18 -411.62 0.70 3.06 +1σ 23.48 -398.24 1.70 37.34 -1/2σ 11.26 -408.27 0.95 11.63 +1/2σ 19.41 -401.59 1.45 28.77 323varga, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 317–326. table 1. (continued) glt_syn: synthetic greenland δ18o record age end start duration mean st_mean intensity mis 5a – – 0 – – mis 5c – – 0 – – mis 5e 114 130 16 -34.53 2.15 34.35 mis 7a 196 201 5 -37.28 0.65 3.25 mis 7c 204 215 11 -36.62 1.01 11.12 mis 7e 234 243 9 -35.99 1.35 12.16 mis 9c – – 0 – – mis 9e 320 335 15 -35.04 1.87 28.07 mis 11c 391 426 35 -35.27 1.75 61.08 mis 13a 481 499 18 -37.08 0.76 13.60 mis 15a 560 580 20 -36.35 1.16 23.16 mis 15c 604 626 22 -36.37 1.15 25.21 mis 17 686 703 17 -36.77 0.93 15.76 mis 19c 773 789 16 -36.37 1.15 18.35 mean 16.73 -36.15 1.26 22.37 st. dev. (σ) 7.80 0.87 0.47 15.54 -1σ 8.93 -37.02 0.79 6.83 +1σ 24.53 -35.28 1.74 37.92 -1/2σ 12.83 -36.59 1.03 14.60 +1/2σ 20.63 -35.72 1.50 30.15 *colours indicate the deviation by ± 0.5 and 1 σ from the mean values; abbreviations: st_mean: standardized mean; st. dev: standard deviation). tation, an unsuitable condition for rubefi ed brown forest soil formation. contrary to the global loess-paleosoil sequences, the mis-13 and mis-15 soils are not so dominant in the hungarian series. the two brown forest soils and two pseudogley soils could be located only in the paks loess section, but their geochemical data suggest an intense weathering history. according to the calculations, the older paleosoils were formed under a warmer and moister climate compared to the younger pedogene units. the reconstructed paleoprecipitation and paleotemperature values are showing a general trend of weathering intensity decrease (figure 2). conclusions geochemical proxies demonstrate a general decreasing chemical weathering trend over the last 800 kyr in the carpathian basin. this decreasing trend could be caused by (1) less humid and mild interglacials and/or by (2) enhanced erosion of the dust source areas which has resulted an enhanced input of relatively unweathered material. it is worth noting that, the applied proxies are not capable to distinguish preand post-depositional weathering. the younger soils were formed completely from the underlying loess deposits of the preceding glacial periods, and there was no interglacial dust deposition or it could be neglected, while according to previous granulometric studies (e.g. varga, gy. 2011), the diff erent grain size characteristics of the older soils refl ect a largely diff erent depositional system. interglacial dust deposition played a more dominant role during the formation of the red paleosoils; similarly to certain types of red clays. the possibility of signifi cant interglacial aeolian dust deposition is leading to several other questions. according to the classical varga, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 317–326.324 fi g. 2 . g en er al iz ed lo es spa le os oi l s eq ue nc e of h un ga ry a nd it s po ss ib le c or re la ti on w it h be nt hi c δ1 8 o r ec or d s of d ee p se a se d im en ts , a nd th e re su lt s of p al eo cl im at e re co ns tr uc ti on s 325varga, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 317–326. assumption, the loess deposits have been formed from the depositing dust material, while the paleosoils developed from the underlying loess deposits by weak weathering processes. however, intensive interglacial dust accumulation claims a diff erent kind of stratigraphic interpretation. in the fi rst case, when the soils were formed from the underlying deposits, the last period of loess formation could not have been identifi ed as loess layer in the sequence. in the second case, the soils form syngenetically from the falling dust, and all of the changes are represented in the stratigraphic column. from a paleoclimatic viewpoint, these glacial-interglacial shift s and abrupt warmings of glacial climax periods are one of the most interesting research topics. the paleoprecipitation and paleotemperature data of the widely used geochemical climofunctions deserve also further reconsideration. the fi ne-grained populations of deposits are consisting of detrital and secondary particles; only the secondary ones provide relevant information on the environmental properties of the soil formation. by the assessment of the amount of detrital, windblown clay-minerals the result of these reconstructions could be refi ned signifi cantly. acknowledgement: support of the hungarian research fund otka under contract pd108708 is gratefully acknowledged. it was additionally supported by the bolyai jános research scholarship of the hungarian academy of sciences. references barker, s., knorr, g., edwards, r.l., parrenin, f., putnam, a., skinner, l.c., wolff, e. and ziegler, m. 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice 2_wusten.indd 281van der wusten, h. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 281–291.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.64.4.2 hungarian geographical bulletin 64 2015 (4) 281–291. introduction political geographers have spent a lot of time with nationalism and geopolitics. in this paper i return to that legacy and confront it with the ongoing confl ict in ukraine. obviously, the views on this current episode have to be provisional as we deal with a highly volatile situation. i look at nationalism as the manifestation of a shared belief in commonality – past, present and future among large groups of people, far too large to get to know each other personally. as far as geopolitics is concerned i concentrate on geopolitics as a practice by power holders to engage in policies inspired by spatial confi gurations that should either be maintained or altered. political geographers have by no means been the sole interested parties in nationalism and geopolitics. historians, political scientists, sociologists and others were also engaged in their study. this applies to both words although geographers played a relatively prominent role in the case of geopolitics. we can see the general use frequencies of the words ‘nationalism’ and ‘geopolitics’ in the english language literature since 1900 in some graphs derived from google’s set of 5 million digitized books by way of the n-gram viewer (htt ps://books.google.com/ngrams). the curves roughly show the number of times the words have been used per year corrected for the number of books digitized, thus correcting for the continuous increase in the published literature. the curves in fact show scores as moving averages thus suppressing outliers. there are some variations in their precise shapes in this and subsequent fi gures depending on spelling (capitals or not) and adjective forms added (yes or no), but the major features remain the same. the curve for ‘geopolitics’ is shown twice to underline the diff erences between the frequencies in the use of both words (figure 1a) and to provide a more detailed impression of the curve for ‘geopolitics’ (figure 1b). the literature on nationalism is much larger than that on geopolitics as suggested by the scores for the culminating points: top ratimagined communities and practiced geopolitics herman van der wusten1 abstract political geographers have done a lot of work on both ‘nationalism’ and ‘geopolitics’ but they have by no means been the only users of these terms. based on the massive data-set collected by google’s book digitization program the paper fi rst draws a quick picture of the spread of these terms in diff erent languages since 1900. it then provides some analysis of the substance of these terms as used in the social science literature and in political geography in particular. in a next section the current ukrainian confl ict formation is introduced as a case to illustrate the usefulness of these concepts. internal ukrainian relations are taken into account with respect to nationalist sentiment as well as geopolitical practice as well as the contrary geopolitical visions of the major external actors involved. some suggestions on the shift ing signifi cance of nationalism and geopolitics are fi nally made as a consequence of changed circumstances resulting from globalization and the concomitant weakening of the national state as the fi rm foundation of the political order. keywords: nationalism, geopolitics, imagined community, ukraine 1 department of geography, planning & international development studies, university of amsterdam, 1001 nc amsterdam, netherlands pb 15629. e-mail: h.h.vanderwusten@uva.nl van der wusten, h. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 281–291.282 fig. 1b. n-gram ‘geopolitics’ 1900–2008 (english corpus). source: htt ps://books.google.com/ngrams/info fig. 1a. n-gram ‘nationalism’ and ‘geopolitics’ 1900–2008 (english corpus). source: htt ps://books.google.com/ngrams/info ings are more than 30 times higher for nationalism (it is rather improbable that the word nationalism is used much more frequently in books on nationalism than geopolitics in books on that particular subject). but i am more intrigued by the shape of the curves. nationalism has three culminating points in 1943, 1965 and 1998. they apparently refl ect current aff airs more than internal academic developments, notably: nazi inspired expansionist imperialism and world war ii in 1943, the massive process of decolonialisation in 1965, and fi nally the upsurge of ethno-regionalism all across europe and particularly the demise of the ussr and yugoslavia in the 1990s. geopolitics has a sharp culminating point in 1944 and a provisional second high point in 2008, the last year with data. it suggests yet another state of intensifi ed refl ection on the presumed contributors or accompaniments of nazism that sharply diminishes as the war ends and another upsurge of the use of this word in a completely altered context from the 1970s. the more recent growth is still unfi nished but since about 2000 trailing at a high level that is less easy to interpret. nationalism for my recap on nationalism i use two authors: benedict anderson who in fact introduced the notion of imagined communities as the basis for nationalism and robert j. kaiser. anderson fi rst appeared as the wave of studies refl ecting decolonization had come to an end (anderson, b. 1983). kaiser published his ‘geography of nationalism in russia and the ussr’ three years aft er the collapse of the soviet union (kaiser, r.j.1994). he took the major theoretical contributions of the preceding years by e.g. karl w. deutsch (1953), walker connor (1978), anthony d. smith (1986), miroslav hroch (1985) and ernest gellner (1983) and also anderson (1983) into account. nations, so anderson, are necessarily imagined communities; they are much too large to allow mutual personal acquaintance for all individuals supposedly belonging to the community. the nation is necessarily imaginary but the image may be strong. anderson considers the printing press and territorial government to be the major initial foundations of the emergence of the national idea. the nation is a fruit of the late 18th century. the press stimulates the standardisation of a writt en language, provides a more or less uniform perspective on the world and introduces its readership to a nearly simultane283van der wusten, h. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 281–291. ous, frequently repeated example of that perspective. territorial government implies the demarcation of administrative boundaries and thereby determines the spatial range of the use of administrative languages plus the trajectories of the professional careers of those in state employment. the resulting nations are imagined maximally autonomous. this idea has become the central vehicle for nationalist ideologies and social movements in the past two centuries. obviously, media and governing had already strongly changed by 1983 and have transformed since by the impact of globalization. anderson himself has taken this into account by introducing the notion of long distance nationalism (anderson, b. 1992). it refers to instances of migrant communities that despite their stable new residence quite far away from their places of origin maintain intimate links with their homeland over the longer term. they occasionally engage in extremism if their original imagined community is deemed in danger. he considers this as one consequence of globalisation enabling such contacts and the practicing of ideas uninhibited by constraints in the real old country. while this may be true the effects of globalization should not be overestimated. irish 19th century nationalism was already nurtured to a major extent by irish americans (van der wusten, h. 1980). robert j. kaiser in his turn was mainly concerned with the ussr including russia. but he started with a theoretical chapter on the meaning of homeland in the study of nationalism that draws the linkages between nation/ nationalism and territory. nationalism, once activated as an ideology and a movement, pursues the control of a homeland. since the bolchevik revolution kaiser found rivalry between a set of emerging nationalisms connected to the territories of the administrative divisions of the ussr with governments that had at least some socio-cultural competences and an overarching soviet community not to be called a nation for ideological reasons but very similar in kind. in the end the lower level nationalisms turned out to be more successful and caused the demise of the entire structure. the creation and acceptance of ethnic elites in the diff erent parts of the federal structures and their mobilizing capacities based on growing levels of modernization doomed the entire edifi ce. a major part of the explanation is the wrong diagnosis and prognosis from lenin onwards that the diverse national feelings in the ussr could and should be accommodated in the constitutional structure of the state by means of a notional federalism. these national feelings would be undermined and wither away as a result of the modernization of soviet society in its communist mould directed by the party. in actual fact the privileges provided by the structure of government following the (con)federal constitution to the various majority populations in the diff erent administrative entities created the opportunities for multiple nation-building processes that overturned the system by ruining the unity of the party. it was in many respects the replay of the demise of the austro-hungarian empire by the loss of the civil and military imperial organs against the various nationalisms in the regions (see joseph roth’s radetzkymarsch [1932] for a literary representation of the process). it was the example that lenin was trying to avoid at all cost, in vain. within all the administrative divisions there were ethnic minority populations. the proportions of russians in particular were oft en signifi cant. russians of course held special positions as members of the principal nationality of the ussr and in many cases the professional elites in the various regions. it could have been an option for many people with a diff erent ethnic background to ‘russify’ but particularly aft er 1945 this trajectory was taken by relatively few people. although it was by then encouraged by the centre and profi ciency in russian was very important for social improvement, people mostly learned russian as a second language only and did not opt for full ‘russifi cation’. while the idea of one soviet people became increasingly ephemeral and most people looked to van der wusten, h. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 281–291.284 their various national homelands as their primary place of belonging, russians in particular could well hesitate between a national russian homeland or the entire ussr as their national homeland. since 1991, on the former territory of the ussr, the territorial expression of the new state system, the very defi nition of the homeland in nationalist parlance, has repeatedly been strongly contested. in kaiser’s analysis of the last stages of the ussr and its disappearance, it looked too much as if the physical containers of the diff erent nationalities had all been suffi ciently strongly constructed for the homelands to emerge and provide stable residences into the future. ukraine is the most recent dramatic counterexample. geopolitics geographers used to look at geopolitics as their own renegade and more recently perhaps more as their prodigal son but this has always been wrong. from the very beginning it was a concept also nurtured outside geography. kjellén, its main inventor was a jurist with political science inclinations. he fi rst introduced the word geopolitics in a paper in swedish published in 1899, its most elaborate and famous treatment is in 1917 in german (holdar, s. 1994; kjellén, r. 1917). we can again follow the evolution of the use of the concept, now in diff erent languages, via ngrams from the google dataset (figure 2). obviously, not quite correctly we read the corpora of books in diff erent languages here as a refl ection of the interests in the predominant countries using that language. it is possible to make a distinction between american and british english but it does not show important diff erences in the nature of the curves so we consider the curve for english language books as a refl ection of the us and the uk together. the curves in figure 2 show that the word geopolitics fi rst took off in germany, particularly aft er the end of world war i and reached its highest rating in 1934. the use frequency then fell off sharply just aft er hitler had come to power in germany. despite clear signs of collaboration with the nazis well into the new war from the side of the protagonists of geopolitics, the signifi cance of geopolitics fell off sharply within germany until the end of the war. at the same time world war ii unchained a geopolitical literature in the anglo-saxon countries mostly in response to german geopolitics and very oft en highly critical vastly overestimating its signifi cance in the german war eff ort. compared to the german use frequencies it remained small. from the 1970s there was a resurgence of interest in geopolitics apparently starting in france and growing at a relatively steep rate. france has remained the most sustained growth area for geopolitical discourse until the end of the period (figure 3). in the 1980s fi rst in chinese and then in russian a steep growth curve of the use of the term geopolitics can be discerned. for comparative purposes the english language curve has again been added. it is here again pictured on a diff erent scale. while both dominating states in these language groups (china and the ussr/russian federation) found themselves in much altered international positions during these years they fig. 2. n-grams geopolitics german, english french 1900–2008. source: htt ps://books.google.com/ ngrams/info 285van der wusten, h. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 281–291. quickly adapted to the renewed popularity of geopolitics in the west but presumably used it for their own purposes. the particularly steep chinese growth rate is intriguing. i will briefl y return to the russian curve in the context of the ukrainian case. one way to quickly summarize the temporal trend in the shift ing central interests of geopolitics may be gleaned from the perusal of works from diff erent periods. i use three sets of authors: fi rst mackinder and haushofer, subsequently dij kink and paasi and fi nally o’loughlin, toal and kolossov. one important diff erentiating point is how geopolitics connects with nationalism in these works from the pre-1945 period, the 1990s and the current era. shortly aft er kjellén had put the term geopolitics to use in 1899, mackinder painted the fi rst version of his celebrated thesis on the increasing importance of the eurasian core as the pivot of the world (mackinder, h.j. 1904). its importance was increasing, he said, because of the shift ing balance in transport opportunities across sea lanes and train tracks with the tracks gett ing the upper hand. his views became a source of inspiration for karl haushofer who used the term geopolitics for his further deliberations on the subject. haushofer dealt with the macro-regional distribution of power and infl uence in the world, with the position of japan and the evolution of policies regarding the pacifi c and most of all with the reparation of germany’s position as a great power after the versailles treaty (haushofer, k. et al. 1928). while mackinder was undoubtedly primarily concerned with the position of britain in the new global spatial constellation that he saw coming, haushofer’s perspective was primarily drawn to the issue of germany’s fate aft er a new global spatial constellation had arisen as the outcome of world war i. in mackinder’s view britain was the british nation (with a certain acceptance of internal diff erentiation in english, scott ish, welsh and irish) and a reserved huge outdoor area parcelled across the world, altogether the british empire. this was the great power and the question was how it could be preserved under the new circumstances. in haushofer’s view germany, in versailles, was bereft of a signifi cant part of the homeland of the german nation and it did no longer play a role across the globe in territorial terms. it had lost its own outdoor area. it did no longer belong to the restricted club of great powers. these powers were the signifi cant geopolitical actors and germany’s status as one of them should be restored. in this perspective there is in the end no place for geopolitical actors outside these restricted few. nationalism within the state central to the great power may be a source of inspiration for the great powers’ geopolitics, in other cases nations may serve as stabilizers or contestants of existing state constructions but they do not play in the practiced geopolitics of these states as the conduct of great power politics lies ultimately in the hands of a restricted set of power holders and is largely constrained by a set of physical conditions. taking some leafs from the folder of critical geopolitics as developed by agnew, o’tuathail, dalby and others (o’tuathail, g. and agnew, j. 1992, dalby, s. and o’tuathail, g. 1998), dijkink and paasi fig. 3. n-grams geopolitics chinese, russian, english 1900–2008. source: htt ps://books.google.com/ngrams/info van der wusten, h. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 281–291.286 have in the later 1990s indicated the way in which nationalism expressed in feelings of national identity on the one hand and geopolitical visions and practiced geopolitics on the other are co-constituted over time in a long process of shared experience. dij kink reconstructed the maps of pride and pain as he calls them for eight diff erent countries (dij kink, g.j.w. 1996), paasi considered the consequences of finnish territorial loss for its geopolitical practice and national identity (paasi, a. 1996). state actors have here been deconstructed in a series of policy makers, their institutions and the fi ne grained enormous body of opinions that goes under the title of public opinion. it has been generally recognised that all sorts of representations held by these various actors result in visions and practices regarding territories. at the same time all these people supposedly share to some extent a sense of commonality that evolves in the imagined community which forms the mainstay of nationalism. this nationalism channels the visions, the visions enrich the commonality. in the last couple of years o’loughlin, kolossov and toal have extensively studied a large number of territorial confl icts on the territory of the former ussr (o’loughlin, j., kolossov, v. and toal, g. 2011; o’loughlin, j., toal, g. and chamberlain-chenga, r. 2013; toal, g. and o’loughlin, j. 2013a,b). ethno-national rivalries play out generally but there are other issues as well: religion, nostalgia of the soviet past. a recurring feature in many of their surveys is the widespread positive memory of the soviet era. a number of issues between confl icting parties have been frozen in a state of suspended confl ict resolution. despite the ethno-national identifi cation of many of the issues and the main protagonists, massive mobilisation is generally low. the central russian government acts as a kind of arbiter on its own territory and in the surrounding zones with the aim to remain the predominant and indispensible power. it results in semi-sovereign, feeble governing constructions that may nonetheless long survive. this form of negligent supremacy used to be called suzerainty in earlier great power days. nationalism may be instrumentally called upon for a while but the ultimately relevant actor is the presumed great power brought to life by a small set of closely connected institutions (intelligence services, police, military) (o’loughlin, j., kolossov, v. and toal, g. 2011). in sum, practiced geopolitics has been the preserve of diff erent actors over time. as geopolitics emerged it was mainly, sometimes exclusively considered the business of great powers. within a great power nationalism was an important conditioning factor, but certainly not the only one. more recently, as nationalism had spread throughout the world resulting in the process of decolonisation, the potential power of imagined national communities was sharper realised. there was a degree of recognition of all states as principally equal partners and a universal and intimate relation of imagined communities and practiced geopolitics was more or less assumed. now, on the territory of the former ussr eff orts are made to restore a spatial constellation of geopolitical relations very much like that within the great power constructions of the past. this is to repair ‘the greatest geopolitical disaster of the 20th century’ as putin has called it since 2005. for russia to play its full role in the new league, the disaster damage has to be repaired and the old foe, the us and the new potential, the eu, kept at bay. ukraine in light of imagined communities and practiced geopolitics the current ukraine conflict formation was initiated when president yanukovych abruptly suspended the fi nal preparations for the signing of the eu-ukraine association agreement under russian pressure. this was followed by mass protests at fi rst limited to a central square in kiev (maidan) and a further series of dramatic episodes – a widening of the protests across the country, the fl ight of yanukovych, the reincorporation of crimea 287van der wusten, h. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 281–291. in the russian federation, the att empts at revolt against ‘kiev’ in east ukraine notably donetsk and lukhansk, the ukrainian military campaign against separatist territory and the diff erent kinds of support from the side of russia, the diplomatic eff ort and the monitoring by the osce. a recent paper in this journal (karácsonyi, d. et al. 2014, 99–134) has some very interesting maps (particularly 13, 14) on the early part of the confl ict. one astounding feature – astounding for the suggested initial density of these items – is the number of lenin monuments destroyed between november 2013 and february 2014 in major parts of the country though less frequently in the west (where such monuments had already been removed in earlier years) and in the east where they apparently were left alone. surprisingly, the map shows a number of such destructions in crimea. in further comments based on the previous sections i will particularly focus on the apparent relevance and manifestation of ukrainian nationalism in the ongoing confl ict and thereaft er add some comments on the apparent geopolitical visions inspiring the practiced geopolitics of the three most immediate external powers: russia, the us and the eu. in late 1991 the ukrainian leadership was a main contender in the anti-gorbachev compact that fi nally secured the dissolution of the ussr. ukraine became an independent state. apparently kaiser‘s model of ethnic nationalism also applied to the ukraine. but there had always been language diff erences between west and east ukraine, also variations in the geographical distribution of groups with a different ethnic status. the regions of ukraine had been variously involved in industrialisation and urbanisation and in the blood-lands episodes of the 1930s and 1940s (snyder, t. 2010). in addition, ukraine‘s current territory has a checkered earlier territorial history (jansen, m. 2014). allegiance to a unitary ukrainian state is more widespread in the west and among the bett er educated and younger age groups but it is uncertain to what extent this is generally based on strong nationalism. it may just as well result from a preference to be unequivocally part of the west. karácsonyi et al. provide a detailed overview of the east–west dichotomy in ukraine (karácsonyi, d. et al. 2014, 99–134). they consider the current east–west political fault line as conditioned by earlier physical, cultural and socio-economic geographical variation. similar diff erences can be found in other post communist societies, but in ukraine they are expressed in unusually strong regional variations. in the end they do not interpret the ukrainian confl ict as an example of the clash of civilizations that huntington foresaw (huntington, s. 1993). in the maidan protests there was a diversity of views. the initial protesters and always a strong fraction in the subsequent stages were interested in a more open society where the law would be respected, democracy taken seriously, pervasive corruption would be countered and a free entrepreneurial spirit would be encouraged. nationalism was not an end to pursue, but some form of national unity would be needed to accomplish the real aims. this was the non violent part of the protest. but other fractions were primarily interested in the realisation of the nation in one of its available versions accepting one of its diff erent founding myths. this gave rise to violent forms of protest, armaments and tight organisation in the end leading to the diff erent voluntary batallions that took part in the ukrainian military campaign. some of the initial non violent protesters also became part of new ukrainian batallions opposing the separatists and russian forces, notably some driven from their homes in separatist held territory who gathered in the donbass batallion. eff orts have been made to incorporate all of them in the standing army but this has occasionally been resisted for ideological reasons as well as for the meagre facilities that the regular army is able to provide. there have apparently been successes over time but there are also signs of armed resistance by fi ghters returned from the front line against the kiev regime. in fact there is a whole variety of subsequent situations, reactions and loyalties with many lives disrupted by traumatic experiences (schueller, k. 2015). van der wusten, h. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 281–291.288 in their latest survey toal and o’loughlin have found levels of allegiance to ukraine by implication, asking for the att itudes of their respondents to the notion of novorossiya. their surveys were held in crimea and in the six oblasts that together with lukhansk and donetsk (too insecure to provide reliable responses at the time) form the region that has by the russian side been labelled novorossiya for a while. the results show a very low level of ukrainian allegiance in crimea but much higher levels in all the six south-eastern oblasts with a bit more hesitance in kharkiv and odessa than elsewhere. other research from the end of 2013 shows low levels of ukrainian allegiance in the city of lukhansk but relatively higher levels among the local young and the bett er educated (toal, g. and o’loughlin, j. 2015). if any national feeling toward their newly launched republics has been accomplished in those parts of the donetsk and lukhansk oblasts that are under rebel control, is an open question. the rebels have never been a completely united force and there have been serious incidents of local chiefs eliminated by others in att empts to gain ground. other confl icts opposed volunteers arrived from russia and indigenous leaders. a story written during the early part of the ukrainian campaign in june 2014 provides an overview (schueller, k. 2014). although later on the collection of participants shifted slightly, the story remained essentially the same. there is not much evidence of great popular enthusiasm. the general feeling seems to be more oriented towards an ending of the violence from all sides than anything else and a widespread nostalgia to the stability of soviet times. the networks of the oligarchs who have controlled major parts of the region for many years are apparently still partly intact. the practiced geopolitics in the ukraine case are by no means only those of the ukrainian contenders. major roles are played by the eu (also in this case largely but not completely guided by german diplomacy). its performance as a negotiating party in the association agreement with ukraine was of central importance in sett ing the conditions for the confl ict formation. the russian federation actively opposed the agreement, was already deeply involved in ukrainian politics and then steeply escalated the crisis by taking possession of the crimea and taking an active part in the armed rebellion in eastern ukraine from spring 2014. the us acted as the great power always deemed indispensable by many of its european partners and in the end oft en ready for activist intervention at least at the diplomatic level and with repeated public references to military options at least by congressional politicians. eu, russia and us carry dominant geopolitical visions that provide general guidance and in fact show contrary tendencies. the eu’s geopolitical vision for its adjacent zone in the east and the south had been from 2004 the so called european neighbourhood policy (enp). it was inspired by the notion that instead of future membership of the union it would be bett er to develop good neighbour relations. the eu would play the benevolent partner helping the neighbours on a trajectory toward more convergence with eu norms. this would create peace and stability across its borders. the association agreement was the latest step in that direction as regards ukraine. the current ukraine confl ict ensued. elsewhere in the zone of the european neighbourhood policy the syrian war and the continuing libyan crisis aft er khadaffi ’s disappearance show no signs of subsiding. for a long period already the eu is additionally confronted with unmanageable immigration movements arriving through and from its zone of neighbours culminating in the current large scale disaster. the enp is now being revamped but the problems to overcome are clearly immense (the most recent self report on this re-orientation is htt p:// eeas.europa.eu/top_ stories/2015/300615_enpconsultation_en.htm ). in the russian federation geopolitics has won quite some traction since the demise of the ussr as we saw earlier in de google based graphs. now that russia found itself 289van der wusten, h. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 281–291. in circumstances comparable to the german position aft er world war i, it was att ractive to follow in haushofer’s footsteps. geopolitical visions of russia’s fate in the contemporary world based on classical german geopolitics were combined with the indigenous notion of russia as the unique combination of european and asian features due to its geographical position developed by geographers and others before the revolution and then mainly continued in the circles of emigrants. one early protagonist was alexander dugin who has been a steady inspiration for others but who has also provoked much resistance (dugin, a. 1997). long considered a weird, local voice (he is hardly taken seriously in trenin, d. [2002], a prominent voice at the time in these matt ers), he got an international following in more recent years mostly in extreme right circles by his strong advocacy of resistance against anglo-saxon capitalism. knowledgeable observers call him a fascist. dugin has for many years taken radical positions vis à vis ukraine re-commending its wholesale incorporation in the russian federation. putin has proposed his geopolitical disaster thesis of the ussr since 2005. particularly aft er the repossession of the crimea he has on a few occasions engaged in geopolitical visions inspired by these autocratic tsarist and eurasianist notions mixing ethno-national, orthodox and territorial notions. it is a vision with high risk implications for a peaceful resolution of the ukraine situation as long as its potential claims for a further occupation of some version of novorossiya not to speak of the political position of other former parts of the ussr are not put on ice. it is by no means certain with how much conviction such visions are now put forward by russia’s power holders. for the time being they have aroused considerable popular support. but even their mere announcement creates further problems for russia’s strained economy that does not allow it to perform as a great power for any sustained period of time. in autumn 2015 the emphasis in russian foreign policy abruptly shift ed to syria and the middle east. in ukraine a cease fi re, fi nally, seemed to take hold, apparently facilitated by an enhanced willingness for compromise solutions from the side of various parties, but the situation remains highly volatile. in us policy-making circles, there are still remnants of the memory of world war ii when the geopolitical vision on how to prevail against the german and japanese threats was developed. in my view, nicholas spykman’s american’s strategy in world politics. the us and the balance of power (spykman, n. 1942) is a key text on the subject that has unjustly been a bit forgott en despite a reprint in 2007. the book was published just aft er pearl harbour. it reacted to the global situation but also looked beyond the war’s end. spykman stated in no uncertain terms that the us aft er winning the war under no circumstances should withdraw completely from the eurasian rimlands and in particular from the industrial concentrations in and around germany and japan. it would need to play a permanent role in the balance of power in those areas. this was when the ussr was an ally. in the end the us remained present on the eastern shores of the atlantic and the western shores of the pacifi c. in the west practiced geopolitics subsequently resulted in nato. as the cold war receded nato was retained, and eventually extended across much of eastern europe not in the least upon the request of countries that had recently lost the overlordship of the ussr. it was apparently not only this series of requests that rolled nato forward (seen from the russian perspective). it was also america’s need to affi rm that the cold war had a winner. russia was given some consulting role in nato that was clearly insuffi cient to prevent the souring of relations. the osce was instituted as a new all-european platform including the us and canada but it remained a prett y weak organization. it could have been otherwise. nato could have withered away and osce developed as the assurance of american presence in europe. aft er all, spykman’s aim had not van der wusten, h. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 281–291.290 been a bloc, but a balance of power. such a course could perhaps have altered the calculations on the other side. this is certainly a highly contentious issue across europe as the relevant assessments will certainly diff er between east and west europe. under the circumstances the americans perceive the ukraine situation largely through a nato lens while the osce, that does the diffi cult work on the ground, could use more generous backing. final remarks i close with three notions that i got out of all this: nationalism, benedict anderson wrote, was a question of imagined communities and they were the basis for a preference for absolute political autonomy: the nation state. these communities won out over other communities due to the printing press and territorial government. now, the predominance of printing press and territorial government has in many places subsided, social media and governance has emerged. perhaps, the dominance of politically relevant nationalism is also somewhat receding, with religiously based, sports based and other commonalities competing fi ercely for primary att ention and allegiance. it is globalisation that has transformed the media environment and relativises territorial government and thus undermines the conditions for nationalism. but at the same time globalisation undermines general conditions of existential stability and thereby unleashes att empts to restore the certainties of yesteryear, e.g. the imagined national community. the final outcome of this dual process is highly contingent. as territorial government becomes enmeshed in a cloud of governance by all kinds of governing arrangements occupied with diff erent kinds of governors and subjects and a nationalist ideology is no longer the self-evident vessel for a geopolitical vision, geopolitical visions may well become more ephemeral and temporary; and their adherence may crumble. the transition to more diff erentiated systems of governance implies a multiplication of geopolitical practices. this may well result in irresolvable knots of competence rivalry that inhibit more or less harmonious social development. such transitions are, however, actively resisted by authoritarian regimes that suppress diversity and impose simplifi cation thus also harming smooth social functioning. avoiding these two unsatisfactory states of aff airs is the true art of contemporary politics. references anderson, b. 1983. imagined communities: refl ections on the origin and spread of nationalism. london, verso. anderson, b. 1992. long-distance nationalism: world capitalism and the rise of identity politics. wertheim lecture. amsterdam, casa. connor, w. 1978. a nation is a nation, is a state, is an ethnic group, is a … ethnic and racial studies 1. 377–400. dalby, s. and o’tuathail, g. (eds.) 1998. rethinking geopolitics. london, routledge. deutsch, k.w. 1953. nationalism and social communication. cambridge, mass., mit press. dij kink, g.j.w. 1996. national identity and geopolitical visions: maps of pride and pain. routledge, london dugin, a. 1997. osnovy geopolitiki: geopoliticheskoe budushchee rossii (the foundations of geopolitics: the geopolitical future of russia). moscow, arktogeia. european external action service 2015. revision enp: http://eeas.europa.eu/top_stories/2015 /300615_enp-consultation_en.htm gellner, e. 1983. nations and nationalism. ithaca, cornell university press. haushofer, k., obst, e., lautensach, h. and maull, o. 1928. bausteine zur geopolitik. berlin, kurt vowinckel verlag, berlin. holdar, s. 1994. lemmas geopolitik – origins and kjellén, rudolf. in dictionary of geopolitics. ed.: o’loughlin, j., westport, greenwood press, 93–95, 138–142. hroch, m. 1985. social preconditions of national revival in europe. cambridge university press, cambridge. huntington, s. 1993. the clash of civilizations? foreign aff airs 72. (3): 22–49. jansen, m. 2014. grensland. een geschiedenis van oekraïne. amsterdam, van oorschot. kaiser, r.j. 1994. the geography of nationalism in russia and the ussr. princeton, n.j., princeton university press. 291van der wusten, h. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 281–291. karácsonyi, d., kocsis, k., kovály, k., molnár, j. and póti, l. 2014. east–west dichotomy and political confl ict in ukraine – was huntington right? hungarian geographical bulletin 63. (2): 99–134. kjellén, r. 1917. der staat als lebensform. leipzig, s. hirzel. mackinder, h.j. 1904. the geographical pivot of history. geographical journal 23.421–437. n-gram viewer: htt ps://books.google.com/ngrams o’loughlin, j., kolossov, v. and toal, g. 2011. inside abkhazia: survey of att itudes in a de facto state. post-soviet aff airs 27. (1): 1–36. o’loughlin, j., toal, g. and chamberlain-chenga, r. 2013. divided space, divided attitudes? a comparative analysis of simultaneous surveys in the republics of moldova and pridnestrovie (transnistria). eurasian geography and economics 54. (2): 227–258. o’tuathail, g. and agnew, j. 1992. geopolitics and discourse: practical geopolitical reasoning and american foreign policy. political geography 11. 190–204. paasi, a. 1996. territories, boundaries and consciousness. the changing geographies of the finnish-russian border. chichester, john wiley. roth, j. 1932. radetzkymarsch. berlin, gustav kiepenheuer verlag. schueller, k. 2014. mehr grenzen als grenzer. frankfurter allgemeine zeitung 11.06.2014 htt p:// www.faz.net/aktuell/politik/ausland/europa/ostukraine-mehr-grenzen-als-grenzer-1282579. html schueller, k. 2015. der krieg verändert sie alle. frankfurter allgemeine zeitung 12.09.2015. htt p://www. faz.net/aktuell/politik/ausland/europa/krieg-in-derukraine-besuch-im-donbass-bataillon-13797806. html?printpagedarticle=true#pageindex_2 smith, a.d. 1986. the ethnic origin of nations. oxford, blackwell. snyder, t. 2010. bloodlands. europe between hitler and stalin. new york, basic books. spykman, n. 1942. america’s strategy in world politics. the us and the balance of power. new york, harcourt, brace & co. toal, g. and o’loughlin, j. 2013a. land for peace in nagorny karabakh? political geographies and public att itudes inside a de facto state. territory, politics, governance 1. (2): 158–182. toal, g. and o’loughlin, j. 2013b. inside south ossetia: survey of att itudes in a de facto state. post-soviet aff airs 29. (2): 136–172. toal, g. and o’loughlin, j. 2015. blogpost washington post on s.e. ukraine, 25 may 2015: htt ps://www. wa s h i n g t o n p o s t . c o m / b l o g s / m o n k e y c a g e / wp/2015/05/25/what-people-in-southeast-ukrainereally-think-of-novorossiya/ trenin, d. 2002. the end of eurasia. russia on the border between geopolitics and globalization. washington moscow, carnegie endowment for international peace. van der wusten, h. 1980. the united kingdom and its irish contenders (1800-1922). netherlands journal of sociology 16. 171–184. van der wusten, h. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 281–291.292 minsk and budapest, the two capital cities edited by lászló jeney and dávid karácsonyi department of economic geography and futures studies, corvinus university of budapest; geographical institute rcaes has; faculty of geography, belarusian state university; institute for nature management, national academy of sciences of belarus budapest, 2015. 194 p. while budapest used to be the bridge between the west and east in central europe, minsk seems to be in a similar role between the russian and the eu–polish infl uence zones. it means that both capitals are situated on the frontiers between the euro-atlantic and the euro-asian macro regions. besides their situations, their similarity in size renders the comparison and the cooperation obvious to proceed. this book is based on the mutual co-operation of hungarian and belarussian geographers and gives a scientifi c outlook not only on the socioeconomic development of the two cities but on the urban climate, environment and ecology as well. hungarian authors of the book introduce budapest as a central european metropolis with its historical trajectories and the results of the post-socialist transformation. they also demonstrate the main features of large housing estates and the results of their rehabilitation. authors from belarus show the major issues of spatial structure planning of minsk in a similar context, describing the past and the present changes taking place in the spatial structure of the metropolis. the integrated assessment of the state of urban environment in minsk is examined also focusing on the ecological frame of the environmental planning in urban agglomerations. the volume serves as a good starting point of a fruitful co-operation between belarussian and hungarian geographers dealing with a social and physical urban environment, the state of which deserves extra att ention especially in east central and eastern europe. copies are available: library, geographical institute of rcaes has, h-1112 budapest, budaörsi u. 44. e-mail: magyar.arpad@csfk .mta.hu << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice 95book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 87–94. bacsi, zsuzsanna (keszthely) bagoly-simó, péter (berlin) bakacsi, zsófia (budapest) balatonyi, lászló (budapest) barcza, zoltán (budapest) bartlomiej, glina (poznań) basik, sergei (kitchener) beke, szilvia (gyula) benedek, józsef (cluj-napoca) benkhard, borbála (debrecen) bogdan-andrei, mihai (bucharest) bončina, andrej (ljubljana) boros, lajos (szeged) bottlik, zsolt (budapest) caleb, melenya (kumasi) cholii, serhiy (kyiv) csapó, jános (pécs) csomós, györgy (debrecen) czapiewski, konrad (warsaw) dadashpoor, hashem (tehran) dallen, timothy (phoenix) dezső, zsuzsanna (budapest) dick, jan (edinburgh) dragićević, slavoljub (belgrade) dusek, tamás (győr) egri, zoltán (szarvas) erőss, ágnes (budapest) falk, martin (bø) ficsor, johanna (baja) folinas, sotiris (thessaly) gál, tamás (szeged) garcía-arnay, ángel (zaragoza) gartner, georg (vienna) gavrilov, milivoj b. (novi sad) getzner, michael (vienna) glamuzina, nikola (split) gulyás, ágnes (szeged) gyenizse, péter (pécs) halász, levente (budapest) halbac-cotoara-zamfir, rares (timişoara) halmai, ákos (pécs) hanus, martin (prague) harangozó, gábor (budapest) haszpra, lászló (sopron) hegedűs, andrás (miskolc) hegedűs, gábor (szeged) manuscript reviewers 2020–2022 the editors of the hungarian geographical bulletin would like to thank the following experts who have offered their assistance in reviewing manuscript submissions to our journal issues between number 1 in 2020 and number 4 in 2022. their efforts and useful comments have been of great service for the authors and the journal. hofierka, jaro (košice) holec, juraj (bratislava) hruška, vladan (ústí nad labem) hurbánek, pavol (ružomberok) irimiás, anna (budapest) jakobi, ákos (budapest) jordan, peter (vienna) karácsonyi, dávid (budapest) kertész, ádám (budapest) keve, gábor (baja) kevický, dominik (brno) kis, anna (budapest) kiss, andrás (amsterdam) kiss, edit éva (budapest) koderman, miha (koper) k o l o s s v ár y, endre (budapest) kovács, ferenc (szeged) kovalcsik, tamás (szeged) kraft, stanislav (české budějovice) kržič, aleksandra (belgrade) kundu, debolina (new delhi) labancz, viktória (gödöllő) lakatos, mónika (budapest) laskowska, iwona (łódź) lászló, péter (budapest) lemenkova, polina (brussels) lemos, fernando (guarda) lengyel, balázs (budapest) maier, günther (vienna) majo, juraj (bratislava) mamadouh, virginie djemila (amsterdam) matlovič, rené (prešov) michalkó, gábor (budapest) mika, jános (eger) mucsi, lászló (szeged) nagy, egon (cluj-napoca) nagy, erika (budapest) nagy, gábor (budapest) németh, károly (palmerston north) németh, krisztina (budapest) novák, tibor (debrecen) oranje, mark (pretoria) ouředníček, martin (prague) parajka, juraj (vienna) patkós, csaba (eger) penížek, vit (prague) pénzes, jános (debrecen) petiška, eduard (prague) petrović, aleksandar (belgrade) pirisi, gábor (pécs) preda, mihaela (bucharest) raška, pavel (ústí nad labem) repe, blaž (ljubjana) rizzo, raffaela gabriella (brescia) sági, mirjam (budapest) sarkadi, noémi (pécs) scherrer, daniel (lausanne) schwarz, ulrich (vienna) sebestyénné szép, tekla (miskolc) sipos, györgy (szeged) skarbit, nóra (szeged) skokanová, hana (brno) sonuç, nil (izmir) staníčkova, michaela (ostrava) šulc, ivan (zagreb) šuška, pavel (bratislava) sütő, lászló (eger) svobodá, hana (brno) szabó, balázs (budapest) szabó, györgy (debrecen) szabó, péter (brno) szabó, szilárd (debrecen) szalai, ádám (szeged) szalai, zoltán (budapest) szemethy, lászló (pécs) szigeti, cecília (győr) szilassi, péter (szeged) tarasov, ilya (kaliningrad) tátrai, patrik (budapest) telbisz, tamás (budapest) tolesh, fariza (astana) torma, csaba (budapest) tóth, gergő (budapest) tóth, géza (budapest) tulumello, simone (lisbon) turok, ivan (cape town) ujházy, noémi (budapest) uzzoli, annamária (budapest) vacca, andrea (cagliari) vida, györgy (szeged) zawilińska, bernadetta (kraków) ženka, jan (ostrava) zizala, daniel (prague) stanilov, k. and sýkora, l. (eds.): confronting suburbanization. urban decentralization in postsocialist central and eastern europe 457 l i t e r a t u r e hungarian geographical bulletin 63 (4) (2014) pp. 457–464. stanilov, k. and sýkora, l. (eds.): confronting suburbanization. urban decentralization in postsocialist central and eastern europe. wiley blackwell, chichester, 360 p. the book focuses on the process of suburbanization that has been perhaps the most spectacular spatial phenomenon of urban restructuring in post-socialist countries. it provides a detailed overview about the migration from core cities to suburbs, the reasons and consequences of suburbanization, and the common features and distinctive characteristics of the process in the post-socialist cities. in addition, it explores the impact of the globalization, the eu-enlargement, the fi nancial crisis and the role of local authorities, investors, and inhabitants. although single papers have been excessively published on suburbanization in individual cities in post-socialist central and eastern europe, however, this is the fi rst attempt to evaluate suburbanization from a comparative perspective in the region. the structure of the book follows the traditions: an introductory and two summarizing chapters were writt en by the two editors, kiril stanilov and ludek sýkora. in between the reader fi nds seven case studies about the capital cities of central and eastern europe. the introductory chapter argues that the main factors of rapid suburbanization were the privatization of state assets, the deregulation of economic activities, and the decentralization. these reforms (implemented right aft er the change of regime) created favourable conditions for the rapid sprawl of population, services, and commerce. the concluding chapters and the case studies equally emphasize the importance of national policies (e.g. privatization) and local authorities. in the early phase of transition suburbanization was triggered by the mass provision of land by suburban municipali458 ties causing substantial population loss in big cities. the eu-enlargement brought about signifi cant changes because the countries had to establish their regional authorities and environmental policies and regulations had to be developed in line with eu standards. the eff ects of the urban sprawl, however, did not always reach an alert line on behalf of public authorities; therefore, policy responses were either late or completely missing. the authors claim that if suburbanization is lessening, it is mainly due to market forces, like the fi nancial crisis or the urban rehabilitation programs that increased the supply of high quality inner-city dwelling stock. the case studies were prepared according to a common methodology. the authors fi rst put the suburbanization in its historical context, summarizing the pre-socialist and state socialist periods. this is followed by an introduction of the post-socialist processes. not only the suburbanization of population, but of trade, services and other functions are analyzed. the role of the diff erent actors like public authorities, urban developers, planners and the market is also explored. the common structure makes the individual chapters very transparent and comparable. the case example of ljubljana presented by pichler-milanović, n. demonstrates that the deregulation, the lack of coherent strategy, and the inadequate cooperation of local governments have a lot of negative eff ects. despite the negative consequences of the urban sprawl, suburbanization has proved to be sustainable in ljubljana. this is explained by the dispersed patt ern of the sett lement system, the spread of energy-effi cient construction, and the improvements in sewage facilities. the metropolitan area of prague is highly fragmented (more than 200 sett lements) which would require greater cooperation among the suburban localities. however, during the transition period, a competition began among the local governments for att racting new jobs and residents. the lack of competence at higher administrative levels resulted in negative consequences as far as the authors of the case study, ludek sýkora and ondrej muliček claim. the priorities in prague’s metropolitan region were the improvement of transport connections and the construction of roads, while the environmental issues were completely neglected. the heterogeneity of the agglomeration zone is one of the main characteristics of the sofi a metropolitan area. according to the authors, kiril stanilov and sonia hirt, the attractive natural environment of the vitosha mountain close to the southern border of the city determines the direction of suburban migration. the mobile middle class people tend to move to this southern area, while the northern suburbia has remained a deteriorated industrial zone inhabited mainly by lower class people. the process of suburbanization started around sofi a in the 2000s and dramatically slowed down aft er the fi nancial crisis; the price of newly built houses has decreased by 40 percent since 2008. the budapest metropolitan area is similarly divided but the heterogeneity of the zone is explained not only by its physical geographical features but also by the direction of the main roads, and the characteristics and functions of the suburban sett lements. the authors of the chapter – zoltán kovács and iván tosics – have identifi ed three economic growth poles around budapest each having logistics, commerce or industry as a driving force behind. authors also point out that in the mid-2000s the outfl ow of population lessened, while the city itself started to grow again. this was partly the consequence of the urban rehabilitation programs that resulted in a steady growth of newly constructed dwellings inside the city boundaries. budapest was the fi rst case among post-socialist cities where national legislation intervened and prevented limitless land conversion in the suburban belt by a law in 2005. 459 the main characteristic of the estonian capital is that in tallinn suburbanization was driven by the cheaper housing due to an oversupply of fl ats in the periphery. this supply was partly created by the russian-speaking residents who left estonia aft er the country became independent, thus their apartments and summer homes became vacant at a relatively low price level. the authors (leetmaa, k., kährik, a., nuga, m. and tammaru, t.) claim that the main period of suburbanization in tallinn was also in the early 2000s like in all other postsocialist countries. warsaw is the only large capital city in central and eastern europe which has continuously increased its population during the last 25 years, while the suburban periphery also experienced increasing population growth rates. authors (lisowski, a., mantey, d. and wilk, w.) pay special att ention to the confl icts between the old and new residents of the suburban sett lements caused by their diff erent lifestyles, att itudes and development preferences. moscow is the most special case among the analyzed cities, not only because of its size, but also because the very nature of urban development is diff erent. the major sources of metropolitan growth are not suburbanizing residents arriving from the core city, but the newcomers from other parts of the country and from post-soviet states. despite the large scale housing constructions over the last two decades the agglomeration of moscow is still very heterogeneous; it maintains a strong agricultural character. the authors (brade, i., makhrova, a. and nefedova, t.) claim that the proportion of unregistered inhabitants and informal economic activity is extremely high. the editors’ conclusion is that the conditions of suburbanization were set by the new capitalist system implemented aft er 1990, and its ideological platform, the neoliberal state. aft er the crisis this doctrine must be revised because the uncoordinated urban sprawl contradicts to the principles of sustainable development. this is a very readable book and a successful trial to set the suburbanization of post-socialist cities in a global context. balázs szabó 93book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 83–92. c h r o n i c l e in memoriam leszek starkel (1931–2021) leszek starkel, an outstanding figure of polish and international geomorphology, paleohydrology and quaternary paleogeography passed away on 6 november 2021. he was born in wierzbnik, in a mining settlement which now belongs to starachowice in the świętokrzyskie (holy cross) voivodeship. after completing his studies at the jagellonian university in cracow in 1954, he began working with the institute of geography and regional organization of the polish academy of sciences, where he defended his doctoral dissertation in 1959 and obtained habilitation in 1964. in the long period 1968–2001 he was director of the institute of geomorphology and mountain hydrology, later institute of geography and spatial organization of the polish academy of sciences in cracow. the principal goal of research in the institute was the design of rational land use based on the detailed survey and evaluation of the carpathian landscapes. the institute established wide-scale international contacts within the frame of the carpatho-balkan geomorphological commission and organized expeditions to mongolia (1974–1980) and india (since 1983), where professor starkel was always present and an active participant. he enjoyed high international reputation as one of the most respected geomorphologist in the eastern half of europe. in 2004, he was the second pole after paweł edmund strzelecki, to receive the gold founder’s medal, the highest distinction of the british royal geographical society. in 2017, he was awarded the medal of wincenty pol, by the president of the polish academy of sciences at the request of the committee of geographical sciences. he received the knight’s cross and the officer’s cross of the order of polonia restituta. his international honours include the honorary fellowship of the international association of geomorphologists, the honorary fellowship of inqua. he was also a member of the polish academy of sciences and the polish academy of arts and sciences, as well as the honorary fellow of the association of polish geomorphologists. his rich contributions to geomorphology reflected his manifold interests and an extraordinary ability to see causal relationships in nature and between nature and humans. some of his most often cited works in polish are the paleogeography textbooks paleogeografia holocenu (paleogeography of the holocene) (1977) and geografia polski – środowisko przyrodnicze (geography of poland – the natural environment) (1991), edited by him, and the monograph ewolucja doliny wisły od ostatniego zlodowacenia do dziś (evolution of the vistula river valley from the last glaciation until the present-day) (2001). in english language he published on the role of catastrophic rainfall in the shaping of the relief of the lower himalaya (darjeeling hills) (1972), the role of extreme (catastrophic) meteorological events in the contemporary evolution of slopes (1976), and the reflection of hydrologic changes in the fluvial environment of the temperate zone during the last 15,000 years (1983). to commemorate his 90th birthday a collection of papers was issued in studia geomorphologica carpathobalkanica, where the most distinguished polish and foreign geographers presented their research findings. two geographical regions were of outstanding importance in his research career. one was the polish carpathians and their foreland, including the vistula river. there detailed research led by him revealed a variety of geomorphic processes, from weathering through hillslope to fluvial. he also loved travelling, particularly to india. since 1968 he was a regular visitor to the darjeeling himalayas and the meghalaya plateau. several generations of indian geomorphologists followed his guidelines in the study of hillslope and channel processes. it was an unforgettable experience to listen to his field explanations of landslides, tectonics and braided rivers in north-east india. the impact of human activities has never avoided his attention and raised his concern on environmental problems on the subcontinent. professor starkel initiated bilateral cooperation between polish and hungarian geographers and was an active participant of several polish-hungarian seminars. in 1993 he became honorary member of the hungarian geographical society and in 1995 he received our society’s highest distinction, the lóczy medal. he was a basically optimistic person with a never disappearing smile on the face, who met all problems with good humour. his optimism was grounded on deep trust in the generations of young polish and foreign geographers who followed in his footsteps. recently he published an autobiography in polish under the title drogi mojego życia (the roads of my life) (2019), with valuable pieces of advice for his successors. we will equally keep him in remembrance as a scientist and as a human being. dénes lóczy chronicle – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 93–93. hungarian geographical bulletin vol 71 issue 1 d. lóczy: in memoriam leszek starkel (1931-2021) 409book review section – book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (4) 405–415. the goals and roles of education are changing in time and space. education can be seen as a tool responsible for the acquirement of social norms, labour market skills, local and/or national identities, just to mention a few. spatial patterns of this system constitute the main focus of geography of education, a field that has witnessed a number of shifts in terms of theories, research questions and methodologies. during the decades following its institutionalisation in the 1960s, geography of education was applied for regional educational planning, but with time critical approaches were introduced by a number of scholars, which resulted in the appearance of a wide range of new research questions (meusburger, p. 2015). the directions of the changes in geography of education are similar to those in other domains of human geography, as research in this field was stimulated by the political economy approach, the ‘cultural’ and ‘relational’ turns. with the ‘spatial turn’ that occurred in other social sciences, geography of education is of interest for a number of disciplines such as educational science, sociology and anthropology (holloway, s. et al. 2010; holloway, s. and jöns, h. 2012). the current volume represents this variety due to the approaches taken and the collaboration between scholars with different disciplinary backgrounds. as part of the knowledge and space book series, “geographies of schooling” is an outcome of the “14th symposium on knowledge and space”, held in heidelberg in 2016. although the series has already covered similar questions, “the geography of schooling has not yet been directly addressed in the series with a clear focus on the spatiality of schools, teaching, and formal learning processes in its different forms” (p. 2.). the volume is dedicated to peter meusburger, who was one of the editors of the book and he was the main initiator and organiser of the symposia as well, until he passed away in 2017. in the introductory chapter 1, holger jahnke and caroline kramer provide a thorough overview of the volume. after placing the book in the academic context of geographies of education and learning, they turn to the analysis of each chapter, which makes the reading and interpretation of the volume more efficient. as they highlight, the book presents different perspectives on school systems. one among them considers schools as tools used by politics to transform or oppress certain groups of society. another perspective apparent in a number of chapters focuses on the neoliberal restructuring of school systems which results in an entrepreneurial idea of schools and growing disparities according to the availability of local resources. schools are also investigated as social micro-systems, where a number of key actors are of interest for the authors. a pedagogic or educational aspect is also present in the volume, where “teaching and learning practices in and around schools become the focus” (p. 3). jahnke and kramer summarise the ways spatiality is analysed in the book. they highlight four key spatial dimensions: (1) the question of geographical scale and rescaling from the point of view of responsibilities and allocation of financial resources; (2) the urban-rural divide; (3) the spatial and social embeddedness of schools in their specific locations; (4) the closure of small rural schools which results in the spatial centralisation of the school system and the intensification of pupils’ commuting. after the summary of the approaches and research methods, chapter 1 also provides brief descriptions of the individual chapters. to avoid repetition, i only give here short insights into the research questions covered throughout the 17 chapters and 4 parts of the book. part i includes studies on the consequences of educational policy reforms and rescaling responsibilities on institutional and regional/urban restructurings. jahnke critically examines the impacts of educational reforms initiated by the german federal government jahnke, h., kramer, c. and meusburger, p. (eds.): geographies of schooling. cham, springer, 2019. 359 p. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.68.4.7 hungarian geographical bulletin 68 2019 (4) 410 book review section – book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (4) 405–415. 405–415. in the second part of the 2000s. as he presents, although the original goal was to strengthen the role of primary education in social mobility, rural areas characterised by population decline and weak supply of local resources find themselves disadvantaged – and so do the pupils who live there – compared to their better-off and urban counterparts. he illustrates these processes through two case studies from schleswigholstein, based on expert interviews and statistical data. thomas coelen and his associates present initial findings of a research project concerning the connections between educational and urban development policies in germany. besides providing an extensive overview on the existing academic work and policy strategies within the topic of educational landscapes, they summarise the most important results of their empirical research. based on expert interviews and policy document analysis they claim that schools and education are not only being seen as important tools to foster social integration, but they tend to become the only targets of urban development plans. in his contribution, herbert altrichter applies the conceptual framework of governance in the analysis of school system reforms in german-speaking countries. he scrutinises in detail the transformation of the school system in austria, and points to the emergence of a new hierarchy among schools in the last decades. david giband analyses in chapter 5 the changing approaches to educational planning in france from the 1980s up until nowadays. he focuses on the rescaling of responsibilities connected to the coordination and operation of the educational system. giband points to the dependence of local educational institutions on the state and the regional level, which is changing in nature but still is important. he doubts that the processes outlined can be seen as neoliberalisation and decentralisation, despite they are considered to be so quite often. part ii consists of chapters focusing on how certain national school systems affect, and are used to influence, either the improvement or oppression of particular social groups and parts of the urban network. ferenc gyuris studies in detail the interconnectedness of political/ideological transitions and the transformation of school provision and schooling in hungary from the early 20th century until the last decades of state socialism. with a special focus on rural areas, he shows how the changing educational and regional development policies affected schools both in quantitative and qualitative terms. silvie rita kučerová and her associates provide a complex analysis of the alteration of the education system in the territory of the current czechia in the second half of the 20th century. after some theoretical considerations on the role of education in society, they analyse the changing spatial distribution of elementary schools using quantitative data and give an explanation on the major processes and mechanisms that drove the restructuring of the educational system. laura schaefli, anne godlewska, and christopher lamb study in chapter 8 the representation and imagination of indigenous people and colonialism in contemporary canadian textbooks. they also look at the role of these texts in affecting students’ perceptions about these questions based on a largescale survey. in the last chapter of part ii, ranu basu considers schools as places of social interaction where various state policies can be observed in practice. in particular, she investigates how officially propagated formal geopolitical and welfare policies turn out to be violently oppressive and neoliberal. she applies postcolonial and feminist theoretical frameworks to critically analyse two case studies, one from toronto, canada, and another one from guantánamo, cuba. studies in part iii emphasise the importance of the local context in how small rural schools transform due to policy reforms implemented on other scales. rune kvalsund analyses in chapter 10 the transformation of the school system in norway with a focus on the changing interpretation of the school as an institution. he underpins his argument with several social theories through which he sheds light on a changing policy attitude what has led to the current state of affairs. as he observes, small rural schools are expected to become similar to large urban schools in the most important aspects. however, it is claimed that rural communities generally do not benefit from this way of transformation. caroline kramer applies a multiscale analytical framework in order to reveal the main mechanisms behind the formation of small rural schools in different settings. she puts her research in an international context first and then analyses the changing situation of rural schools from the early 1990s until 2015 in baden-württemberg, germany and vorarlberg, austria. in chapter 12, andrea raggl focuses on small rural schools in vorarlberg, similarly to kramer, but her contribution is more concerned with the viewpoint of teachers and pupils regarding teaching and learning conditions. her investigation is based upon 20 qualitative case studies. samantha hillyard and carl bagley analyse the role of the head teacher in local communities through two case studies from rural england. they build upon the theories of lefebvre, halfacree and bourdieu in interpreting the empirical evidence of their ethnographic research. authors of part iv approach geographies of schooling from the point of view of the changing role and embeddedness of schools in society and how these institutions constitute a social sub-system. as the chapters of this part put the actors of the school system (such as pupils, teachers, parents, and organisers of informal education) in the focal point of their investigation, the role of different social axes (for example age, class, gender) are highlighted. chapter 14 focuses on the changing educational policies of contemporary england and the way they are affecting class 411book review section – book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (4) 405–415. and gender relations. sarah l. holloway and helena pimlott-wilson claim that the ‘roll-out neoliberal state’ made clearly observable steps towards influencing parents’ way of childcare activities (through for example: expanding before and after school childcare; guidance for parents for home learning; growing role in extracurricular activities). they argue that the state aims to control social reproduction by implementing these reforms. christian reutlinger examines pupils’ spatial practices and imaginations of their school and its neighbourhood. his contribution is based on the analysis of imaginative maps and essays drawn and wrote by children from two different locations in st. gallen, switzerland. anne sliwka and britta klopsch argue in chapter 16 for expanding the spaces of learning beyond secondary schools through involvement of numerous actors from both inside (teachers, students) and outside of schools (for example parents, employees of public institutions, companies etc.) in order to make education more interesting and useful. their work provides general theoretical considerations but also includes real-life illustrations from different parts of the (‘first’) world. they promote further development and a more widespread application of this model in secondary education. in the final chapter of the volume, jürgen schmude and sascha jackisch investigate the reasons for, and consequences of, quantitative (the number and share of women) and qualitative (the way society evaluates teaching) feminisation of the teaching profession from the 19th century up until nowadays in baden-württemberg, germany. the authors scrutinise the processes in the wider society (such as class relations, legislative changes, labour market transformations) as the drivers of these changes. as can be seen, the volume brings together studies from authors with different national and disciplinary background. in my view this diversity is an important source of the academic value of the book, as it fosters interdisciplinary and international academic communication. some kind of cross-fertilisation is apparent throughout the volume as some of the theories and approaches were applied by more authors from different disciplines, and some chapters were written jointly by authors from different fields. however, further potentials still remained unexploited. on the one hand, even if we can find some attempts to make reference on studies outside of the authors’ field, it is not a typical strategy. on the other hand, the ties of international collaboration could have been made stronger by initiating multiple international authorship. in my impression, from an east central european perspective, this open access volume has the potential to encourage new ways of dealing with the geographies of schools and schooling, even by adopting and applying theories primarily elaborated in western contexts. since the fall of the iron curtain, the countries of the region have undergone remarkable social and economic restructuring and are currently exposed to processes of neoliberalisation. this way of transformation is also visible in the evolution of the schooling systems, which makes the policies noticeably consonant, and the processes comparable in western and post-socialist settings. györgy mikle1 r e f e r e n c e s holloway, s.l., hubbard, p., jöns, h. and pimlottwilson, h. 2010. geographies of education and the significance of children, youth and families. progress in human geography 34. (5): 583–600. holloway, s.l. and jöns, h. 2012. geographies of education and learning. transactions of the institute of british geographers 37. (4): 482–488. meusburger, p. 2015. education, geography of. in international encyclopedia of the social & behavioral sciences, vol. 7. ed.: wright, j.d., oxford, elsevier, 165–171. 1 department of social and economic geography, institute of geography and earth sciences, eötvös loránd university, budapest. e-mail: miklegy@caesar.elte.hu. 381book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 381–391. b o o k r e v i e w s e c t i o n it seems that cartography as a science and cartographic practice (map making) have exceeded their climax of the later 20th century. map use and the ability to compile maps methodologically correctly have obviously been in decline in recent decades, although better technical means than ever are at hands and map-making is open to a much wider range of people than ever before. that is exactly what this atlas volume reminds us, not because it is an example of the decline, but exactly for it is an example for just the opposite: the power of maps , the communicative value of cartographic representation, which can convey at one glance what would have to be explained by a text of innumerable pages. and the question arises, why today only such a small number of geographers utilizes this potential. this volume 3 “society” of the english version of the new four-volume national atlas of hungary is a jewel of cartography, and particularly atlas cartography. it would take too much space to repeat here what was already said on the atlas series and its editors and authors in my review of its volume 2 “natural environment” in the hungarian geographical bulletin, volume 68, number 1, 2019, pp. 93–96, and readers are kindly asked to consult that review for information on the whole atlas series. in the following, just some essential aspects of the recently published volume are to be highlighted. like the previous atlas volume, this volume is divided into chapters easily traceable by colours. their number is 12. an appendix with names of authors, bibliography and sources completes the volume. chapter i (hungary at a glance, 3 pages) comprises a map of hungary’s administrative division into counties and districts, also representing the eight statistical regions. as in this english version in general, foreign countries and their places are named by their english exonyms (in case they exist), with their hungarian names in the second position, when the share of the hungarian minority exceeds 10 percent. a geographical map of the carpatho-pannonian area in the 1: 1.8 million scale embracing the croatian coast of the adriatic in the southwest, cracow in the north and bucharest in the southeast impresses by its relief representation. the english exonym principle rules, but endonyms are – except in minor cases like königsboden or burzenland in transylvania – only presented in their national language and in an official minority language version when the minority has a share of more than 10 percent. chapter ii (history of population, 6 pages) starts with the hungarian conquest of the carpathian basin but recognizes that a slavic population was already present and more or less assimilated like other groups arriving together with the hungarians and later. very obvious are the effects of the austrian colonization policy of the 18th century in the south-eastern carpathian basin. chapter iii (population number, population density, 10 pages) has also a diachronic perspective looking partly back to 1869 and shows that the whole carpathian basin has suffered from population decline since 1990 at the latest and depopulation of non-touristic rural areas is significant. most interesting and innovative is the map of the carpathian basin on components of population change between 2001 and 2018 (natural increase/decrease, migration gain/ loss), where apart from metropolitan areas southern kocsis, k., kovács, z., nemerkényi, zs., gercsák, g., kincses, á. and tóth, g. (eds.): national atlas of hungary vol. 3: society. budapest, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences, geographical institute, 2021. 191 p. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.70.4.7 hungarian geographical bulletin 70 2021 (4) 382 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 381–391. transylvania, transcarpathia, ukrainian bukovina and western parts of eastern slovakia stand out by migration gain (and natural increase) – very likely due to their roma population. all these maps show that it is very well possible to combine thematic representation by areal colours with relief representation by hill shading – so important for an adequate interpretation of all these demographic issues. with the table of main data of vital statistics in chapter iv (natural change of population, 12 pages) it is not immediately recognizable that it refers just to the territory of modern hungary taking into account that the atlas embraces very frequently the entire carpathian basin. high fertility rates as well as infant mortality are obviously very indicative for the distribution of roma population. most striking is the exceptional rate of suicides in the great hungarian plain and the historical stability of this fact. the text alludes at isolated farmsteads (‘tanyas’) as an explanation. chapter v (migration, 14 pages) shows that hungary as well as the rest of the carpathian basin are much less affected than austria or even slovenia by immigration in recent decades. this can certainly be attributed to the socio-economic gradient, but also to migration policies. the vast majority of immigrants to hungary appears to be ethnic hungarians from parts of the former hungarian kingdom that remained outside hungary after the 1920 treaty of paris, mainly from romania with its still sizeable hungarian minority. hungarian emigration, on the other hand, is strong to western europe with germany as a main destination. the chapter also reminds us of the exodus of hungarians after the crackdown of the hungarian uprising in 1956 as well as the influx of ethnic hungarians from yugoslavia and romania towards the end of the communist period, when national polarization culminated in yugoslavia and a tough communist dictatorship persisted in romania up to the last moment. it also shows the growth of chinese immigration in the 2010s. internal migration – as in most other countries – goes in hungary at the expense of rural and periphery areas and favours larger centres, although much less their cores (most of which have a negative migration balance) than their suburban zones. budapest is the best example for this kind of development. if internal migration is taken as an indicator for attractivity in socio-economic terms, the budapest agglomeration and northern transdanubia clearly rank highest. commuting to abroad is most significant along the austrian border, where better income in austria and lower living costs in hungary are the determining factors. chapter vi (population structures, 44 pages) is the central section of the atlas not only by size, and it is subdivided into several subsections. age structures are very much coinciding with socio-economic structures leaving older people behind in disadvantaged and periphery areas. hungary seems to be almost an island of unmarried couples, in the wider region only comparable with slovakia and eastern slovenia, obviously due to many divorces. the ethnic section extends (of course) over the entire carpathian basin including even city plans showing the concentration of hungarians in the old urban cores of cluj-napoca and târgu mureş in transylvania. for ethnic and language maps, it is always a question whether the areal method, usually preferred due to its visual impact, is the best choice, since it is insensitive of population density. but this atlas mitigates this negative aspect by excepting compact uninhabited areas from thematic representation. anyway, instead of “ethnic map”, “map of ethnic consciousness” or “map of ethnic affiliation” would be terms better corresponding to current scientific approaches towards ethnicity. with the distribution of roma an interesting comparison between self-affiliation and estimates by ‘objective criteria’ is drawn. the two methods result in rather the same spatial pattern, just in much lower shares according to subjective affiliation. the maps on religion in 1910 and 2011 of the entire carpathian basin demonstrate impressively the much higher persistence of reformation in the territories of the hungarian kingdom than in the austrian parts of the habsburg empire due to a significantly less successful catholic counter-reformation. very impressive is the progress of orthodoxy in what became romanian and serbian territories after world war i. other striking issues are the declining number of lutherans due to the exodus of saxons and landler from transylvania as well as the small share of religious population in modern hungary compared to the lands that remained outside hungary in 1920. in the sections on educational structure and economic activity the map on literacy in 1910 reveals striking disparities inside the hungarian kingdom with mountain regions standing out by illiteracy. within modern hungary, the budapest metropolitan area and northern transdanubia – the socio-economically best developed parts of the country – are obviously in the best position, also in educational terms. a very interesting topic is the comparison between the educational level of employees and unemployed population. it shows, first of all, the relative size of both population groups, and secondly, the importance of education for finding employment. a diagram demonstrates impressively the decline of the primary and the secondary sectors of the economy in favour of the tertiary sector by employment between 1920 and 2016. the communist period favoured industrialization at the expense of primary employment but caused (compared to western europe) a delay in tertiarisation. social stratification is significant in hungary, and the northeast as well as southern transdanubia on the one hand and the budapest metropolitan area as well as northern transdanubia on the other are clearly the poles in this respect. here, just like in other sec383book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 70 (2021) (4) 381–391. tions of the atlas, maps of the carpathian basin based on data attributed to administrative units are hardly comparable to romania, because romania is the only country represented by (small) municipalities, while all the others are shown by higher-ranking administrative units. this, however, is a problem that cannot be solved, since the next level of administrative units in romania, i.e., counties (‘judeţe’), is already much larger than hungarian, slovakian or serbian districts. chapter vii (history of settlement, 6 pages) starts with a map of settlements, in fact, administrative, ecclesiastical and economic centres at the end of the 11th century, when the hungarian kingdom established its power over the carpathian basin. the chapter also reflects the ottoman period, when central parts of the carpathian basin were under ottoman rule and transylvania (plus “partes”) was under ottoman supremacy leaving in the former some remarkable architectonical traces (e.g. in pécs, buda, eger, temesvár). an interesting map series demonstrates recolonization of the southern pannonian basin after the ottoman wars by the example of csanád county. the great hungarian plain stands out by its low settlement density due to natural conditions and the ‘tanya’ system of isolated farmsteads already before the ottoman period and not only due to destruction by ottoman wars and the flight of inhabitants. in chapter viii (settlement system, 8 pages) a large-scale map of populated places in the carpathian basin according to their number of inhabitants and legal status in 2018 demonstrates again the exceptional concentration on larger populated places in the great hungarian plain down to belgrade. in chapter ix (urban settlements, 12 pages) a most instructive map shows population change of urban settlements in the carpathian basin between 1990 and 2018, i.e., in the post-communist period. it shows that just a few centres essentially grew, i.e., budapest, but only its suburban zone, vienna, graz, suburban bratislava, suburban zagreb, belgrade, novi sad, suburban bucharest, while most others declined in population number. it is also interesting to see that the hungarian system of regional centres has not become more accentuated in the era since world war ii but has diversified towards polycentrism. formerly less important centres, like nyíregyháza, kecskemét, győr or békéscsaba, have caught up, while the earlier ‘stakeholders’ debrecen, szeged and pécs could not advance essentially. chapter x (budapest and its region, 12 pages) on hungary’s dominant urban centre highlights the typical processes of metropolitan development like gentrification and suburbanization. chapter xi (rural areas, 10 pages) addresses demographic developments, village and settlement types, functions and service facilities of villages as well as the significant reduction of small rural outskirts in the communist period. accompanying photos contribute especially in this chapter to a better understanding. exceptional is a map of hungary’s rural landscapes based on rural settlement systems. it shows a hierarchy of large units like northern transdanubia or tiszántúl and their subdivision into smaller ones like bihar or csanád. it is a scientific landscape classification applying some traditional names of cultural landscapes in local use, but not necessarily sticking to them. a map representing traditional cultural landscapes and their names in local use would certainly look different in naming as well as in landscape outlines. it is nevertheless questionable, whether a subunit of northern transdanubia should bear the same name northern transdanubia and another subunit of northern transdanubia the name western transdanubia and not west northern transdanubia. chapter xii (living conditions, quality of life, 26 pages) is a kind of a summary or conclusion of the entire volume, since what else than a ‘good life’ is the ultimate goal of all societal efforts. it shows that spatial socio-economic disparities in modern hungary are at least not felt as dramatic but in fact, the budapest agglomeration and northern transdanubia enjoy a privileged position. contrary to many other national atlases, this atlas profits from the view on a wider region, in this case the carpathian basin, which is of course due to hungary’s image of self as the successor of a much larger historical entity. it nevertheless deserves to be acknowledged that this means much additional work with finding comparable data and classifications for quite a number of countries. the atlas excels by an ideal mixture of cartographically splendid maps, tables, diagrams, concise texts and photos interrelated by a sophisticated numbering and colouring system. this highlight of modern atlas cartography nourishes great expectations to the remaining atlas volumes on “the hungarian state and its place in the world” and “economy”. peter jordan1 1 austrian academy of sciences, institute of urban and regional research, vienna, austria; university of the free state, faculty of humanities, bloemfontein, south africa. e-mail: peter.jordan@oeaw.ac.at effects of renewable energy resources on the landscape 5 hungarian geographical bulletin 63 (1) (2014) 5–16. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.63.1.1 eff ects of renewable energy resources on the landscape mária szabó1 and ádám kiss2 abstract one of the most important prerequisites of the sustenance of modern societies is the safe energy supply. an energy supply system, which is currently based mainly on fossil energy resources cannot be maintained even in the medium-term, at least not longer than for a few decades. therefore, the application of renewable energy resources will play a signifi cant role in forming our energy future. most of them except geothermal and tide energies, use directly or indirectly solar energy. in this paper, the direct use of solar energy, wind energy, biomass and hydropower will be discussed. it will be shown that the widespread application and the broad expansion of any of the renewable energy resources and the largescale production of renewable energies are always connected with serious environmental impacts, whichever of the resources is used. they all require a relatively large area for use in the case of producing a signifi cant amount of energy. renewable energy production methods will be an important factor of landscape change, and will have a strong infl uence on landscape management. in this study, particularly, hydropower will be investigated. in the typical case of the gabčikovo (bős) hydropower station on the danube the infl uences on the landscape structure and functions will be demonstrated. it will be shown that intensive human use and alteration (river engineering, the constructions of dams and hydroelectric power plants) of riverine landscapes have led to enormous degradation. keywords: energy utilization, solar energy, wind energy, biomass, hydropower, landscape impacts introduction – the signifi cance of the safe energy supply the continuous and reliable energy supply is perhaps the most signifi cant prerequisite for the organization of modern societies. everything which is necessary for a larger community, e.g. the food, water industry, appropriate homes, heating and lighting, traffi c, waste deposition etc. needs energy (e.g. boeker, 1 eötvös loránd university, faculty of science, institute of geography and earth sciences, department of environmental and landscape geography. e-mail: szmarcsi@caesar.elte.hu 2 eötvös loránd university, faculty of science, institute of physics, department of atomic physics. e-mail: kissadam@caesar.elte.hu 6 e. and van grondelle, r. 1999). the needed energy sums up to a high amount in our complicated and interconnected world. even a short disruption, caused by technical failures or natural catastrophes can create dangerous situations and sometimes great social tensions. by now, it is clear that the sustainability of human societies requires a safe and smooth-running energy supply. since the fi rst energy crisis in the early 1970’s, every decision maker knew that energy supply is a vulnerable and sensitive issue and energy consumption should not grow. however, in spite of all the considerations, energy consumption has steadily increased from approximately by 300 ej/year in 1980 to about 550 ej/year today (figure 1). the analysis showed that there was a strong correlation between population and energy consumption. in figure 2, per capita consumptions for the period of 1980–2010 are shown. consumption per capita is about 73 gj/year and it reveals only a slight (~10%) increase in the last three decades. of course, there are big diff erences among the regions of the world. the almost stationary nature of per capita energy consumption suggests that the energy consumption will grow at least proportionally with population growth. we should be prepared for an increasing need of energy in the medium term, as the world population is estimated to grow from 7.1 billion (2012) to at least 9 billion by 2050. the present energy consumption is assured by up to more than 80% by fossil fuels, and besides the small contribution of nuclear energy (2.7%), the share of renewable energy resources is only 16–17% (eia, 2013). in the future, the extensive use of fossil fuels will be limited partly by the restricted resources, by unacceptable eff ects on the environment and by their contribution to climate change. the eff ectiveness of energy saving projects seems to be limited (vajda, gy. 2009) and the extension of nuclear energy is debated, so the introduction of renewable energy resources is inevitable in the near future. the present work assumes the necessity of the widespread expansion of the most important renewable energy resources. we shall outline the environmental eff ects of these alternative energy production methods, with special emphasis on the fig. 1. yearly energy consumption of the world in the period of 1980–2010. source: compiled by the authors based on eia data, 2013 fig. 2. per capita yearly energy consumption of the world in the period of 1980–2010. source: compiled by the authors based on eia data, 2013 7 landscapes. aft er some general remarks, a case study of landscape degradation caused by the gabčikovo (bős) hydropower station will be presented, and the consequences of renewable energy production will be shown, as well. survey of environmental aspects of renewable energy production the most important renewable energy production methods are the following: solar energy, wind energy, biomass energy and hydropower3 (hereaft er the expression “renewable energy resources” will be used). it is proved that all of them are able to generate a considerable amount of energy for human use. many illusions are connected with the widespread usage of renewable energy resources. the main reason of making them desirable is the low emission of harmful byproducts. it is true even for the application of biomass which is neutral to carbon dioxide emission in regard to the whole production cycle. the major problem of renewable energy resources is that all of them occupy huge areas when the objective is to generate a great amount of energy. the facilities for solar energy, such as photovoltaic elements or mirrors cover large areas, wind turbines need many wind power stations, the production of biomass needs huge arable fi elds and the hydropower stations have big reservoirs. the areas with any of the above mentioned facilities for energy production can hardly be used for anything else. the use of renewable resources changes the whole surrounding environment. in the case of solar energy and wind power, there are serious diffi culties caused by the considerable fl uctuations in production rates. there are no technologies to store surplus energy. even the power coming from a hydropower station and the production of biomass depend on the meteorological circumstances, but they can be planned for a longer period. biomass is the only renewable energy resource which has a storage capacity. the comparison of the energy sources, from the point of view of the environmental eff ects, is a hard task. in the cases of the renewable energy resources, the capacity of a facility is always much bigger than the actual amount of the produced energy. the basic starting point is that the comparison must be made for the same amount of produced energy. characteristics of renewable energy resources renewable energy resources represent very diff erent energy production methods. the scientifi c, physical and biological backgrounds are completely diff er3 wave, tidal and geothermal energy are also renewable energy sources, however, their importance is less and therefore we did not analyze them. 8 ent and even the principles are not the same. therefore, the survey of the most important characteristics of renewable energy sources should be performed individually. there are two ways to use solar energy. it is possible to produce electric energy by the irradiation of photovoltaic (pv) elements and it is feasible to use the heat which is generated by solar irradiations. pv technology is one of the most rapidly developing branches of the materials science (wagemann, h-g. and eschrich, h. 2007). the most informative parameter is radiation effi ciency. the effi ciency of the pv elements nowadays is about 7–10% in mass production (in laboratory it is up to 40%). there is a big development potential in commercial pv elements. there is about 12 gw installed capacity (2012) in the world and it is growing very fast, by 40–50% a year. however, today the contribution of the pv energy supply to the produced electric energy is very low; it is below 0.1% (eia, 2013). the other possibility to use solar energy is to apply it as a heat source. it is feasible to build solar farms for electric energy generation. using mirrors in order to concentrate radiation, and electric generators can be driven by the generated heat. large areas covered by pv elements and mirrors are needed for the utilization of the solar energy. an estimate for the power density of the achieved average power is about 7–10 w/m2 (szarka, l. and ádám, j. 2009). it means that areas up to 100 km2 should be covered by a facility with a potential of 1 gwel on the average. such a facility is a dominant element of the landscape. wind energy (kaldellism, j.k. and zafirakis, d. 2011) has a signifi cant potential close to the sea. however, its ability to produce energy decreases with the distance from the seashore. in the central parts of the continents, the average wind-velocity is signifi cantly lower. therefore, the availability of wind power stations is close to 50% at the seashore and it is diffi cult to fi nd places for about 25% availability in a continental country like hungary. the total installed wind power capacity was well over 250 gw in 2012 and it is growing very fast, fi rst of all, in europe, north america and china. the major diffi culty of applying wind energy is the big fl uctuations of its distribution in time. this problem can be solved by coupled hydropower systems or by spinning on gas turbines. the height of a modern wind power station is close to 100 meters and its nominal capacity is about 1.5 to 2 mw. its average power is about 100 kw in a country without a seashore. to have an energy system which produces 1 gwel power on the average about 1,000–2,000 wind power stations are needed. according to szarka, l. and ádám, j. 2009, the average power density of wind energy is 1.2 w/m2. in the case of major wind power use landscape would be dominated by wind turbines. 9 there are many controversies about biomass energy. on the one hand, it is an important agricultural activity creating jobs for people. on the other hand, it can take away large areas from food production. the basic problem with biomass is energy low effi ciency photosynthesis. the areal density of biomass energy use is about 0.4 w/m2 for electric power production (szarka, l. and ádám, j. 2009). it means that about 4,000 km2 should be covered by appropriate energy plants for 1 gwel average electric power. the produced energy grasses or woods decrease biodiversity, creating monocultures of sublimated plants of the same age (like locus-tree, hybrid poplars, willow species etc.) leading to landscape degradation. hydropower has been used by human society for several thousands of years. today we have well-known, reliable and proved technologies. hydropower has a signifi cant share in the electric energy production of the world (~17%). hydropower has many advantages. there is no fuel cost and the working costs are low. it emits no harmful materials. dams are a good tool against fl ood and support shipping on the rivers. on the other hand, the construction of a hydropower station is time-consuming and costly. in the case of big hydropower stations, big areas are generally fl ooded. the power stations are non-native landscape elements, sometimes huge constructions. hydropower stations have an estimated average areal power density of about 14 w/m2 (szarka, l. and ádám, j. 2009). a reservoir of about 70 km2 area created for a hydropower station produces 1 gwel power on the average. such an artifi cial lake is a determining element of the landscape changing almost all characteristics of it. there are several serious analyses which dealing with the environmental eff ects of the renewable energy sources (e.g. community research, 2003). the studies do not deal with the landscapes and landscape details. a thorough analysis is only possible if each individual case is discussed separately (owen, a.d. 2004, and hemiak, j., 2011). in the following part of the paper, as an example, a case study will be presented to show the eff ects of the gabčikovo (bős) hydropower station (ghps). the ghps was built on the danube, at the border between slovakia and hungary (photos 1–2). the power station is a dam-on-the-river type facility. the installed electric power capacity is 749 mwel. according to offi cial data of the slovak republic, the average of produced electricity of ghps in 15 years is ~259 mwel (see e.g. bödők, zs. 2008). 80% of the danube water was diverted through the dammed lake at čunovo (dunacsún) into the artifi cial service channel for energy production. the diversion of the danube was a fundamental turning point in the ecological functioning of the riverine wetland system. 10 landscape eff ects: the gabčikovo (bős) hydropower station case study the complex ecosystem of large fl oodplain rivers with their enormous variety of diverse habitats in a relatively small area contributes to the natural biodiversity of an ecoregion considerably. however, with river regulation and the increasing use of fl oodplains, a signifi cant proportion of the natural functions of the ecoregions was lost. covering almost 36,500 hectares, szigetköz in hungary is the largest semi-natural fl oodplain area in the danube valley of eastern central europe (figure 3). its wetland habitats are of outstanding importance. due to the geological, geomorphological, climatic, hydrological and soil properties of the region, a great habitat diversity developed. the sites of highest natural value are protected by law as parts of the szigetköz landscape protection area (1987). the highly varied topography of the region, plains, sand dunes, bars, islands of various sizes and a peculiar hydrographical system with oxbow lakes and various types of aquatic habitats, sustains a wide range of biotopes from dry terrestrial to aquatic biotopes (photo 3). vegetation, fl ora and fauna are remarkably diverse, including aquatic, marsh, swamp and meadow communities, willow-poplar (soft wood) and oak-ash-elm (hardwood) forests, oakwoods and the forest-steppe vegetation of the sand ridges were all preserved in an almost natural state until diversion of the danube (simon, t. et al. 1993; gergely, a. et al. 2001). river-fl oodplain systems have a special mosaic-like landscape structure. intensive human use and the alteration of riverine landscapes have led to enormous degradation, especially in highly industrialized countries (dynesius, m. and nilsson, c. 1994; schiemer, f. 1999; hohensinner, s. et al. 2005). the photo 1–2. the gabčikovo (bős) hydropower station (photos: kiss, á.) 11 fig. 3. szigetköz at the border between hungary and slovakia photo 3. dunasziget side-branch system (photo: szabó, m.) 12 related problems are recognized by the society and by the governments. their interest to restore ecosystem functions of regulated and dammed rivers is very signifi cant. that recognition is also emphasized in the eu water framework directive (wfd, 2000). the determining ecological factor of fl oodplains is the cycle of fl ooding and drying. the hydro-, morpho-, pedoand biodynamic processes of natural fl oodplain areas determine the variety of landscape structures and their functions. landscape changes caused by the gabčikovo (bős) hydropower station the hydrological regime and the hydro-morphological processes are the most important landscape-forming factors playing an essential role in landscape evolution in szigetköz. the most important driving forces of river geomorphology are the volume and the temporal distribution of water supplied from upstream, the sediment volume and character. local climate (particularly the occurrence of a freezing in winter and an extended dry season) as well as the nature of the riparian ecosystems are also important. the fi rst signifi cant water management interventions directly forming the szigetköz water system were water regulations in the 19th century. as a consequence of this river engineering, the area of fl oodplain habitats considerably decreased (szabó, m. 2011). the second large eff ect was the construction of gabčikovo/bős–nagymaros dam in the frame of the czechoslovakian– hungarian joint project at the beginning of 1980's. in 1989, due to the increasing awareness of the environmental and ecological aspects and the protest against the dam system, the hungarian government suspended the project. in october 1992, the czechoslovak government dammed the danube at river-km 1,851.75 and diverted it into a 29 km-long canal. thereaft er, hungary had no infl uence on discharge into the main danube channel. as a consequence, the water level of the river reaching szigetköz between čunovo (dunacsún) and sap (szap) dropped by 2–3 m within a few days and several side channels of danube dried out. in the following two years, the fl ow of water practically stopped on the active fl oodplain branches cut off from the main riverbed. at the same time, the surface of point bars emerged in the river bed (figure 4). groundwater level and the capillary moisture conditions are essential factors of wetland ecology, and also for agriculture. groundwater levels markedly decreased aft er the diversion and remained so even aft er the construction of the underwater weir in 1995. they stayed under the mean level even aft er the subsidence of the water level of the danube and the groundwater level by 2.5–3.0 meters in less than a week (figure 5). the wells in the fi gure are between dunakiliti and dunaremete, close to the main danube channel. 13 fig. 4. infrared image of the danube branch system. 12 june 1990, before the danube diversion (upper image); 8 september 1993, aft er the diversion (lower image). aerial colour infrared photos taken at altitude 2,500 m a.s.l. processed by argos studio, budapest fig 5. two weekly means of surface (dunaremete) and groundwater levels, wells no. 110719 and no. 110720. blue line: gauge at dunaremete; red and green lines: groundwater levels in wells no. 110719 and 110720, respectively. source: hungarian hydrological database 14 this abrupt change had a severe impact on the ecosystems in szigetköz, especially on fi sh and other aquatic biota, as well as on alluvial forests in the active fl oodplain and on several habitats of the former fl oodplain. the area of wetlands and the diversity of ecosystems decreased. in line with that, the area of the degraded, characterless dry grasslands and woodlands increased (fitzmaurice, j. 1996; gergely, a. et al. 2001; jansky, l. et al. 2004; szabó, m. 2007). aquatic habitat quality deteriorated considerably at the same time. figure 6 shows the decline of sand and gravel bars of diff erent succession stages. during the implementation of the gabčikovo (bős) hydropower station, the remaining point bars in the main channel were turned into permanent soft wood stands. summarising the above statements, construction of gabčikovo (bős) hydropower station had the following consequences: reduced or disconnected riverine – floodplain interactions. alteration of hydromorphological dynamics of the danube: reduction of bed load transport by upstream dams. changes of landscape structure and function. changes of biodiversity because of the extinction of aquatic and wetland species and because of the habitat’s drying. a number of native wetland species became threatened. spreading of several non-native invasive species in dry habitats. these are all irreversible landscape changes. conclusions the investigation on the eff ects of the gabčikovo (bős) hydropower station was only an example for the complex infl uence of a large energy generating facility on the environment and landscape. in similar cases, the environmental eff ects of power stations should be accompanied by have similar discussions. however, the present energy supply system using fossil fuels up to 80% cannot be maintained not even for the coming decades. renewable energy sources should have a major role in the future. the methods of renewable energy resources for the production of large amount of energy have grave eff ects on the environment. – – – – – – – fig. 6. change of the total area of unvegetated and vegetated sand and gravel bars in hectares. source: ijjas, i. et al. 2010 15 the eff ects of these types of power stations on the landscape and on the environment are signifi cant. there will be landscape structure and function changes by using renewable energies causing the degradation of habitats and ecosystems. these prospects must have a strong infl uence on general energy policy and on regional development plans. references boeker, e. and van grondelle, r. 1999. environmental physics. chichester–new york– weinheim–brisbane–singapore–toronto, john wiley and sons ltd., 191 p. bödők, zs. 2008. 15 éves a bősi erőmű (the gabčikovo hydropower station is 15 years old). mérnök 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(1–2): 55–74. 16 szabó, m. 2011. river regulations and hydroelectric power plants as geohazard. eff ects of hyrogeographical changes on floodplain landscape (a hungarian case study). in landscape conservation. ed. jiun-chuan, l. taipei, national taiwan university. 105–112. szarka, l. and ádám, j. 2009. a megújuló energiafajták környezeti hatásainak össze-hasonlíthatóságáról (on the comparisons of environmental eff ects of renewable energy resources). debrecen, conference on environment and energy. may. 8−9. 2009. 7–12. vajda, gy. 2009. energia és társadalom (energy and society). magyarország az ezredfordulón sorozat. budapest, mta társadalomtudományi központ, 141 p. wagemann, h-g. and eschrich, h. 2007. photovoltaik. wiesbaden, teubner verlag, 43 p. wfd, 2000. water framework directive 2000. directive 2000/60/ec establishing a framework for community action in the fi eld of water policy. in: offi cial journal (ojl 327) on 22 december 2000. european parliament and council. 73 p. << 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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(adobe) (common) (1.0) ] /othernamespaces [ << /asreaderspreads false /cropimagestoframes true /errorcontrol /warnandcontinue /flattenerignorespreadoverrides false /includeguidesgrids false /includenonprinting false /includeslug false /namespace [ (adobe) (indesign) (4.0) ] /omitplacedbitmaps false /omitplacedeps false /omitplacedpdf false /simulateoverprint /legacy >> << /addbleedmarks false /addcolorbars false /addcropmarks false /addpageinfo false /addregmarks false /convertcolors /converttocmyk /destinationprofilename () /destinationprofileselector /documentcmyk /downsample16bitimages true /flattenerpreset << /presetselector /mediumresolution >> /formelements false /generatestructure false /includebookmarks false /includehyperlinks false /includeinteractive false /includelayers false /includeprofiles false /multimediahandling /useobjectsettings /namespace [ (adobe) (creativesuite) (2.0) ] /pdfxoutputintentprofileselector /documentcmyk /preserveediting true /untaggedcmykhandling /leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice weather warning system in hungary and the experiences of its operation 81 hungarian geographical bulletin 63 (1) (2014) 81–94. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.63.1.7 weather warning system in hungary and the experiences of its operation márta sallai buránszki1,2 and ákos horváth1 abstract extreme environmental events may have catastrophic impacts on the society. almost 90% of all natural disasters of the last 10 years have been caused by weather related hazards, i.e. fl oods, droughts, tropical cyclones and severe storms. the basic task of meteorology is to provide weather forecasts and warnings for public welfare to protect life and property. the weather warning system was set up by the hungarian meteorological service (hms) in 2006. the fi rst system was capable to provide warnings and alerts for the 7 administrative regions of the country. in 2011 as a result of scientifi c and methodological development and infrastructural investment, fi nanced by a competition support, the old system was replaced with a sub-regional weather warning system providing weather warnings towards the public, the disaster management and other decision-makers for 174 administrative sub-regions instead of the former seven regions. the fi rst part of this paper provides an overview of the scientifi c and operational background of the nowcasting system. then the two years’ experiences of its operation will be reviewed. finally, the problems caused by people’s att itude to various weather situations and weather information will be discussed, together with some recommendations to improve the human factor of our professional eff orts. keywords: meteorology, extreme weather, nowcasting, weather services introduction because of the swift changes in nature and society, which we have experienced recently, the economic importance of meteorological knowledge has increased. the societies all around the world are more and more sensitive to natural disasters and because of the dangers posed by atmospheric processes, the value of forecasts, nowcasts and their correct interpretation has increased. 1 hungarian meteorological service, h-1024 budapest, kitaibel pál u. 1. e-mails: sallai.m@met.hu, horvath.a@ met.hu 2 eszterházy károly college doctoral school of educational sciences, h-3300 eger, eszterházy tér 1. 82 the advanced industrial and information societies of today are more sensitive to external natural eff ects, including the eff ects of meteorological origin. a devastating storm can cause a much bigger damage in high level technology production than 30–50 years ago. our society is much more dependent on infrastructure than before. a power outage or a fl ooded main road can paralyze traffi c, commerce, or everyday life for days. it is not incidental that damages caused by natural disasters are signifi cantly larger in the developed countries. at the same time it is important to note that during the period between 1970 and 2008, 95% of fatalities caused by natural disasters happened in vulnerable developing countries (ipcc, 2011). the overwhelming majority of natural disasters are of meteorological, climatic, or meteorological origin (e.g. fl oods) as it is shown by the diagram in the 2010 report of the european environmental agency (eea) providing information on the number of natural disasters between 1998 and 2009, sorted by their types (figure 1). the data collected by the münchener rückversicherungs-gesellschaft reinsurance company also shows the unequivocal predominance of weather and climate related catastrophes. in the examined 1980–2012 period, the number of catastrophes increased (figure 2). the role meteorology can play in reducing the damage caused by natural disasters is limited. partly, because it is impossible to prevent extreme weather events, it is only possible to forecast them and partly because 100% accurate meteorological forecasts do not exist. while an accurate and well-interpreted forecast can save lives, the material value which can be protected is only a smaller part of the estimated value of the damage caused. in hungary, there were no any research activities concerning on the exact material value, but in some european countries (e.g. austria, finland) related economic studies are available and the world meteorological organization (wmo) also made a statement about it. the studies on investment return of meteorology developments present rates between 1:6 and 1:10, meaning that every invested forint results in savings being 6–10 times larger than the prevented damage. fig. 1. natural disasters in europe between 1998 and 2009, grouped by the type of the catastrophes. source: etc-lusi/em-dat, 2010 83 the professional basis of weather warnings in forecasting atmospheric processes, meteorologists face two main tasks. one of their goals is to be able to create longer-term weather forecasts. the other issue is to tell very accurately whether there is going to be a dangerous weather event at a given point in the next one or two hours and how it will exactly happen. the latest task is the job of nowcasting. the meteorological background of nowcasting the most important requirements of nowcasting are the issues of exact weather forecasts and weather warnings for the next 1–2 hours for an exactly defi ned place. the ultra short range prediction diff ers from a regular weather forecast which is usually a prediction for longer periods and for larger areas like counties, regions or states. in that way, weather forecasts can be considered as the part of everyday life, while the importance of nowcasting appears in the case of unusual, severe weather conditions. the applied tools of nowcasting also diff er from tools of weather forecasting. in the following section the background of ultra short range forecast and weather warning is presented. fig. 2. natural catastrophes worldwide 1980–2012. number of events: 1 = geophysical (earthquake, tsunami, volcanic eruption); 2 = meteorological (storm); 3 = hydrological (fl ood, mass movement); 4 = climatological events (extreme temperature, drought, forest fi re). source: 2013 münchener rückversicherungs-gesellschaft , geo risks research, natcatservice 84 the object oriented linear nowcasting most of the severe weather phenomena can be assigned to meteorological objects, such as thunderstorms or cold fronts. to identify them, appropriate meteorological analysis techniques are needed. the techniques apply a wide range of meteorological observations from the surface weather stations to the radar measurements. for example, for a proper description of a convective storm (e.g. a severe thunderstorm), radar measurements are needed to determine the radar refl ectivity and the cloud tops of the thunderstorms; to calculate cloud top temperature, satellite information is used; surface observations provide data concerning the infl ow of the storm etc. an objective nowcasting system is able to process the above data and recognize severe weather phenomena as objects. the time series of the recognized weather objects allow the computation of displacement and in that way, a forecast by linear extrapolation (figure 3). the advantage of the object oriented linear nowcasting method is that it is based on observations, so the meteorological objects get in the proper place and at the proper time on the meteorological map. the main disadvantage is the forecast itself: the evolution of severe weather phenomena is signifi cant. the drift ing object may become weak or a weaker object can develop to a severe level within a short time. that is why the lagrangian approach cannot be applied for forecasts longer than 30–40 minutes. quasi-linear nowcasting real atmospheric phenomena change in a non-linear way and they oft en defi ne meteorological objects ambiguously. instead of the lagrangian approach, the navier-stokes equations based on numerical weather prediction (nwp) models are used for making a dynamical forecast. the highly complex mathematical equations can be solved only by numerical methods requiring large computing capacity. although nwp models are complex physically based methods to describe the atmosphere, from the point of view of nowcasting, they have limitations. even the highest resolution and the physically most sophisticated non-hydrostatic models are not able to predict severe weather fig. 3. schema of linear extrapolation based nowcasting. basic parameters and analyzed weather objects are linearly extrapolated 85 events like thunderstorms exactly. a numerical forecast can be considered as successful if the simulated convection appears close to the place where they are in reality in a few hours. nevertheless, 6 hours from now, nwp probably produces bett er forecast than the linear extrapolation because of the non-linear changing feature of the atmosphere. during the quasi-linear nowcasting procedure a wide range of weather observations is applied to make an objective analysis to describe the present state of the atmosphere. the objective analysis provides the basic parameters (pressure, wind, humidity, etc.) for all grid points of a 3 dimensional grid which covers the domain. at the end of the predicting time interval (for example +3 hours from now), the nwp calculated basic parameters are considered as the most accurate data. between the analysis and the nwp predicted parameters (between the start and the end point of the forecast period) a linear interpolation is applied for the basic parameters (figure 4). using basic parameters the so-called motion vectors can be computed. motion vectors describe the replacements of weather objects which can be identifi ed in the above described way. the advantage of the quasilinear method is that interpolation is applied for meteorological objects instead of extrapolation. interpolated basic parameters also provide timedependent surrounding conditions to estimate the development of weather objects. the disadvantage is the uncertainty of nwp computing the second pillar of the interpolation. the coupled nowcasting system due to the development of nwp techniques and the growing computer capacities, the dynamical models play a more important role in nowcasting than before. the main objective is to introduce the real meteorological objects into the models, so that the models can deal with the phenomena complying with the demands of nowcasting. only high resolution, non-hydrostatic models are suitable for the tasks above because most severe weather events take place at 2–20 km scale (mezo-scale). the models are very sensitive to the initial condition: non-balanced initial fi elds can produce gravity waves and other numerical instability making the results hardly useable. that is why the assimilation procedure introducing signifi cant weather phenomena into the initial fi elds has to be very prudent. fig. 4. schema of quasi-linear nowcasting. at the beginning of the nowcasting period, the analysis is carried out and at the end of the period, an independent numerical forecast is given. the applied method is a linear interpolation. 86 the assimilation of signifi cant weather phenomena consists of 2 steps. the fi rst step is the projection of the measured parameters into the model area. in the case of thunderstorms, radar measurements can provide the most detailed information about the phenomena. radar data consist of radar refl ectivity and tangential wind (doppler wind). from this information, the so-called radar-operator procedure calculates which parameters are acceptable for the numerical model (pressure, humidity, wind, hydrometeor contents, etc.). the second step is the introduction of the observed and transformed data into the model. it is an effi cient method when the model is able to accept the data many times during the integration term. for example, observations are available for 0, 1, 2 and 3 hours. the present time is 3 hour and the model starts now, but the simulation time starts at 0 hour. that is way the model can to use 0, 1, 2 and 3 hours measures. when the simulation time is longer than 3 hours, the model runs without any outside forcing. between 0 and 3 hours, a so-called “nudging term” is applied which forces the model equations to approach the measured data in a way that the eff ect of the physical consistency doesn’t cease. the magnitude of the nudging can be set arbitrarily but it must be kept at a moderate level to avoid instability. the conclusion is that nudging technique may help the model to place the severe weather events to forecast for the appropriate place in appropriate time. during the coupled nowcasting technique, the above mentioned assimilation procedure is applied for the numerical model and the model runs every hour. nowcasting analyses are produced more frequently (every 10 or 15 minute) and the linear coupling between the analysis and the model forecast is made in the same way as in the case of quasilinear nowcasting (figure 5). meander: the nowcasting system of the hungarian meteorological service the meander (mesoscale analysis, nowcasting and decision routines) nowcasting system is based both on nwp and real time observation. the meander system makes ultra short range forecast and weather warnings in three steps. fig. 5. schema of coupled nowcasting. circles represent objective analysis, the nowcasting (black line) blends to numerical forecast. the model has an assimilation period during which signifi cant weather objects are taken into account 87 the fi rst step is the downscaling of the larger-scale weather phenomena to mezo-scale. larger-scale data come from the ecmwf (european centre for medium-range weather forecasts) forecast. ecmwf forecast data are available every 6 hour and they are used for wrf (weather research and forecasting), a limited-area model for initial and lateral conditions. the ecmwf data as boundary conditions for the wrf limited-area model were chosen because of their higher space and time resolutions. the verifi cations available at the hungarian meteorological service (hms) also show that the ecmwf model provides bett er scores for the european domain than any other available largescale model. the wrf model has several options to set and it uses the nonhydrostatic option with sophisticated cloud physic, boundary layer, radiation and other schemes. several experiments and case studies were performed to set up the ensemble of the physical parametrization concerning the planetary boundary layer, radiation, cloud physic and soil model parts of the model. the wrf model uses high resolution soil data of hungary coming from hungarian academic soil surveys. the land-use input data originate from the hungarian corine database. that model segment is called wrf-alpha and the 2.5 km horizontal resolution allows the cumulus scheme to turn off , i. e. the model is able to compute convective phenomena by basic equations and there is no need for additional parametrization. regarding the importance of the convection in severe weather events it is an important advantage. wrf-alpha runs every 6th hours providing +36 hours numerical forecast allowing to use this product for early warning. the second step also belongs to the wrf model: 1 km horizontal resolution is applied for more frequent (every second hour) model runs. the wrfbeta creates +8 hours forecast with 2 hours nudging time. during the very fi ne model run, the assimilation techniques mentioned at the coupled system are applied. the wind, temperature and humidity observations of automatic weather stations, radar refl ectivity and satellite data are involved into the objective analyses which are made every hour. the wrf-beta model uses the analyses for 2 hours nudging period, that way involving the local scale phenomena into the computations. the third step of nowcasting is made by the linear segment. that part of the system makes an objective analysis every 10th minutes using data of automatic weather stations and radar and satellite observations. first guess data for the objective analysis come from the actual wrf-beta model run. the grid of wrf-beta also defi nes the domain of the nowcasting system which roughly covers the carpathian basin (figure 6). the resulting objective analysis contains the basic parameters (pressure, temperature, humidity, wind, etc.) calculated for all grid points. there are several derived parameters, such as visibility, precipitation intensity, the phase of precipitation, etc. a particular method is used for calculating the phase of 88 precipitation (geresdi, i. and horváth, a. 2000). the cloud physic based procedure uses the air column for all grid points and from the vertical profi les of the basic parameters it estimates the phase of the precipitation falling on the surface. the procedure is able to distinguish freezing and frozen rain, snow, graupel and rain. the visibility calculation is based on a simple atmospheric scatt ering method where the content of hydrometeors is estimated from the mixing value of cloud elements coming from wrf calculations (bencze, p. et al. 1982). based on the grid data of the objective analysis, the weather objects can be defi ned: showers, thunderstorms, hailstorms, etc. the fi nal results are “current weather”, parameters which identify the actual weather of all grid points. the next step is the linear interpolation of basic parameters between the analysis time and the forecast time 3 hours later coming from the actual wrf-beta forecast. the basic parameters are three-dimensional data and they allow to calculate atmospheric motion vectors describing the movement of weather objects. the nowcasting of the meander system is based on the movement of weather objects driven by the motion vectors. the moving objects are not necessarily static. using the wrf-beta forecast, it is possible to estimate the dynamically predicted weather objects. comparing them with the analysis, some estimation can be made concerning their development. that phase of meander is still under development. fig. 6. scheme of three steps of the meander nowcasting system 89 human contribution before fi nal issue of warnings the results of the objective procedures above are weather warnings for subregions. the off ered warning patt erns can be modifi ed by the forecasters using a graphical editor. by rthe help of the editor, arbitrary domains can be assigned and warnings can be issued or cancelled. the forecasters are able to display all the meteorological parameters and fi elds by the hawk workstation. the gained information combined with the subjective experience may upgrade the weather warnings. manual controls and in case of necessity, manual corrections are made before the fi nal warnings which are sent to the internet and to the users. on the home page of the hungarian meteorological services everybody can be informed about weather hazards. some authorities also get weather warnings via direct channels, such as the civil protection and disaster management services (photo 1). the warning system of the hungarian meteorological service the warning system of the hms realizes the forecast in two steps. during the fi rst step a warning containing the description of the most probable dangerous weather events for the given and the following day is created in the form of a text and a map. photo 1. a graphical system is applied to enable the forecasters to modify the automatically produced warnings. the forecasters can use other weather data and they also apply their own experiences 90 during the second step, a meteorologist ascertains whether if the given dangerous weather event indicated in the warning is possible under the given weather conditions. then, 0.5–3 hours before the event (depending on the weather conditions and the type of the event) an alarm for the dangerous weather event is issued in form of a map. warnings and alarms are issued in the case of the following events: intense thunderstorms, heavy rains, wind gusts, sleets and snowdrift s. some warnings for dangerous weather conditions are issued without any alarms by the system, such as the warnings for long-lasting, high-volume rainfall and snowfall events and the special warnings about the possibility of heat, extreme cold, long-lasting dense fog and ground frost. during the alarms and warnings, the system distinguishes among three danger levels. if there is no chance of a dangerous event fi tt ing the predefi ned criteria, the area shows up on the map as green. first level (yellow). the weather events in that category are not unusual, but they are potentially dangerous, therefore caution is advised, especially during activities more susceptible to weather. second level (orange). weather events which carry danger and can lead to damages or even injuries and accidents. it is advised to obtain detailed information regarding the weather. third level (red). dangerous weather events which can lead to serious damages and threaten human lives. they usually aff ect extensive areas. the public can get information on weather emergencies on the hungarian meteorological service website – htt p://www.met.hu/idojaras/ veszelyjelzes/riasztas/. operational experiences the sub-regional weather warning system has been in operation since 11 august 2011. on 16 july 2013, the hungarian meteorological service replaced the sub-regional boundaries to district boundaries in its database connected to nowcasting, so alarms will be issued by districts in the future. however, it does not mean that there is a substantial change in spatial resolution. alarm statistics full-year alarm statistics from 2012 were available only at the end of 2013 when this study was accomplished. there were warnings on 135 days out of 365 days (figure 7). – – – 91 from the point of view of nowcasting, the busiest season is the so-called convective season during the summer. nearly half (48%) of all the orange (level 2) alarms can be linked to intense thunderstorms (with ice pieces reaching 2 cm and wind gusts over 90 km/h) in the country. the alarms which can be linked to weather events usually happening during the winter season are only about one-fi ft hs (17%) of all the alarms. in 2012, there were two red level alarms: one of them was on 19 july because of the strengthening of a thunderstorm system preceding a cold front, the other one happened on 8 december, at the beginning of the meteorological winter when a mediterranean cyclone caused a snowdrift in the southern regions of the country. communication be prepared! but how? the communication of weather forecasts and warnings and the education are very important to make the public aware and prepared. a weather forecast can never be 100% accurate. in case of nowcasting, on a local scale, the behaviour of the atmosphere is chaotic. so it is necessary to communicate forecast uncertainty to help people make more eff ective decisions. presenting potentially hazardous conditions in terms of probabilities, it is very important to make uncertainties understandable to the general public. it is not an easy process. in the countries where meteorological information and the services of catastrophe management are available, subjective factors defi ne the success of meteorological forecasts and warnings. they are the following: knowledge of the general public about the weather and meteorological dangers. people’s att itude to weather situations and weather information. media. for the bett er understanding of forecasts, specifi c knowledge regarding meteorological concepts, forecasts and the question of predictability are necessary. while most of the knowledge could be gathered from various meteorological books and from the internet, the most eff ective way would be the spreading of knowledge within the framework of the education system. – – – fig. 7. the number of days for each danger level in 2012 (according to the highest danger level on any given day) 92 the descriptions in public textbooks dealing with the atmosphere, weather and climate are usually correct and professional, but some basic meteorological knowledge regarding forecasting weather and the benefi ts and limits of forecasts are missing. they do not deal with dangerous weather phenomena and practical behaviour patt erns during weather emergencies, either. to make a progress in this respect, revision and supplementing of learning materials used in public education are needed. in today's developed societies, especially in the countries where people don't have to face the destructive eff ects of weather every day, the vulnerability of people to the whims of the weather has decreased. at the same time, most people's behaviour regarding the management of weather events is characterised by becoming too comfortable and moving away from nature. despite the fact that the communication channels are constantly spouting weather reports, most people don't look up for information about weather events or only do so superfi cially, even before outdoor activities, work, trips or public holidays. many meteorological service providers and the media disseminate a huge range of meteorological information. in many cases, meteorological websites contain information without any offi cial background or quality control misleading the users and in the case of weather warnings, false information can cause catastrophes. people generally do not know which web pages contain accurate information. it is possible to improve the situation with the extension of objective knowledge and public pedagogy. it is a signifi cant progress that hungarian broadcasters have been reporting on warnings and alarms issued by the hms since 2011 when the regulation of catastrophe management and the related tasks of the media were introduced. conclusions the science of weather forecasting has undergone huge advancements and as a result, meteorology can localize dangerous weather events more and more accurately. the correct usage and interpretation of information in forecasts and nowcasts can protect lives and it can increase the security of people and their valuables or simply contribute to the effi ciency of our everyday work or to the spending of our free time. since its launch in 2006, the alarm system has become part of the weather related decisions made by the decision-makers and the general public. from an application aspect, replacing the original 7-region resolution to sub-regional and then to district-based alarms was a big step ahead. 93 with the methodological and it developments, we decreased oversecuring and we made a progress in increasing the accuracy of alarms. an important development is the continuous improvement of the meander system providing the basis of nowcasting and the 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racionális viselkedés-minták a földrajzoktatásban (modern meteorological knowledge and rational behaviour samples in the geography education). in változó föld, változó társadalom, változó ismeretszerzés 2013. eds. pajtók-tari, i. and tóth, a. eger, international scientifi c conference, proceedings, 190–196. deutscher wett erdienst, 2006. executive summary on the survey "the dwd and severe weather warnings" deutscher wett erdienst, 2006. htt p://www.wmo.int/pages/prog/amp/ pwsp/surveys.htm geresdi, i. and horváth, á. 2000. nowcasting of precipitation type. időjárás 104. (4): 241–252. horváth, á., geresdi, i. németh, p. and dombai, f. 2007. the constitution day storm in budapest: case study of the august 20, 2006 severe storm. időjárás 111. (1): 41–63. horváth, á., seres, a. and németh, p. 2012. convective systems and periods with large precipitation in hungary. időjárás 116. (2): 77–91. ipcc, 2012. managing the risks of extreme events and disasters to advance climate change adaptation. a special report of working groups i and ii of the intergovernmental panel on climate change. eds. field, c.b., barros, v., stocker, t.f., qin, d., dokken, d.j., ebi, k.l., mastrandrea, m.d., mach, k.j., plattner, g.-k., allen, s.k., tignor, m. and midgley, p.m., cambridge, uk and new york, usa, cambridge university press, 582 p. münchener rückversicherungs-gesellschaft , 2013. sustainable business and sustainable enviroment. global warming. disaster statistics. münchener rück, geo risks research, natcatservice, 2013. htt p://www.dandc.eu/en/article/munich-res-disaster-statistics-show-climate-change-making-storms-fl oods-and-draughts-ever 94 ramos, m.h., mathevet, t., thielen, j. and pappenberger, f. 2010. communicating uncertainty in hydro-meteorological forecasts: mission impossible? meteorological applications 17. 223–235. strelec mahovic, n., horváth, á. and csirmaz, k. 2007. numerical simulation of severe convective phenomena over croatian and hungarian territory. atmospheric research 83. 121–131. wmo 2006. guidelines on public weather services strategy for developing public education and outreach. wmo/td-no. 1354. www.library.wmo.int/pmb_ged/wmo-td_1354.pdf wmo 2011. weather extremes in a changing climate: hindsight on foresight. wmo no. 1075. www.library.wmo.int/pmb_ged/wmo_1075_en.pdf 95 guidelines for authors hungarian geographical bulletin (formerly földrajzi értesítő) is a doubleblind peer-reviewed english-language quarterly journal publishing open access original scientifi c works in the fi eld of physical and human geography, methodology and analyses in geography, gis, environmental assessment, regional studies, geographical research in hungary and central europe. in the regular and special issues also discussion papers, chronicles and book reviews can be published. manuscript requirements we accept most word processing formats, but msword fi les are preferred. submissions should be single spaced and use 12pt font, and any track changes must be removed. the paper completed with abstract, keywords, text, fi gures, tables and references should not exceed 6000 words. the cover page of the article should only include the following information: title; author names; a footnote with the affi liations, postal and e-mail addresses of the authors in the correct order; a list of 4 to 8 keywords; any acknowledgements. an abstract of up to 300 words must be included in the submitt ed manuscript. it should state briefl y and clearly the purpose and sett ing of the research, methodological backgrounds, the principal fi ndings and major conclusions. figures and tables submit each illustration as a separate fi le. figures and tables should be referred in the text. numbering of fi gures and tables should be consecutively in accordance with their appearance in the text. lett ering and sizing of original artwork should be uniform. convert the images to tif or jpeg with an appropriate resolution: for colour or grayscale photographs or vector drawings (min. 300 dpi); bitmapped line drawings (min.1000 dpi); combinations bitmapped line/photographs (min. 500 dpi). please do not supply fi les that are optimized for screen use (e.g., gif, bmp, pict, wpg). size the illustrations close to the desired dimensions of the printed version. be sparing in the use of tables and ensure that the data presented in tables do not duplicate results described elsewhere in the article. 96 references please ensure that every reference cited in the text is also present in the reference list (and vice versa). reference style text: in the text refer to the author's name (small capitals with initials) and year of publication. references should be arranged fi rst chronologically and then further sorted alphabetically if necessary. more than one reference from the same author(s) in the same year must be identifi ed by the lett ers 'a', 'b', placed aft er the year of publication. example: (ridgewell, a.j. 2002; maher, b.a. et al. 2010) or ridgewell, a.j. (2002); maher, b.a. et al. (2010) journal papers: aagaard, t., orford, j. and murray, a.s. 2007. environmental controls on coastal dune formation; skallingen spit, denmark. geomorphology 83. (1): 29–47. books: pye, k. 1987. aeolian dust and dust deposits. academic press, london, 334 p. book chapters: kovács, j. and varga, gy. 2013. loess. in: bobrowsky, p. (ed.) encyclopedia of natural hazards. springer, frankfurt, 637–638. submission submission to this journal occurs online. please submit your article via geobull@mtafk i.hu. all correspondence, including notifi cation of the editor's decision and requests for revision, takes place by e-mail. << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.3 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 /colorconversionstrategy /leavecolorunchanged /dothumbnails false /embedallfonts true /embedopentype false /parseiccprofilesincomments true /embedjoboptions true /dscreportinglevel 0 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice the dimensions of peripheral areas and their restructuring in central europe 373 hungarian geographical bulletin 62 (4) (2013) 373–386. the dimensions of peripheral areas and their restructuring in central europe jános pénzes1 abstract the current paper tries to provide a general overview about the restructuring spatial pattern of peripheral areas in central europe. the visegrad countries are regarded as central european countries, in this case, poland, slovakia, the czech republic and hungary are involved. major methodological problems hampered the process of data collection and the comparison of diff erent delimitations of peripheral areas in diff erent countries. however, a general overview could have been made in order to detect the most important alterations of the spatial structures of the investigated countries. the territorial structures of peripheral areas during the socialist era and nowadays were compared to each other. the changes in the location of peripheral areas refl ect back the increasing role and the infl uence of the capital cities and the largest towns and the ongoing development of the western territories. at the same time, the crisis of the eastern border areas – traditional backward areas – became deeper and it can be regarded as permanent along with the process of concentrating and cumulating social-economic problems. the structural changes triggered the backsliding of some of the former industrial and mining areas causing a new phenomenon in the patt ern of peripheral territories in central europe. keywords: central europe, centre-periphery dichotomy, regional disparities, spatial patt ern introduction central european countries have gone under a fundamental transformation during the regime change of 1989-1990. the political changes had an impact on almost all kind of socio-economic processes. the spatial patt ern of the changes was signifi cantly diff erent from the features of the socialist era, from the centre-periphery conditions which evolved in the past decades. the changes were accompanied by the signifi cant increase of regional disparities, diff erences between developed and undeveloped areas. the 1990s was the period of rapid 1 department of social geography and regional development planning, university of debrecen, h-4032 debrecen, egyetem tér 1. e-mail: penzes.janos@science.unideb.hu 374 changes. in addition to the crisis phenomena, the concentrated start of regional development also played a role. the accession of central european countries to the european union in 2004 essentially has not changed the economic processes since they took place during the last 10 years. out and away, the availability of fi nancial resources opened up new perspectives for the regional policy. the assessment of the cohesion funds is controversial, because neither the convergence of the most backward areas nor the reduction of regional diff erences is unambiguous. it is partly because of the multi-dimensional nature of regional development and partly because of the spillover impact of the 2008 crisis. the ineff ective regional policy also played a role. the spatial patt ern got “frozen” and the signifi cant regional inequalities seemed to be stabilized in hungary aft er 2000. the present study is an att empt to analyze and compare the spatial patt erns of the four (until 1992 only three) countries of the socialist era and those of the period aft er the 2000s. in addition, the study aims to reveal the changes occurring in spatial locations as well as the regional characteristics of the peripheral areas. the study tool is typically the review of the associated literature. in addition, i/we overviewed the most important factors which are the limitations of the testing facilities. defi nition of centre and periphery, core-periphery models the centre means midpoint, central position in space or it represents a space portion which also involves a positive quality in addition to the geometric situation. in a particular spatial system, it refers to the relative central position designated by the quantitative and qualitative characteristics, comparing to other space element. accordingly, it can vary depending on the position and scale of space and time together with the size of the spatial system (regionális tudományi kislexikon, 2005). the core concept is combined with social and functional content, fl ow and node characteristics together with a leading role in addition to the geometric nature. the centre is not only limited to points, but it may also have a more signifi cant spatial extent major region, a country a group of countries can be identifi ed as core areas. (tóth, j. and csatári, b. 1983; sárfalvi, b. 1991; nemes nagy, j. 2009). the periphery is also relative, meaning a space element or space portion located on the edge. the geometric position can cover a negative quality, too. as the counterpart of the centre, it features the dependence from the centre, but it can also mean the lack of relationships and isolation. the peripheral issue can be analyzed by multiple disciplines, therefore a shift may occur in 375 the content of peripheral meaning, which can have a social fi lling beyond geographic point of view (nemes nagy, j. 2009). the core-periphery concept is a basic social science paradigm of which dual aspect is not entirely clear. the most well-known propagator is immanuel wallerstein who made the concept triad in a way that he created the semi-periphery category (wallerstein, i. 1983). the centre-periphery pair of concepts can be interpreted in three ways (nemes nagy, j. 1996): positional (geographical) centre and periphery where the centre means a designated, enhanced place, while the periphery means the marginalized sett lements, it is more oft en coupled with the issue of accessibility (tóth, g. 2006; tóth, g. and dávid, l. 2010); development (economic) centre and periphery which can be identifi ed as the economic development and underdevelopment; authority (social) centre and periphery in which the dependence of power and the imbalance of interests appear. the centre-periphery situation of a particular region or sett lement may change in time. the three meanings can overlap each other. it oft en occurs that spatial elements are both central and peripherical depending on the meaning of content (nemes nagy, j. 1996; lőcsei, h. and szalkai, g. 2008). however, in most cases, the principal of “the trouble does not come alone” and a peripheral phenomenon also appear in several factors as a cause or as an eff ect (kanalas, i. and kiss, a. eds. 2006). raúl prebisch, an argentinean economist, casted the fi rst stone of the centre-periphery theory in 1950. he remarked the apropos of the international trade’s unequal exchange rates that the world market prices serve the industrial centres more and more frequently at the expense of raw material producers (barta, gy. 1990). john friedmann’s well-known centre-periphery theory (friedmann, j. 1966) tries to explain the stages of regional economic growth by exploring the regional context of “rostow’s stages of growth” model (lengyel, i. and rechnitzer, j. 2004). based on friedmann’s latin american studies, linked the level of development and the pace of progress of regional disparities (kozma, g. 2003). according to his opinion, innovation is the source of economic development which viable conditions are provided by the core cities and areas (barta, gy. 1990). thereupon, the most suitable platform for economic developments are the urban regions. peripheries depend from the centres’ authorities, therefore the centre-periphery forms a closed spatial system. the relation system is an essential element of spatial diff erences which exists at diff erent scales. the centre-periphery relations in the central european countries have re-evaluated during the last two and a half decades, too. – – – 376 the eff ect of change of regime on the socio-economic processes in central europe the political shift of central europe’s countries2 at the end of the communist regime caused market economic transformations there the economy were determined by spatial situation (nemes nagy, j. 1998). thus, the majority of the countries faced a dramatic economic setback, the drastic increase of unemployment, a structural crisis and the formation of acute crisis areas (gorzelak, g. 1996). the signifi cant decrease of industries which were supported during the socialist era caused very fast transformation of occupation in addition to a considerable amount of reduction of employment (keane, m.p. and prasad, e.s. 2006). the regions which developed infrastructure, a skilled labor force, hence best survived the transition, att racted innovation supporting, competitive foreign direct investments. consequently, the tertiarization of the economy began. the decisive factors for the success of the transformation: the initial stages of development, the sectoral distribution of economic activities; the properties of the factors of production; and the political and economic situation(gorzelak, g. 1996). in the countries, the former, more leveling spatial patt ern became (much) more polarized (e.g. szabó, p. 2003; abrhám, j. 2011). in the 1990s, the rapidly growing regional inequalities were prevalent in those countries, compared to the more moderate socio-spatial patt ern of the period of socialism. the essentially similar regional inequality trends can be included in a single model (the modifi ed kuznets-williamson’s inverted u hypothesis) which focuses on the socialist redistribution. that kind of redistribution maintained the more-balanced spatial patt ern artifi cially. as a result of the switchover to market economy, that infl uence eliminated and the regional diff erences returned to the country’s appropriate level of development (nemes nagy, j. 2005). primarily, the metropolitan regions which could provide the benefi ts of agglomerations (heidenreich, m. 2003), the major urban agglomerations (burda, a. 2013) and the western border areas which were closer to the developed western central european economic centres and generally had a higher level of development could benefi t from the transformation (süli-zakar, i. 2007; nemes nagy, j. and tagai, g. 2011). at the same time, the eastern, oft en agro-industrial profi led border areas of the central european countries being a continuous peripheral band evolved and the former mining and heavy industrial areas became predomi2 in this study, under the concept of central europe we understand the visegrad countries (hungary, slovakia, czech republic and poland). – – – 377 nantly structural crisis areas. that kind of spatial structure materialized in many socio-economic indicators and progresses, e.g. migration within countries, the presence of fdi, diff erences in employment and income patt erns. the aim of our study is to introduce the peripheral areas of central europe in two segments of time, aft er the period of socialism and aft er the millennium. we try to point out the main processes of change based on two periods’ spatial image and summarize the dimensions of transformation, of course, in parallel with the review of relevant literature. the methodological problems of the delimitation of peripheral areas as a result of the characterized processes, in some cases the spatial patt ern was signifi cantly transformed in a way that it changed the centre-periphery spatial specifi cities, as well. it was also pointed out that the spatial position of the peripheral areas despite the presence of the traditionally underdeveloped areas could be considered as dynamic. so it can be interpreted as an indicator of spatial processes which took place during the last nearly quarter century. several studies were created focusing on spatial processes and development’s spatial patt ern of the central european countries (nemes nagy, j. 1987; gorzelak, g. 1996; horváth, gy. 1998, 2009; sokol, m. 2001; kuttor, d. 2009; nemes nagy, j. and tagai, g. 2011; european commission, 2010). however, they have mainly static aspect and they focused on nuts 2 and nuts 3 levels using some very important indicators available in the eurostat database. principally, gdp and hdi are oft en used as complex indicators. the recent eu cohesion report contains a detailed map of the disadvantaged areas of the eu, but it takes mainly natural and agricultural aspects into account (european commission, 2010, p. 193). lately, poverty and the analysis of marginalization in the european-scale regional analyzes get more and more emphasis. in this paper, we try to create a more complex view in which the areas qualifi ed as underdeveloped ones of the examined countries can go beyond national borders (as detailed regional analyzes were created in each country). one the one part the aim is that the similarities or diff erences should become detectable, on the other hand, the “overview” of the common border areas could be used as a guide in regional development planning (including the multi-country aspect of contiguous peripheral regions’ comparative study, even exploring the possibilities of cross-border co-operations). unfortunately, the examination of the problem of the peripheral regions is quite diffi cult, because the phenomenon may appear in multiple dimensions (kanalas, i. and kiss, a. eds. 2006) (the term itself can be approached from 378 several directions – see above) (nemes nagy, j. 1996). the impoundment of peripheral areas is, therefore, generally taken into consideration together with multiple indicators and diff erent methods to bring the indicators to the same unit (see e.g. dávid, l. and baros, z. 2007). the comparability problem of the calculations made in each country is due to several factors: the available and accessible databases are extremely heterogeneous (either the range, the content, the methodology of compilation or in terms of spatial splitt ing and time interval of indicators) partly for that reason, it is almost impossible to fi nd a same (or similar) spatial splitt ing in the various countries of which delimitations apply the same methodology in the same period the previous statement is explained by the fact that spatial issues occur in diff erent phasis (some factors can carry here and there serious inequalities; elsewhere they do not express the level of development or backwardness) in diff erent countries the same indicator which usually outlines the peripheral areas because of the spatial characteristics well may not provide a realistic image, e.g. in the agricultural areas of eastern and southeastern poland, the agriculture disguises the signifi cant latent unemployment (tokarski, t. and gajewski, p. 2003)) moreover, calculations can have diff erent results, none the less, they take similar methods referring to the same time and the same area into consideration (pénzes, j. 2010) all of these things can be further complicated by the issue of temporal comparison, since the content of the indicators can change in diff erent manner. and on top of it all, a few years diff erence between each survey can be suffi cient to distort the results the comparative analyses examining the same area for a longer period of time are rare (e.g. musil, j. and müller, j. 2006) the periphery term is relative ( the same is true for the term of centre), therefore either country’s least developed area, optionally can count as developed one in the neighboring country. as a consequence, it is clear that diff erent analyses made for the delineation of peripheral areas in each country simply cannot be inserted next to each other (although to analyze diff erences of the impoundment can be made such as this fi gure – see e.g. szabó, p. 2010, fi gure 3, p. 30). however, the schematic spatial patt ern maps which are generalized at the appropriate level can be suitable for the illustration of relative peripheral conditions in the countries studied. a study, which would be made uniformly to all countries and based on indicators, which clearly refl ects the level of development, and possibly using more detailed spatial splitt ing; could overcome the listed problems. – – – – – – – – 379 the locations of peripheral areas and the characteristics of the spatial patt ern during the socialism and aft er the turn of the millennium the consolidated and signifi cantly generalized maps which were made according to the available sources, cited in the footnote, provide a characteristic point of view (figure 1). fig 1. peripheral areas of the visegrad countries during the socialist period (left ) and aft er 2000 (right). source: own edition, based on the sources in the footnote 3 (referring to map on the left )3 and footnote 4 (referring to map on the right).4 unfortunately, due to the listed several methodological issues and problems, the further quantitative gis-based comparative analysis would be a concern, therefore we only want to draw att ention to the visible changes that have aff ected the location of peripheral regions. the investigation of the peripheral areas was quite subordinate during the socialist era, though the conceptions and objectives also served the regional equalization (cotella, r. 2006) through the public development 3 by potrykowska, a. 1985, p. 124.; ciechocińska, m. 1986, p. 253; gawryszewski, a. and potrykowska, a. 1988, p. 91.; musil, j. and müller, j. 2006, p. 38.; the data of šsr and beluszky, p. 1976, p. 305. 4 by potrykowska, a. 1985, p. 124.; ciechocińska, m. 1986, p. 253; gawryszewski, a. and potrykowska, a. 1988, p. 91.; musil, j. and müller, j. 2006, p. 38.; the data of šsr and beluszky, p. 1976, p. 305. 380 policy and redistribution which resulted in a levelized spatial patt ern on a superior regional level. the concentrated developments generated considerable inequalities, as well (fuchs, r. j. and demko, g. j. 1979; beluszky, p. 2002). the researches related to regional diff erences in living conditions gained momentum in hungary primarily during the 1970s. since 1986, the delimitation of underdeveloped areas has occurred (although any substantive regional development policies have not evolved). thereaft er the 1980s in poland, researchers placed more emphasis on the territorial aspect to examine the living conditions, the quality of life and the access to services. in the former czechoslovakia such researches were subordinated as the most important spatial disparities (especially the signifi cant diff erences in the development of the czech-moravian and eastern slovak areas) were known. each of the countries the capital city and rural area spatial dichotomy was stressful. in the case of hungary, especially conspicuous the veg (“water head”) type of budapest, which was signifi cant during the period of socialism, too (fuchs, r.j. and demko, g.j. 1979) but became more dominant aft er the end of the communism (see. inter alia enyedi, gy. 1996; nemes nagy, j. 1998). in slovakia, the appreciation of bratislava and the neighbouring region characterized by suburbanization especially in the new millennium can be observed halás, m. and hurbanek, p. 2008). it is coupled with the constipation of the peripheral areas lying east from the capital. however, bratislava’s spatial weight is far less oppressive than in case of hungary and the same can be said of czech republic, too. the role of warsaw in poland is less characteristic because of the feature of the city network and the existence of major metropolitan sub-centres (fuchs, r. j. and demko, g. j. 1979). relation to the latt er country, which is more due to the large urbanrural dichotomy, can be highlighted – poznań, kraków, wrocław and the so called ‘tricity’ (gdańsk, gdynia and sopot) (gorzelak, g. 2006) – however, the largest cities are not necessarily the regional development centres, which the polish regional policy strives to concentrate (churski, p. 2010). the urban-rural dichotomy has a signifi cant presence in all central european countries and its importance has grown since the democratic transition. in rural areas, the economic obsolescence was much more signifi cant, particularly in the eastern part of the studied area which is agrarian-dominant. the employment in the cities was revalued by a smaller decrease in the number of jobs. the phenomenon of suburbanization around the city moves forward the development, while the regions which are farther from the agglomeration lag behind (novák, j. and netrdová, p. 2011; czyż, t. 2012; pénzes, j. 2013; bujdosó, z. et al. 2013). this process is also enhanced by the selective migration which leads to the conservation of divergences and leads to further concentration (miszczuk, a. and wesołowska, m. 2012). 381 the east-west dichotomy can be detected in some forms in all four countries. the valorizing of the western areas and the crisis phenomena in the eastern areas are mentioned in the introduction and we also referred to the structural background (nemes nagy, j. 1998; gorzelak, g. 2006; halás, m. and hurbanek, p. 2008). due to the foreign direct investments and the proximity to the core european areas, the economy revived in the poznań–wrocław emerging development axis. this eff ect bring along the convergence of the peripheral areas of south-western poland (czyż, t. 2012). aft er the end of the communism, the progress which took place in western slovakia and northwest hungary also resulted in the transformation of the backward regions, especially along the main transport axes (lőcsei, h. and szalkai, g. 2008; tóth, g. 2013). the automotive industry and the related supplier sectors had a prominent role in the industrial restruction of the western areas (pavlinek, p. et al. 2009). the process was the least spectacular in the czech republic as prague and its surroundings have always been the most dynamic region. as the other projection of the west–east lean, there is a trend which shows the increasing spatial concentration of peripheral areas in the eastern regions. this concentration appears in the “eastern wall” zone of poland; in the accumulated spatial problems of south-eastern and eastern slovakia and the concentration of peripheral territories in north-east and east hungary. a high level of backward areas is concentrated in the geographical peripheries along/at the borders. in this area, the proportion of the agricultural sector is typically high because of the agricultural trade relations with the eastern soviet markets. aft er the end of the communist era and the collapse of the soviet union, a prolonged crisis of the agricultural sector evolved. in addition to the outer periphery of the central european countries, internal peripheries are present, too. in the case of poland, in the region of warsaw–łódź–kielce–lublin, the increase of peripheral areas is particularly conspicuous. the region of the świętokrzyskie mountains is traditionally a backward area of poland, however, the elements of the restructuring crisis overlap the previous one. in the czech republic, the greater part of the internal peripheries are concentrated along the administrative borders, so called “kraj” borders and their extent have not seem to decline over the past decades (musil, j. and müller, j. 2006). in hungary, the central tisza region (“közép-tiszavidék”) is regarded as an internal periphery, in which the postcommunist processes have resulted in the strengthening of the peripheral status (pénzes, j. 2011). the structural crisis of the mining, textileand heavy industry caused the emergence of unfamiliar socio-economic diffi culties including high unemployment, high social inputs, declining tax revenues and environmental problems in the areas which were prosperous during the socialism, for instance, in 382 the region of upper silesia and łódź in poland, and in the surroundings of salgótarján, ózd and komló in; hungary. a signifi cant part of the region is traditionally backward, therefore its peripheral status is not recent. in eastern poland, the fragmented farm structure of agriculture and the neighborhood of belarus and ukraine conserve the disadvantages which go hand in hand with similar socio-economic problems in all countries (e.g. low employment rate, selective and signifi cant emigration) (miszczuk, a. and wesołowska, m. 2012). in case of slovakia and hungary (in the north-eastern part and in the south-western part), social and employment problems of the roma population aggravate the close up of the region (matlovičová, k. et al. 2012). conclusions as a conclusion, it can be stated that in the peripheral territories, the most signifi cant features are the change, the dynamic transformation and consistency. because of the non-homogenous nature of the change, aft er the years of communism, there were regions in each of these countries which once were about to be prosperous, but did not succeed. it can be observed especially in the structural crisis-stricken areas and also in the converging peripherals (primarily along the western border, in the capital and in the main cities of the agglomerating, suburbanizing areas). however, some of the peripheral areas are traditionally backward ones (mainly the eastern border regions and the so called internal peripherals), which has a convergence that is still not detected. the regional problems and the socio-economic symptoms overlap each other in many cases and they show a number of common elements in the central european countries. although with diff erent emphasis, the evolution of regional inequalities, the question of increasing polarization in the future, the exploration of peripheral territories’ processes and in particular to outline the response capabilities of the regional policy in all of these countries are present in this research. it is mainly due to the distribution of the eu’s regional development funds and the consumption which serve the regional cohesion. the analysis of the summarized processes and the detailed methodological problems submitted in the present study will be the defi nite object of further studies. acknowledgement: „this research was supported by the european union and the state of hungary, co-fi nanced by the european social fund in the framework of támop-4.2.4.a/ 2-11/1-2012-0001 ‘national excellence program’.” 383 references abrhám, j. 2011. rural development and regional disparities of the new eu member states. agricultural economics 57. 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice return to the road of capitalism: recapitulating the post-socialist urban transition 319 hungarian geographical bulletin 63 (3) (2014) 319–334. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.63.3.6 return to the road of capitalism: recapitulating the post-socialist urban transition márton berki1 abstract over the course of history, relatively slow and gradual processes of urbanisation are occasionally interrupted by periods of turbulent restructuring. the post-socialist transition is defi nitely one of the most outstanding examples of these changes, directly aff ecting the lives of over 300 million people. within the confi nes of this succinct theoretical recapitulation, fi rstly, the relationship between capitalist and socialist urbanisation – as a broader conceptual frame – is presented, followed by the brief summary of the post-socialist transition’s general characteristics. subsequently, the specifi cities of the urban structure of socialist and post-socialist cities are subsumed, and fi nally, diff erent scenarios and development perspectives for post-socialist cities are outlined. keywords: post-socialist cities, urban transition, urban theory, urban structure introduction over the course of history, relatively slow and gradual processes of urbanisation are occasionally interrupted by periods of turbulent restructuring, such as in the time of colonial endeavours, large conquests and wars, or in the case of transition to diff erent political systems. concerning the latt er, the post-socialist transition is defi nitely one of the most outstanding examples from the recent past, directly aff ecting the lives of over 300 million people. moreover, aft er the 2004 and 2007 enlargements of the european union, the fate of post-socialist countries undoubtedly became a pan-european issue and responsibility. on the one hand, there has been an increasing interest towards the political, economic and cultural restructuring of post-socialist cities from the side of the western social sciences during the last two decades, particularly 1 department of social and economic geography, eötvös loránd university, h-1117 budapest, pázmány péter sétány 1/c; institute for sociology, centre for social sciences, hungarian academy of sciences, h-1014 budapest, országház u. 30. e-mail: berkimarton@yahoo.com 320 due to the scholarly work of authors originating from (and later partly returning to) former socialist states, such as in the case of andrusz, g. et al. (1996), bodnár, j. (2001), herrschel, t. (2007), stanilov, k. (2007), czepczyński, m. (2008), or hirt, s. (2012). nevertheless, post-socialist urban theory still has a great number of question marks and dilemmas to be discussed. within the confi nes of this succinct theoretical recapitulation, in this paper fi rstly the relationship between capitalist and socialist urbanisation – as a broader conceptual frame – is presented, followed by a brief summary of the post-socialist transition. subsequently, the specifi cities of the urban structure of socialist and post-socialist cities are subsumed, and fi nally, diff erent scenarios and future development perspectives for post-socialist cities are outlined. the relationship between capitalist and socialist urbanisation in order to highlight the intricate relationship of capitalist and socialist urbanisation we turn back to szelényi’s oft -cited question of ‘how much diff erence did socialism make to urban development?’ (szelényi, i. 1996). in response, he outlined two major intellectual strands. according to the ‘ecological model’ (adopted by e.g. van den berg, l. et al. 1982; wilson, f.d. 1983; enyedi, gy. 1988), the 20th century urbanisation was primarily fuelled by rapid modernisation and industrialisation, and since socialist and contemporary capitalist states were both infl uenced by these processes, the similarities between capitalist and socialist cities overweighed their diff erences. in this view, these two types of cities represented nothing more than diff erent variants of the general model of industry-led 20th century urbanisation, and consequently, socialist cities were supposed to be characterised by the same urban development stages as the ones in capitalist sett ings, although with a temporal lag. therefore, socialist cities should have also undergone the well-known path of urbanisation, suburbanisation, deurbanisation and reurbanisation, the only diff erence would be that the prevailing ideology of socialist states might have been able to fi lter some of the global impacts, possibly leading to the temporal prolongation of the stages. as opposed to this reasoning, proponents of the so-called ‘historical school’ harshly criticised the social-darwinist underpinnings of the process of urbanisation. in contrast to the above-mentioned presuppositions, they rather focused on the marked diff erences in the dominant mode of production on the one hand (neo-marxist approach, see harvey, d. 1973; castells, m. 1977), and in sociopolitical organisation on the other hand (neo-weberian approach, see pahl, r. 1970; szelényi, i. 1996). according to this stance, their fundamental dissimilarity resulted in two distinct – capitalist and socialist – urbanisation models, as well as in the form of strikingly diff erent socialist and capitalist cities. the most essential conceptual distinction between the two approaches is presented in figure 1. 321 since the socialist regimes established aft er world war ii were slightly diff erent from country to country, the changes in the scope of urbanisation – contrary to the common direction – were also manifested in diverse ways and at various paces. as a consequence, countries of the eastern bloc were characterised by highly diff erent degrees of urbanisation throughout the decades of socialism; some of them (such as romania, bulgaria and especially the soviet union) were rapidly and heavily urbanising, others (for example east germany and hungary) to a lesser extent, whereas countries of the balkan (e.g. albania) preserved their predominantly rural character. recognising these remarkable diff erences, musil, j. (1980, p. 148) proposed a three-component analytical frame for the investigation of the socialistera urbanisation processes; in this model, he att empted to distinguish the ‘permanent, common features’ of socialist urbanisation (stemming from systemic determinations), the ‘specifi c features’ of urbanisation caused by the inherited diff erences in sett lement structure and demographic situation, and fi nally, the diff erences resulting from the ‘diff erent phases of industrialisation and urbanisation’. correspondingly, szelényi (1993) also raised a similar question: how much of the distinct nature of socialist urbanisation was determined solely by the socialist system, and to what extent was it the consequence of the central and eastern european region’s semi-peripheral capitalist past? according to bodnár, j. (2001, p. 23), western theorists mostly tend to ignore the latt er historical legacy of the macro-region and perfunctorily subsume all specifi cities (always being understood as divergence from western european and north american patt erns) under the all-encompassing label of socialism. taking all these important diff erences into consideration, another remarkable (macro-scale) analytical frame emerged, that of the world-systems analysis, placing the central and eastern european region within the global fig. 1. ecological and historical explanations of the process of urbanisation. source: aft er szelényi, i. 1996, modifi ed by the author 322 power hierarchy of core countries, semi-peripheries and peripheries. an early example of this perspective can be traced in the comprehensive volume of berend, t.i. and ránki, gy. (1976) but later, a more explicitly wallersteinian reasoning is featured in the investigation of kennedy and smith (1989), or as recently as in the analyses of melegh, a. (2006) or bohle, d. and greskovits, b. (2012). besides this specifi c research tradition, the regulation school’s work on fordist and post-fordist capital accumulation regimes has also been applied in the case of the socialist (and later, post-socialist) context, and therefore, can be directly linked to the debate on the distinct or similar nature of socialist and capitalist urbanisation (see for example altvater, e. 1993; smith, a. and swain, a. 1998; chavance, b. 1994, 2002). as an important aspect of the topic, most of these analyses demonstrated that the rigid socialist half-fordist accumulation regime was in many respects diff erent from western fordist accumulation regimes characterised by more sophisticated and fl exible modes of social regulation. finally, a growing number of authors aim to establish theoretical links between modern (capitalist/socialist) and postmodern (and its specifi c variant, post-socialist) societies and urban development (e.g. kharkhordin, o. 1997; wu, f. 2003; hirt, s. 2012). one of the recent contributions to the debate is provided in the theoretical framework elaborated by gentile, m. et al. (2012). on the one hand, their approach also shift s away from the dialectical straightjacket of the capitalism–socialism binary, yet they still explain urbanisation processes in a dichotomic manner. in their model, two idealised city types – the homopolis and the heteropolis – are introduced, along with the complex processes these urban forms are created (and shaped) by, labelled as homopolitanisation and heteropolitanisation. while the distinction of socialist and capitalist cities is of an ideological, political and economic nature, the homopolis-heteropolis theoretical construct is based on their diff erent social and spatial structures (irrespective of the underlying political and economic systems). during state socialism, cities (as centres) played a key role in the formation of the new society; as part of this endeavour, eliminating diff erences was of paramount importance, which eventually led to social, economic and spatial homogenisation, and thus, to homopolitanisation. nonetheless, it is important to note that homopolises could be found out of the eastern bloc as well (such as the coal-mining town of gelsenkirchen, detroit and flint, both being based on motor industry, or post-war charleroi and liège). in addition, several principles of socialist urban planning – including architectural modernism or the idea of neighbourhood units – were also inherently western (before having been purifi ed by the ideological fi lter of socialist central authorities). since these global infl uences were no more restricted aft er 1990, an extremely rapid heteropolitanisation began in central and eastern european cities. the result of these transformation processes is the formation of the 323 heteropolis, the socially and spatially complex and heterogeneous city, characterised by a high level of diversity and fl exibility, as well as by a decentralized (or even fully laissez-faire) regulatory environment. to sum up, in the light of the diverse conceptualisations and disputes outlined in this section, it is evident that the intriguing intellectual debate on the nature of capitalist and/or socialist urbanisation spanning from the 1970s is still far from being closed. general characteristics of the post-socialist transition according to the apt phrasing of sýkora, l. (2009, p. 387.), the post-socialist transition is ‘[a] broad, complex, and lengthy process of societal change starting with the refusal of communist regimes and central planning, leading to democratic political regimes and a market economy’. in terms of urbanism, this epoch might also be understood as a period of restructuring through which cities gradually lose their former socialist specifi cities and turn – or, more pertinently – return to the road of capitalist urban development. hence, post-socialist cities refl ect temporary conditions, the dynamically evolving adaptation of the inherited socialist urban environment to the capitalist rules of the game, i.e. to the new political and economic circumstances. the transition consists of a set of transformation processes, either initiated by the central governments (such as in the case of the initial political and economic reorientation), or spontaneously emerged due to the altered conditions (for instance in the case of the citizens’ changing savings strategies or cultural habits). nevertheless, it is important to underline that the process of the transition and the (re-)building of capitalism took place in a highly uneven manner in the former eastern bloc, both spatially and temporally. just as capitalism is not a uniform construct (see in the works of, among others, esping-andersen, g. 1990; hall, p.a. and soskice, d. 2001), so too was not its dialectical counterpoint, socialism, and certainly its successor, post-socialism either (see e.g. fassmann, h. 1997; greskovits, b. 2004). applying a foucauldian perspective for historical enquiry, it is always more challenging to focus on breaking points instead of continuity and linearity (foucault, m. 2002). in this regard, one of the most essential questions raised in the extensive literature dealing with the relationship of socialism and postsocialism (such as in andrusz, g. et al. 1996; verdery, k. 1996; fraser, n. 1997; burawoy, m. and verdery, k. 1999) is whether there was a sudden and sharp break between the two epochs (i.e. an immediate and complete reckoning with the communist past), or rather a smooth and more gradual process of transition? since these systemic changes can never be uniformly conceptualised (either as a breaking point or as an organic process), the answer usually varies depending on 324 which aspects – i.e. the political, economic, cultural, demographic etc. dimensions – of the transition are being scrutinised. (concerning the issue of temporal continuities and/or discontinuities, see the recent work of grubbauer, m. 2012.) therefore, the most important aspect for the understanding of postsocialist urban change undoubtedly lies in its temporally multi-layered nature. according to sýkora (2009), fi rstly a short-term period can be outlined when the fundamental principles of political and economic organisation are reshaped (i.e. political parties and local municipalities are established, democratic elections are held, the legal frames of market economy are implemented etc.). these changes might be realised even within a few months, usually in a topdown manner. in contrast, the mid-term period might last much longer, during which peoples’ habits and norms are adapted to new political, economic and cultural environment: while socialism was organised along collective values these former(ly conditioned) norms slowly started to changed aft er 1990, depending on the intensity of global infl uences. the length of this transition might last up to 10–15 years in the case of certain social groups, however, in the end, the majority of post-socialist societies are also characterised by individualism, hedonism, the need of self-expression, and hybrid consumption. finally, right from 1990, a long-term period also begins in which the stable patt erns of urban morphology and land use are being reshaped. (these fundamental changes may take several decades.) still concerning the theorisation of the post-socialist transition, further complications are caused by its two-level nature. on the one hand, there is a local, post-socialist transition (from state socialism to market economy) but, parallel to this, there are also several global political, economic and cultural shift s that infl uence local contexts (such as the restructuring of the fordist, keynesian welfare state to a post-fordist, post-keynesian neoliberal state). importantly, these two levels of transition are mutually interrelated and interdependent, both strengthening and weakening each other (sýkora, l. 2009). therefore, albeit post-1990 changes might seem internal, they are in fact deeply embedded in contemporary global processes. consequently, when investigating the urban development trends of central and eastern europe, it cannot be unequivocally assessed whether a given phenomena is the result of the post-socialist transition or that of the global restructuring (or, possibly, the particular hybridisation of the two). regarding global post-fordist and post-keynesian transformations, it is important to emphasise that western european and north american societies have also undergone these processes, however, much earlier (during the 1960s and 1970s) and in a more gradual way. therefore, western policy-makers had more time to ‘test’ diff erent development concepts and, if necessary, to mitigate their negative impacts. in contrast to the western context, central and eastern european transition countries quickly adopted the laissez-faire model of social (and also urban) development, partly as an antidote to their totalitarian past 325 (stanilov, k. 2007). during the post-socialist transition, national and urban governance is increasingly infl uenced by the neoliberal doctrine, which was initially – as a specifi c socialist legacy – blended with the institutions of the welfare state (sýkora, l. 2009). over the past years, however, this specifi city has also been changed, since state planning (and, as its part, urban and regional planning) is widely considered as being opposed to the needs of the market. as a result, the privileged group of socialist-era urban planners are replaced by investors, playing a key role in infl uencing the political sphere as well. due to the overall decline in planning, uncoordinated development concepts and ad hoc decisions are becoming more and more frequent. moreover, aft er the 2004 enlargement of the european union, the (mostly uncritical) mimicry of western practices also becomes widespread in the region. since the access to foreign direct investment (fdi) turned out to be one of the main diff erentiating factors of economic prosperity aft er 1990, the appearance of multinational companies and the growing importance of international institutions signifi cantly reshaped local economies. as a result of the ex-socialist countries’ entry into the global competition, several new actors gained the power to infl uence the cityscape, leading to a high-level urban fragmentation (gentile, m. et al. 2012). besides that, the process of rapid and incautious privatisation – considered as the leitmotif of the post-socialist period by bodnár (2001) – also greatly contributed to the fragmentation of urban space (see also in grime, k. 1999). the extraordinary scope and impact of privatisation is refl ected in the private homeownership rates of several central and eastern european countries being around 90 percent, especially when compared to the mere 67 percent of the united states, the so-called ‘nation of homeowners’ (hirt, s. 2012, p. 44). finally, even though it might be less evident but the transition had indirect demographic consequences as well. the main political aim of the socialist leadership, at least at the level of offi cial propaganda, was the creation of a (more) just society, which was to be achieved – besides collectivisation – by the state-controlled allocation of housing (sýkora, l. 2009). as a result, the offi cial marriages and the compulsory childbearing required for these subsidies both contributed to the survival of the tradition family model, and also ‘protected’ socialist countries against the alarming demographic trends of western societies. although these need-based housing policy principles would have triggered social homogeneity, however, in practice, the (re-)allocation of housing rather depended on political merits, party membership etc. to conclude, the spatial stratifi cation and segregation patt erns of socialist cities were not only aff ected by macro-structures but also by the decisions of individual agents connected to childbearing, party membership, political engagement and so forth (gentile, m. et al. 2012). 326 based on the above-discussed considerations, the post-socialist transition defi nitely caused elementary changes in the aff ected societies. from the perspective of over two decades, we might assert that the fi rst years of the transformation fulfi lled the grim prediction of john maynard keynes from 1933, according to whom ‘a transition will involve so much pure destruction of wealth that the new state of aff airs will be, at fi rst, far worse than the old’ (cited in hirt, s. 2012, p. 40). correspondingly, countries of the former eastern bloc were characterised by a sudden decrease of gdp, peaking unemployment, unleashed infl ation, and re-emerged ethnic confl icts in the fi rst half of the 1990s. the level of social polarisation rapidly increased, both between and within countries, as well as between and within cities. although later, around the turn of the millennia, the fi rst signs of economic recovery already appeared but the acute social problems still remained, and the economic growth of central and eastern european countries was disrupted by the recession of the past years. the specifi cities of the urban structure of socialist and post-socialist cities when taking stock of the literature dealing with the period of socialism and post-socialism, stanilov, k. (2007) highlights that the majority of works primarily focused on the economic and political aspects of the transition, while relatively litt le att ention has been paid to urban structure analyses to date. the rare exceptions include the general model of sýkora (2009) as well as a number of post-1990 case studies (e.g. csanádi, g. and ladányi, j. 1992; or dingsdale, a. 1999, for budapest; sýkora, l. 1999, for prague). the main conclusion of these investigations was that state socialism (lasting for over four decades) created several common characteristics in central and eastern european cities which markedly – both morphologically and aesthetically – distinguished them from the capitalist cities of the same era. generally speaking, socialist cities were scrupulously planned, characterised by uniformity and the lack of spontaneity (hamilton, f.e.i. 1979). however, as the most important morphological diff erence between the two types, they were signifi cantly denser and more compact, especially when compared to the sprawling north american metropolises. this diff erence can be traced back to the preceding capitalist – and in some places even medieval – built environment of the cities. since these legacies could not be easily removed or eliminated, the socialist power concentrated on new constructions (mostly multi-storey prefabricated buildings) at the edge of the cities on the one hand, and on infi ll developments on the other hand (sýkora, l. 2009). furthermore, as another signifi cant dissimilarity, their inner city neighbourhoods were surrounded by vast housing estates. hence, in contrast to the north american metropolis, the verticality of the socialist city was growing 327 from the centre to its edges (using the terminology of gentile, m. et al. 2012, 293., ‘hollow’ cities were created). nevertheless, contrary to their otherwise compact form, in other regards, socialist planning was indeed generous with urban space: throughout the entire eastern bloc, enormous parade squares and monumental representative buildings have been erected in the reshaped historical inner city areas (such as the procession square in budapest or the palace of parliament in bucharest). with the transition, completely opposite processes began, since contemporary post-socialist cities are rather characterised by shrinking public spaces and expanding private ones (hirt, s. 2012). along with the subordinated role of services, the economy of the socialist city was dominated by industry (both in terms of employment and land use). one of the underlying ideological reasons of this one-sided economic structure was to keep manual workers (as a revolutionary force) in major cities (sýkora, l. 2009). this strong industrial character was, however, coupled with a generally weak retail supply even during the last years of state socialism: according to tosics, i. (2005), in the early 1990s retail space per person was three times lower in moscow than in berlin. urban services, such as hospitals, schools and cultural institutions were planned in a hierarchical manner, based on the economies of scale. for a bett er accessibility of public services, socialist cities heavily relied on mass transportation: whereas 80-90 percent of urban trips were carried out by mass transit in the late 1980s, this proportion decreased to only 50 percent by now, while private car ownership nearly tripled in the region (hirt, s. 2012, p. 44). socialist cities were not only diff erent from their western counterparts in terms of their spatial patt erns and morphology but also regarding their social character: they were characterised by lower levels of diversity, segregation, marginality and informality, and in general – due to the permanent surveillance by the authorities – they were ‘safer’ as well (hirt, s. 2012). remarkably, most of the pre-socialist patt erns of residential diff erentiation re-emerged during the transition, while new enclaves also appeared in these cities. aft er 1990, however, not only the level of socio-spatial disparities and the stratifi cation of societies increased but the social groups’ mobility as well, even though the main directions of migration dynamically changed. in the fi rst period, during the 1990s, the least prosperous urban areas (primarily run-down inner city neighbourhoods and large housing estates) were aff ected by a selective out-migration of younger and higher qualifi ed inhabitants (usually moving to the suburbs). this was, in the majority of ex-socialist countries, followed by the re-appreciation of inner city areas from the 2000s, through contradictory gentrifi cation processes leading to the exclusion of less affl uent social groups. finally, and most recently, another kind of migration is fuelled by the economic crisis of the past years in central and eastern europe: besides the younger generations’ fl ow to western europe (and partly to north america), 328 more and more low income urban residents tend to move to countryside areas as part of their daily survival strategies. beyond the general characteristics of the morphological, functional and social transformation of socialist cities, it might also be benefi cial to review the changing preand post-1990 roles and power positions of diff erent urban zones. hereinaft er, a concise overview of these changes will be provided, based on the extension of the comparative model of sýkora (2009) (figure 2). the city centre and the inner city in the socialist period, besides residential properties, the cities’ central cores and inner areas were characterised by representative governmental and municipal buildings, as well as by public institutions responsible for the residents’ ideological education (such as cultural centres or libraries), as a sharp contrast to business-driven western architecture. at the same time, however, inner cities were also treated as the hideout of the bourgeoisie, stigmatised as reactionists and considered as the enemies of the state. as a consequence, in some inner city areas even damages from world war ii remained untouched for decades. due to their gradual deterioration, radical inner city reformulations were carried out from the 1970s. (thus, from today’s perspective, areas which remained intact and neglected owing to the indiff erence of state authority might be regarded as much more fortunate ones.) urban regeneration endeavours aimed at the refurbishment of central residential neighbourhoods were only initiated as late as in the 1980s, primarily in the form of cautious att empts and smaller-scale experiments (sýkora, l. 2009). aft er 1990, the fate of city centres and inner residential areas was rather diverse. in some of the post-socialist metropolises, american and eastern asianstyle central business districts emerged with high-rise architecture (e.g. in moscow, warsaw or belgrade), whereas in other cities, the main emphasis was instead placed on the conservation and/or rehabilitation of historical urban areas (such as fig. 2. changing political and economic interests in socialist and post-socialist cities. source: aft er sýkora, l. 2009, modifi ed by the author 329 in prague or budapest), although with a particular att ention to the needs of mass tourism (stanilov, k. 2007). in addition, large-scale urban revitalisation investments were in many cases not fully controlled or steered by local municipalities but by international capital; therefore, such ventures were rarely tailored to the requirements of local residents. as a result of the so-called ‘spotlight renovation’ practices (aff ecting only relatively small areas), post-socialist city centres and inner city districts are still janus-faced; youthful and rapidly gentrifying neighbourhoods create striking contrasts with the ageing, blighted urban quarters. the former industrial areas industrial areas – originally established and developed on the edge of cities in the late 19th century – were of paramount importance for the newly sett led socialist leadership; thus, due to the commonly believed primacy of industrial production, these areas immediately fell in the hands of the state through nationalisation. along with the massive ring of new housing estates, monofunctional industrial districts became the central authorities’ most favoured and supported urban zones. however, while the process of deindustrialisation set into motion in the advanced capitalist countries already in the 1960s and 1970s, the cities of the eastern bloc – owing to the secure hinterland of the comecon-market and the soviet union – were not aff ected by these changes. under the aegis of the infl exible central planning, the vast majority of the large state-owned industrial enterprises were artifi cially maintained for political and legitimating reasons until as late as 1990; as a result, cities of state-socialism did not undergo the far-reaching post-fordist transformation processes typical for the western capitalist economies. central and eastern european cities, however, paid a high price for these state interventions, as the extremely rapid deindustrialisation processes starting right aft er 1990 had more serious consequences in the region compared to the west. due to robust restructuring the economy of post-socialist cities rapidly shift ed from manufacturing to the tertiary sector in the early 1990s. as a result, similarly to the inner city neighbourhoods, the contemporary character of the former industrial areas is also highly ambiguous; in this case, a relatively low number of successful brownfi eld regeneration projects can be found against vast areas of derelict industrial land still incapable for renewal. the socialist housing estates besides the damage wrought by world war ii, the most radical intervention in the urban tissue of central and eastern european cities during the entire 20th 330 century was undoubtedly caused by the mass-scale construction of socialist housing estates. the devastation of the war and the subsequent baby boom together resulted in an acute housing shortage which also closely coincided with the ideological and urban development endeavours of the newly established socialist regime aiming at creating a new society with an entirely new (socialist) way of life. the construction of housing estates began on the extensive empty (in today’s terminology, ‘greenfi eld’) areas then abundantly available around the cities’ industrial districts, and indeed, this form of (mass-)housing initially provided decent living conditions for the newcomers, especially for low-skilled industrial workers. aft er 1990, housing estates became the biggest losers of post-socialist transition, partly due to their outdated technological solutions, and partly as a consequence of the rapid ageing processes caused by selective outmigration. as a consequence, a signifi cant number of socialist-era housing estates are still facing complex societal challenges (see csizmady, a. 2003). therefore, while socialist regimes concentrated on the empty areas located on the urban fringe in order to establish mass-scale housing and large industrial conglomerates, post-socialist urban development – mainly due to the newly emerging suburbanisation processes – stretches far beyond the administrative borders of the former socialist city. according to stanilov (2007), the post-1990 urban growth simply ‘leaped’ over the immovable ring of housing estates, once representing the quintessence of socialist urban planning. nevertheless, despite the massive outmigration from these areas, a signifi cant share of the population in post-socialist cities still resides in large housing estates (e.g. 82% of the total population in bucharest, 77% in bratislava, 60% in sofi a, 56% in warsaw, and 55% in tallinn) (hirt, s. 2012, p. 35). the former periphery – the contemporary suburbia socialist cities preserved their compact character, they were not girdled with a vast, sprawling suburban zone. large neighbourhoods of detached houses were not desirable for the socialist regime, since this form of housing would have provided residents with too much private space, possibly contributing to a capitalist-type of residential segregation (according to these opinions, as cited by hirt, s. 2012, p. 40, ‘it is the yard that makes the bourgeois’). consequently, in contrast to the extensive american suburbia, socialist cities were mainly surrounded by agricultural land, occasionally dott ed with industrial new towns (szirmai, v. 1988) established aft er world war ii. during this period, large cities (as central places) represented the apex of the redistributive system, whereas the adjacent areas were primarily considered as their periphery, in many cases having been suppressed via administrative tools as well. 331 hence, the massive outfl ow of urban population and the rise of suburban areas began only aft er 1990. this process was further accelerated by the liberalisation of the real estate market and a booming private car ownership. in spite of the negative environmental impacts of urban sprawl, residential fl ows were soon followed by the suburbanisation of the industry and – to a lesser extent – the services sector as well. as a result, along with city centres, the formerly neglected and peripheral suburban areas became undoubtedly the most dynamically developing areas of contemporary post-socialist agglomerations. as shown by figure 3, the overall status of the diff erent urban zones, as well as the political and economic interests related to these areas have both undergone a signifi cant realignment in post-socialist cities aft er 1990, mainly heading towards a completely opposite direction compared to pre-transition processes and power relations (sýkora, l. 2009). areas previously preferred by the communist regimes immediately lost their privileged positions, whereas the ones that were less supported – for ideological reasons – became the most prosperous areas of recent years. to conclude, this intra-urban equilibration process might be referred to as ‘the paradox of post-socialist transition’. future perspectives of post-socialist cities the dissolution of the soviet union and the collapse of state-socialism caused overwhelming changes in east central europe. stanilov (2007) identifi es it as a global-scale pruitt -igoe, the most remarkable moment of the dawn of modernity. concerning epochal demarcations, hirt (2012) draws similar parallels when comparing the era of socialism and post-socialism with the binary of modernity and post-modernity, highlighting the apparent similarities between post-modern and post-socialist urbanism. concerning the future perspectives of post-socialist cities, the most comprehensive overview is provided by kiril stanilov (2007), who outlines four possible development scenarios based on macro-regional urbanisation trends. (1) in the long term, he sees the possibility of a west european-type development, characterised by controlled rates of suburbanisation, vibrant central and inner city areas, high quality public services, and noticeable (although not excessive) patt erns of social stratifi cation. fig. 3. the changing political and economic status of socialist urban areas during the post-socialist transition. source: aft er sýkora, l. 2009, modifi ed by the author 332 (2) in contrast, the north american model is rather dominated by higher levels of privatisation and spatial deconcentration, as well as a stronger segregation by income and ethnicity. (3) thirdly, an east asian-type of urban development path might be characterised by the coexistence of an exceptionally rapid economic growth and strong local cultural traditions. (4) finally, he also warns about the possible emergence of a fourth kind of (over-, or dependent) urbanisation typical of third world countries. this model is characterised by an uncontrollable rate of population growth exceeding the ability of the economy and the government to provide jobs and an appropriate urban infrastructure, consequently leading to increasing urban informality. thus far, according to stanilov, post-socialist urban development exhibits select features of these models. over the past 10–15 years, the vitality of inner city neighbourhoods has undoubtedly grown (in correspondence with the western european model), while the unleashed suburbanisation, the growing fascination with (mass-)consumer culture, and the all-encompassing privatisation processes rather resemble the north american development path. until the recession of 2008, several central and eastern european regions and cities were characterised by east asian-type ‘booming’ economies, however, as an alarming signal of the fourth model, the rapid erosion of public service provision can also be observed in post-socialist cities. beyond all these urban development processes, the increasing level of socio-economic polarisation is defi nitely one of the most enduring aspects of the so-called ‘bifurcated transition’ (hirt, s. 2012), i.e. the simultaneous appearance and coexistence of first world-style and third world-style capitalisms. in whichever direction the urbanisation processes of transition countries may eventually turn, it is obvious that the inhabitants of post-socialist cities still have to face several local and global challenges. within the ex-socialist countries joining the european union in 2004 and 2007, according to the statement of a 2008 world bank report, even though “the transition is over, but the schumpeterian process of creative destruction is not” (alam, a. et al., 2008, p. 29). references alam, a., casero, p.a., khan, f. and udomsaph, c. 2008. unleashing prosperity. productivity growth in eastern europe and the former soviet union. washington d.c., world bank, 274 p. altvater, e. 1993. the future of the market. an essay on the regulation of money and nature aft er the collapse of “actually existing socialism”. london, verso, 272 p. andrusz, g., harloe, m. and szelényi, i. eds. 1996. cities aft er socialism. urban and regional change and confl ict in post-socialist societies. oxford, blackwell, 356 p. 333 berend. t.i. and ránki, gy. 1976. közép-kelet-európa gazdasági fejlődése a 19–20. században (the economic development of central and eastern europe during the 19th and 20th century). budapest, közgazdasági és jogi könyvkiadó, 723 p. bodnár, j. 2001. fin de millénaire budapest. metamorphoses of urban life. minneapolis, university of minnesota press, 222 p. bohle, d. and greskovits, b. 2012. capitalist diversity in europe’s periphery. new york, cornell university press, 304 p. burawoy, m. and verdery, k. eds. 1999. uncertain transition. ethnographies of change in the postsocialist world. lanham md, rowman & litt lefi eld, 322 p. castells, m. 1977. the urban question. london, edward arnold, 502 p. chavance, b. 1994. the transformation of communist systems. economic reform since the 1950s. boulder, westview, 225 p. chavance, b. 2002. institutions, régulation and crisis in socialist economies. in régulation theory. eds. boyer, r. and saillard, y., paris, la découverte, 267–273. csanádi, g. and ladányi, j. 1992. budapest térbeni-társadalmi szerkezetének változásai (changes in the socio-spatial structure of budapest). budapest, akadémiai kiadó, 159 p. csizmady, a. 2003. a lakótelep (the housing estate). budapest, gondolat kiadó, 320 p. czepczyński, m. 2008. cultural landscapes of post-socialist cities. representation of powers and needs. aldershot, ashgate, 209 p. dingsdale, a. 1999. budapest’s built environment in transition. geojournal 49. 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice isaac, r.k. (ed.): dark tourism studies. abingdon and new york, routledge, 2022. 132 p. 423book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 419–426.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.71.4.8 hungarian geographical bulletin 71 2022 (4) isaac, r.k. (ed.): dark tourism studies. abingdon and new york, routledge, 2022. 132 p. the ever-increasing competition among tourism destinations results in the emergence of new approaches and products. the tourism industry is taking a second breath after a couple of years of break in the period of the covid pandemic – this creates opportunities for the new ideas. the so-called dark tourism is one of the emerging fields within tourism, that contributes to the changing field of the industry and impacts the attitudes towards tourism and attractions at the same time. there is a growing popularity and hype of dark tourism in the last decades as it is able to effect the transformation of mindsets and assimilate the framework and scale of crucial moments in human history. rami k. isaac is a senior lecturer at the academy for tourism at breda university of applied sciences in the netherlands. his recently edited book is a collection of studies that offers innovative, cutting-edge, and international tourism research that is based on multidisciplinary and transdisciplinary conceptual and empirical ideas. moreover, throughout the chapters, the authors offer new perspectives and possible research directions for future studies on dark tourism. according to the editor of the volume, the book aims to stimulate and advance theoretical, conceptual, and practical study on dark tourism and to get a peek at the kinds of original thinking and academic research. although the concept of dark tourism has existed for 25 years, it is getting more attractive and relevant in present times as research interest is broadening and having popularity among researchers from various fields. the book consists of 7 chapters. among them, dark tourism has been covered from different perspectives, such as emotional, ethical, educational, and commemorative aspects. the chapters could be restructured into two sections according to the key concepts. the initial four chapters can be considered studies of the experiences and emotions of dark tourism visitors, and the last three chapters could become a part of edutainment in dark tourism. as it is highlighted in the book, due to the gap in the research, there is no exact proven relation between dark tourism and heritage in scientific papers. however, they have interdisciplinary connections. the primary purpose of chapter 1 by james kennell and raymond powell is to assess the association and degree of the overlapping between heritage and dark tourism from the perspective of world heritage sites (whs) perception. even from the name itself, dark tourism is perceived as negatively affiliated with death and atrocity. therefore, heritage-oriented scientists dispute in acceptability of dark tourism to whs studies. there are also some debates on how dark tourism relates to eerie events. however, many dark sites are dynamic and towering structured service landscapes, including world heritage sites. the study area of chapter 1 is maritime greenwich, a unesco world heritage site in london, united kingdom. surveys among participants of the research were conducted using the delphi technique. this study offers a unified perspective on the connection between dark tourism and heritage from a vast collection of heritage tourism stakeholders. chapter 2 discusses the gap in the research related to feminine crime in dark tourism. generally, murder tours worldwide mainly focus on cases where men are the killers and women are their victims. according to the authors (bailey a. adie and esther j. snell), if female killers are less prevalent in modern murders than male killers are, this must be partially because of how gender and crime are perceived socially and how they are used and portrayed in contemporary society. however, misunderstanding murder’s role as a social issue can result from distortion, which can perpetuate false stereotypes. when the killer is unknown, it is fascinating to observe that mystery killers are typically thought to be males. as a 424 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 419–426. result, even in the absence of explicit gender, it is safe to presume that the narratives of these tours have a masculine gender role in mind. chapter 2 concludes that women are frequently ignored in the activities of murder-related dark tourism, which is not surprising given the academic and criminological link between men and murder. the goal of this essay was not to refute the term ‘dark tourism.’ still, it does appear that visiting crime scenes, particularly those of violent crimes, may differ from visiting commemorated tragedy sites like auschwitz in poland or ground zero in new york. these locations serve as a means of remembering the victims of these incidents. in contrast, violent criminal tourism practices demean the victims and frequently serve as a celebration for the perpetrator. however, the analysis and conceptual basis of chapter 2 could be broadened in a sense of gender issue as only women’s crimes are discussed in this part of the book. thus, future studies can incorporate a broader analysis of gender issues by researching murders of transgender, two-spirit, non-binary genders and pangender. furthermore, it would be intriguing to learn whether dark tourism to crime scenes occurs outside of the western, predominantly english-speaking globe and, if so, whether these locations serve to reinforce local cultural gender norms. chapter 3 by martin maccarthy and ker ni heng rigney describes a study that used a variety of qualitative techniques. this research investigates visitors’ experiences at the anzac national center in western australia to comprehend the level of involvement, the emotions connected to it, and the everyday conduct connected to antipodal commemorism. the anzac national center, which was inaugurated in 2014, and the area around it are very significant to australia and new zealand since this is where soldiers leaving for the great war of 1914–1918 assembled before their long trip to an unknowable fate. popular topics in commemorative studies include place and collective social memory. one critique in chapter 3 is that dark tourism drew large numbers of visitors at the expense of converting the memorial into a theme park. we are demeaning our past, as daley, p. (2019) warns, by altering the australian war memorial into a theme park. however, the spectacular and moving moments in the nation’s history deserve to be memorialized. hirsch, m. (2008) says that memories can be transmitted to the following generation as a ‘post-memory’ if they are sufficiently painful. thus, from generation to age, memory continues to be politicized. the research questions such as “what is the relationship between hero worship and compassion towards guests?” remain unanswered as the authors’ initiative seeks to deepen our understanding of dark tourism. what concepts can be applied to the design and upkeep of historical monuments to improve tourists’ expectations for immersive caritas? is remembrance truly dark tourism, or should the hypername be changed? the authors claim that many respondents concur with the practicality that personnel should be paid and facilities should be maintained. at the same time, some criticize and emphasize the charging of access fees to a sacred site. as it was mentioned before, the first four chapters emphasize awareness of the experience and emotions of the visitors of dark tourism sites. chapter 4 strokes on consumer behavior, psychology, services and tourism to comprehend how the feelings and emotions engendered by dark travel experiences lead travellers to reflect on death-related issues and interact in thought methods that in spin empower them to develop insight into dark places and death. previous studies have been criticized for highlighting motives over the characteristics and effects of dark tourism, particularly their phenomenological and contextual underpinnings. the results of chapter 4 add value to the field by using a reflective autoethnographic approach to learn more about the experience of dark tourism. this chapter includes a literature review on how emotions relate to dark tourism, methods, analysis, and results with discussion. in this part, the autoethnography approach is a crucial tool. in a narrative research approach, individual experiences are described and systematically examined to comprehend cultural experiences (ellis, c. et al. 2011). as a study site, ground zero, gettysburg park, and ellis island were selected. in terms of the kinds and degrees of emotions elicited and their effects on introspection, critical thinking, and transformation, ground zero has been identified as the location with the highest emotional engagement. at the same time, gettysburg sparked emotions of sorrow over the civil war casualties as well as an appreciation for the pride of the american people in maintaining their heritage and giving it its unique meaning. the authors, marianna sigala and effie steriopoulos concluded that the visitor experience in frightening locations ought to be thematically connected to tales and genuine artifacts with symbolic significance that can arouse intense feelings and thinking and open the door to novel interpretations. chapter 4 suggests dark site managers must be conscious of the elements and procedures that can elicit a variety of emotions in visitors to settle better and create their services and experiences to provoke suitable feelings in visitors. the authors also provide some proposals for additional investigation. one of these involves determining whether asian travelers touring western dark sites have positive or negative emotions and how they can contemplate them and extrapolate creative meanings, and vice versa. drawing on the results presented in the chapter, future research should look into the function and effects of tourists’ interactions and reflections, including those with other visitors and with themselves, dark site artifacts, their story messages, and symbolism. 425book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 419–426. according to its authors (brianna wyatt, anna leask and paul barron), chapter 5 was initially written to highlight that edutainment seems underdeveloped and underused amongst researchers in dark tourism. in this context, edutainment means organizing entertainment dark tours through educating people. the influence of the edutainment interpretation of three lighter dark visitor attractions, which are offered as new attractions to explore as part of the dark tourism study, is thus critically examined in this part of the book. this study deepens the knowledge of dark tourism in relation to variety of ldvas (lighter dark visitor attractions), their interpretation, and the use of dark tourism education initiatives. dark tourism can allow viewers to connect with a painful past through interpretation by acting as a trigger for emotional values and information enrichment (kim, s. and butler, g. 2015). according to surveys, ldva receives much criticism for trivial entertainment that dilutes historical accuracy by softening and removing narrative and erasure the surroundings (dwyer, o. and alderman, d. 2008; silverman, h. 2011; stone, p. 2006). others have responded by asserting that ldva genuinely educates viewers and satisfies tourists’ interest in darker tales from older days through accurate and authentic displays in its amusement programming (rodriguez-garcia, b. 2012; magee, r. and gilmore, a. 2015; welch, m. 2016). in the chapter, three different ldvas, the real mary king’s close in edinburgh, sick to death museum in chester, and gravedigger ghost tour in dublin, were chosen by deliberate sampling as the sites where data gathering was to happen. each delivered an interpretation using a curriculum that combined education and entertainment with varied approaches to inform, provoke, and engage the audience. the focus groups were asked to answer the question: what is your perception of the design and management of the interpretation of your attraction? the data analysis revealed three other elements that affect how ldva entertainment and instructional programs are perceived: pop culture allusions, the nature of the material and other alluring features, and competitiveness. the results demonstrate a clear awareness that each ldva has worked to construct its vision in a way that teaches its audience and provides historically correct and academically sound material, despite the influence of pop culture references and the popularity of edutainment. it was shown that none of the ldva members intended to change history or stir up violence just for the sake of it. the findings of this study, which looked at how edutainment interpretation affected design, deepen our understanding of dark tourism because they go against many of the publications claiming that ldvas typically do not consider issues of factual accuracy and most frequently marginalize history through myths. chapter 6 investigates the significance of students’ educational experiences focusing on the effects of students’ visits to gloomy tourist destinations on their internal and behavioural activity. this issue has been studied rarely and incompletely in previous research. as university students are one of the most often targeted audiences for edutainment, the authors have analysed their attitudes in the study. the goal of chapter 6 is to examine the value of students’ education programs in dark tourist spots with an emphasis on the after-visit impacts, which are behavioural activity that is both inwardly and outwardly directed. the research is based on longitudinal data gathered from study tours of various dark tourism destinations in latvia from 2014 to 2019, which were organized as a part of an undergraduate course. during the research trips, students visited three to four sites associated with the nazi and communist regimes. excursions or educational tours are viewed as a method for experiential learning. however, it is important to highlight that the research has a significant limitation due the size of the analysed sample. the number of students and the number of site visits varied annually. as a consequence, each site had anywhere between 12 and 103 replies. due to this, authors limited data analysis to websites that at least 30 students visited and concluded that visiting dark tourism destinations, which represent the darkest end of the spectrum, generally results in more significant aftereffects than seeing the lighter end. the outcomes of this chapter support earlier research that shows that students regard the tourist destinations with the most educational value to be the darkest. the findings also demonstrate that not all of the dark tourism destinations featured in the tour program successfully stimulated tourists’ cognitive and affective responses. chapter 7 also describes a study with a case of a mix of educational and dark tourism in fukushima, japan. the study consists of two parts: first, examining how educational and dark tourism ideas have evolved in japan; second, how the fukushima hope visitor tour’s educational dark tourism component came about. due to the cultural background of fukushima, the terms ‘peace tourism’ and ‘hope tourism’ are alternatives that avoid the word ‘dark tourism’ but still incorporate dark tourism elements in the context of educational tourism. local governments rarely use the phrase ‘dark tourism’ in japan. they worry that even though dark tourism includes both ‘light’ and ‘dark’, if a place is called ‘dark tourism,’ it will acquire a bad reputation. specifically, data and knowledge about natural disasters and their prevention, information and understanding about emergency preparedness, sorrow and prayer for the victims of the natural catastrophe, and landscapes of the afflicted area were utilized to measure the element of education or ‘dark.’ on the other hand, natural scenery, food and specialty, culture, and attractions, were applied to quantify enjoyment or ‘light’ factors. the excursion’s analysis provided insight into how 426 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 419–426. education and entertainment may be blended and how they can enhance one another to assist the public to acknowledge the area and even promoting it. dark tourism is not new, but evolving popularity gives the opportunity for forgotten history to be revised and transferred to the public. the editor of the volume, rami k. isaac concluded that multiple types of visitors, such as victims, perpetrators, and observers, must be distinguished. the term ‘victims’ refers to people who, in some way, identify with victims and take action to seek justice or reparation on their behalf. the ‘perpetrators’ have a relationship with individuals who perpetrated the crime, even from a distance. the category of ‘observers’ is more complicated, but it also includes those who are deeply attached while not belonging to any of the categories. according to isaac, greater research is required to understand the various visitor kinds thoroughly, but this is a highly intriguing topic. studies included in the book have discussed a lot about the negative and positive emotions and experiences of tourists. dark tourism studies proved that there is a significant gap in the research of dark tourism regarding the understanding of the emotional experience of visitors. i wholeheartedly suggest the volume to everyone interested in dark tourism studies and its contemporary trends. the book is helpful for people who wish to learn about the theories and approaches of dark tourism and obtain inspiration for further research. after going through the book for the first time, i noted that seven researches majorly were about the experiences and emotions of the visitors and the edutainment significance of dark tourism. thus, the first four chapters belong to a part about the experiences and emotions of dark tourists, and the last three chapters can be included into the education and entertainment section. the book is a fine collection of different aspects of dark tourism studies in terms of gender equality, emotions, experiences, and commemoration. aigerim assylkhanova1 r e f e r e n c e s daley, p. 2019. we demean our history when we turn the australian war memorial into disneyland. the guardian (5 sept. 2019). available at: https:// www.theguardian.com/australia-news/postcolonial-blog/2019/sep/05/we-demean-our-historywhen-we-turn-the-australian-war-memorial-intodisneyland 1 university of szeged, department of economic and social geography, szeged, hungary. e-mail: aigerim.assylkhanova@gmail.com dwyer, o. and alderman, d. 2008. civil rights memorials and the geography of memory. chicago, center for american places at columbia college chicago. ellis, c., adams, t.e. and bochner, a.p. 2011. autoethnography: an overview. historical social research / historische sozialforschung 36. (4): 273–290. hirsch, m. 2008. the generation of postmemory. poetics today 29. (1): 103–128. kim, s. and butler, g. 2015. local community perspectives towards dark tourism development: the case of snowtown, south australia. journal of tourism and cultural change 13. (1): 78–89. magee, r. and gilmore, a. 2015. heritage site management: from dark tourism to transformative service experience. the service industries journal 35. (15–16): 898–917. rodriguez-garcia, b. 2012. management issues in dark tourism attractions: the case of ghost tours in edinburgh and toledo. journal of unconventional parks, tourism & recreation research 4. (1): 14–19. silverman, h. 2011. contested cultural heritage: a selective historiography. in contested cultural heritage: religion, nationalism, erasure and exclusion in a global world. ed.: silverman, h., new york, springer, 1–49. stone, p. 2006. a dark tourism spectrum: towards a typology of death and macabre related tourist sites, attractions and exhibitions. tourism: an interdisciplinary international journal 54. (2): 145–160. welch, m. 2016. political imprisonment and the sanctity of death: performing heritage in ‘troubled’ ireland. international journal of heritage studies 22. (9): 664–678. https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/postcolonial-blog/2019/sep/05/we-demean-our-history-when-we-turn-the-australian-war-memorial-into-disneyland https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/postcolonial-blog/2019/sep/05/we-demean-our-history-when-we-turn-the-australian-war-memorial-into-disneyland https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/postcolonial-blog/2019/sep/05/we-demean-our-history-when-we-turn-the-australian-war-memorial-into-disneyland https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/postcolonial-blog/2019/sep/05/we-demean-our-history-when-we-turn-the-australian-war-memorial-into-disneyland https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/postcolonial-blog/2019/sep/05/we-demean-our-history-when-we-turn-the-australian-war-memorial-into-disneyland berg, l.d., best, u., gilmartin, m. and larsen, h.g. (eds.): placing critical geography. historical geographies of critical geography. london and new york, routledge, 2022. 331 p. 419book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 419–426. b o o k r e v i e w s e c t i o n doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.71.4.7 hungarian geographical bulletin 71 2022 (4) berg, l.d., best, u., gilmartin, m. and larsen, h.g. (eds.): placing critical geography. historical geographies of critical geography. london and new york, routledge, 2022. 331 p. placing critical geography is rather a thought-provoking and inspiring collection of geographically situated histories of critical geographies in various locations around the globe. the editors of the book aimed at grasping differences in the production of critical knowledge in a range of academic settings using kirsten simonsen’s (1996) conceptualization as their starting point. accordingly, in compiling the chapters, they adopted the “space as difference” and “space as social spatiality” approaches in order that the chapters can “capture the difference that space makes and the different social relations that lead to different conceptualizations and understanding of the spatial” (lawrence d. berg, ulrich best, mary gilmartin, and henrik gutzon larsen: chapter 1, p. 4). all the 37 authors offer an insight into the evolvement and shaping of critical geography in mostly nation states and linguistic groups or regions typically as “insiders.” thus, they offer insight into the following locations in the following order: palestine (and beyond), south africa, the usa and anglocanada, latin america, japan, china, francophone and german-speaking countries, ireland, italy, nordic countries, spain, the united kingdom, australia and aotearoa new zeland. it is not only the large number and diversity of the chapters that i cannot undertake to summarize them in any way. the stories presented in the book are all specific and complex. i strongly believe that in order to be able to understand “how space matters,” all the chapters, the changing economic, social, political and institutional contexts presented, and the personal stories selected by the authors must be studied carefully. this review is not only partial but also subjective. not only because of the characteristics of reviews in general, but also because it has a less common form of subjectivity. the (above-mentioned) concept of “space as social spatiality” is partly coming from henri lefebvre’s interpretation of space (1991), according to which each mode of production leaves its footprint on the production of space. i believe that this alone can create a feeling of “something missing” in readers, namely that ex-socialist central and eastern europe (cee) is not represented in the volume. that said, i am not going to be the one that voices criticism in connection with that. on the contrary. this book was still in the making well over a decade ago when i was invited to write a chapter on the critical geography of this region. at the time, however, i did not think i could provide information on any meaningful progress compared with the information on the absence of critical geography in hungary i had shared earlier (timár, j. 2003). my conviction at the time, namely that the situation was not any different in the region either, was substantiated by a conference of the international critical geography group (icgg) held in békéscsaba (hungary) in 2002 as cee researchers represented only a small proportion of the 180 participants from 40 countries (bialasiewicz, l. 2003). however, there has been some discernible change since then. currently, a change of generations offering some hope and a social turn also reflected in the application of critical social theories are taking place, putting a final end to soviet-type social geography. therefore, seizing the opportunity provided by this review, in the conclusion, from among the major issues presented in the book i will cherry-pick specifically those that bear relevance to critical geography evolving in hungary (hopefully elsewhere in cee too). i hope such subjectivity will not divert attention from the book, 420 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 419–426. rather it will contribute to the realization of the goal of “placing critical geographies.” such realization is not confined to a mere descriptive presentation of the individual, locally different trajectories of critical geography. the book can be deemed as a challenge to “the hegemonic history of critical geography” defined by the editors. this kind of history “reduces the multiple and complex histories of critical geographies around the world to a singular story that reinforces anglo-american hegemony, where critical geography is understood to have originated in the united kingdom and the united states and ‘diffused’ outward to the peripheries of academic knowledge production” (chapter 1, p. 1). one of the results of the approach disassociating itself from that kind of history is that the chronology of the chapters does not start with the end of the 1960s or the 1970s. although this period is commonly regarded as a decisive moment in critical geography in most (groups) of the countries studied, the authors go back much earlier, in some cases even to the 19th century, to search for the roots. linda peake and eric sheppard, who discussed the usa and anglo-canada (chapter 4), also break with earlier traditions. as a result, in addition to/instead of a few better-known predecessor geographers representing radical geography with its roots traced back to 1969 (the year of the publication of antipode), they also present the activities of the forerunners overlooked before. mary gilmartin (chapter 10) raises the issue of a seemingly controversial position of ireland. she is aware of the fact that if the definition of anglo-american hegemony is language-based, due to english being used as a de facto first language, ireland, too, must be considered a part of the core. however, this approach hides ireland’s controversial colonial and postcolonial relations with britain. gilmartin mostly reveals the role that these relations play in the production and circulation of critical geography. koji nakashima, tamami fukuda and takeshi haraguchi (chapter 6) have adopted an analytical method as an alternative to the assessment of critical geography in japan (mizuoka, f.t. et al. 2005) that has attracted considerable attention and that they also appreciate. one of the components of their alternative approach is a multi-linear history of social, cultural and other related studies instead of a focus on the history of economic geography. ari lehtinen and kirsten simonsen (chapter 12) present the in-between status of nordic critical geography. it is not only between internationalization and situated knowledges, and representation and materiality that such inbetweenness exists. as a number of examples illustrate, in-betweenness also reflects the duality of anglophone and continental european inspiration. finally, it is worth emphasizing here that probably the most comprehensive and consistent argument against “the hegemonic history of critical geography” is wing-shing tang’s presentation of the history of critical geography in china (chapter 7). in so doing, the author introduces an alternative methodology called spatial story methodology where he is helped by the tradition of non-dualistic chinese tongbian thinking, which emphasizes the mutual embeddedness of contradictions. he concludes that critical geography in china is not a “mere variegated version of its western counterpart” (p. 138). it is specific paths that can describe differences best. challenging, among others, david harvey, he explains that there are spatio-historical paths other than those characterized by the logic of capital, strong private property rights and free markets. as he puts it: “because of this, a benchmark of criticality for critical geography that is derived from western capitalism and then uncritically deployed to other contexts, such as china, is not particularly useful or insightful. the crux of the issue is not so much the mere identification and documentation of pluralisms or diversities alongside this benchmark, but rather the need to acknowledge the existence of many more distinctive criticalities that have been derived from disparate, but inter-connected, forces and processes.” (p. 138). the origin of these criticalities is a fundamental question in each chapter. critical social theories are inspiration, key sources and, at the same time, tools of critical geographical research aimed at understanding and changing the numerous forms of inequality, oppression, socio-spatial injustice, which is also reflected in the individual chapters. the importance of the spatiality of critical geography is reflected in the analyses of the situational embeddedness and travelling of these theories. an excellent argument against “the hegemonic history of critical geography” that would be strengthening angloamerican hegemony is the fact that the career of élisée reclus and his friend pyotr kropotkin, two anarchist geographers summarizing the theoretical approach of criticality, started in france and russia, respectively. in addition to the international impact of their works from over 150 years ago that is still detectable, they also disseminated their knowledge while travelling, even if they did not always meet a receptive audience. kropotkin, for instance, limited the channels of his professional discourses to his personal relationships with his british colleagues because his principles prevented him from becoming the member of any organization under royal patronage, thus that of the royal geographical society, which offered him membership after his visit to london (kye askins, kerry burton, jo norcup, joe painter and james d. sidaway: chapter 14). for those who, for linguistic barriers, could not read blanca ramírez’s (2007) study about this in the original, it would be interesting to learn that reclus visiting colombia as an explorer could not earn fame despite his continuous discussions with francisco javier vergara y velasco, a famous local geographer. fame only came to him in the 1970s, by which time the geographical profession had become receptive thanks to the french marxists pierre george and yves lacoste, mainly in colombia and venezuela and, to a lesser extent, in ecuador (david e. ramírez, 421book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 419–426. gustavo montañez, and petra zusman: chapter 5). it was also attributable mainly to lacoste that, after a long period of marginalization, reclus’s rather diverse works written in the extremely critical spirit of an anarchist were re-discovered and thought further from the 1970s (rodolphe de koninck and michel bruneau: chapter 8). these events lead us to a period when marxism facilitating critical geography started to gain ground, a fact mentioned by all the authors. this review allows us to highlight from among the analyses few examples (or persons) only. they all mention the impact of the most famous british and american marxist geographers (in particular david harvey) that is detectable in nearly all the countries studied. it is sometimes the case that the concepts of the original theorists or marxist philosophers like henri lefebvre reached geographers through their (re)interpretation. however, the book also presents facts like the one according to which a book on the geographical study of the mode of production and territorial structure written by gerhard schmidt-renner, an east german geographer in 1966 proved influential in denmark quite early (lehtinen, a. and simonsen, k.: chapter 12). for instance, the influence of lacoste’s works mentioned above was not limited to critical geography in latin america. making an observation in connection with the spanish translation of one of his books, abel albet and maria-dolors garcía-ramon (chapter 13, p. 248) attributed lacoste’s significant impact especially on university students to the fact that “he came from french geography, which was viewed as closer to spanish geography than anglo-american geography. (in fact, anglo-american geography was until recently seen as a ‘foreign’ tradition.)” feminist and, to a smaller extent, queer theories are mentioned in the most consistent manner among critical social theories in the chapters. it is true that the authors do not always focus on the effects of these theories, rather they analyze the history and consequences of “gender geography.” differences in their approaches and narratives can encourage the continuation of international debates on whether (sometimes descriptive and apolitical) gender geography can be regarded as critical geography (e.g., longhurst, r. 2002). chapter 13 on spain definitely answers this question. while albet and garcia-ramon make it clear that a number of spanish geographers studying gender issues come from radical and marxist geography, they also state unambiguously that gender geography is “a way of doing critical geography” (chapter 13, p. 252). at the same time, the authors of the book point out delays in, or the absence of, the social acceptance of feminism and gender issues in a number of chapters. the presence of anti-colonial/postcolonial/decolonial approaches inspiring critical geography is also contextdependent. i have only chosen three examples to illustrate its specific forms: the topics of critical geography in palestine are provided by continuous responses to dispossession, denationalization and refusal of rights and presence (ghazi-walid falah and nadia abu-zahra: chapter 2). the social and political environment created by apartheid is a major source of geography undergoing radicalization in south africa (brij maharaj and maano ramutsindela: chapter 3). in aotearoa new zealand, regarding maori geography, research in the context of colonialism opened up new possibilities for critical geography (robyn dowling, richard howitt, and robyn longhurst: chapter 15). in addition to the theorists already mentioned, there are a number of critical geographers or their predecessors from other disciplines presented in the chapters whose theories/concepts enriched critical geography at an international scale. without an aim of providing an exhaustive list, it is worth mentioning those to whom the authors of the book contribute a whole subchapter: milton santos, mao zedong, claude raffestin, lucio gambi, massimo quaini, giuseppe dematteis, franco farinelli, and gunnar olsson. the diversity of the critical theories mentioned here characterizes critical geography in most of the places studied. it follows, therefore, that most cannot point out one single defined school of thought. most accept this and even think that it is an advantage; however, askins, k. et al. think further about this issue in chapter 14: “if ‘critical geography’ is located at the overlap between geography and critical theory, then it is a very diffuse and loosely defined field, and perhaps too diffuse to be meaningful; if there is nothing much outside the category, then how is the category helpful? for many, activism of some kind (whether in the classroom, the academy or beyond) remains an essential component of critical geography, though this insistence may be tempered with a reluctance to exclude those who share similar political goals but don’t consider activism to be their forte.” (p. 275). what is certain is that chapters bring activism of this kind into a sharp focus. this is no coincidence because it was mainly (groups of ) university students and their campaigns that gave an impetus to the evolvement or even an explosion-like emergence of critical geographies. (‘opening events’ often meant the launch of new journals. antipode in the usa was indeed a key source of inspiration. however, as, e.g., the link between herodote in france and hérodote/italia, its italian version reveals, it was not only the ‘center– periphery’ relations that worked in this respect, either [elena dell’agnese, claudio minca, and marcella schmidt di friedberg: chapter 11]). comprising interviews conducted with persons who participated in the events of the day as well, an analysis of critical geography in west germany provides the most detailed account of the particularly important role of the young generation (bernd belina, ulrich best, matthias naumann, and anke strüver: chapter 9). a story taking place in rome and leading the reader to the present is an excellent example of connecting theory with practice. campaigns against the neo 422 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 419–426. liberalisation of universities took the form of occupying the roofs of universities, which was also fuelled by angelo turco’s conceptualizations of the processes of territorialization (dell’agnese, e. et al.: chapter 11). critical pedagogy, action research and cooperation with progressive social movements illustrate relations outside the academia. however, self-criticism was also voiced in connection with this when results were summarised or thoughts about the future were formulated. during this becoming “people’s geography” (peake, l. and sheppard, e.: chapter 4) and using produced knowledge to serve disadvantaged and marginalized groups (falah, g. and abu-zahra, n.: chapter 2; maharaj, b. and ramutsindela, m.: chapter 3) remain an important goal. similar and other (e.g., academic) practices of critical geography (launch of new journals, seminars, conferences, regional or wider networks of researchers) seem to take on an increasingly international scale. as this book also proves, there are continuous efforts to put into practice the principles on “internationalism” adopted in vancouver by approximately 300 geographers and activists, who launched the international critical geography group 25 years ago (smith, n. and desbiens, c. 1999). finally, in keeping with the promise at the beginning of the review, reading this book from a hungarian/cee perspective, based on the lessons i find especially relevant and important, i would like to raise two issues for discussion. one is related to historical analyses, the circumstances in which critical geographies evolved. as the chapter on china (by tang, w.) makes it clear, even experience long considered to be a cornerstone or a shared characteristic such as “marxism can give a significant impetus to the development of critical geography” does not necessarily hold true everywhere. sovietization, which can also be interpreted within the context of the postcolonial and decolonial theories listed in a number of chapters (stenning, a. and hörschelmann, k. 2008; győri, r. and gyuris, f. 2012), produced the opposite result in hungary (timár, j. 2003). similar to the situation presented in the chapter on germany (by belina, b. et al.), i.e., when marxism and leninism became a state ideology, it was used to paralyze the essence of criticism. therefore, i do not think that critical theories and/or practices can be expected to become an integral part of the differing contexts of critical geographies as long as we allow any hegemonic knowledge production to prevail. the other issue is related to challenges that critical geographers face currently. one of the most thoughtprovoking lessons of the book is that the neoliberalization, internationalization and “publish or perish” approach of universities in the 21st century also launched conflicting changes. as opposed to the numerous adverse impacts of these processes that many pointed out (e.g., the recent reinforcing of anglocentrism [lehtinen, a. and simonsen, k.: chapter 12]), the authors assessing the situation in germany present the evolvement of a paradox situation. they find that thanks to the international relations of critical geographers, this process also generated reputation for them (belina, b. et al.: chapter 9). however, as a result of a conservative shift, governments in hungary and a few other countries condemn social research with gender or political content of any kind as undesirable or ideology, i.e., something not scientific (timár, j. 2019). therefore, the time does seem to have come for internationalism and coordinated actions as advocated by critical geography. i believe that this book provides knowledge for us that can serve as an excellent tool for the realization of this goal. judit timár1 r e f e r e n c e s bialasiewicz, l. 2003. the many wor(l)ds of difference and dissent. antipode 35. (1): 14–23. győri, r. and gyuris, f. 2012. the sovietisation of hungarian geography, 1945–1960. mitteilungen der österreichischen geographischen gesellschaft 154. 107–128. lefebvre, h. 1991. the production of space. oxford and cambridge, blackwell. longhurst, r. 2002. geography and gender: a ‘critical’ time? progress in human geography 26. (4): 544–552. mizuoka, f., mizuuchi, t., hisatake, t., tsutsumi, k. and fujita, t. 2005. the critical heritage of japanese geography: its tortured trajectory for eight decades. environment and planning d: society and space 23. (3): 453–473. ramírez, d.e. 2007. eliseo reclus y la geografía de colombia. las cartas de reclus a vergara y velasco. available at https://reclus.wordpress.com/las-cartas-de-reclusa-vergara-y-velasco/ simonsen, k. 1996. what kind of space in what kind of social theory? progress in human geography 20. (4): 494–512. smith, n. and desbiens, c. 1999. the international critical geography croup: forbidden optimism? environment and planning d: society and space 17. (4): 379–382. stenning, a. and hörschelmann, k. 2008. history, geography and difference in the post-socialist world: or do we still need post-socialism? antipode 40. (2): 312–335. timár, j. 2003. lessons from post-socialism: “what’s left for emerging critical geography to do in hungary?” antipode 35. (1): 24–33. timár, j. 2019. hungarian feminist geography in a curved space? gender, place and culture 26. (7–9): 1094–1102. 1 centre for economic and regional studies, eötvös loránd research network, békéscsaba, hungary. e-mail: timar.judit@krtk.hu 204 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 197–208. geography as a scientific discipline, as well as the production and consumption of geographical knowledge, have their spatialities or ‘geography.’ scholars are working at specific locations where a specific scientific milieu surrounds them; they have to consider specific norms, they need to cooperate with specific actors, and they are exposed to specific social, economic, and political conditions and interests. even the very meaning of scientific knowledge “takes shape in response to spatial forces at every scale of analysis – from the macro-political geography of national regions to the microsocial geography of local cultures” (livingstone, d.n. 2003, p. 4). these considerations led to the emergence of a new domain of scientific research, which is hallmarked by the notions of ‘historical geography of science’ (livingstone, d.n. 1995), ‘geographies of science/scientific knowledge’ (livingstone, d.n. 2003; meusburger, p. et al. 2010; mayhew, r.j. and withers, c.w.j. 2020), ‘landscapes of knowledge’ (livingstone, d.n. 2010), and ‘mobilities of knowledge’ (jöns, h. et al. 2017), to name but a few. this kind of scholarship has stimulated a critical investigation of uneven power relations in global science, including international geography. for example, the hegemony of the english language, as well as the dominance of anglo-american and british authors, institutions, publication platforms, and even scientific theories have been discussed in many studies (e.g., timár, j. 2004; paasi, a. 2015; müller, m. 2021). hence, more and more scholars started to argue for internationalizing, ‘worlding’ (müller, m. 2021), and decolonizing geography (jazeel, t. 2017; legg, s. 2017; radcliffe, s.a. 2022), which include involving previously “subalternised and silenced knowledge” (p. vii) and a reconsideration of authors and sources from outside the global core regions of scientific knowledge production. in recent years, attempts to internationalize and decolonize geography and even the history of geography have resulted in several projects that aim to explore from an internationally comparative perspective the history of a specific geographical approach, e.g., radical geography (barnes, t.j. and sheppard, e. 2019), critical geography (berg, l.d. et al. 2022), and geography’s mid-20th-century ‘quantitative revolution’ (gyuris, f. et al. 2022). furthermore, decolonizing and internationalizing the history of geography have been central notions in the latest progress reports in progress in human geography (ferretti, f. 2020, 2021, 2022). the current volume can be seen as an essential step in the same process, for it presents 11 papers from the international symposium of the igu commission history of geography, which took place in july 2017 in rio de janeiro. as the four international editors make clear in the introduction, their edited book is a programmatic one: “the problem is not merely to analyse internationality or decoloniality in geography; what we want is to internationalise and decolonise our discipline, with all the possible challenges and contradictions annexed” (p. v.). i appreciate the editors’ brave devotion, and in line with it, i will not simply review the book’s chapters but also refer to their relevance for potential research projects in hungary. the chapters of the volume reflect the diversity of papers at the 2017 conference in rio de janeiro and make up a colourful collection of mosaics instead of following a linear logic. in order to avoid thematic jumps, i will review the chapters not according to their actual order in the book but in three thematic groups. i will start with chapters telling the stories of specific scholars. then, i will focus on chapters reporting about the history of institutions aimed at producing and disseminating geographical knowledge. finally, i will scrutinize the chapters on the history of geographical imagination. in chapter 1, andré reyes novaes from the state university of rio de janeiro (uerj) investigates the schelhaas, b., ferretti, f., novaes, a.r. and schmidt di friedberg, m. (eds.): decolonising and internationalising geography: essays in the history of contested science. cham, springer, 2020. 140 p. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.71.2.9 hungarian geographical bulletin 71 2022 (2) 205book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 197–208. works of the leftist portuguese scholar jaime cortesão (1884–1960), who was exiled from portugal in 1926 and left europe to brazil in 1940. cortesão intensively scrutinized the history of brazilian mapmaking and the essential role indigenous knowledge gained from indigenous people played in the exploration and mapping of vast territories of brazil, especially from the 16th to 18th centuries, by explorers representing the portuguese and the brazilian colonial elites. novaes illuminates that “exploration maps as co-produced and hybrid artefacts” (p. 1), and even the writings of cortesão and similarly minded authors in and before the mid-20th century may be exciting research subjects for contemporary scholars of the history of geography. from a hungarian perspective, the approach of novaes’s chapter could be applied to analyze the role of indigenous knowledge in late 19th and early 20th-century hungarian expeditions to africa, asia, and especially the balkans, which progressively became a target of austro-hungarian imperial realms. besides, the increasing literature on foreign (predominantly ‘western’) travellers’ and researchers’ journeys to hungary in the 18th and 19th centuries, as well as on large-scale mapping projects of the habsburg elites about their empire, including hungary, could be enriched by investigating the role of local knowledge stemming from people living in then hungary. larissa alves de lira from the federal university of minas gerais in belo horizonte writes about the french geographer pierre monbeig (1908–1987) in chapter 9. monbeig was a professor of geography in são paulo from 1935 to 1946 when he returned to france. strongly influenced by paul vidal de la blache’s geographical and fernand braudel’s historical approach, monbeig developed a ‘geohistory’ approach and focused in his research on the longterm social transformation and territorial development of brazil, embedding the process in the global development of capitalism, and stressing its cyclical nature (e.g., due to the depletion of tropical soils). as alves de lira presents, not only did monbeig’s “french geographical epistemology” (p. 97) impact how he framed his studies and findings on brazil. instead, his experience with brazil, especially with the country’s territoriality, tropicality, and peripheral position in global capitalism, also actively shaped his ‘geohistory’ approach and his understanding of late capitalism in more developed countries. from a hungarian point of view, it would be tempting to analyse in similar ways how foreign scholars, who paid at least more extended research visits to hungary and investigated its social and spatial realities, integrated hungary-related findings into their general scholarly way of seeing. likewise, hungarian scholars’ changing understanding of their country’s social and spatial dynamics in light of longer stays abroad would be a promising research topic in the history of hungarian geography. in chapter 2, maría verónica ibarra garcía (national autonomous university of mexico, unam, mexico city) and edgar talledos sánchez (college of san luis, san luis potosi) report about early leftist geographical traditions in brazil and cuba. they focus on josué de castro (1908–1973), a professor of geography in são paulo, and the cuban geographer nuñez jiménez (1923–1998). the chapter provides an interesting comparison of two individual careers through their seminal books, the geography of hunger (1946) and geopolitics of hunger (1951) by de castro and geography of cuba (1954) by jiménez. both authors criticized plantation agriculture, monocultures, the concentration of land in the hands of a few, and the poverty of a large part of society. in addition, they rejected environmental determinist approaches in geography, which interpreted these problems as unavoidable consequences of natural conditions, and instead stressed the impact of capitalistic property relations, european colonization, and us imperialism. de castro’s 1946 book was translated into 24 languages, whereas jiménez became a leading geographer of cuba after the communist revolution led by fidel castro. as a remarkable contribution, the chapter highlights that genuine critical works had been present in latin american geographies even before the influence of the anglophone ‘critical turn.’ however, it seems to imply that all previous geographical approaches, except for anarchistic ones, were environmentally deterministic. that is a popular claim in many marxist works, but it cannot be justified in this form for some ‘classical’ traditions (e.g., the vidalian one) also rejected determinism – which does not decrease the merits of pioneering critical geographers. it should also be discussed what the term ‘critical’ means in the case of scholars who started as the critics of capitalism, colonization, and nationalist autocracies or dictatorships but ended up uncritically supporting communist dictatorships. that is a conceptual and ethical question with clear relevance for those interested in the history of geography in (former) communist countries. several chapters of the book focus on the history of institutions producing and disseminating geographical knowledge. one of them is chapter 7, where maximilian georg and ute wardenga from leibniz institute for regional geography in leipzig present a large-scale research project that is taking place under their coordination. the project aims to compose a ‘transnational’ history of geographical societies between 1821 and 1914, which were the leading organizational units of academic geography in those decades. based on an in-depth analysis of 34 societies from all continents and in 14 languages, standardized methods, and meticulous analysis of their journals’ content, this truly pioneering enterprise promises to go beyond methodological nationalism and the predominantly capital city-centric approach of many previous studies. the authors’ goal is to illustrate the potential and challenges of their ongoing project. 206 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 197–208. however, they provide many conceptual and methodological ideas that can be efficiently employed in any study focusing on geographical societies, even concerning more contemporary times. whereas chapter 7 deals with geographical societies, chapter 10 by mariana lamego at the state university of rio de janeiro (uerj) concentrates on geographical congresses. lamego historicizes contemporary debates on the dominance of the english language in international geography in genuinely fascinating ways and investigates the 1956 international geographical congress in rio de janeiro – ever since the first and last such congress in south america and the last truly multilingual one, with papers in 6 languages. lamego contextualizes the congress as “a geopolitical event” (p. 115) and scrutinizes the complex network of post-wwii geopolitical interests due to which rio de janeiro got the chance to host the event. she painstakingly analyses which countries were represented and which presenter used which language. she concludes that the congress’s multilingual, even “babel tower nature” (p. 124) challenged efficient communication in several cases. nevertheless, the negative consequences of the congress’s multilingualism have mainly been emphasized – and the positive outcomes de-emphasized – later by “those who already occupy privileged positions” (p. 124) in contemporary english-language-centric academia. moreover, these negative consequences, such as “the almost exclusively sub-group intercommunication” (p. 123), resulted from a complex set of sociological factors, not just multilingualism and the limited language proficiency of the participants. hence, they have been “not a rare phenomenon at international congresses of geography until nowadays” (p. 123), despite the emergence of english as a hegemonic language. in addition to its remarkable argumentation, lamego’s chapter can serve as a great starting point for the analysis of conferences in future projects on the history of geography. the archives of the international geographical union are the focus of chapter 11 by bruno schelhaas and stephan m. pietsch from leibniz institute for regional geography in leipzig. this study traces the organizational development and geographical location of the igu archive (eventually some parts of it) from the foundation of the international geographical union in 1922 through places like winchester, london, florence, paris, louvain, berlin, new york, london again and rome to the leibniz institute for regional geography in leipzig, which has hosted the materials since 2013. schelhaas and pietsch also give an overview of the diversity of documents handled by the archive. in addition to being a tempting ‘appetizer’ for everyone considering doing research in the igu archive in leipzig, the chapter gives precious ideas for future projects about the history of geographical archives. the third group of studies comprises book chapters on imaginative geographies and their transformations throughout the last two centuries. toshiyuki shimazu from wakayama university takes a landscape-astext approach and scrutinizes two locations in late 19th century paris: les quatre parties du monde from 1874, which comprises four female bronze statues representing europe, america, africa, and asia, and les six continents from 1878, a group of six female statues representing the continents. shimazu reveals how the allegorical presentation of female bodies in a patriarchal society promoted “hegemonic internationalism” (p. 93), the notion of “a linear progress from the primitive to the civilized” (p. 89), and a eurocentric and even imperial paris-centric imaginative geography. akio onjo from kyushu university in fukuoka presents in chapter 3 the controversial impact of the 1894–1895 sino-japanese war and the 1904–1905 russo-japanese war on japanese national identity. as he underscores, the wars “boosted the imperial consciousness and geographical imagination of the [japanese] people as a ‘first-rank nation state’” (p. 31). however, this imagination was intertwined with “a normalized body form” (p. 29), which the impaired bodies of the roughly 150,000 wounded soldiers did not fit. furthermore, the hospital for disabled veterans, which the national government established in 1906, separated veterans from other people and confined them to a closed space. hence, they were not visible to the rest of society and were soon forgotten. alternative local initiatives aimed at providing a meaningful and socially valuable job for the veterans, who could thus sustain everyday communication with non-impaired people, proved much more efficient in enhancing the social recognition of veterans. in my view, similar studies would have much relevance in many countries. for example, in hungary, research on the geographies of disability has just started recently (fabula, sz. and timár, j. 2018). these studies could be historicized in valuable ways, such as in the case of impaired veterans and civilians after the two world wars. in chapter 5, pascal clerc from cy cergy paris university scrutinizes and deconstructs the concept of the ‘north/south’ divide and the ways it is being used in contemporary discourses. he presents how an intellectual construction, initially introduced to avoid the stigmatization intrinsic to the previously used terms of ‘developed’ and ‘underdeveloped’ countries, gradually has become a discriminating concept, reinforcing neo-colonial imaginations. moreover, as clerc highlights, “the question of development can be thought [of] as a possibility of change,” but “the location in the world does not change.” hence, the ‘north/south’ divide as a concept “establishes a spatial hierarchy” that is “impossible to change” (p. 53) and creates “a vision of the world as immutable even against the facts” (p. 47). clerc emphasizes that his analysis has been made from a french point of view. in-depth critical deconstructions of the ‘north/south’ 207book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 197–208. divide have also been provided in the last decade by scholars in post-communist central and eastern europe, even in english (e.g., solarz, m.w. 2014, 2018). integrating their findings into scholarly discourses in western europe could further enhance the internationalization of geography. marcella schmidt di friedberg and stefano malatesta from the university of milano-bicocca focus on the geopolitical aspects of geographical imagination in chapter 4. they scrutinize how the chagos islands and the maldives as “unsinkable aircraft carriers” (p. 37) gradually transformed from geopolitically significant archipelagos of the british empire to a critical element of us military control over the region, especially in the light of the current rivalry between india, china, and the united states. they also present how a renewed competition between these three powers, or “triangular condominium” (p. 39), for the indian ocean region made “ocean space … the central object in the construction of the geographical region” (p. 41). last but not least, verónica c. hollmann from the university of buenos aires turns in chapter 6 towards drone photography and the complex ways it is “reshaping the geographical imaginations of nature” (p. 57). she underscores that the most widely circulated award-winning drone images tend to “depict highly transformed or produced natures” instead of “pristine nature” (p. 62). their visual composition is usually dominated by eye-catching colours and extraordinary shapes, which are further accentuated through digital image processing technologies to maximize their ‘beauty,’ at least in terms of what ‘landscape beauty’ means in consumption-centric contemporary western societies. hence, these images popularize false imaginations of nature and its relations to society. after reading this thought-provoking chapter, an embarrassing yet critical question is whether digitized drone photography’s obsession with ‘produced natures’ may even contribute to the (further ) devaluation of ‘pristine nature’ in many people’s eyes. if it does, it can increase the general social acceptance of projects with a devastating impact on nature. that is a dilemma geographers all around the world should take seriously. in sum, the volume is a precious piece of reading for everyone interested in the history of geography. moreover, given that it was written by an international group of scholars from non-anglophone countries and includes lots of references to academic works published in languages other than english, it provides a unique insight into several national geographical traditions from south america to east asia, including french, german, japanese, portuguese and spanish-language ones. hence, the book is an essential step toward decolonizing and internationalizing geography and its histories, which gives precious ideas and exciting directions for future research. acknowledgement: the research has been supported by the jános bolyai research scholarship of the hungarian academy of sciences. ferenc gyuris1 r e f e r e n c e s barnes, t.j. and sheppard, e. (eds.) 2019. spatial histories of radical geography: north america and beyond. hoboken–chichester, wiley. berg, l.d., best, u., gilmartin, m. and larsen, h.g. (eds.) 2022. placing critical geography: historical geographies of critical geography. abingdon–new york, routledge. fabula, sz. and timár, j. 2018. violations of the right to the city for women with disabilities in peripheral rural communities in hungary. cities 76. 52–57. ferretti, f. 2020. history and philosophy of geography i: decolonising the discipline, diversifying archives and historicising radicalism. progress in human geography 44. (6): 1161–1171. ferretti, f. 2021. history and philosophy of geography ii: rediscovering individuals, fostering interdisciplinarity and renegotiating the ‘margins.’ progress in human geography 45. (4): 890–901. ferretti, f. 2022. history and philosophy of geography iii: global histories of geography, statues that must fall and a radical and multilingual turn. progress in human geography 46. (2): 716–725. gyuris, f., michel, b. and paulus, k. (eds.) 2022. recalibrating the quantitative revolution in geography: travels, networks, translations. abingdon–new york, routledge. jazeel, t. 2017. mainstreaming geography’s decolonial imperative. transactions of the institute of british geographers 42. (3): 334–337. jöns, h., meusburger, p. and heffernan, m. (eds.) 2017. mobilities of knowledge. cham, springer. legg, s. 2017. decolonialism. transactions of the institute of british geographers 42. (3): 345–348. livingstone, d.n. 1995. the spaces of knowledge: contributions towards a historical geography of science. environment and planning d: society and space 13. (1): 5–34. livingstone, d.n. 2003. putting science in its place: geographies of scientific knowledge. chicago, the university of chicago press. livingstone, d.n. 2010. landscapes of knowledge. in geographies of science. eds.: meusburger, p., 1 elte eötvös loránd university, institute of geography and earth sciences, department of social and economic geography, budapest, hungary. e-mail: ferenc.gyuris@ttk.elte.hu 208 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 197–208. livingstone, d.n. and jöns, h., dordrecht, springer, 3–22. mayhew, r.j. and withers, c.w.j. (eds.) 2020. geographies of knowledge: science, scale, and spatiality in the nineteenth century. baltimore, johns hopkins university press. meusburger, p., livingstone, d.n. and jöns, h. (eds.) 2010. geographies of science. dordrecht, springer. müller, m. 2021. worlding geography: from linguistic privilege to decolonial anywhere. progress in human geography 45. (6): 1440–1466. paasi, a. 2015. “hot-spots, dark-side dots, tin pots”: the uneven internationalism of the global academic market. in geographies of knowledge and power. eds.: meusburger, p., gregory, d. and suarsana, l., dordrecht, springer, 247–262. radcliffe, s.a. 2022. decolonizing geography: an introduction. cambridge, polity press. solarz, m.w. 2014. the language of global development: a misleading geography. abingdon–new york, routledge. solarz, m.w. 2018. many worlds, one planet: ambiguous geographies of the contemporary international community. in new geographies of the globalized world. ed.: solarz, m.w., abingdon– new york, routledge, 54–76. timár, j. 2004. more than ‘anglo-american’, it is ‘western’: hegemony in geography from a hungarian perspective. geoforum 35. (5): 533–538. 105book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 91–102. manuscript reviewers 2015–2017 the editors of the hungarian geographical bulletin would like to thank the following people who have offered their assistance in reviewing manuscript submissions to our journal issues between number 1 in 2015 and number 4 in 2017. their efforts and useful comments have been of great service for the authors and the journal. bański, jerzy (warsaw) blažek, jiří (prague) bolt, gideon (utrecht) boros, lajos (szeged) bottlik, zsolt (budapest) breuer, hajnalka (budapest) centeri, csaba (gödöllő) dobrovolný, petr (brno) farkas, györgy (budapest) gál, tamás (szeged) gustafsson, harald (lund) gyöngyösi, andrás zénó (budapest) győri, róbert (budapest) hardi, tamás (győr) henn, sebastian (jena) illés, sándor (budapest) irimiás, anna (budapest) iuga, liliana (budapest) jakab, gergely (budapest) jászberényi, melinda (budapest) jordan, peter (vienna) karácsonyi, dávid (budapest) kolossov, vladimir (moscow) kovács, attila (szeged) kovács, dezső (gödöllő) langer-rédei, mária (budapest) lóczy, dénes (pécs) madarász, balázs (budapest) mészáros, róbert (budapest) miggelbrink, judith (leipzig) mika, jános (eger) mika, mirosław (kraków) milošević, dragan (novi sad) nagy, egon (cluj-napoca) nagy, erika (békéscsaba) pásztor, lászló (budapest) pogonyi, szabolcs (budapest) probáld, ferenc (budapest) przybylska, lucyna (gdańsk) rajkai, kálmán (budapest) ryder, andrew (portsmouth) savić, stevan (novi sad) scott, james (joensuu) sisák, istván (keszthely) siwek, tadeusz (ostrava) skarbit, nóra (szeged) solarz, marcin wojciech (warsaw) štrba, l’ubomír (košice) süli-zakar, istván † (debrecen) szabó, józsef (debrecen) szabó, judit alexandra (budapest) szabó, szilárd (debrecen) szalai, zoltán (budapest) szatmári, gábor (budapest) tátrai, patrik (budapest) tóth, adrienn (budapest) tóth, géza (budapest) tóth, tibor (budapest) unger, jános (szeged) uzzoli, annamária (budapest) vainikka, joni (oulu) van der wusten, herman (amsterdam) váradi, zsuzsanna (budapest) varga, györgy (budapest) regional economic growth and unemployment in the european union – a spatio-temporal analysis at the nuts-2 level (2013–2019) 179jankiewicz, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 179–192.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.72.2.6 hungarian geographical bulletin 72 2023 (2) 179–192. introduction the problem of unemployment is one of the essential issues in macroeconomic analyses. this is widely known that the persistent regional unemployment disparities in the european union occur (patuelli, r. et al. 2012; halleck vega, s. and elhorst, j.p. 2016) increasing the number of unemployed persons is a problem in both developing and developed regions. a lot of determinants significantly influence the regional unemployment disparities. for example, regional demand and supply factors, the labour migration (andrews, r. 2015; lados, g. and hegedűs, g. 2016) and amenities are the most important factors. positive changes in these factors can disincentive to migration, compensating for relatively high unemployment rates (rios, v. 2017). moreover, the institutional decisions providing restrictions or incentives influence the individual decisions regarding labour demand, supply and wages paid, which changes the level of the unemployment rate (boeri, t. 2011). capital inadequacy can influence the decrease in the employed people above all in the developing countries. in turn, technological progress is the primary reason for the increased unemployment rate in developed regions (soylu, ö.b. et al. 2018). moreover, the national labour market regulation and labour market institutional system play significant role in the creation of unemployment rate in every economy. whereas, as the most important determinant of unemployment, economic growth is pointed out. arthur m. okun proved the negative relationship between regional economic growth and unemployment in the european union – a spatio-temporal analysis at the nuts-2 level (2013–2019) mateusz j a n k i e w i c z 1 abstract the study aims to verify the relationship between the unemployment rate and economic growth in european union (eu) regions. as the most important macroeconomic relationship, the significance of the dependence between the labour market situation and the output growth is widely known and considered. analysis in this research was conducted using data for 229 eu regions on the nuts-2 level in the years 2013–2019. in order to verify the relationship between the unemployment rate and the output growth, the spatio-temporal models for pooled time series and cross-sectional data (tscs) were estimated. the fitted trend and elasticity method of verifying okun’s law was used in the analysis, wherein the deterministic trend factor was enriched with the spatial element. educational attainment as the additional explanatory variable was included in the models. the neighbourhood between regions was quantified based on two criteria: (1) common border criterion – related to the possibility of population migrations, and (2) similarity of the unemployment rate criterion – related to the imitation effect in the issue of introduced rules and regulations on the labour market by regional governments. one of the hypotheses verified in the investigation is the superiority of the economic neighbourhood over the geographical neighbourhood. keywords: economic growth, european union, okun’s law, spatio-temporal models, unemployment rate received august 2022, accepted april 2023. 1 department of applied informatics and mathematics in economics, faculty of economic sciences and management, nicolaus copernicus university in toruń. ul. gagarina 13a, 87-100 toruń, poland. e-mail: m.jankiewicz@umk.pl – orcid: 0000-0002-4713-778x mailto:m_jankiewicz@umk.pl jankiewicz, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 179–192.180 the unemployment rate and gross national product (gnp) based on the data for the united states (us) in the years 1947–1960 (okun, a.m. 1963). he concluded that each 1 percent increase in gnp led to a 0.3 percent decrease in the unemployment rate. since that time, the relationship between the unemployment rate and economic growth has been widely concerned in macroeconomic analyses. this negative shortrun dependence is known as okun’s law. previous studies conclude that the relationship formulated by okun is stable in many countries (ball, l. et al. 2017) and possible instability is visible in terms of the economic slowdown (cazes, s. et al. 2011). in turn, in some studies, authors concluded that the discrepancy in okun’s relationship between regions within one country occurs (adanu, k. 2005; binet, m. and facchini, f. 2013; durech, r. et al. 2014). there are three methods of verifying okun’s relationship: (1) trial gaps method, (2) first differences method, and (3) fitted trend and elasticity method (barreto, h. and howland, f. 1993). the first two methods treated analysed processes as the processes stationary in the variance. instead, within the meaning of the third method, processes are stationary in the average. the first differences method is characterized by the greatest popularity in previous studies. in this research, the fitted trend and elasticity method is used, but the deterministic trend factor is enriched with the spatial element (originally, only time tendency was considered). in this study, the relationship between the unemployment rate and its main determinants – economic growth and educational attainment – is analysed. the study’s main aim is to show that the economic growth and unemployment rate are significantly related in european union regions. moreover, the stronger importance of economic similarity between territorial units than their near geographical location in the considered relationship is verified. as a space and time range of the research, the nuts-2 european union regions in the years 2013–2019 were chosen (due to lack of data for the unemployment rate, croatian regions were omitted). in the verification of the mentioned relationship, the spatial and spatio-temporal dependencies were included. many researchers pointed out the importance of spatial connections in the unemployment rate analyses (overman, h. et al. 2002; patacchini, e. and zenou, y. 2007; halleck vega, s. and elhorst, j.p. 2016). in this study, two types of neighbourhood connections were considered. the first is the geographical neighbourhood (associated with the possibility of migration), and the second is the economic neighbourhood (associated with the unemployment rate similarity). two research hypotheses were verified in this investigation: (1) output growth and education have a significant positive impact on the labour market conditions in the eu regions, and (2) economic similarity of regions is more important than a geographical neighbourhood in the formation of okun’s relationship. there are many studies considering okun’s relationship at the regional level, and different methods are used in order to verify it. a couple of studies pertain to okun’s relationship in the spanish provinces (villaverde, j. and maza, a. 2007, 2009; clar-lopez, m. et al. 2014; cháfer, c.m. 2015; bande, r. and martín-román, á. 2018; guisinger, a.y. et al. 2018; cutanda, a. 2023). all of these investigations are based on non-spatial analysis, and only villaverde, j. and maza, a. (2007) considered the fitted trend and elasticity method with the quadratic trend. bande, r. and martín-román, á. (2018) estimated a simple model for the first differences of processes and also for trial gaps. the same method of research took clar-lopez, m. et al. (2014). the subject of the investigations in terms of the relationship between unemployment rates were also regions from other european countries, e.g., italian provinces (salvati, l. 2015), finnish regions (kangasharju, a. et al. 2012), greek regions (apergis, n. and rezitis, a. 2003), and also czech and slovak regions (durech, r. et al. 2014). most of these studies underline the regional disparities in the unemploy181jankiewicz, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 179–192. ment rate formation rely on their economic development. in turn, yerdelen, f. and i̇çen, h. verified okun’s relationship for nuts2 level regions from 20 european countries using panel data models (yerdelen, f. and i̇çen, h. 2019). apart from the studies for european countries, it is possible to find analyses of the mentioned relationship at the regional level in the united states (huang, h.c. and yeh, c.c. 2013; guisinger, a.y. et al. 2018), canada (adanu, k. 2005), indonesia (sasongko, g. et al. 2020), and south africa (kavese, k. and phiri, a. 2020). the spatial factor in the analysis of the dependence between the unemployment rate and output growth is also included in previous studies. duran, h.e. considered this dependence using spatial panel data models using data for 26 turkish nuts-2 regions (duran, h.e. 2022). spatial regression models were used in the analyses concerning the unemployment rate in the united states (montero-kuscevic, c.m. 2011; perreira, r.m. 2013), and eu15 nuts-2 regions (herwartz, h. and niebuhr, a. 2011). in turn, adolfo maza conducted the analysis for the widest space range in the mentioned relationship (maza, a. 2022). he considered the unemployment rate in 265 european regions between 2000 and 2019. methodology in this research, spatial econometric methods were used in order to verify the okun’s relationship. spatial econometric models contain the influence of process changes in the neighbouring regions on the same process in the established region. in the regional analyses, connections between nearby and also similar (in the economic context) units are very important, in particular in case of the unemployment analysis. the economic conditions and possibilities of the neighbours can encourage people to jobs migrations, changing the labour situation in the considered unit. in the first part of the investigation, the spatio-temporal structure of processes was analysed. the structure is composed of the spatio-temporal trend and spatio-temporal autocorrelation. initially, spatio-temporal trend models were considered, which general form is as follows (cressie, n.a.c. 1993): where si = [xi, yi] denotes unit’s location coordinates on the plane (longitude and latitude, respectively), i = 1, 2, ..., n are indexes of spatial units, and p means the polynomial trend degree (k + m + l ≤ p) but t indicates time. simultaneously, the spatio-temporal autocorrelation presence as the second element of the spatio-temporal structure was checked. the spatial autocorrelation is tested using moran statistics, which takes the following form (moran, p.a.p. 1948; schabenberger, o. and gotway, c.a. 2005): where yi,t is the observation of the process in the ith region in time t, ӯ denotes the average value of the process, w* is the block matrix of spatio-temporal connections between units given as szulc, e. and jankiewicz, m. (2018): wherein w1 = w2 ··· = wt are standard spatial connectivity matrices quantified for a certain year. in this study, these matrices are the same for all years. in this research, two types of row-standardized to unity matrices were adopted. the first of them is based on the common border criterion (marked as w). therefore, two regions are neighbours if they have a common land border. in turn, the second defines the neighbourhood as the economic similarity (d) – regions are neighbours if the difference between their unemployment rate level in the last year of the investigation does not exceed a certain specific value (established as 0.8% – the 15th percentile of differences between the unemployment rate in all regions). the procedure of building the economic dis(2) (1) (3) jankiewicz, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 179–192.182 tance matrix is presented by jankiewicz, m. and szulc, e. in their study (jankiewicz, m. and szulc, e. 2021). statistically significant moran’s i coefficient signalizes the presence of spatial autocorrelation. its positive value denotes that territorial units create clusters of the regions with a similar level of the analysed phenomenon. in turn, the negative sign of statistics points out that neighbouring regions are characterized by different values of the considered process. non-significant statistics testifies to a random distribution of the process values in space. next, the spatio-temporal models of the relationship between the unemployment rate, economic growth, and educational attainment were considered. the general form of the tscs model (pooled time series and cross-sectional data model) is as follows: where yi,t denotes the unemployment rate in the ith region in time t, x1i,t, and x2i,t are levels of gross domestic product per capita and educational attainment, respectively (all expressed in natural logarithms). in turn, εi,t indicates the spatio-temporal random component, but β1 and β2 are the structural parameters. logarithms of variables cause that parameter β1 is the elasticity parameter in the fitted trend and elasticity method in the okun’s law verification. model (4) is deprived of constant due to all considered variables are filtered out from deterministic spatio-temporal trend, which is responsible for their average values. in terms of global spatial autocorrelation in the residuals of the model (4) the character of the spatial dependence was determined using lagrange multiplier (lm) tests in the basic and robust version (anselin, l. et al. 2004). including spatially lagged explanatory variables in the models, the spatio-temporal durbin model (stdm) and spatio-temporal hybrid model (sthm) are given as follows: where yi,t, x1i,t, x2i,t, εi,t , β1, β2 – as above, ∑j ≠ i wij,t yj,t, ∑j ≠ i wij,t x1j,t, ∑j ≠ i wij,t x2j,t – spatially lagged variables, ∑j ≠ i wij,tŋj,t – spatially lagged random process, θ1, θ2, ρ, λ – structural parameters. parameters ρ and λ evidence the spatial dependence between neighbouring territorial units. spatial and spatio-temporal structure of processes data used in this study concern the unemployment rate (marked as y), gross domestic product per capita (x1), and educational attainment level, understood as the percent of the population that graduated upper secondary and postsecondary (not tertiary) school (x2) in the european union regions in the years 2013–2019. better economic conditions in regions favour the creation of new workplaces, whereas the higher education level of society improves chances of getting a job. the indicators used in the research are only a few of many that significantly impact regional unemployment, but they are considered the most important. apart from them, e.g., the innovation level and the economic structure of regions are important. the first is not included due to data unavailability for the whole considered area, while the second will be of interest for further research. moreover, in case of unemployment, the age structure of the population and distance from main urban centres play an important role. the established period is the maximum period that can be analysed in light of the data availability. moreover, due to a lack of data characterizing the unemployment level, croatia’s regions were omitted. all data come directly from the european statistical office (eurostat) database – https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/data/ database (accessed: 04.07.2022). in the first part of the research, spatial distributions of considered processes were presented. these distributions were shown in three figures (for variable y, for variable x1 and for (4) (5) (6) https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/data/database https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/data/database 183jankiewicz, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 179–192. variable x2) in the extreme years of the analysis. in each figure, part (a) indicates the distribution in 2013, but part (b) refers to spatial differentiation in 2019. eu regions were divided into four groups using positional measures of the descriptive statistics (median and quarter deviation). as we can see in figure 1, the highest unemployment rate in 2013 was observed in the iberian peninsula regions, greek regions, and the units located in southern italy. moreover, relatively high unemployment was noted in most of eastern europe nuts2 level regions (above all in the regions located in lithuania, poland, and the slovak republic). on the other hand, austrian and west german regions were characterized by the best labour market conditions – the unemployment rate was relatively low. this is worth noting the low level of the considered variable in the north romanian regions. in 2019 the situation in the labour market in the eu was slightly different than in 2013. the unemployment level in all francian units was above the median in the last year of the investigation. instead, the fig. 1. spatial distribution of the unemployment rate in eu regions in the years 2013 (a) and 2019 (b) jankiewicz, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 179–192.184 fig. 2. spatial distribution of the gdp per capita (pps) in eu regions in the years 2013 (a) and 2019 (b) variable values in 2013 were more diversified between these regions. the relative deterioration of the situation concerns north italian provinces and scandinavian regions as well. in contrast, most of the polish provinces found themselves in units with u n e m p l o y m e n t r a t e values below the median, which denotes the relative improvement in this part of the european community. based on spatial distributions of the unemployment level in the eu regions, it can be presumed that values of the considered variable exhibit a certain tendency in space. therefore, the spatial factor in the analysis should be included. in this connection, the spatio-temporal trend models in the following part of the study were concerned. seeing the spatial distributions of gdp per capita (figure 2), we can note that the spatial differentiation of process values in both analysed years was analogous. relatively high economic growth (with the values of gdp per capita above median) was observed in the central eu regions (located in austria, 185jankiewicz, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 179–192. fig. 3. spatial distribution of the educational attainment level in eu regions in the years 2013 (a) and 2019 (b) west germany, north italy, and benelux countries). also, a high gdp level was noted in the scandinavian and south ireland regions. on the other hand, the relatively less developed units were located above all in the eastern part of the european community, e x c e p t f o r r e g i o n s bratislava (sk01), praha ( c z 0 1 ) , wa r s z a w s k i stołeczny (pl91), sostinės (lt01), and bucureștiilfov (ro32). three mentioned units belonged to the group of regions with the highest values of the gdp per capita in 2019. a similar situation was observed in the iberian peninsula provinces. almost all regions were classified into the groups of very low and low economic growth levels. only two regions were characterized by economic growth above the median – one spanish a n d o n e p o r t u g u e s e (madrid – es30 and área metropolitana de lisboa – pt17, respectively). as in the case of the unemployment rate, certain spatial tendencies in the formation of gdp per capita values were observed. f i g u r e 3 p r e s e n t s spatial distributions of educational attainment. jankiewicz, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 179–192.186 the percent of graduates in the upper secondary and post-secondary school (excluding tertiary education) is considered. it is worth seeing the possibility of the division of eu regions into two parts in both extreme years of the study (more visible in 2019). the first was in the eastern part of the european community, where almost all regions were characterized by a relatively high percentage of graduates in upper secondary and postsecondary school. instead, the western part of the mentioned area was dominated by units with the values of the considered process below the median. it is worth noting the lowest level of the variable x2 in the french and spanish regions, where the unemployment rate was relatively high. units with the low and high values of the educational attainment process created two almost coherent areas, which lead to presumption about a certain spatial tendency in their formation. the observations made based on the spatial distributions of all processes allowed us to consider the two-dimensional deterministic trend (with the spatial and time factors) in order to filter out long-term tendencies. table 1 shows the results of estimation and verification of the spatio-temporal trend models for all variables. in the models, only the statistically significant parameters were left. it is a difference in the degree of trend obtained for the variable y and the two remaining variables. the unemployment rate in the period 2013–2019 was shaped according to the second-degree spatio-temporal trend. considering estimates of parameters θ100 and θ010 for variables x1 and x2 we can conclude that their values averagely have been growing in the western-northern and eastern-northern directions, respectively. this confirms the insights visible in figures 2 and 3. moreover, positive estimates of parameter θ001 indicate the average increase of the gdp per capita and educational attainment in the years 2013–2019. in addition, an average decrease of the variable y towards the north and east should be noted (negative estimations of parameters θ010 and θ100, respectively). the low level of the determination coefficient r2 is the characteristic feature of the spatial and spatio-temporal trend models. however, we can see that the least coherent values formation in space and time was pertaining to gross domestic product per capita. additionally, the moran test evaluating the dependence between neighbouring regions was conducted. in the spatial autocorrelation analysis, two types of neighbourhood matrices were used. first of them defines neighbouring regions as regions with a common land border (geographical neighbourhood – w). instead, the second points out that two units are neighbours if they had a similar level of the unemployment rate in 2019 (ecotable 1. the results of estimation and verification of the spatio-temporal trend models parameter unemployment (y) gdp per capita (x1) educational attainment (x2) estimate p-value estimate p-value estimate p-value θ000 θ100 θ010 15.6290 -0.0185 -0.5110 0.0000 0.0000 0.0000 8.9967 -0.0190 0.0259 0.0000 0.0000 0.0000 3.8209 0.0120 0.0049 0.0000 0.0000 0.0000 θ001 – – 0.0301 0.0000 0.0023 0.0927 θ200 θ020 0.0008 0.0048 0.0000 0.0000 – – – – θ101 θ002 -0.0014 -0.0104 0.0123 0.0000 r2 0.5432 0.3315 0.5318 moran test matrix i p-value i p-value i p-value w d 0.4714 0.4953 0.0000 0.0000 0.3649 0.0466 0.0000 0.0019 0.4220 0.1096 0.0000 0.0000 187jankiewicz, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 179–192. nomic distance matrix – d). the moran’s i statistics for variable y are very similar using both types of the connection matrix (0.4714 and 0.4953, respectively) with the proviso that units with a similar unemployment rate in 2019 showed slightly higher neighbourhood dependence. in contrast, the moran’s i coefficient evaluated considering the distance matrix was relevantly lower than in the case of the first-order contiguity matrix w) for two remaining variables. it means that the dependence of gdp per capita and educational attainment between neighbouring regions in a geographical space was stronger than between regions neighbouring in economic terms. nonetheless, all determined moran’s coefficients turned out statistically significant. this situation indicates the necessity of spatial dependence inclusion in the analysis of the relationship between the unemployment rate and economic growth, and educational attainment. okun’s relationship models in the first part of the relationship analysis, the tscs (pooled time series and crosssectional) model was considered. table 2 presents the results of the estimation and verification of the pooled spatio-temporal model. this is okun’s model extended with the educational factor. the negative estimate of statistically significant parameter β1 denotes that an increase in the gdp per capita causes an average decrease in the unemployment rate. this confirms the observations made by arthur m. okun. the value of the elasticity parameter indicates that an increase in the gdp by 1 percent provides to decrease in the unemployment rate averagely by 0.41 percent ceteris paribus. a higher strength of the influence shows the educational level, where an increase of 1 percent causes the average decrease in the unemployment rate averagely by 0.73 percent. moran test results indicate the presence of global spatio-temporal autocorrelation in the model residuals. therefore, the significance of dependence between neighbouring regions in the light of both neighbourhood matrices was concluded. so the spatio-temporal models estimated considering geographical and economic neighbourhoods should be analysed. in order to determine the character of spatio-temporal dependence, the lagrange multiplier tests were conducted. tests statistics in the basic version (lmerr and lmlag) do not solve the problem of the model choice – both are statistically significant. analysing lm statistics in the robust versions of tests, we can conclude that the model with spatial factor in the error term for the w matrix is better. in turn, for the economic distance matrix (marked as d), the model with a spatial lag of the dependent variable should be table 2. the results of estimation and verification of the tscs extended okun’s model parameter estimate standard error t statistics p-value β1 β2 -0.4194 -0.7301 0.0320 0.0925 -13.1190 -7.8960 0.0000 0.0000 r2 0.1353 moran test matrix w d i p-value 0.4363 0.0000 0.4257 0.0000 lm tests statistics estimate p-value estimate p-value lmerr lmlag rlmerr 611.5708 575.7326 38.3835 0.0000 0.0000 0.0000 699.1660 859.9580 21.3310 0.0000 0.0000 0.0000 rlmlag 2.5453 0.1106 182.1230 0.0000 jankiewicz, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 179–192.188 chosen. regardless of the results of the robust lm rests, both types of spatio-temporal models enriched with the spatial lags of explanatory variables were estimated. table 3 presents the results of estimation and verification of the spatio-temporal durbin models (stdm) and spatio-temporal hybrid models (sthm), considering both connection matrices. similar to the tscs model, estimates of statistically significant parameters β1 and β2 are negative, which confirms the positive influence of the gdp per capita and educational attainment increase on the labour market conditions in the eu regions. nonetheless, the strength of impact is lower. the highest difference is observed in the estimate of the parameter β2 in the models for the d matrix – the 1 percent increase in educational attainment provides the average decrease in the unemployment rate around 0.4 percent (less than for the tscs model around 0.3%). in all models, parameters ρ and λ are statistically significant, which confirms the necessity of including spatial factors in the analysis. values of estimates of the spatial parameters within one connection matrix are very similar. moreover, the estimates of both considered parameters are slightly lower in the case of models for the economic distance matrix. this indicates that regions neighbouring in the geographical space were more similar in the unemployment rate than the neighbours determined by the economic terms. it is worth noting the statistical significance of the θ1 parameter in all estimated models. except for the spatial durbin model for the w matrix (sdm_w), the estimate of this parameter is negative. considering the geographical neighborhood, changes in the unemployment rate in the neighboring regions had a different impact than changes in the random processes or processes omitted in the model. in turn, shocks like an increase in the unemployment rate level or in the random processes in the neighbouring (from the economic point of view) units caused a significant decrease in the unemployment rate in a certain region. however, shocks in the random processes or omitted explanatory variables were slightly stronger. the desirable characteristic of the models with the w matrix is the lack of spatial autocorrelation in the models’ residuals. in the light of the akaike criterion (aic) and the logarithm of likelihood values (log-lik) table 3. the results of estimation and verification of the spatial extended okun’s model parameter model stdm_w sthm_w stdm_d sthm_d β1 -0.3094 (0.0000) -0.3289 (0.0000) -0.3111 (0.0000) -0.3296 (0.0000) θ1 0.1461 (0.0014) -0.1710 (0.0113) -0.2275 (0.0001) -0.3211 (0.0000) β2 -0.6009 (0.0000) -0.6310 (0.0000) -0.4030 (0.0000) -0.4448 (0.0000) θ2 0.2530 (0.0761) -0.2921 (0.1194) -0.0718 (0.6167) -0.2769 (0.1483) ρ 0.6204(0.0000) – 0.5642 (0.0000) – λ – 0.6249(0.0000) – 0.5822 (0.0000) diagnostics moran test -0.0155(0.2127) -0.0170 (0.1895) -0.0490 (0.0015) -0.0347 (0.0182) aic 1,126.5000 1,118.9000 1,052.4000 1,095.5000 log-lik -557.2697 -553.4698 -520.1802 -541.7608 189jankiewicz, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 179–192. the best model is the spatial durbin model estimated using connection matrix d based on the economic distance neighbourhood. therefore, we can conclude about higher cognitive values of the models with the economic neighbourhood (regardless of the spatial autocorrelation presence in the model residuals). statistical significance of the parameters ρ, β1 and θ1 allows for quantifying the shortterm spatial spillovers. nevertheless, this issue is not the subject of the study. the quantification of the spatial effects is one of the directions of further analysis. discussion the analysis presented in this paper shows a large variation in the unemployment rate between eu regions, which is a significant economic problem. the problem particularly refers to the southern and eastern parts of the european union. the causes of this situation have a different character. the economic growth and education level of society are considered as the most important indicators influencing the labour market level. estimated models confirm that the increase in gross domestic product per capita and educational attainment (measured by the percentage of graduates in upper secondary and post-secondary school) significantly causes the decrease in the unemployment rate. moreover, the other individual characteristics of regions influence the labour market situation. one of them is specific economic structure, i.e., if the considered regions are rural or industrial. a verification of okun’s relationship for eu regions taking into account their specificity will be the subject of further research. boďa, m. and považanová, m. (2020) point out the necessity of diversifying regions by their specific characters estimating okun’s relationship. in turn, bonaventura, l. et al. (2018) verified this relationship in two gender groups in italy. they inferred differences in the sensitivity level of the unemployment rate on changes in gdp per capita between males and females depending on the geographic location of the region. some of the authors so far analysed okun’s relationship on the regional level. for example, duran, h.e. (2022) showed its significance for turkish provinces. he did not include additional explanatory variables apart from the economic growth level, the increase of which causes the decrease in the unemployment rate in all provinces. in turn, melguizo, c. (2017) considered the connection between economic growth and the unemployment rate in spanish provinces. she inferred the same type of relationship (with different strengths) throughout the area. also negative sign of okun’s coefficient for all regions of slovenia obtained dajcman, s. (2018). palombi, s. et al. (2017) showed the same for great britain, analysing data for regions at a nuts-3 level. their study is one of few using spatial econometric models as a research tool for the verification of okun’s relationship. other analyses based on the spatial econometric approach were conducted by montero-kuscevic, c.m. (2011), perreira, r.m. (2013), and maza, a. (2022). in this research, additionally, the educational attainment level was included in okun’s model, which is not found in many other studies. the methodological approach used in this research differs from other approaches. firstly, previous researches including spatial connections between territorial units based on the first differences method of okun’s law. this analysis used the fitted trend and elasticity method enriched with the spatial trend. it is a new approach to establishing long-term dependencies in the formation of key indicators used in the investigation, which treats the trend wider than yet. in turn, the definition of one of the spatial connection matrices is new. it is an economic distance matrix built on the unemployment rate similarity between regions. as we saw in the results, changes in gdp per capita level in regions with similar unemployment rates influence stronger on the labour market conditions in the specific region, than changes in the regions directly adjacent. spatial models in previous studies were estimated using neighbourhood matrices built based on the common land border or the geographic distance criteria. the weakness of this research is not considerjankiewicz, m. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 179–192.190 ing the specific characteristics of regions, for example, a population composition, an economic structure, and other important indicators, such as an innovation level. these aspects will be the subject of further research. conclusions the regional approach to the verify of okun’s relationship has become more and more popular in macroeconomic analyses. regardless of the regional disparities in the unemployment rate and the economic growth between nuts-2 level units, the general dependence among these processes was confirmed in the european union. the okun’s elasticity parameter (β1) in the estimated spatial models took a value similar to this, considered to be a benchmark around -0.3 (value received by arthur m. okun in his study). moreover, the educational attainment turned out to be significant, and an increase in the percentage of graduates in upper secondary and post-secondary schools caused a decrease in the unemployment rate. in this connection, the first research hypothesis of the study was confirmed. the economic similarity included in the models in the form of a neighbourhood matrix turned out to be statistically significant, so the similarity between regions related to the unemployment rate is relevant in okun’s relationship verification. so this is the second type of connection, next to the repeatedly confirmed significance of the geographical closeness (in this study, too), which allows for an understanding of the formation of the relationship between unemployment and output growth. a comparison of the estimated spatio-temporal models shows that models with the economic neighbourhood (regardless of the certain imperfections) better explain the mentioned dependence, which confirms the second research hypothesis. it means that the regions similar in the unemployment rate levels are connected stronger in case of the relationship between economic growth and labour market conditions than the regions directly adjacent to each other. the proximity in the sense of the similarity of the unemployment rate can explain the imitation effect related to regularities and rules introduced by the governments of regions. the patterning of the regional rulers’ behaviours from other provinces in the case of the labour market situation can provide similar changes in the labour market in a certain unit. it is also worth noting the policy of combating unemployment should be fitted to the regional specificity of the local labour market. it is worth noting that in the adopted time range (2013–2019), all crises are omitted: (1) financial crisis in 2007–2009, (2) economic slowdown in 2012, and (3) covid-19 pandemic from 2020 (due to lack of the data). in this connection, the relationship between the unemployment rate and output growth may be accepted as relatively stable in the european union regions (which does not mean that not differentiated between units). in further research, this is worth concerning also the analysis of the regimes of the regions divided by the economic growth level and the impact of the covid-19 pandemic on the mentioned relationship. this research will be enriched with the spatial effects quantified based on the estimated models and the use of other spatial connections matrices. r e f e r e n c e s adanu, k. 2005. a cross-province comparison of okun’s coefficient for canada. applied economics 37. 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(2): 289–297. doi: 10.1016/j.jpolmod.2008.09.003 yerdelen, f. and i̇çen, h. 2019. heterogeneous multi-dimensional panel data models: okun’s law for nuts2 level in europe. in selected topics in applied econometrics. eds.: çaglayan, e. and korkmaz, ö., istanbul, peter lang, 31–45. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-9787.2012.00759.x https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-9787.2012.00759.x https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00343404.2016.1216094?journalcode=cres20 https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00343404.2016.1216094?journalcode=cres20 https://scindeks.ceon.rs/article.aspx?artid=0350-03732004063s https://www.jois.eu/files/7_428_soylu%20et%20al.pdf https://www.jois.eu/files/7_428_soylu%20et%20al.pdf https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/foe/article/view/2534 https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/s0161893808000756?via%3dihub https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/s0161893808000756?via%3dihub hungarian geographical bulletin vol 72 issue 2 179-192 (2023) mateusz jankiewicz: regional economic growth and unemployment in the european union – a spatio-temporal analysis at the nuts-2 level (2013–2019) 305book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 301–308.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.71.3.7 hungarian geographical bulletin 71 2022 (3) nowadays, due to the growing importance of creativity and experiences in consumption and everyday life, the role of games and play is increasing in all kinds of activities. these trends transform urban life as well: with the emerging concepts of creative, smart, sustainable cities, new methodologies and approaches appear as well. at the same time, digitalisation became nearly essential to the everyday life – at least in the developed world. in the past two decades more and more examples emerged in relation to games and game design, while the phenomenon of the gamifi cation has received an increasing att ention. these examples often seek answers to the question: how can games contribute to the governance of a city? the book of dale leorke and marcus owens off ers some answers to this question and raises further research options. the objective of the volume is to create an empirical basis that can bring together the diff erent concepts related to the city (i.e., smart city, creative city, ecological city) and provides opportunities for further discussions. the book focuses on three comprehensive sets of urban discourses that cover the topics of the creative and cultural economies of cities, the smart and playable cities, and the ecological city itself. however, it does not discuss gamifi cation per se, which is the use of game elements in such everyday situations that does not count as a game (arnold, b.j. 2014). the book is edited by leorke and owens, and it is a collection studies, which are integrated into three bigger parts (the creative and cultural economies of cities, smart and playable cities, and ecological cities: sustainability and resilience) and eleven chapters. the three parts correspond to the three main focuses of the book. (although the fi rst numbered chapter is chapter 2 because the introduction chapter counts as the fi rst one.) the chapters include comparative case studies, theoretical and historical arguments, and critical examinations. the introduction thoroughly stages the precarious subject of smart, creative, and ecological solutions and concepts within the city, and the growing matt er of games and play, the possibilities of a playable city. it presents the three main focuses of the volume and brings up the key questions. the chapter also mentions that the three highlighted discourses are not covering the whole matter; there are other crucial issues that are out of scope, such as gender issues, the class situation, etc. part i has the creative city in its spotlight. hence, the studies in this section are exploring the interrelation between games and the creative city. it represents how games contribute to the creative city. however, in many cases, the critique of the creative city concept can be read, for example about how it contributed to the growing marginalisation and inequality, and some referred to it as a ‘shallow’ concept (mute 2009; howe, r. et. al. 2014). in the chapters of this part, the use of diff erent games is presented along with how they affected city planning and the att itudes towards the city, for example through increasing tourism or changing the way the citizens see their city or neighbourhood. the fi rst chapter of part i (games, play and playfulness in the creative city: a brief overview) is a summary of how the concepts enlisted in the title are in an eminently deep connection with the ideas of the creative and smart city. the focus of the study is the creative city, thus, the author, dale leorke, often refers to richard florida as well as his counterparts, who criticised his theories. he emphasises that the gaming industry is one of the key elements that att ract the creative class, thus, videogames have a growing importance. he also defi nes the concepts of games, play and playfulness, and underpins their necessity “both as drivers of economic growth in the city generally and as perceived ‘counters’ to the top-down, instrumental and techno-centric smart city vision” (p. 30). as leorke says. the brief essence of the study leorke, d. and owens, m. (eds.): games and play in the creative, smart and ecological city. abingdon and new york, routledge, 2021. 280 p. 306 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 301–308. is that games make up the industry that needs creative workers, whereas play is genuinely the collective name of leisure events like festivals and street occasions, as well as informal street games, parkouring etc. lastly, playfulness – as leorke refers to bernard suits (1978) – is something that can appear anywhere in any form, such as decorating, street art, or diy urbanism projects. leorke outlines three ways that these terms figure into the creative city agenda, because – as he argues – the roles of games and play can be found in cities that neither label themselves as ‘creative’ nor use policies related to the creative city. the three ways are that games and play (i) exist as a creative industry, (ii) promote playful and playable cities; and (iii) playfully instil citizens with a creative ethos. the first refers to the growing industry of videogames that needs creative workers such as designers, programmers, artists, and scriptwriters. the second refers to the ‘counter’ to the top-down, techno-centric vision of the smart city” (p. 32.) as leorke says. and the third one refers to the need for stronger citizen involvement. at the end of the article, leorke mentions questions for further research, such as how case studies can reveal the ways games and play are incorporated into creative city agendas. the next chapter (promoting yokosuka through videogame tourism: the sehnmue sacred spot guide map) is a case study by carlos ramírez-moreno and dale leorke. the authors focus on the effects of ‘contents tourism’ (seaton, p. et al. 2017) on urban economy through the example of yokosuka, japan. the chapter presents the growing relevance of media-related tourism within tourism in general, i.e., when visitors travel to a locality because it was part of a movie or a video game. the authors give examples for the video game-related tourism and highlight how important it is for the japanese tourism sector. later they describe the computer game called shenmue and the city of yokosuka and display how the initiative of the shenmue sacred spot guide map succeeded in the reinvigorating of yokosuka’s economy. with the mix of fieldwork and interviews, the authors skilfully examine the effects and the use of the pamphlet (i.e., the guide map), although they underline that it is roughly impossible to measure the direct impact on the economy. nonetheless, it was a successful initiative that helped even the local boutiques situated near the popular scenes of the game to increase their customer traffic. chapter 4 (geogames for change: co-creating the future of cities with games) is written by alenka poplin, bruno de andrade and ítalo sousa de sena. compared to the previous chapter, it provides a more geographical and more urban approach. it is another case study with two games in its focus: an analogue one, named geodesign card game, and a digital one, named geominascraft. the games are included in the analysis of the phenomenon called ‘geo-games for change’ that suggest that serious games can contribute to a more immerse citizen involvement into urban design and co-creation (squire, k.d. and jenkins, h. 2003; michael, d. and chen, s. 2005; squire, k.d. and giovanetto, l. 2005; squire, k.d. 2006; ratan, r. and ritterfeld, u. 2009; ritterfeld, u. et al. 2009). the authors highlight the need for a more inclusive participation that – by their opinion – can be reached through a more playful way. the experiments with the two above-mentioned games were made with children and youth between the ages of 4 and 11, and between 7 and 16. decision-making, communication, creativity, and cooperation were in the focus. hence, the participants had to work together and solve problems related to the landscape, e.g., restoring an old mining site or finding the best solution for an area to be improved. the experiments were recognised as successful since the children achieved the goals of the games in both cases. they could learn about their environment, while they learnt how to cooperate. the authors claim that their research is the first step towards a more inclusive and participatory planning that is also a ‘fun’ activity. they also argue that children underperform when it comes to city-related decision making but their ideas and problem-solving skills are valuable. part ii concerns the concept of the smart city, and the way games and play can be instilled in it. similarly, to the previous part, a critical way of seeing appears here. it is also presented how games could make the smart city more playable, thus, acceptable in the context of decision-making and developments that might temporarily make the inhabitants’ life more difficult. the first chapter of this part (urban play in practice: seven lenses exploring the sociocultural value of playable cities) was written by troy innocent. in a sense, the author articulates a critique of the smart city and offers the concept of the playable city as a bottom-up, community-led alternative, in contrast to corporationled top-down smart cities. he argues that since the urban is a complex phenomenon, the urban play is a complex one, too. he introduces seven lenses – as he refers to them – through which the different actors of a city can be understood. although there are differences, there are overlaps as well, and with the deeper awareness of both, it would be easier to integrate the urban play into the concept of the playable city. i find it important to mention that the author tries to represent an objective point of view underlining both the benefits and detriments of the urban play and suggesting the need for further research. chapter 6 (the postdigital playground: children’s public play spaces in the smart city) is a study of bjørn nansen and thomas apperley. the chapter explores the ways of how the children’s play and the digital world can be connected, especially because of the growing popularity of the smart city concept. the authors use the term ‘post-digitalisation’ which means that the line between the non-digital and the digital is blurred (berry, d. 2014). the chapter suggests that the digitalisation 307book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 301–308. of children’s public spaces (i.e., playgrounds, public parks) as such is inevitable. it presents two case studies that are related to the idea of using mobile devices on playgrounds and public parks. the two games (disney fairies trail and hybrid play) are mobile applications for children. in the first one, the user can catch fairies in nature through augmented reality technique, and in the meantime, they can learn about the environment, especially plants. the other game uses a special motion sensor on playground tools, and the user has to apply these tools (e.g., the swing) in order to be able to play the game on the smartphone. it is remarkable that the two games received different feedbacks, which suggests that not all ideas were useful. while the first game received positive feedback from the users, who emphasised its educative features, the other game mostly got negative feedback, which implies that the idea is not particularly useful. the authors highlight the aim for further studies on the topic, particularly because they argue that children and public spaces for children are often neglected in smart city concepts. chapter 7 (playful mobility and playable infrastructures in smart cities) by kyle moore focuses on the locationbased games, such as ingress and pokémon go, which use geolocation. he examines the effects of such games on mobility suggesting that concept of ‘situated play’ is not exactly transparent. while he discovered the possibilities of a location-based game through a participatory fieldwork, he noted that mobility is not necessarily easy or available for anyone. thus, there is a chance that these games create new forms of inequalities. however, these games still can be useful tools for exploring landscapes. another crucial element of this chapter is the issue of the data underlying these games and how they are used, the problem of micro-transactions between the developer and the user, as well as exclusionary mechanisms concerning those who cannot afford these games and equipment. nevertheless, location-based games are key elements for allowing the smart city to be playful as well. the next chapter (in praise of stupid: games, play and ideology in the smart city) is written by jonathan jae-an crisman, ken s. mcallister and judd ethan ruggill, who scrutinise the relation of the smart city and smart game. they take an in-depth look at the attributes of the smart game and the history behind it, also the parallels between smart games and smart cities and how they should operate. they mention the dichotomy of the aspiration for designing smart cities yet operating by the ideology of the neoliberalism. however, the gamified ways for citizen involvement, for example the big easy budget game, which was used to collect feedback on the municipal budgeting process in new orleans, provide the possibility of smoother processes of participation while providing data for the government and the opportunity of accepting or disregarding the citizens’ opinions. the authors also mention the concepts of ‘stupid games’ and ‘stupid cities’ and set them against the concepts of being smart. in this narrative, a city is ‘stupid’ if it lacks a consistent agenda and smart mechanisms of management, and relies on a preliminary information-sharing infrastructure. ‘stupid games’ are less complex in terms of storytelling, visuals, and responses on user behaviour. in other words, they need more efforts from the user than ‘smart’ games. they argue that smart cities are being made by the people who live there and not necessarily by the technology. they also argue that if the digital solutions do not provide a better and liveable environment for all the inhabitants (and not only for the rich), then these digital solutions seem ‘not smart so much as shortsighted or, worse, techno-fetishistic and exploitative’ (p. 160). their conclusion for the chapter is that ‘smart’ is not always the better and sometimes the ‘stupid’ provides the proper practices for better governance. in the last chapter of part ii (expanded phenomenologies: leveraging game engines and virtual worlds in design research for the real), matthew seibert writes about rethinking landscape and the experience of landscape, linking it to the experience of the virtual world and the landscape that is being lived. he thoroughly explores the different – and not exactly geographical – definitions of the landscape, as well as how we, as humans, sense our environment not only through direct experiences but former knowledge as well. to prove this, he uses the example of merleau-ponty of seeing a cube only from one angle (merleau-ponty, m. 2012). he connects these interpretations with one’s experience within the virtual world and the ways already existing knowledge can complement a primarily audio-visual sensation. in the second part of the chapter, he argues that due to the above-mentioned reasons – that are deeply detailed and explained in the article – videogame engines could provide a tool for a better city planning. to prove that he presents a survey by which he states that within a virtual world users would try to experience the environment as much as they can, even those things that they would not or could not in the real world. he ends the chapter by claiming that: ‘virtual environments do not create laws to be referenced when thinking about cities and their making. but they do create reliable and systematic knowledge for new urban futures.’ (p. 182). part iii has the idea of sustainable city in its spotlight. as an interesting element, this part not only discusses contemporary issues but examines the events of the past as well. in this part, games appear as tools to help better respond to global issues, such as the climate change, or the ecological crises of the past. in chapter 10 (modelling a critical resilience: board games and the agonism of engagement) janette kim writes about the urgency for a better public process. in her chapter, she finds it essential to focus more on climate change, especially sea-level rise, and how the resilience of societies can be improved. she argues that it is often a problem that stakeholders, the community, decision308 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 301–308. makers, and other actors cannot come to an agreement, yet the global climate issues are threatening everyday life. for a better process, she invented two board games that serve as tools for mediating communication and decision-making. the experiment with these games, however, have encountered difficulties. nonetheless, the author draws attention to the contemporary problem of climate change that is neglected when it comes to city planning. on the other hand, although the problem of sea-level rise is a critical problem indeed, there are other pressing issues related to climate change, which are not mentioned by the author. in the next chapter, gabriele ferri, mattia thibault and judith veenkamp write about the co-creation and participation for designing sustainable playable cities. similarly, to some of the previous chapters, this one provides a critique of the smart city concept. the authors created a comparative analysis of two artefacts of the eu horizon 2020 project mobility urban values (muv). one is a gamified application, the muv, the other is an air pollution visualizer device, the asphyxia. the aim of this examination is to find alternative strategies for a more sustainable citizen engagement. they came to the conclusion that playable and sustainable ideas could complement each other for a better overall approach, while countering the smart city’s excessive top-down appeal. the last chapter is written by marcus owens, one of the editors of the volume. in designing the whole earth as a magic circle, he aims to present the increasing role of games and gamification in the accelerating urbanisation of the 20th century. the focus is on planetary urbanisation, ecology, sustainability, and the relationship of these with game design. but the title of the chapter, in fact, refers to the work of buckminster fuller, called the world game, and the propositions of stewart brand responding to the emerging crises (i.e., ecological and economic) of the post-wwii fordist system in the 1960s. reading this chapter, one can realise that games and gamified approaches were used already throughout history. this indicates that using game design for planning and solving not only local but even planetary issues is not a new trend emerging. instead, it is something that only started to attract more attention in the past decade. this could be perhaps because of the growing culture of gaming, the ongoing development of games, and the increasing digitalisation of everyday life. the volume does not have a conclusion at the end, although each part is summarised in the introduction. nevertheless, this book is a fine collection of different studies related to gamification. it brings up new research questions, and although it could not encompass everything – as it was mentioned at the beginning of the review –, it provides different approaches to gamified city planning and participation, and the studies can serve as starting point for future research. it also contributes to illuminating mainstream concepts of the smart, sustainable and creative city from a new point of view – the perspective of games, play and playfulness, the phenomena that can help citizens better understand and accept decision-making, have more interest towards their environment, and take a better opportunity for their ideas to be heard. the volume is a useful reading to those who want to get acquainted with the concepts of the smart, creative, and ecological city while discovering innovative solutions for city planning. also, it is most helpful for further studies on gamification in urban planning. katinka tóbiás1 r e f e r e n c e s arnold, b.j. 2014. gamification in education. – conference paper. annual conference of the american society of business and behavioral sciences (asbbs), 1–8. berry, d. 2014. the post-digital ornament. stunlaw blog post, june 6. available at http://stunlaw.blogspot.com.au/2014/06/the-post-digital-ornament.html howe, r., nichols, d. and davison, g. 2014. trendyville: the battle for australia’s inner cities. melbourne, monash university publishing. merleau-ponty, m. 2012. phenomenology of perception. new york, routledge. michael, d. and chen, s. 2005. serious games: games that educate, train and inform. boston, course technology ptr. mute 2009. the creative city in ruins [editorial]. mute 2. (12). available at www.metamute.org/editorial/ magazine/mute-vol-2-no.-12-%e2%88%92-creativecity-ruins ratan, r. and ritterfeld, u. 2009. classifying serious games. in serious games: mechanisms and effects. eds.: ritterfeld, u., cody, m. and vorderer, p., new york and london, routledge, 10–24. ritterfeld, u., cody, m. and vorderer, p. (eds.) 2009. serious games: mechanisms and effects. new york and london, routledge. seaton, p., yamamura, t., sugawa-shimada, a. and jang, k. 2017. contents tourism in japan: pilgrimages to ‘sacred sites’ of popular culture. amherst, cambria press. squire, k.d. and giovanetto, l. 2005. the higher education of gaming. vancouver, digital gaming research conference. suits, b. 1978. the grasshopper: games, life and utopia. toronto, university of toronto press. 1 university of szeged, department of economic and social geography, szeged, hungary. e-mail: tobias.katinka@geo.u-szeged.hu http://stunlaw.blogspot.com.au/2014/06/the-post-digital-ornament.html http://stunlaw.blogspot.com.au/2014/06/the-post-digital-ornament.html http://www.metamute.org/editorial/magazine/mute-vol-2-no.-12-%e2%88%92-creative-city-ruins http://www.metamute.org/editorial/magazine/mute-vol-2-no.-12-%e2%88%92-creative-city-ruins http://www.metamute.org/editorial/magazine/mute-vol-2-no.-12-%e2%88%92-creative-city-ruins 5_6_irodalom_kronika.indd 220 c h r o n i c l e hungarian geographical bulletin 2009. vol. 58. no 3. pp. 220–223. 7th international conference on geomorphology (anziag), melbourne, vic, 6–11 july, 2009 it is a tradition more than a quarter of a century old that the world’s geomorphologists gather at a wide-scale international congress every four year to present their most recent fi ndings to each other. for twenty years now the international association of geomorphologists (iag/aig) coordinates the organization of such events and the association selects the conference venue based on the evaluation of national bids. in 2005, at the zaragoza conference the decision was made that the australian and new zealand geomorphology group inc. (anzgg) would host the next meeting in the second most populous city of australia, the capital of victoria state, melbourne, which is – in spite of its size – also one of the most habitable cities of the continent. the organizing committ ee, led by associate professor brian finlayson, and the convention bureau tour host, responsible for the technical organization, immediately started work – as it was made evident by internet news (on the iag/aig website www. geomorph.org), frequent messages and circulars sent. although many potential participants were scared by the long fl ight (24 hours at least from europe), the organizers have eventually managed to recruit a decent number (more than 650) of geomorphologists from 52 countries, including numerous young scientists at the beginning of their career. recently, they are particularly favoured by iag/aig as grants for participation and fi eld training courses are available for them aft er selection. australia proved to be not only a distant but an expensive place for a conference. the brand new melbourne convention and exhibition centre (mcec) was not at all cheap to hire and thus the registration fee was not really adjusted to the resources of participants arriving from developing countries. to fi nd aff ordable accommodation and meals in the cbd of melbourne was not easy either. taken as a whole, however, no complaint is due concerning the organization of the event. it is true that no one regards the above circumstances crucial for the success of the conference, the scientifi c program is more decisive. the att raction of the program lay in its diversity, which is also characteristic of australian geomorphology. among the traditional branches of geomorphology, as it is logical on the driest inhabited continent, eolian processes received particular att ention. the plenary lecture by iag/aig president andrew goudie also enumerated the main fi elds of research in arid geomorphology. in addition, as matt er of fact, dozens of papers dealt with coasts, rivers, glacial, periglacial, tectonic and karst geomorphology as well as mass movements and geomorphological mapping and quite of number of oral and poster presentations touched upon biogeomorphological, volcanic, weathering and tropical issues. sessions of special topic included techniques in geochronology, the role of fi re in geomorphic evolution, the functioning of small catchments, landscape connectivity, planetary geomorphology, the geomorphology of gondwana, laser scanning of topography and tsunamis. the sessions organized by the 221 various working groups (their number amounts to 20 at present) were welcome additions to the scientifi c program. it was a novel tendency to observe that the geomorphological implications of global climate change were excessively studied. unfortunately, the time span of each oral presentation (except for plenary papers) was limited to 15 minutes and this did not allow profound discussion. among the plenary papers (with no discussion planned of course) the most successful and best illustrated was presented by monique fort (paris) on the environmental problems of the himalayas. her satellite images were particularly impressive on the extra large screens of the convention centre. the posters of equally variable topic and spectacular design were exhibited in a spacious corridor – making us forget that we had to pay 20 australian dollars for showing them. many of us missed the list of participants and the abstracts which were only published on cd for environmental protection considerations. it was not easy to fi nd the papers most interesting for us and to get an idea in advance on their contents. for the days prior to the conference four fi eld trips were planned. the most comprehensive led us to western victoria, where bernie joyce (melbourne) showed us a series of volcanoes of diff erent types and surprisingly young age as well as sea stacks and archways, a karst plateau, a lake region and at one plaeontological site we could receive information on the australian megafauna, which became extinct some ten thousand years ago. the bus fi eld trips of wednesday took the participants to a drained swamp area, to coastal landforms, to the suburbs of melbourne and into the vineyards of the yarra valley. at the same time, a trip was organized for bikers and paddlers along the yarra river. those who were particularly interested in the australian outback (and could aff ord it) started for a logn journey aft er the conference to see the lake eyre basin or the tropical rivers and coasts of the cape york peninsula. the iag/aig elected new honorary members in recognition of their life-work: takasuke suzuki (japan), john chappel (australia), olav slaymaker (canada) and paul williams (new zealand) – great fi gures of the discipline, mostly well known in hungary too – were presented with the walking stick that accompanies this award. the 34 representatives of the association’s scientifi c members (member countries) with a voting right elected michael crozier (new zealand), a renowned researcher of landslides, as the new iag/aig president, while morgan de dapper has kept his position as secretary. the next regional conference (in 2011) will be held in addis ababa, organized by the italian and the ethiopian group of geomorphologists, while the venue of the 8th international conference on geomorphology in 2013 will be paris we congratulate on the organizers ”down under” in the hope that the french colleagues would manage to host an equally successful and remarkable meeting – perhaps at lower expenses and with slightly more inclusive services for the participants. dénes lóczy transformations of place, memory and identity through urban place names in banská bystrica, slovakia 401bitušíková, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 401–417.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.71.4.6 hungarian geographical bulletin 71 2022 (4) 401–417. introduction the objective of this article is to look at politics, processes and practices of the renaming of public spaces, particularly streets and squares in the city of banská bystrica in slovakia in the post-socialist period. in the scholarly literature the most often used term is „street renaming“, although it covers also renaming of other public spaces of the city including squares and neighbourhoods or even institutions. in the paper i use the overarching term „street renaming“. based on critical research on practices of street naming and renaming developed and summarised mainly (but not only) by rose-redwood, r., alderman, d. and azaryahu, m., it focuses on relationships between heritage, memory, identity, location and power (rose-redwood, r. et al. 2018a, b). post-socialist transformation started numerous processes of diversification of slovak society, accompanied also by diversification of memories, identities and symbols. the study deals with challenges of the street-renaming, related to remembering and forgetting in the post-1989 period. as rose-redwood, r. et al. (2018a, 2) emphasise, the renaming of public spaces plays an important role in the remaking of urban commemorative landscapes. indeed, various political regimes have been using street renaming as a strategy to show authority, ideological hegemony and symbolic power. street names primarily serve the purpose of orientation within the city, but they also have a broader significance. the names which commemorate key events or personalities from local, regional or national history or heritage are a manifestation of political order. they can also become expressions of local or national identity with a powerful symbolic importance (azaryahu, m. 1997; transformations of place, memory and identity through urban place names in banská bystrica, slovakia alexandra b i t u šík o v á1 abstract the paper looks at the renaming of streets as a significant aspect of post-socialist change using an example of the city of banská bystrica, slovakia. it discusses politics, processes and practices of (de-re)commemoration in street names, which reflect transformations of memory (remembering and forgetting), identity, heritage, power and resilience related to public space in a post-socialist city. changing street names creates new connections between the past and the present and reflects political power struggles for control over contested space between various groups that tend to privatise their own history, heritage, memory, identity, places and symbols. the case of banská bystrica demonstrates strategies of the street renaming based on the decommunisation of names (done by restoration of the names from older periods or by introducing non-commemorative names), and on commemoration of names based primarily on local (or regional/national) heritage, events and personalities that might become areas of contested heritage. keywords: street renaming, urban space, memory, identity, heritage, banská bystrica, slovakia received february 2022, accepted october 2022. 1 faculty of arts, charles university, nám. jana palacha 2, 116 38 prague 1, czech republic. e-mails: alexandra.bitusikova@ff.cuni.cz; or alexandra.bitusikova@gmail.com mailto:alexandra.bitusikova@ff.cuni.cz bitušíková, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 401–417.402 light, d. 2004). street renaming is usually connected with a political regime change or other historic milestones. it has an impact on further symbolic transformation of urban space and on the (re)construction of urban memory. along with monuments, street names (particularly commemorative names, based on local or national history and heritage) ’celebrate that which the governing authorities deem worthy of public remembrance’ (rose-redwood, r. et al. 2018b, 8). research objectives and methods this article discusses politics, processes and practices of (de-re)commemoration in the city of banská bystrica in slovakia on the example of the street renaming, which reflects transformations of memory (remembering and forgetting), identity, location, heritage, symbols, power and resilience related to public space in a post-socialist city. it focuses on the period of the first decade of the post-socialist urban transformation after the political change in 1989, however, it also builds on previous periods as they are crucial for understanding historic discontinuities and disruptions in central europe. it also briefly reflects on street-naming in the city in the 21st century. the main research questions are: what have been the concepts used in the strategy of the street renaming in the early 1990s? which concepts have been prevailing? how did the process of the renaming take place within the municipality and the city council? what was the role of the street-renaming advisory body in the process? how did the power relations impact the streetrenaming? how did the public participate in the process? are there any consequences of the selected concept(s) in the street naming in the 21st century? the paper is based on the results of qualitative ethnographic research carried out mainly in the period of 1990–1995 (participant observation and engaged research, 25 semiformal/informal interviews with local inhabitants, experts – historians, geographers, architects, linguists and ethnologists, and the city representatives), and the textual analysis of regional newspapers, scientific journals and archives documents. meeting minutes from the advisory body (the street-naming committee) and from the city council in the 1990s (archived at the registry office of the banská bystrica municipality), as well as regularly published articles of the chair of the street-naming committee in local and national newspapers (such as priekopník, ľudové noviny and národná obroda) addressing the public in order to encourage their participation in the process, were the main source of the data. my personal ethnographic diary as of a member of the street-naming committee also contributed to the collection and analysis of research data. the nomination to be a member of the committee by the mayor in the early 1990s led to numerous interactions with various stakeholders, particularly local citizens, municipality representatives and local interest groups. it also helped me to witness the dynamics of power relations in the new democratic state. in addition, a methodology of spatial ethography was partly used that allowed understaning of people and place relationships (based mainly on participant observation, interviews and analysis of textual documents – sen, a. and silverman, l. 2014). place, memory and post-socialist change: a theoretical framework maurice halbwachs was one of the first scholars who stressed that the past was reflected and preserved in the built environment – a repository of conscious and unconscious collective memories (halbwachs, m. 1992). since halbwachs, memory and its relation to place and identity has been attracting the attention of numerous scholars from different disciplines. changing street names creates new links and connections between the past and the present and reflects political power struggles for control over contested space between various opposing groups that 403bitušíková, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 401–417. tend to ‘privatise’ their own history, heritage, memory, identity, places and symbols. both individual and collective memories of the city and its public spaces have a significant influence on the identification of urban inhabitants with their city and their sense of belonging. memory has become a popular keyword and topic not only in scholarly literature, but also in the marketing and branding strategies of cities all over the world. it is a consequence of what some authors call a general ‘obsession with memory’, a ‘commemorative fever’or a ‘remembrance epidemic’ (hewison, r. 1987; macdonald, s. 2013). however, memory, especially collective memory is an important bond and a tool for socialisation and communication. it is the individuals as members of various groups who create, share and put forward collective memory through their individual personal memories. collective memory is always localised and socially constructed within a particular political-economic context and it requires the support of a group in time and space (halbwachs, m. 1992). according to boyer, it is mainly physical artefacts, urban spaces, streets, monuments and architectural forms in which our memory is buried (boyer, c.m. 1994). nora who introduced the term lieux de mémoire (sites of memory) also stressed that memory is spatially constructed and it is attached to both tangible sites (streets, squares, buildings etc.) and intangible sites (rituals or celebrations) related to the past (nora, p. 1989). the city is often defined as a physical space, made of squares, streets, parks, neighbourhoods, buildings, monuments, symbols and names of objects and spaces. however, the development of the city is not only in the hands of architects and urban planners, but especially of the people who use it: ‘people make places, more than places make people’ (worpole, k. and knox, k. 2007, 2). the memory of each city resident reflects memories of different physical spaces in different periods. previous generations´ memories play an important role in the reinterpretation and redefinition of public spaces, reflected in their names. as alderman notes, (particularly) commemorative street naming and renaming is a vehicle for bringing the past to the present (alderman, d.h. 2003, 163). commemorative names of public spaces (streets and squares) in central europe do not have a long history and started to be introduced only at the end of the 18th century replacing descriptive names (mainly names inspired by the geographical place or direction such as main square, lower or upper street etc.). a new way of street naming at the end of the 18th century followed a commemorative motivation to name public spaces after persons, events or ideas – usually those who were acceptable and supported by a leading political power (david, j. 2013, 2). commemorative names reflect important moments of history, local and national heritage (cultural and natural) or important personalities that played a role in local, national or international contexts, however, they are often built on contested narratives and memories. according to yeoh, street renaming can be seen as ‘an uneven, negotiated process of constant mediations, in which people questioned, challenged, or came up with alternative readings of both the forms and meanings of street-names’ (yeoh, b.s.a. 1996). azaryahu stresses that commemorative street names are a common feature of modern political culture. together with commemorative monuments and heritage museums, they ‘not only evince a particular version of history but are also participants in the ongoing cultural production of a shared past... potentially contested and eventually challenged, commemorative street names concretize hegemonic structures of power and authority’ (azaryahu, m. 1996, 312). dramatic change of physical structures, forms or functions of public spaces can lead to discontinuity and loss of memory, or to what simmel refers as selective amnesia, which means selective and conscious forgetting in order to cope and survive the overwhelming memories of the past (simmel, g. 1950). this has been a common case in most post-socialist societies. in this context, bitušíková, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 401–417.404 van vree uses the term ‘absent memory’, described as memories absent from public discourse at a specific moment in time and to emerge at another. he talks about ‘social forgetting’ (often based on shame, guilt or embarrassment) that can be understood as ‘a deliberate or non-deliberate exclusion or dilution of memories through framing, or, even, because of the very lack of proper frames’ (van vree, f. 2013, 7). in order to survive, people living in former socialist countries of central and eastern europe had to learn to adopt such strategies of social forgetting by living double identities (public and private), suppressing publically enforced memories of historical events and figures and creating countermemories and counternarratives. in the context of the topic of the paper, the best example of these strategies was using the pre-socialist urban street names in everyday common language instead of using “new” street names introduced by the new communist municipalities. according to meusburger, ‘the fact that the overwhelming majority of the population in socialist countries had such divided identities and countermemories was one of the main reasons why central and eastern european communist systems, despite their military power and seemingly almighty secret services, collapsed within weeks after the development of mass public opposition in 1989’ (meusburger, p. 2011, 58). a serious discontinuity of collective memory usually happens in the periods of crucial historic changes or natural disasters that can in a short time dramatically change the physical and social environment of the city. the post-socialist (post-1989) governing authorities faced a challenge to (re)build new urban identity upon the heritage of these historic discontinuities. they had to decide what the future vision and identity of the city should be based on. the construction of new identities was first built on the rejection of the socialist past (light, d. 2004). glorious medieval history was seen as the least problematic and most attractive to be marketed by local authorities in the 1990s and the majority of activities that aimed at the revitalisation of urban identities as well as at new marketing of the city have been based on the return to medieval (so called ‘golden’) history and heritage. it was clear that the socialist period did not fit into the ‘nice’ historic image of the city. this observation goes in line with the results of young’s and kaczmarek’s research in polish cities. they observed the return to a medieval ‘golden age’ in many cities in poland and across central eastern europe. cities with such history can more easily ‘leave out or obscure their socialist pasts, or only refer to a history of resistance to socialism’ (young, c. and kaczmarek, s. 2008, 56). similar though not exactly the same development could be seen in the romanian city of oradea (in hungarian: nagyvárad) – the city with a significant proportion of hungarian population – where after the collapse of communism many streets received either new or interwar period names, mainly ethnically neutral (erőss, á. and tátrai, p. 2010, 57). the post-socialist urban developments have demonstrated trends towards revitalisation and strengthening of urban identities through the practices initiated mainly by local governments and increasingly also by local inhabitants and activists. the focus and the locus of research: banská bystrica banská bystrica is a medium-size city situated in a mountainous area of central slovakia. with almost 80,000 inhabitants, it is the sixth largest city in the country and the administrative centre of banská bystrica region (figure 1). first urban development strategies in post1989 banská bystrica were built mainly upon the return to history, cultural heritage and commemoration. they included the renaming of streets and squares, reconstruction of the historic city centre, organisation of urban festivals and parades based on historical events, (re)introduction of new symbols and the (de-re)erection of new monuments. 405bitušíková, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 401–417. all these activities created space for the (re) construction of new collective memory and local identity. following de la pradelle we can ask to what extent these activities really addressed local inhabitants´ needs and made them feel proud and identified with their city (de la pradelle, m. 1996), and/or to what extent they were just a tool for the manipulation of collective memory, celebrating the ‘right’ heritage and the ‘right’ moments of history and consciously forgetting less glorious chapters of the city´s history. as williams stated: ‘such is the desire for communality that only “correct” memories will be tolerated, usually resulting in real history being forgotten. removed from any political context, the result of urban memory practices is often simply the celebration of attachment to place for its own sake’ (williams, a. 2005). williams continues that this kind of selection of historical memories could lead to a false urban memory syndrome. he provocatively adds that we can see a demand for collective memory at a time when collective reality has disappeared. each urban government tries to revitalise urban memories and identities through the engagement of the inhabitants in various activities, but in fact ‘we never really see a campaign of local residents spontaneously demanding that their urban memory be protected’ (williams, a. 2005, 3). banská bystrica was founded in 1255 when it became the free royal city (called nova villa bystrice) by being granted royal municipal and mining privileges by the hungarian king béla iv. in 1263, the first magyarised version of the name byzterchebana, later beszterczebánya appeared, at the same time the german settlers (mainly those in mining business) used the name neusohl (jurkovič, e. 2005, 16). rich silver and copper deposits and extensive mining sustained the dynamic development of the city in the middle ages. in the 14th and 15th centuries, the city was called ‘the copper banská bystrica’ and flourished as a significant european mining centre with a strong german influence. the medieval city, like many other european cities, developed its economic strength from trade and commerce, based on its multicultural characteristics. the thurzo-fugger company, established in 1495 in banská bystrica, has been considered one of the first modern capitalist enterprises in the world, having a monopoly on the trade of copper in europe and worldwide. the ‘golden age’ fig. 1. geographical position of banská bystrica inside slovakia bitušíková, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 401–417.406 of the mining city of banská bystrica lasted until the 17th century (jurkovič, e. 2005). during its rich mining history, the city – similarly to many other cities in the multi-ethnic kingdom of hungary – was characterised by multiethnicity and multiculturality, based on cultures of a number of ethnic and religious groups living in the city (the germans, the slovaks, the hungarians, the jews, the roman catholics, the protestants, the greek catholics etc.). all these ethnic and religious groups left traces in the historical tapestry and memory of the city, however, they have not always been reflected in local toponymy/ urbanonymy. after the decline of mining activities, banská bystrica became a centre of crafts, commerce and services. the city witnessed its most turbulent history in the 20th century. similar to other cities in central europe (formerly part of the kingdom of hungary and from 1867 the austro-hungarian empire), the city´s population experienced seven major political regimes and states in the 20th century itself, which had a significant impact on people´s memories and identities, on their remembering and forgetting (bitusikova, a. 2018). banská bystrica has been constructing its new post-socialist image particularly on two selected chapters of its history – on the medieval mining history (‘the copper bystrica’) when the city was one of the biggest world producers and exporters of copper, and on the modern history of the slovak national uprising, the biggest anti-nazi movement in central europe during the second world war in which the city played a crucial role as the centre of the uprising (‘the insurgent bystrica’). representatives of 30 countries joined the uprising based mainly on partisian operations in the mountains. although the uprising was defeated by the germans, it has remained a symbol of moral victory of the slovaks who at the time were living in the collaborationist nazi „puppet state“ (syrný, m. et al. 2014). the municipality has been introducing the topic of these two historical periods in most cultural events and festivities organised in the city (city days; the radvaň fair; cultural summer; and the slovak national uprising commemoration). this approach has been reflected also in the renaming of public places. politics, processes and practices of street renaming in banská bystrica the street renaming was one of the very first activities of the new municipality after the political change in slovakia (then part of czechoslovakia) in the late november 1989. the original historic street naming or toponymy used to serve primarily the purpose of geographical orientation reflected in names such as central square, lower street, upper street, capitol church street etc. these names were used for several centuries since the foundation of the city (1255) until the end of the 19th century. the development in the late 19th century demonstrated the change towards the importance of commemoration naming based on key personalities and events of the city´s or country’s history and heritage. according to azaryahu, it was a measure of historic revision during periods of political change (azaryahu, m. 2011, 29). in the post-1948 socialist period, a new wave of street renaming started when majority of streets and squares in czechoslovakia were renamed using commerative names of the soviet union personalities: political figures, red army heroes, artists, writers, poets (e.g. stalin’s or lenin’s streets) as well as russian geographical names, such as moscow street, russian street etc. a number of scholars have written about toponymical cleansing and place renaming in post-socialist contexts (e.g. azaryahu, m. 1996, 1997; czapliczka, j. et al. 2003; light, d. 2004; gill, g. 2005; kaltenbergkwiatkowska, e. 2008; palonen, e. 2008; bucher, s. et al. 2013; light, d. and young, c. 2015a, b, 2018; basik, s. and rahautsou, d. 2019), however, most of the studies focused on country capitals (e.g. budapest, bucharest, moscow, warsaw, east berlin, minsk or bratislava). research of medium or small size cities in the region of central and eastern europe has been rather rare 407bitušíková, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 401–417. though it has been slowly increasing (e.g. erőss, á. and tátrai, p. 2010; stiperski, z. et al. 2011; cretan, r. and matthews, p.w. 2016; mácha, p. et al. 2018; palmberger, m. 2018; chloupek, b.r. 2019; rusu, m. 2020). azaryahu was one of the first scholars who proposed that it was important to broaden the study area to include smaller, provincial cities, too (azaryahu, m. 2011). the study of the city of banská bystrica aims to fill the gap in such research orientation and on the basis of ethnographic methods to demonstrate specific local approaches to street renaming in a peripheral mediumsize slovak city. in the city of banská bystrica, the most significant processes of street renaming since its foundation in the 13th century were connected with the following periods: 1. the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries (strengthening of hungarian power and control over minorities in the austro-hungarian monarchy); 2. post-1918 (the collapse of the austrohungarian monarchy and the establishment of the czechoslovak republic); 3. post-1948 (the communist coup and the foundation of the czechoslovak socialist republic); 4. post-1989 (the collapse of communism and the establishment of the democratic czecho-slovak republic and in 1993 the formation of the slovak republic after the dissolution of czechoslovakia). it is important to stress that the latest historical chapter – the foundation of the two separate states – the slovak republic and the czech republic in january 1993 did not lead to any significant changes in place-naming/ renaming in slovakia. this might demonstrate that the ‘velvet’ split of the two countries with a common history did not have a traumatic impact on collective identity and memory that would lead to symbolic changes of place names – which was not the case in previous historical periods. when looking at street renaming from a chronological perspective, it is obvious that two periods in the slovak history when commemorative names were mostly preferred were the periods from the end of the 19th century to 1918 and the period from 1948 to 1989 (the communist period). it seems that political authorities during the democratic periods of the first czechoslovak republic (1918–1938) and the post-1989 czechoslovakia (and the slovak republic after 1993) preferred using non-commemorative place names in the processses of renaming, which i understand (based on my direct engagement in the streetnaming committee) as an approach or attempt towards a certain stability and resilience in the street-naming in the future. the renaming of streets and squares in banská bystrica has been (throughout the history) most significant in the central historic district of the city, which has been the national urban heritage site since 1955. this is in line with what gnatiuk and glybovets emphasise that commemorative names have been generally more common in central parts of a city than in the city´s peripheries, which means that different locations in the city show different symbolic significance and ‘naming and renaming of urban space often implies categorization of streets according to the perceived ˝importance” of a person, geographic name, idea or event’ (gnatiuk, o. and glybovets, v. 2020). the banská bystrica historic city centre: from the kingdom of hungary to the end of the czechoslovak socialist republic (1255–1989) in the city of banská bystrica, the historic central square has always been considered the heart of the city and the source of pride for local people, and one of the most beautiful urban squares in slovakia. the name of the square changed several times throughout history, reflecting political powers as well as the dominant language of the time. for more than 600 years, from the 13th to the 19th century, the square held the german name ring (the square, known in the local slovak dialect as rínok). this name was changed in the 1860s to a hungarian version fő tér (in slovak bitušíková, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 401–417.408 hlavné námestie – central square) and in 1886 to a commemorative hungarian name béla király tér (in slovak námestie kráľa bela iv. – king béla iv square). after the foundation of the czechoslovak republic in 1918, the square gained for the first time an official slovak name hlavné námestie (the central square), based on a local narrative using the simple name námestie (the square) when referring to the central square despite of its former commemorative names. at the end of the 1920s, with the development of the democratic czechoslovak republic led by the president tomáš garique masaryk (who was half-czech and halfslovak by origin), the square was renamed masarykovo námestie (the masaryk square). after the establishment of the slovak republic (also known as the slovak state) in 1939 which was a client state of nazi germany, the square was given a new name in the process of recommemoration: námestie andreja hlinku (the andrej hlinka square), named after the leader of the autononomist hlinka’s slovak people’s party from the 1920s to 1930s. the end of the ww2 with the red army and the romanian army as liberators of banská bystrica on march 25, 1945, clearly marked the further symbolic developments of the central square (bitušíková, a. 1998). only a few days after the liberation, a black obelisk made of marble imported from the soviet union and dedicated to the ww2 liberators of the city, (however, dedicated only to the soviet red army, and ‘forgetting’ the romanian army liberators) was forced on by the soviet representatives and eventually built in the lower part of the central square (bitušíková, a. 2018). the renaming of the main square was a further challenge (photo 1). the central square was first renamed in the period 1945–1948 as námestie národného povstania (the national uprising square), and after 1949 (up to the present) námestie slovenského národneho povstania (the slovak national uprising square). only twice in history the square had a general, non-commemorative name (ring from the establishment of the city in the 13th century to the 19th century, and hlavné námestie – central square from 1919 to 1923). despite all official names, in everyday local communication only one name has always been used up till the present: ‘námestie’ (the square), which has been seen as the heart and the symbol of the city by local population. this language is part of understanding of local toponymy and local memory. the common name ‘námestie’ (the square) clearly defines the place on the basis of an easy identification and orientation without any confusion caused by changes of commemorative names. the same practice of renaming public spaces referred to the adjacent streets that also changed their names several times. for instance, originally untere gasse or dolná ulica (the lower street) changed to spitalgasse, kossuth lajos utcza, malinovského ulica (malinovsky street) until it returned to the old non-commemorative name dolná ulica (the lower street) again after 1989 (photo 2). the ideologically-motivated names of streets and squares bearing usually names of soviet political or cultural figures or events that were introduced during the socialist period were rarely accepted and used by local population and were only presented in official documents and maps. that was the case of all streets in the central city area. already mentioned malinovského ulica named after the soviet marshal malinovsky was known by local inhabitants only as dolná ulica (the lower street); ulica februárového víťazstva (the victorious february street) as národná ulica (the national street); polevého ulica (polevoj´s street named after the soviet writer ) as kapitulská (the church street); jilemnického ulica (jilemnický street) as kuzmányho ulica (kuzmány street); or námestie 1. mája (the may day square) as strieborné (the silver square) (rohárik, j. 1995). many local inhabitants were even not aware of the official (communist) names of the streets in the city centre and used pre-communist names as the main way of communication, geographical orientation, and sometimes also as a sort of resistance against the regime. 409bitušíková, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 401–417. photo 1. slovak national uprising square (formerly ring, fő tér, béla király tér, hlavné námestie, námestie, masarykovo námestie, námestie andreja hlinku, námestie národného povstania) in banská bystrica. photo by bitušíková, a. 2021. photo 2. entrance to dolná ulica (lower street). photo by bitušíková, a. 2017. bitušíková, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 401–417.410 post-1989 period: the processes and practices of street renaming in a new democratic banská bystrica the process of the street renaming in banská bystrica was one of the earliest responses to the collapse of communism, as also light observed in other cities (light, d. 2004). the renaming of public spaces in post-socialist cities commonly involved processes of de-commemoration and/or new re-commemoration (azaryahu, m. 1997, 482; bitušíková, a. 2018, 156) and became important in forming a new identity of many cities. in banská bystrica, on the 19 january 1990, the street-naming committee (názvoslovná komisia) was established as an advisory board commissioned by the mayor and the district office to provide expertise in the field of naming/renaming of streets and squares. its establishment was based on the act no. 369/1990 that explicitally prescribed the way of functioning of street-naming committees as advisory bodies within local municipalities and the act no. 517/1990. the first street-naming committee in banská bystrica consisted of nine members historians, urban planners, architects, linguists, ethnologists and lawyers. the members were independent experts nominated by the mayor that did not represent any political parties or interest groups. i was nominated as one of the members. the street-naming committee had regular meetings several times a year from 1990 to 1995 (most frequently in the first two years of the 1990s) and its task was to propose and discuss new names for streets and squares based on the expert proposals, discussion and public participation. the first step towards starting the proces of the renamimng was to define key concepts of the new renaming, based on the following principles: – the act 93/1970 about names of places and their streets (still in practice at the time); – to build on historical idenitity of old original street names (often geographicallybased); – to propose new street names based on local/regional personalities or historic events; – to build on historical and cultural traditions of the city and the region. 2 following these principles, the initial criterion of the street renaming was the ‘decommunisation’ of street names and their replacement with ideologically neutral names (where possible) in order to achieve a certain level of sustainability and resilience. sustainability and resilience in this context can be understood as a capacity of the city and its residents to resist and avoid name changes in the future and to build on the names that are stable and undisputable, which meant either using noncommemorative names or names reflecting local natural, historical and cultural heritage that was not connected to contested history and memory. the very first wave of the street renaming was done by a direct restoration of the names from the pre-socialist and older periods, based on geographical orientation. the second important criterion was taking into account the historical identity of public spaces and local topography, and commemorating heritage of the city, the region and the country. the members of the committee agreed to bring old, locally used names back to the city centre and in particular cases to introduce new commemorative names. at the same time they proposed to use preferably non-commemorative names with a long(er)-term validity in the neighbourhoods further outside the city centre,3 which is in line with the observations of gnatiuk, o. and glybovets, v. (2020). despite the approach of the committee, which did not expect any political intervention in their expert recommendations, the renaming of streets and squares in the central area turned into a power struggle for control over space and names between various ‘old’ and 2 minutes from the street-naming committee, 12 january 1990. archives of the banská bystrica municipality. 3 streets and squares in several neighbourhoods were given new names based on geographical identification (often following old topography names), industrial-heritage based names (following older economies of the neighbourhood such as mining or trading), names based on significant objects (such as the court) or nature (garden, forest, trees, flowers etc.). 411bitušíková, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 401–417. ‘new’ groups. as azaryahu has stated, ‘the selection of street names is a political procedure determined by ideological needs and political power relations’ (azaryahu, m. 1997, 481). all new proposals made either by the committee experts or individual citizens were published in local newspapers and open for public participation and debate, which was a very new idea in the early 1990s. following this objective, the chair of the committee regularly published new street name proposals in the main local newspaper (priekopník) with the aim to motivate the general public in taking part in a new process of participative street-naming (e.g. odaloš, p. 1990a, b, c, d, e, 1991a, b, c, d). soon after the november 1989, two groups emerged as the most active opponents to any change regarding street renaming: 1. the former communist city representatives, and 2. the anti-fascist fighters union (zväz protifašistických bojovníkov) members. the former communist officials protested against new names, especially those replacing the names of cities, events or figures of the former soviet union or the names of the communist leaders (particularly lenin). the other group – the former partisans who fought in the anti-fascist slovak national uprising during the ww2 – wanted to protect mainly ‘revolutionary’ names related to the red army as the liberator. these two groups managed to stop the renaming of the main square (the slovak national uprising square). the proposal of the expert committee to change the square name to the commonly used námestie (the square) was motivated by the fact that the name was used by the local population in the local toponymy and local language for several centuries. the expert committee proposed to transfer the name of the slovak national uprising square to another public space in the city, near the slovak national uprising museum, however, after numeorous dicussions between the committee and two opposing groups, the expert committee gave up and agreed to keep the square name from the socialist period. the final argument was based on the fact that the slovak national uprising was internationally a highly respected anti-nazi movement of the ww2, and for these reasons its name was an acceptable and respected name for the central square name. another contested site in the renaming conflict was a site square in the castle area next to the central square named after the soviet red army (námestie červenej armády) – the army that liberated the city on 26 march 1945 together with the romanian army. after long disussions within the street-naming committee and following public discussions, the square was given a new name: námestie baníckeho povstania (the miners’ uprising square), which referred to an important milestone in the medieval history of the city (1525–1526). soon after the new street signs were installed on all corners of the square, the city council suddenly rejected the expert committee’s decision and the next day new signs were installed, carrying the name námestie štefana moyzesa (the štefan moyzes square) (photo 3), named after the roman-catholic bishop and the first chair of matica slovenská (the cultural institution of the slovaks in the 19th century). the streetnaming committee published a protest in the local newspaper and sent a letter to the mayor. the city council responded that the change was done as a response to citizens’ protests who lived on the square. in fact, there were no residential buildings on the square, it was only the roman-catholic bishop’s office that intervened in this case and managed to enforce the change of the square name (odaloš, p. 1990d; rada msnv v banskej bystrici 1990). the examples of above mentioned practices demonstrate that the processes of renaming streets and squares in banská bystrica were marked by a power struggle between various groups presenting or occupying different power positions that tried to put a stamp of their collective memory, identity and heritage on public spaces and by doing so to gain a symbolic ownership of them. michael rothenberg desribes this as a competitive nature of contemporary public memory when different groups fight for representation in the public sphere and fear that their histories will be blocked out by the histories of other groups (rothenberg, m. 2009). bitušíková, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 401–417.412 the processes and practices of the street renaming were most turbulent in the first months and years of the 1990s. they showed lack of experiences in managing participatory methods of engaging citizens in local policies and practicies, however, they were the first attempts of involving local inhabitants into local governance. power groups from the socialist period, but also new emerging groups (such as the church or other interest groups) were using their influence through the city council as well as through print media in order to gain a symbolic control over public space. the process of the renaming was more or less finalised within five years after 1989. in banská bystrica, by the end of january 1990, the first thirteen streets were renamed in the city centre; by the end of september 1991, another nineteen streets were renamed in the suburbs, and by the end of 1995 – the last large wave of renaming happened – another eight streets were given new names (forgács, j. 2020). this means that fourty public spaces were given new name out of hundred and fifty public places at the time (table 1). in the years of the late 1990s, the target of public interest and criticism moved to the introduction of the names of newly developed neighbourhoods, buildings and complexes that rarely respect local topography and toponymy and carry mainly foreign names (such as europa shopping center, belveder, antea, proxima, and so on). this was closely related to the commodification of urban toponymy resulting from privatisation and commercialisation of public places and place naming rights (light, d. and young, c. 2015a, b). according to the information from the municipality4, there have been 290 streets and squares in banská bystrica in 2022. the names in recently built neighbourhoods are primarily of noncommemorative nature, based on geography or geology related to mining history. 4 interviews in march 2022. photo 3. the štefan moyzes square. photo by bitušíková, a. 2019. 413bitušíková, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 401–417. ta bl e 1. e xa m pl es o f c ha ng es o f s tr ee t a nd s qu ar e na m es in c en tr al c it y ar ea a ro un d 1 58 9 (fi rs t c it y m ap ) 18 96 –1 91 9 19 19 –1 94 0s 19 50 s– 19 90 19 90 – r in g iv . b él a k ir ál y té r h la vn é ná m es ti e; m as ar yk ov o ná m es ti e, n ám es ti e a . h lin ku , n ám es ti e n ár od né ho p ov st an ia n ám es ti e sl ov en sk éh o ná ro d né ho p ov st an ia (n o na m e) m át yá s té r h or né n ám es ti e, n ám es ti e č er ve ne j a rm ád y n ám es ti e č er ve ne j a rm ád y n ám es ti e b an íc ke ho p ov st an ia , n ám es ti e št ef an a m oy se sa u nt er e g as se , sp it al ga ss e k os su th l aj os u tc za d ol ná u lic a, m al in ov sk éh o ul ic a m al in ov sk éh o ul ic a d ol ná o be re g as se b et hl en g áb or u tc za h or ná u lic a, b en eš ov a ul ic a u lic a v . š ir ok éh o, h or ná h or ná (n o na m e) sz en t i st vá n té r d ol né n ám es ti e, h uš tá k, n ám es ti e s. h . v aj an sk éh o n ám es ti e s. h . v aj an sk éh o b ad en ga ss e k ár ol yi p ét er u tc za l az ov ná , u lic a m . r áz us a u lic a m . g or ké ho , l az ov ná l az ov ná o be re s ilb er ga ss e h ei nc zm an n a nd rá s ut cz a h or ná s tr ie bo rn á u lic a k . k al už ay a, h or ná s tr ie bo rn á h or ná s tr ie bo rn á u nt er e si lb er ga ss e a ls ó ez üs t u tc za d ol ná s tr ie bo rn á st ri eb or ná , d ol ná s tr ie bo rn á d ol ná s tr ie bo rn á (n o na m e) e zü st k ap u té r st ri eb or né n ám es ti e, n ám es ti e 1. m áj a n ám es ti e 1. m áj a st ri eb or né n ám es ti e (n o na m e) k ör fa l u tc za k at ov ná k at ov ná (n o na m e) k er es zt u tc za k rí žn a u lic a j. w ol kr a, k rí žn a k rí žn a (n o na m e) d eá k fe re nc z ut cz a sú d ob ná , u lic a a . h it le ra , st al in ov a ul ic a st al in ov a, o br an co v m ie su sk ut ec ké ho u lic a g ra ue r g as se w es se lé ny i f er en cz u tc za k ap it ul sk á, u lic a š. m oy se sa u lic a b or is a p ol ev éh o, u lic a š. m oy se sa k ap it ul sk á so ur ce : r oh ár ik , j . 1 99 5. bitušíková, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 401–417.414 conclusions the renaming of streets during periods of social upheaval and transformation is hardly a new phenomenon. it has happened many times in history and is always related to power, identity and momory. we might witness changes of public spaces and their names all over the world, yet, in post-socialist countries and their cities they showed specific features. according to verdery, it is mainly the large extent, the sheer number (of torn down symbols) and magnitude of the changes that led to radical reorganisation of socialist state systems and spatial and temporal orders in many countries, and – such as in the case of czechoslovakia – even gave way to new nation-states (verdery, k. 2000, 6). the struggle for new identity and memory in the city of banská bystrica did not differ significantly from similar struggles in other central and eastern european cities. it is mainly narratives and oral histories that differentiate one city from another, stories that produce and reproduce the past and bring it to the present. people have a tendency to return to history, to celebrate what is not there any more, to idealise the past (or selected parts of the past), to remember ‘old’ places and events with nostalgia. each of us builds and preserves our own, individual memories based on experiences that have been lived and accepted by a group in certain time and space. these memories are changeable. one of the characteristic features of memory is that it is selective, it may delete unpleasant moments, even rewrite history and lead to what williams calls a false urban memory syndrome (williams, a. 2005, 3). this process can be assisted and even enforced by various interest groups that fight for ‘their’ history, memory, places and symbols, e.g. by former communists or the church in case of banská bystrica. experience from the former, but also existing totalitarian regimes of central and eastern europe (e.g. russia or belarus) clearly shows that collective memory and identity often become a tool of manipulation and power games. facts and figures are rewritten, changed, deleted or silenced in order to strengthen or change collective identity of certain power groups or to mobilise people against an enemy or opposition. as šubrt and maslowski noted, explorations of memory always have important political connotations and implications as numerous passionate discussions about history and identity across central and eastern europe demonstrate (šubrt, j. and maslowski, n. 2014, 281). official institutions, particularly municipality representatives, try to re-produce collective memory and strenghten the feeling of local identity by reconstructing and reor decommemorating public spaces, introducing new names (but also erecting new memorials, or organising activities and events), however, they often succumb to the pressures of various groups when it comes to symbolic control over public space. in this article i examined mainly processes and practices of the renaming of streets and squares in the early post-socialist period by presenting empirical material from the medium-size slovak city of banská bystrica. i tried to demonstrate the process of street renaming and power struggles related to it that used heritage, memory and identity as a tool for gaining symbolic ownership over certain parts of history, and i also wanted to emphasise a growing involvement of the public in these processes. the renaming of streets in banská bystrica showed two main strategies. first, it was the decommunisation of names which was done either by the restoration of street names from the pre-socialist periods that were always used by the local population (particularly in the historic city centre) or by the introduction of idelologically neutral new names (especially in the neighbourhoods), based on geography or natural characteristics of the locality or the region (such as green street, sunny street, chestnut street, tatra street etc.). second, the renaming of some streets or naming of newly developed squares or streets followed commemoration of personalities, events or cultural, historical and natural heritage of the city, the region and the country. unlike in some other post-socialist 415bitušíková, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 401–417. cities (e.g. budapest or bucharest) that used the opportunity to introduce a large number of commemorative names from the presocialist periods (mainly from the so called ‘golden eras’ (e.g. light, d. 2004; palonen, e. 2008), in banská bystrica the ratio of commemorative names remained rather low. the prevaling approach supported by the streetnaming committee was the restoration of pre-socialist commonly used names in central city areas and the introduction of non-commemorative names in the neighbourhoods. this might be a difference between country capitals that tend to use more commemorative names in central areas of the city, and smaller or medium size cities that follow different naming strategies, emphasising more local and regional personalities or events, or – more often – non-commemorative names. at the time of rewriting this study (2022), it was impossible to ignore the russian aggression in ukraine that already had serious impact not only on collective identity and memory of the ukrainians, but also – in line with the topic of this paper – on the renaming of public spaces (gnatiuk, o. 2018). at the 31st anniversary of the ukrainian independence (24 august 2022), 95 street and square names in the capital of kyiv were changed in order to 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(1): 53–70. https://www.aktuality.sk/clanok/i69axbh/v-kyjeve-dostalo-takmer-sto-ulic-nove-meno-vymenili-ruske-a-sovietske-nazvy/ https://www.aktuality.sk/clanok/i69axbh/v-kyjeve-dostalo-takmer-sto-ulic-nove-meno-vymenili-ruske-a-sovietske-nazvy/ https://www.aktuality.sk/clanok/i69axbh/v-kyjeve-dostalo-takmer-sto-ulic-nove-meno-vymenili-ruske-a-sovietske-nazvy/ http://futurecities.org.uk/2005/05/11/essay-false-urban-memory-syndrome http://futurecities.org.uk/2005/05/11/essay-false-urban-memory-syndrome bitušíková, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 401–417.418 method development to extract spatial association structure from soil polygon maps 65sisák, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 65–78. method development to extract spatial association structure from soil polygon maps istván sisák1, mihály kocsis1, andrás benő1 and gábor várszegi2 doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.64.1.6 hungarian geographical bulletin 64 2015 (1) 65–78. 1 department of plant production and soil science, georgikon faculty, university of pannonia, h-8360 keszthely, deák f. u. 16. e-mails: talajtan@georgikon.hu, kocsis.mihaly@2010.georgikon.hu, beno.andras@gmail.com 2 department of agro-environment coordination, directorate of plant and soil protection and agroenvironmental issues, national food chain safety offi ce h-1024 budapest, keleti k. u. 24. e-mail: varszegig@nebih.gov.hu abstract existing soil information systems contain mainly qualitative data on soilscapes, however, quantitative data would be necessary to more eff ectively guide digital soil mapping eff orts. detailed analysis of small scale overview maps off ers the most appropriate way to delineate soilscapes where they are available. in our study, the genetic soil map of hungary have been used which displays the most complete representation of the hungarian soil classifi cation system. our goal was to analyse spatial association structure based on the boundary segments between soil polygons. we transformed the polygons into lines. the features of each line segment were the names (or codes) of the soil polygons on both sides. aft er omission soils with low representation (less than three polygons) and boundaries beside state border, forests and cities, 69 soil units were retained. we calculated a similarity matrix among soil types based on logarithm of ratios between existing segment lengths and theoretical segment lengths. the theoretical lengths were calculated with a chi-squared calculation by using sums of lengths in rows and columns in the 69 × 69 matrix. the similarity matrix was converted into dissimilarity matrix to distinguish between complete dissimilarity (missing values) and complete similarity (main diagonal). dissimilarity matrix was clustered and represented in a form of dendrogram both in original form and aft er dimension reduction with multidimensional scaling method. our method has resulted a promising approach for delineating soilscapes in presence of overview soil maps. the study resulted fuzzy soilscapes with broad transition zones. the method could be refi ned by using variable sized moving window method and by combining boundary data with terrain, geology etc. keywords soilscape quantifi cation, genetic soil map of hungary, boundary segment based chi-squared calculation, hierarchical clustering, multidimensional scaling introduction since the work of dokuchaev, the axiom of the soil science is that soil forming factors (climate, geology, hydrology, biota, elevation, time and humans) and their specifi c interaction determine soil formation and soil properties. jenny, h. (1941) suggested that these complex relationships should be described with mathematical formulas thus, qualitative and quantitative sisák, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 65–78.66 soilscapes or soil series in relation tables. this description is strictly qualitative (finke, p. et al. 2001). eff orts have been made to bett er defi ne the objects resulting from these groupings (hewitt, a.e. 1993) and to defi ne the criteria used in their construction (hudson, b.d. 1990). recent fi ndings provide more and more quantitative results on how soil bodies are associated (behrens, t. et al. 2009; hewitt, a.e. et al. 2010; schmidt, k. et al. 2010). the latest nationwide digital soil mapping projects in new zealand (hewitt, a.e. et al. 2010) or ireland (creamer, r. et al. 2014) adapt strong soilscape-based approach. in spite of the recent trend (scull, p. et al. 2005) that predictive soil models shift from research to operational phase, grinand, c. et al. (2008) observed that soil class prediction accuracy can only be approximated correctly if test samples are collected at a certain distance from the training samples when predicting unvisited areas. however, digital soil mapping approaches which utilize soil information from existing (usually small or medium scale) soil maps and fi eld observations perform much bett er than pure theoretical constructions (mendonça-santos, m.d.l. et al. 2008). soil maps are physical representations of the mental models of the mappers on how soil forming factors interact (bui, e. 2004). they provide us a path through the almost infi nite number of theoretically possible combinations to the most probable outcome. in countries where small or medium scale soil maps exist their statistical analysis may help to defi ne homogenous soil regions or soilscapes and representative areas for detailed soil surveys (behrens, t. et al. 2009; schmidt, k. et al. 2010). the aim of our study was to evaluate an existing nationwide soil map of hungary and to defi ne soil association rules which then can be used to delineate soil regions or soilscapes. we evaluated boundary line segments of neighbouring polygons and we were using chi-squared method, hierarchical classifi cation and multidimensional scaling in the analysis. soil properties will be predictable. mcbratney, a.b. et al. (2003) gave an overview on digital soil mapping (dsm) which is jenny’s idea put into practice with help of gis soft ware and geostatistical analysis. there is a tremendous complexity of soil associations in some landscapes and this requires segmentation of landscapes into soilscapes as a basis for digital soil mapping (mcbratney, a.b. et al. 1991; lagarcherie, p. et al. 2001; schmidt, k. et al. 2010). soilscape is a term introduced by buol, s.w. et al. (1973) and conceptually extended by hole, f.d. (1978) in the context of pedology. according to lagarcherie, p. et al. (2001) soilscape is a landscape unit including a limited number of soil classes that are geographically distributed according to an identifi able patt ern. very often, mapping soilscapes from soil forming factor maps is more realistic than mapping soil classes. the primary task in mapping larger areas should be to account for these spatial soil-association patt erns as a basis to segment landscapes (schmidt, k. et al. 2010). mcsweeny, k. et al. (1994) proposed to set up a hierarchical multistage strategy to explain the variability of soils and soil properties in space. the second stage of the proposed method was a geomorphometric characterization of the landscape from digital terrain models, which provides (i) a land surface representation to which other data are referenced and (ii) a division of the land surface into areas that correspond with soil patt erns. the recently adapted hierarchical approach to defi ne soilscapes follows the world soils and terrain digital database (soter) methodology (isric, 1993). soter has become widely evaluated in european and broader context (dobos, e. et al. 2001, 2005, 2010). however, these terrain-based approaches are more appropriate for fi ner scales as they mainly focus on deriving terrain facets instead of deriving larger homogeneous geomorphological or pedological regions (schmidt, k. et al. 2010). existing soil information systems store data on association of soil bodies within 67sisák, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 65–78. despite limitations, approximate conversion is possible (michéli, e. et al. 2006; krasilnikov, p. et al. 2009). we applied the following procedure: 1. we considered the basic concepts of the reference soil groups (rsgs) and their qualifi ers and specifi ers and we used them to express similar concepts in the hscs without strict investigations of the detailed defi nitions and limits. 2. whenever the hscs expressed properties which were not part of the specifi er set of the given rsg, we used similar specifi ers from other rsgs but we added them in italics. 3. if the hungarian concept was not included in the wrb concepts, we added a short explanation in italics. codes are also an easy way to identify soil units in the fi gures and tables. we decided to provide approximate categories of an earlier version of the wrb (iuss working group wrb, 2007) because this has been well known in the soil science community. newly introduced changes (iuss working group wrb, 2014) may not be well established beyond experts in soil classifi cation. the hscs contains 99 individual units either as soil types (e.g. 10 lithic leptosol) or sub-types (e.g. 31 haplic regosol, calcaric). the code of the soil types can be divided by ten without remainder (see table 1). the codes of the sub-types contain numbers in the place of the last digit other than zero. the mémnak (1983) soil map displays 81 diff erent soil units. however, some of them are represented only by three or less polygons and those were excluded from our analysis. on this way, 69 soil units were retained and converted into approximate wrb units (table 1). data analysis in the fi rst step we determined the length of each line segment between the soil category polygons (soil types or sub-types). the boundary lines at the state border or in the neighbourhood of forests, lakes or towns were not considered since only one of the materials and methods the genetic soil map of hungary and the conversion of its categories into wrb categories there was a nationwide campaign in hungary in the 1970’s and 1980’s to renew the old land evaluation system based on detailed new soil maps. the genetic soil map (mém-nak, 1983) was released as a part of the preparation phase for the fi ne-scale soil mapping. the purpose of the 1:200,000 scale map was to gather all the available information and to give orientation for the fi eld work before the detailed soil surveys. the latest fi eld guide for soil mapping and an offi cial version of the hungarian soil classifi cation system (hscs) was published (horváth, b. et al. 1987) as part of the project and it served as a compulsory tool for fi eld surveyors. soil classifi cation system did not change much between 1983 (release of the genetic map) and 1989 (release of the fi eld guide). slight changes were introduced but basic concepts and categories stayed intact. the genetic soil map is the most complete display of the hscs and also contains data on parent material, texture and chemical reaction but does not show soil data for the area of forests and larger towns. we completed and improved the digital version (air, 2013) of the genetic soil map of hungary. we used only soil classes of hscs (soil types, sub-types) in our analysis and did not use other data. in table 1 we provide an approximate conversion between hscs soil units of the genetic soil map (mém-nak, 1983) based on the work of horváth, b. et al. (1989) and the iuss working group wrb (2007). we should state that clear one-to-one conversion is not possible at all because of the diff erent soil investigation methods, diff erent limit values of the individual properties and partly because of the diff erent concepts. we still decided to use this conversion since one of the declared primary objectives of the wrb is to serve as “common language” between national soil classifi cation systems. sisák, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 65–78.68 ta bl e 1. a pp ro xi m at e co nv er si on o f t he u ni ts in th e h un ga ri an s oi l c la ss ifi ca ti on s ys te m in to w r b c at eg or ie s so il un it co d es 1 so il un it n am es in th e h un ga ri an s oi l c la ss ifi ca ti on s ys te m 1 (i n h un ga ri an in th e br ac ke ts ) a pp ro xi m at e eq ui va le nt in th e w r b cl as si fi ca ti on 2 10 st on y, r oc ky s ke le ta l s oi l ( k öv es s zi kl ás v áz ta la j) (n ud i)l it hi c l ep to so l 20 g ra ve lly s ke le ta l s oi l ( k av ic so s vá zt al aj ) h yp er sk el et ic l ep to so l 31 c al ca re ou s ea rt hy b ar re n (k ar bo ná to s fö ld es k op ár ) h ap lic r eg os ol , c al ca ri c 41 c al ca re ou s bl ow n sa nd (k ar bo ná to s fu tó ho m ok ) p ro ti c a re no so l, a ri d ic , c al ca ri c 42 n on -c al ca re ou s bl ow n sa nd (n em k ar bo ná to s fu tó ho m ok ) p ro ti c a re no so l, no t c al ca re ou s 45 „k ov ár vá ny ” bl ow n sa nd (k ov ár vá ny os fu tó ho m ok ) l am el li c a re no so l 51 c al ca re ou s hu m ic s an d (k ar bo ná to s hu m us zo s ho m ok ) h ap lic a re no so l, c al ca ri c 52 n on -c al ca re ou s hu m ic s an d (n em k ar bo ná to s hu m us zo s ho m ok ) h ap lic a re no so l, no t c al ca re ou s 53 c al ca re ou s m ul ti la ye re d h um ic s an d (k ar bo ná to s tö bb r ét eg ű hu m us zo s ho m ok ) h ap lic a re no so l, c al ca ri c w it h bu ri ed a ho ri zo n( s) 54 n on -c al ca re ou s m ul ti la ye re d h um ic s an d (n em k ar bo ná to s tö bb r ét eg ű hu m us zo s ho m ok ) h ap lic a re no so l n ot c al ca re ou s w it h bu ri ed a h or iz on (s ) 60 h um us -c ar bo na t e s oi l ( h um us zk ar bo ná t t al aj ) h ap lic r eg os ol , h um ic , c al ca ri c 71 b la ck r en d zi na (f ek et e re nd zi na ) r en d zi c l ep to so l b la ck u su al ly o n lim est on e 72 b ro w n re nd zi na (b ar na r en d zi na ) r en d zi c l ep to so l b ro w n us ua lly o n do lo m it e 11 2 n on po d zo lic b ro w n fo re st s oi l w it h cl ay il lu vi at io n (n em p od zo lo s ag ya gbe m os ód ás os b ar na er d őt al aj – b e t ) h ap lic l uv is ol 12 1 po d zo lic p se ud og le y br ow n fo re st s oi l ( po d zo lo s ps ze ud og le je s b e t ) a lb ic s ta gn ic l uv is ol , m an ga ni fe rr ic 12 2 p se ud og le y br ow n fo re st s oi l w it h c l ay il lu vi at io n (a gy ag be m os ód ás os p sz eu d ogl ej es b e t ) st ag ni c l uv is ol 13 1 ty pi ca l r am an n’ s br ow n fo re st s oi l ( t íp us os r am an nfé le b e t ) h ap lic c am bi so l, e ut ri c, s ilt ic 13 2 r us t b ro w n r am an n’ s br ow n fo re st s oi l ( r oz sd ab ar na e rd őt al aj ) b ru ni c a re no so l, e ut ri c, c hr om ic 14 1 ty pi ca l b ro w n fo re st s oi l w it h al te rn at in g th in la ye rs o f c la y su bs ta nc e („ ko vá rv án y” ) ( t íp us os ko vá rv án yo s b e t ) b ru ni c l am el lic a re no so l 14 3 „k ov ár vá ny ” br ow n fo re st s oi l w it h cl ay il lu vi at io n (a gy ag be m os ód ás os k ov ár vá ny os b e t ) l am el lic l uv is ol 16 1 c al ca re ou s ch er no ze m b ro w n fo re st s oi l ( k ar bo ná to s cs er no zj om b e t ) h ap lic c am bi so l, h um ic , c al ca ri c 16 2 n on -c al ca re ou s ch er no ze m b ro w n fo re st s oi l ( n em k ar bo ná to s cs er no zj om b e t ) h ap lic c am bi so l, h um ic 17 1 c al ca r e ou s ch er no ze m s oi ls w it h fo re st r es id ue s (k ar bo ná to s er d őm ar ad vá ny os c se rn oz jo m ) l uv ic p ha eo ze m , c al ca ri c 17 2 n on -c al ca re ou s ch er no ze m s oi ls w it h fo re st r es id ue s (n em k ar bo ná to s er d őm ar ad vá ny os c se rno zj om ) l uv ic p ha eo ze m , n ot c al ca re ou s 69sisák, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 65–78. ta bl e 1. c on ti nu ed so il un it co d es 1 so il un it n am es in th e h un ga ri an s oi l c la ss ifi ca ti on s ys te m 1 (i n h un ga ri an in th e br ac ke ts ) a pp ro xi m at e eq ui va le nt in th e w r b cl as si fi ca ti on 2 18 0 l ea ch ed c he rn oz em s oi l ( k ilú gz ott c se rn oz jo m ) h ap lic c he rn oz em , p ac hi c 19 1 ty pi ca l c al ca re ou s ch er no ze m s oi l ( t íp us os m es ze s va gy m és zl ep ed ék es c se rn oz jo m ) c al ci c c he rn oz em , p ac hi c, s ilt ic 19 2 l ow la nd c al ca re ou s ch er no ze m s oi ls (a lf öl d i m es ze s va gy m és zl ep ed ék es c se rn oz jo m ) (e nd os al ic ) c al ci c c he rn oz em , p ac hi c 20 1 c al ca re ou s m ea d ow c he rn oz em s oi ls (k ar bo ná to s ré ti c se rn oz jo m ) b at hy gl ey ic c al ci c c he rn oz em , p ac hi c 20 2 n on -c al ca re ou s m ea d ow c he rn oz em s oi l ( n em k ar bo ná to s ré ti c se rn oz jo m ) b at hy gl ey ic c he rn oz em , p ac hi c, n ot ca lc ar eo us 20 3 m ea d ow c he rn oz em s oi l, sa lt y in d ee pe r ho ri zo ns (m él yb en s ós r ét i c se rn oz jo m ) e nd os al ic b at hy gl ey ic c he rn oz em , p ac hi c 20 4 m ea d ow c he rn oz em s oi ls , s ol on et zli k e in d ee pe r ho ri zo ns (m él yb en s zo lo ny ec es r ét i c se rn oz jo m ) b at hy gl ey ic c he rn oz em , p ac hi c w it h so di cit y in th e pa re nt m at er ia l 20 5 so lo ne tz -l ik e m ea d ow c he rn oz em s oi l ( sz ol on ye ce s ré ti c se rn oz jo m ) b at hy gl ey ic c he rn oz em , p ac hi c w it h so di cit y in th e su bs ur fa ce s oi l h or iz on 21 1 c al ca re ou s te rr ac e ch er no ze m s oi l ( k ar bo ná to s te ra sz c se rn oz jo m ) c al ci c e nd ofl u vi c c he rn oz em 22 1 c al ca re ou s so lo nc ha k so il (k ar bo ná to s sz ol on cs ák ) c al ci c so lo nc ha k, c ar bo na ti c 23 1 c al ca re ou s so lo nc ha kso lo ne tz s oi l ( k ar bo ná to s sz ol on cs ák -s zo lo ny ec ) c al ci c sa lic s ol on et z (c ar bo na ti c) 23 2 c al ca re ou s an d s ul ph at eco nt ai ni ng s ol on ch ak -s ol on et z so il (k ar bo ná ts zu lf át os s zo lo nc sá ksz ol ony ec ) c al ci c sa lic s ol on et z (c ar bo na ti c su lp ha ti c) 24 1 sh al lo w m ea d ow s ol on et z so il (k ér ge s ré ti s zo lo ny ec ) c al ci c so lo ne tz w it h an a h or iz on s ha llo w er th an 7 c m 24 2 m ed iu m m ea d ow s ol on et z so il (k öz ep es en m él y ré ti s zo lo ny ec ) c al ci c so lo ne tz w it h an a h or iz on b et w ee n 7 an d 20 c m 24 3 d ee p m ea d ow s ol on et z so il (m él y ré ti s zo lo ny ec ) c al ci c so lo ne tz w it h an a h or iz on d ee pe r th an 2 0 cm 25 1 m ed iu m m ea d ow s ol on et z tu rn in g in to s te pp e fo rm at io n (k öz ep es en m él y sz ty ep es ed ő ré ti sz ol on ye c) m ol lic c al ci c so lo ne tz 28 1 su lp ha te o r ch lo ri d eco nt ai ni ng s ol on ch ak -l ik e m ea d ow s oi ls (s zu lf át os v ag y kl or id os s zo lo nc sá ko s ré ti ta la j) m ol lic g le ys ol w it h sa lt a cc um ul at io n in th e su rf ac e ho ri zo n (s ul ph at ic o r c hl or id ic ) 28 2 c al ca re ou s so lo nc ha klik e m ea d ow s oi ls (k ar bo ná to s sz ol on cs ák os r ét i t al aj ) m ol lic g le ys ol , c al ca ri c w it h sa lt a cc um ula ti on in th e su rf ac e ho ri zo n (c ar bo na ti c) 29 1 so lo ne tz -l ik e m ea d ow s oi ls (s zo lo ny ec es r ét i t al aj ) m ol lic g le ys ol , ( h yp o)s od ic 29 2 st ro ng ly s ol on et zi ze d s ol on et zlik e m ea d ow s oi ls (e rő se n sz ol on ye ce s ré ti ta la j) m ol lic g le ys ol , s od ic 30 1 c al ca re ou s m ea d ow s oi ls (k ar bo ná to s ré ti ta la j) c al ci c m ol lic g le ys ol 30 2 n on -c al ca re ou s m ea d ow s oi ls (n em k ar bo ná to s ré ti ta la j) m ol lic g le ys ol , n ot c al ca re ou s sisák, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 65–78.70 ta bl e 1. c on ti nu ed so il un it co d es 1 so il un it n am es in th e h un ga ri an s oi l c la ss ifi ca ti on s ys te m 1 (i n h un ga ri an in th e br ac ke ts ) a pp ro xi m at e eq ui va le nt in th e w r b cl as si fi ca ti on 2 30 3 m ea d ow s oi ls , s al ty in d ee pe r ho ri zo ns (m él yb en s ós r ét i t al aj ) e nd os al ic m ol lic g le ys ol 31 1 c al ca re ou s al lu vi al m ea d ow s oi ls (k ar bo ná to s ön té s ré ti ta la j) fl uv ic m ol lic g le ys ol , c al ca ri c 31 2 n on -c al ca re ou s al lu vi a l m ea d ow s oi ls (n em k ar bo ná to s ön té s ré ti ta la j) fl uv ic m ol lic g le ys ol , n ot c al ca re ou s 32 1 ty pi ca l m ar sh y m ea d ow s oi ls (t íp us os lá po s ré ti ta la j) h is ti c g le ys ol 33 1 c al ca re ou s ch er no ze m m ea d ow s oi ls (k ar bo ná to s cs er no zj om r ét i t al aj ) c al ci c g le yi c c he rn oz em , ( pa c h ic ) 33 2 n on -c al ca re ou s ch er no ze m m ea d ow s oi ls (t íp us os c se rn oz jo m r ét i t al aj ) g le yi c c he rn oz em , ( pa ch ic ) 33 3 c he rn oz em m ea d ow s oi ls ,s al ty -l ik e in d ee per la ye rs (m él yb en s ós c se rn oz jo m r ét i t al aj ) e nd os al ic g le yi c c h e rn oz em 33 4 c he rn oz em m ea d ow s oi ls , s ol on et zlik e in d ee pe r la ye rs (m él yb en s zo lo ny ec es c se rn oz jo m r ét i ta la j) g le yi c c he rn oz em w it h so di ci ty in th e su bs ur fa ce s oi l h or iz on 33 5 so lo ne tz -l ik e ch er no ze m m ea d ow s oi ls (s zo lo ny ec es c se rn oz jo m r ét i t al aj ) g le yi c c h e rn oz em w it h so di ci ty in th e pa re nt m at er ia l 35 0 pe at -b og s oi ls (r ét lá p ta la j) fi br ic h is to so l 36 0 d ra in ed a nd c ul ti va te d lo w m oo r fe n so ils (l ec sa po lt é s te lk es ít ett r ét lá p ta la j) h is to so l, d ra in ic in g en er al 36 1 d ra in ed p ea tbo g so il (l ec sa po lt tő ze gl áp ) h em ic h is to so l d r a in ic 36 2 d ra in ed p ea ty fe n so il (l ec sa po lt tő ze ge s lá p) h em ic h is to so l, d ra in ic w it h le ss th an 5 0 cm d ee p h is ti c ho ri zo n 36 3 d ra in ed fe n so il w it h hi gh ly d ec om po se d p ea ty s ub st an ce ‘k ot u’ (l ec sa po lt k ot us lá p) sa pr ic h is to so l, d ra in ic 36 4 c ul ti va te d lo w m oo r fe n so il (t el ke sí te tt r ét lá p) h em ic h is to so l, d ra in ic w it h re gu la te d w at er le ve l 37 0 so ils o f m ar sh a nd a llu vi al fo re st s (m oc sá ri e rd őt al aj ) h ap lic g le ys ol , d ys tr ic (a lt er na ti ve : a cr ic g le ys ol ) 38 1 c al ca re ou s re ce nt a llu vi al s oi ls (k ar bo ná to s ny er s ön té s ta la j) h ap lic f lu vi so l, c al ca ri c 39 1 c al ca re ou s hu m ic a llu vi al s oi ls (k ar bo ná to s hu m us zo s ön té s ta la j) h ap lic f lu vi so l, h um ic , c al ca ri c 39 2 n on -c al ca re ou s hu m ic a llu vi al s oi ls (n em k ar bo ná to s hu m us zo s ön té s ta la j) h ap lic f lu vi so l, h um ic , n ot c al ca re ou s 39 3 c al ca re ou s m ul ti la ye re d h um ic a llu vi al s oi ls (k ar bo ná to s, tö bb r ét eg ű hu m us zo s ön té s ta la j) h ap lic f lu vi so l, h um ic , c al ca ri c w it h bu ri ed a h or iz on in th e up pe r 15 0 cm 39 4 n on -c al ca re ou s m ul ti la ye re d h um ic a llu vi al s oi ls (n em k ar bo ná to s tö bb r ét eg ű hu m us zo s ön té s ta la j) h ap lic f lu vi so l, h um ic w it h bu ri ed a h or izo n in th e up pe r 15 0 cm , n ot c al ca re ou s 39 5 m ea d ow -l ik e hu m ic a llu vi al s oi ls (r ét i ö nt és ta la j) m ol lic g le yi c fl uv is ol 40 2 sl op e d ep os it s of fo re st s oi ls (e rd őt al aj e re d e t ű le jtő ho rd al ék ta la jo k) c ol lu vi c r eg os ol d er iv ed m ai nl y fr om lu vi so ls a nd c am bi so ls 1 a cc or d in g to h or vá th , b . e t a l. 19 89 , 2 a cc or d in g to iu ss w or ki ng g ro up w r b 2 00 7. 71sisák, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 65–78. neighbouring polygons had soil data. then we calculated the sum of lengths for each soil category combinations and thus, we got a square matrix with dimensions of 69 by 69. the values in the main diagonal were dismissed (set to zero) since they represented the same category with slightly different properties (texture or ph). then we calculated the following theoretical length for each matrix element: lij -est = σli × σlj / ltot, where lij -est = the estimated length for an individual category combination, li = the total length of the i-th category in the rows of the matrix, lj = the total length of the j-th category in the columns of the matrix, ltot = the total length of all categories (grand total of the matrix). then we have calculated the following p similarity (neighbourhood) matrix: pij = log [ (lij / lij -est)) × 100 ], where lij = the actual length for an individual category combination. this is the logarithm of the percent ratio between actual and theoretical lengths. zero values in the main diagonal and missing combinations have no logarithm thus, in this similarity matrix we cannot distinguish between complete similarity (main diagonal) and complete dissimilarity (non-existent combinations). to alleviate this problem, we converted the similarity matrix into p`ij dissimilarity (distance) matrix. all length ratios were less than 100,000 thus, we selected 5 (= log 100,000) as the maximum dissimilarity. we performed hierarchical cluster analysis with p`ij matrix and presented the results in form of a dendogram. the dimensionality of this matrix is 69 with regard to the soil categories as variables. however, the dissimilarity matrix had several missing combinations and we assumed that the dimensionality can be signifi cantly reduced without much loss of information. we applied the multidimensional scaling procedure to fi nd a simpler and more general structure. then we applied the hierarchical clustering to the new matrix again and represented the results with another dendogram. we used arcgis 10.0 for map data handling and interpretation and spss 13.0 for data analysis. results and discussion the frequency distribution of the p`ij distance (dissimilarity) matrix has been shown in figure 1 without the values of 5 and 0. the histogram was calculated from the full matrix which means that all values are in duplicate. the distribution is close to the normal. for the half matrix when each combination is considered only once, there are 2,346 possible combinations between 69 soil categories but only 779 of them (33.2%) really exist which means that soil categories can be neighbours of only a subset of other categories which is trivial. chi-square statistics are often used for overlaid categorical maps in land use change studies (pontius, jr. r.g. 2002). however, the appropriateness of method drew also criticism because mapped area has no clear, statistically independent “case” thus, its error model is fl awed (chrisman, n.r. 1989) and the pixel size or the area of measurement unit will determine the “degree of freedom” p’ij = { 0 if pij = 05 – pij if pij > 0 5 if pij = missing fig. 1. data distribution in the dissimilarity matrix sisák, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 65–78.72 in the test. similar objections are true for chi-squared statistics with line segments. however, we did not use the chi-square calculation in our study to test any signifi cance; we just calculated the pij matrix elements from segment lengths in a similar way as in chi-square method without entering into the questioned test calculation. the resulting dendogram calculated from the fi rst, not simplifi ed distance matrix can be seen in figure 2. aft er reducing the dimensionality with the proxscale procedure, we got 5 dimensions instead of the previous 69 whereby 7 percent of the information was lost as indicated by the stress-test of the procedure. the second hierarchical clustering with the reduced, fi ve-dimensional matrix has resulted the dendogram shown in figure 3. there are numerous diff erences between the two dendograms but generally, the second one has a much more separated structure between the branches than the fi rst one. the following two soil types are loosely associated with each other and they are rather separated from other categories in the fi rst dendogram (figure 2): 202: bathygleyic chernozem, pachic, not calcareous, 301: calcic mollic gleysol. they lost their separation from other branches, but retained some degree of their association as members of the same group (cluster 3c in figure 3) aft er dimensionality reduction, however, they were directly associated with other soil categories: 202: bathygleyic chernozem, pachic, not calcareous, 363: sapric histosol, drainic, 364: hemic histosol, drainic with regulated water level and 301: calcic mollic gleysol, 172: luvic phaeozem, not calcareous. the dimensionality reduction may bring forward relationships which explain soil formation processes such as stagnic luvisol (112) became associated with colluvic regosol derived mainly from luvisols and cambisols (402) in cluster 5b (figure 3) which association was not so close in the fi rst dendogram (figure 2). there are very closely related soil categories which, in theory, should express diff erent degree of groundwater infl uence coupled with strong organic matter accumulation such as bathygleyic chernozems (201–205) and gleyic chernozems (331–335) as seen in figure 3 (clusters 1 and 2c). however, even the latest offi cial fi eld guide (horváth, b. et al. 1989) does not provide enough support to tell them apart in the fi eld. our analysis points out specifi c weaknesses in the hscs which need more precise defi nitions as part of the necessary future development of the hscs according to the diagnostic principles (michéli, e. et al. 2006; krasilnikov, p. et al. 2009). figure 4 shows the map of soil clusters indicated in figure 3. there is a clear regional distribution of clusters within the area of the country. the clusters marked with “a” are situated on the great plain (south-east part of hungary) and to lesser extent on the small hungarian plain (north-west part). most of the clusters marked with “d” are situated on the hilly regions with some remarkable exceptions (d_3b and d_4b) which are associated with sandy regions and large rivers on the great hungarian plain. the lead soil types within the clusters are provided in table 2. at that, we followed the method of schmidt, et al. (2010) instead of trying to characterize the complete soil associations. further investigation of the association rules and their regional diff erences can be the objective of future studies. the major soil type gives more than 2/3 of the area within the cluster in fi ve clusters, this ratio is between 1/3 and 2/3 in four clusters and it is below 1/3 in two clusters. the latt er two are on lowland where the genetic soil map shows larger pedodiversity. close proximity in the dendogram may originate from strong association in one region but in other region this relatedness does not exist sometimes simply because one of the soil categories is not present in the other region. this observation is most striking for the cluster 5a (mollic gleysol, not calcareous and associated soils). stagnic luvisols are included in this cluster (code 121 and 122) and they are 73sisák, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 65–78. fig. 2. dendogram derived by hierarchical clustering from the original dissimilarity matrix sisák, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 65–78.74 fig. 3. dendogram derived by hierarchical clustering from the dissimilarity matrix aft er dimension reduction 75sisák, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 65–78. common near the western border of hungary. the cluster presents itself in other parts of the country but stagnic luvisols do not. soils in a landscape are associated spatially as well as taxonomically (hole, f.d. 1978). however, spatially associated soils might not be associated taxonomically (campbell, j.b. and edmons, w.j. 1984). thus, a spatial approach seems appropriate to derive soilscapes as a basis for subsequent digital soilmapping purposes (schmidt, k. et al. 2010). according to the summarizing works by mcbratney, a.b. et al. (2003) and scull, p. et al. (2003) tree-based methods are rapidly gaining popularity as means to develop prediction rules that can be rapidly and repeatedly fig. 4. map of the soil type clusters table 2. clusters in the dendogram and the major soil type in the cluster cluster no. in figure 3 legend in figure 4 approximate wrb equivalent of the major soil type in the cluster and its code no. area % within the cluster 1 a_1 205: bathygleyic chernozem, pachic with sodicity in the subsur-face soil horizon 20.3 2a 2b 2c a_2a–a_2c 51: haplic arenosol, calcaric 291: mollic gleysol, (hypo-)sodic 201: bathygleyic calcic chernozem, pachic 45.3 68.7 72.1 3a 3b 3c d_3a–d_3c 162: haplic cambisol, humic 141: brunic lamellic arenosol 301: calcic mollic gleysol 37.7 76.5 71.5 4a 4b d_4a–d_4b 132: brunic arenosol, eutric, chromic 131: haplic cambisol, eutric, siltic 55.3 25.5 5a 5b d_5a–d_5b 302: mollic gleysol, not calcareous 112: haplic luvisol 56.8 84.7 sisák, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 65–78.76 evaluated. because of the clear advantages, several authors applied tree-based methods for soil mapping problems (hengl, t. et al. 2007; grinand, c. et al. 2008; cambule, a.h. et al. 2013; sun, x.l. et al. 2011; häring, t. et al. 2012; pásztor, l. et al. 2013). complex similarity (relatedness) or dissimilarity (distance) matrices and their analysis in tree form are routine procedures in several disciplines such as in psychology (pecora, l.m. et al. 1995) genetics (yu, j. et al. 2005) or in scientometrics (boyack, k.w. et al. 2005). one of the early publications is on representing demographic data (hartigan, j.a. 1967). however, there is no evidence in the scientifi c literature that boundary line segments between soil polygons would have ever been analyzed and spatial association rules would have been extracted as trees from legacy soil maps. compared to other regionalization studies (schmidt, k. et al. 2010; lilburne, l.r. et al. 2012), we used only boundary segments and soil classes on both sides of the line instead of complex data sets on soil, terrain, geology and other surface properties and analyzed the whole data set instead of subsett ing by moving window method with rasterized data (behrens, t. et al. 2009; schmidt, k. et al. 2010). the consequence of our approach is that the region boundaries are rather fuzzy with large mosaicked transition zones around the more homogenous core zones (figure 4). variable sized moving window method (behrens, t. et al. 2009; schmidt, k. et al. 2010) combined with our boundary line approach may result more homogenous soilscapes. this combination of methods may alleviate the problem of stagnic luvisols mentioned above where existing associations in one region were false in another region in spite of the presence of the same cluster simply because one soil class was missing. conclusions there are three nationwide legacy soil maps in hungary. the fi rst one was published in 1953 at a scale of 1:200,000 (mattyasovszky, j. et al. 1953), the second one (popularly called agrotopo) was published between 1983 and 1988 on 1:100,000 sheets (várallyay, gy. et al. 1979, 1980; mém 1983–1988) and the third one (genetic soil map) was compiled by the experts of the agricultural extension agency of the agricultural ministry in 1983 at scale of 1:200,000 (mém-nak 1983). the genetic soil map provides the most complete display of the hscs thus it is the most appropriate basis for soilscape analysis. despite its relative completeness, it does not contain all the soil types and sub-types of the hscs. further digital soil mapping works are needed since spatial resolution of existing maps are insuffi cient to the requirements of the policy making (pásztor, l. et al. 2013; sisák, i. and benő, a. 2012, 2014). in conclusion, our method has resulted a promising approach for delineating soilscapes in presence of overview soil maps. we used the method for whole area of hungary but it has resulted fuzzy soilscapes with broad transition zones. the method could be refi ned by using variable-sized moving window method and by combining boundary data with terrain, geology etc. acknowledgement: present article was published in the frame of the project támop-4.2.2.a-11/1/konv2012-0064. the project is realized with the support of the european union, with the co-funding of the european social fund. the data analysis was supported by the otka k101065 project 77sisák, i. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 65–78. references air 2013. agrár-környezetgazdálkodási indormációs rendszer (information system for the agri-environmental schemes). nyilvános térképek (open access maps). 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice discussing inequalities from the periphery 167nagy e. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 167–170. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.64.3.1 hungarian geographical bulletin 64 2015 (3) 167–170. recently, the hungarian geographical bulletin – that had been a forum for introducing empirically focused papers covering various social and physical geographical issues for decades – became engaged increasingly in academic discourses on socio-spatial inequalities, embracing various approaches and problems with diff erent scalar foci. the theoretical and methodological diversity that ranged from classical spatial analysis through humanistic geography to critical structuralism and post-structuralism represented a shift not only toward a conceptual openness in geographical discourses but also to a (more) socially engaged research agenda. this multiplicity and the ‘internationalisation’ of the journal – the switch for english language and the growing number of international authors – involved the bulletin in academic discourses revolving around the major problems of socio-spatial polarisation, marginality, dependence and exclusion in european and also in global context. this special issue is meant to contribute to these ongoing debates on the diverse forms, contexts and processes of the (re)production of socio-spatial polarisation – form a central and east european perspective, bringing authors together from various institutions and countries working together in the marie curie itn project ‘socio-economic and political responses to regional polarisation in central and eastern europe’ (regpol2)2. socio-spatial inequalities that manifested at multiple scales along various (economic, demographic, social, environmental, political, etc.) dimensions in europe and deepened further as a consequence of the recent crisis have raised criticism towards the neoliberalisation of principles and institutional practices of european and national policies, as well as towards the scholarly concepts that underpinned them. a growing body of academic research focused on socio-spatial polarisation – including east-west diff erences – explaining the process in the context of the global capital fl ows, european division of labour and of imbalanced power relations (in economy, politics and knowledge production) driving political discourses on development and cohesion and thus, the social construction of cores and peripheries (see e.g. smith, a. and pickles, j. 1998; smith, a. and timár, j. 2010; hajdimichalis, c. 2011; ehrlich, k. et al. 2012; hirt, s. et al. 2013). moreover, series of studies focused on daily social practices at local scale in transition societies – revealing, how peripherality and marginality is experienced and responded to – raised a concern with agency and socio-cultural (historical) diversity in spaces labelled ‘backward’ or ‘peripheral’ in popular and political discourses (see e.g. hörschelmann, k. 2001; váradi, m. 2005; stenning, a. et al. 2011; nagy, e. et al. 2015). the evolving debates on macrostructural processes, discourses and daily lives (re-)producing unevenness stimulated the critical revision of embedded concepts of centrality, peripherality, polarisation and peripheralisation, raising arguments for relational thinking discussing inequalities from the periphery erika nagy1 1 centre for economic and regional studies, hungarian academy of sciences; h-5600 békéscsaba, szabó dezső u. 42. e-mail: nagye@rkk.hu 2 “socio-economic and political responses to regional polarisation in central and eastern europe” (regpol²), coordinated by the leibniz institute for regional geography, leipzig, germany. the project received funding from the people programme (marie curie actions) of the european union’s seventh framework programme fp7/2007–2013/ under rea grant agreement n 607022. nagy e. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 167–170.168 on power, agency and discursive constructions of space – and against dichotomies-led thinking (massey, d. 2008; berndt, m. and colini, l. 2013; lang, t. 2015 in this issue). this special issue does not endeavour to give an overview of recent debates over the above notions. however, the papers question earlier argumentations, reveal the diversity of concepts of polarisation and peripheralisation, and contribute to their re-conceptualisation explicitly – by discussing the related theories critically – or implicitly – by employing relational approach and focusing on agency and on the social constructions of space. thus, it is a forum not only for addressing the shortcomings of earlier research but also for challenging the dominant discourses on peripheralisation and polarisation ‘from the periphery’3, contributing to more balanced – socially and spatially ‘equal’ – relations in academic discussions and in policy making. in his lead-off paper, thilo lang focuses on the problems and dilemmas related to the conceptualisation of the persistence and the recent, crisis-driven deepening of sociospatial inequalities within europe, stressing the complexity, interrelatedness and the multiscalar nature of structural changes, discourses and social practices that produce uneven social geographies manifesting in intra-urban, urban/rural, metropolitan/nonmetropolitan, and east–west european polarities. he highlights the shortcomings of the foregoing research that failed to excavate the social relations driving peripheralisation and polarisation processes of and within central and eastern europe through policy discourses and institutional practices, moreover, to address the entanglement of manifold core-periphery relations and their variegated socio-cultural contexts. a new analytical concept is proposed in the paper, 3 i r e f e r h e r e t o t h e o n g o i n g d i s c u s s i o n o n marginalisation of social groups and spaces in academic and public discourses and to the arguments – forwarded by postcolonial theorists – for involving such groups in the debates to reconstruct socio-spatial realities (see e.g. stenning, a. and hörschelmann, k. 2008; kuus, m. 2013; sharp, j. 2011). interpreting the notions of centralisation and peripheralisation as processes driven by multiple social relations, and the refocusing our research on how centrality and peripherality is constructed, performed, reacted to and reproduced by interactions and strategies of social agents linked to various scales. in this way, the paper contributes to avoiding the fallacies of dichotomy-biased thinking on the (re)production of inequalities in cee and beyond – driving academic discourses oft en unperceived. józsef benedek and aura moldovan focuses on a more specifi c aspect of spatial inequalities – yet contributing to the re-conceptualisation of academic research on this major issue. they provide a critical overview of approaches and concepts discussing economic growth, convergence, and polarisation to reveal their interrelatedness and to develop a relevant framework for explaining economic inequalities. their discussion embraces (i) the traditional and the new growth theories as well as the new economic geography that provide a sophisticated yet a limited (hard production factor-focused) explanation of persisting inequalities; (ii) selected concepts of sociology and history advancing the introduction of new (“soft ”) factors and of the time dimension into academic discourse, and thus, paving the way for new explanations of unequal economic development as a multidimensional process; (iii) various concepts of polarisation that help to explain inequalities in the context of the global economy defi ned by highly imbalanced power relations. the authors argue for combining various social and economic factors (dimensions) in the convergence studies, for the introduction of the micro and the global scale into such analyses, moreover, for understanding convergence/divergence and economic growth as strongly interrelated processes that have a cumulative eff ect of spatial inequalities. bradley loewen’s paper contributes to the re-conceptualisation of academic research 169nagy e. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 167–170. on socio-spatial inequalities proposed also by thilo lang. loewen calls for a critical analysis of european cohesion policy and of the related discourses to reveal the causal relations of the neoliberalisation of european policies and of the national institutional practices with regional (sub-national) polarisation processes. he argues that the shift in the principles of eu regional policy (from cohesion toward competitiveness) along with the normative approach driving european institutional practices enhanced socio-spatial inequalities – instead of easing them by capitalising on regional qualities and diversity celebrated in policy discourses. he suggests to get a deeper understanding of various national socio-cultural and political contexts in which, such policies and practices are unfolding – for which, he proposes the comparative historical analysis as a relevant conceptual framework – and reveal the power relations that underpin the discourses on regional development at various scales to move beyond the neoliberal normativity of recent regional policies that cannot counteract to socio-spatial polarisation processes. péter balogh’s paper takes us into the realm of popular discourse, focusing on the interrelatedness and the mutually constitutive nature of the material reality of peripherality, its perceptions and of the artistic and popular scientifi c constructions of marginal spaces. relying mostly on the illustrative case of county békés in southeast hungary, the author takes a historical journey across the 20th century. he analyses critically, how peripherality was perceived and constructed in sociographic monographs of the interwar period and under socialism, and in the literary sources and art fi lms of the (post-)transition times – focusing not just on the content, but discussing also the wider social contexts as well as the authors’ refl exions on their own position. balogh also contrasts the realities showed by artists and scientists to the romanticised and commercial images of peripheral spaces in popular scientifi c journals highlighting, how peripherality is constructed ‘from outside’, driven by non-local intellectuals. the author’s argumentation draws the reader’s attention to the problem of positionality and the need for (self-)refl exivity – issues scarcely discussed in cee-focused studies, so far. the contribution of garri raagmaa and grete kindel put agency and social networks in the focus of their analysis. discussing changing local social relations in two peripheral estonian communities targeted by wellof urban dwellers seeking for second home they reveal, how the entry of a social group with major social capital assets (recreational home owners) has transformed local political landscapes. they point out that, while this powerful group extended its control over local processes – by exploiting their local and non-local networks – and stimulated structural changes for their own benefi t, local residents’ interests and needs were pushed into the background. the paper throws lights upon the signifi cance of agency in local processes, and argues for discussing this issue in the context of highly complex power relations linked to various scales – to understand the contested nature of transformations in peripheral communities. by this, the authors also challenge the positive meanings of the notions of change and development in relation to peripheral spaces and call for including the emerging powerlessness and marginality in our research agenda. references berndt, m. and colini, l. 2013. exclusion, marginalization and peripheralization. working paper 49. berlin, leibniz institute for regional development and structural planning. ehrlich, k., kriszan, a. and lang, t. 2012. urban development in central and eastern europe – between peripheralization and centralization? disp – the planning review 48. (2): 77–92. hadjimichalis, c. 2011: uneven geographical development and socio-spatial justice and solidarity: european regions aft er the 2009 fi nancial crisis. european urban and regional studies 18. (3): 254–274. hirt, s., sellar, c. and young, c. 2013. neoliberalism meets the eastern bloc: resistance, appropriation and purifi cation in post-socialist spaces. europeasia studies 65. (7): 1243–1254. nagy e. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 167–170.170 hörschelmann, k. 2001. breaking ground – marginality and resistance in (post) unifi cation germany. political geography 20. (8): 981–1004. kuus, m. 2013. places of lower rank: margins in conversations. political geography 37. 30–32. lang, t. 2015. socio-economic and political responses to regional polarisation and socio-spatial peripheralisation in central and eastern europe: a research agenda. hungarian geographical bulletin, 64. (3): 171–185. massey, d. 2008. for space london, sage nagy, e., timár, j., nagy, g. and velkey, g. 2015. the everyday practices of the reproduction of peripherality and marginality in hungary. in understanding geographies of polarization and peripheralisation. eds.: lang, t., henn, s., ehrlich, k. and sgibnev, w. basingstoke, palgrave. 135–155. sharp, j. 2011. subaltern geopolitics: introduction. geoforum 42. (3): 271–273. smith, a. and pickles, j. 1998. introduction: theorising transition and the political economy of transformation. in theorising transition. eds.: pickles, j. and smith, a. london, routledge, 1–23. smith, a. and timár, j. 2010. uneven transformations: space, economy and society 20 years aft er the collapse of state socialism. european urban and regional studies, 17. (2): 115–125. stenning, a., smith, a., rochovska, a. and swiatek, d. 2011. domesticating neoliberalism. spaces of economic practice and social reproduction in postsocialist cities. oxford, wiley-blackwell. stenning, a. and hörschelmann, k. 2008. history, geography and difference in the post-socialist world: or, do we still need post-socialism? antipode 40. 312–335. váradi, m. 2005. increasingly fossilised labour market structures and strategies of livelihood: chances of disadvantaged groups in the labour market. in hungarian spaces and places: patt erns of transition. eds.: barta, gy., g. fekete, é., szörényikukorelli, i. and timár, j. pécs, centre for regional studies of the hungarian academy of sciences, 289–306. << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice design of climate station network in mountain catchments 19 hungarian geographical bulletin 61 (1) (2012) 19–29. design of climate station network in mountain catchments josef křeček1 and petr punčochář2 abstract in the jizera mountains (czech republic) the density of climate station network was tested in relation to spatial data interpolation, and watershed management targets. point weather data (precipitation, air temperature, humidity and wind velocity) were interpolated by the nearest neighbourhood (nn), inverse distance weighting (idw), spline (spl), hypsometric (hyp) and kriging (kri) methods. the results were assessed by the root mean square error (rmse). the interpolation eff ectiveness showed the following order: hyp, idw, kri, nn and spl. the advantage of the hypsometric method was recognised, particularly, by providing reasonable outputs in marginal catchments of the region and outside of the main instrumented area. however, in case of a higher density of observation points (11 hectares per station), all interpolation methods manifested comparable and realistic outputs in the focused mountain watersheds. keywords: mountain watershed, climate station network, precipitation, potential evapotranspiration, spatial data interpolation introduction many tasks of watershed management (water resources recharge, water quality control or fl ood protection) require sets of authentic climate data from point-observation networks. for many years there has been an urgent call for the improvement of climatological inputs (atmospheric precipitation, solar radiation, air temperature, humidity and wind speed) used by catchment hydrological models (becker, a. and serban, p. 1990; cooper, m.r. and fernando, d.a.k. 2009). wmo (1994) generally recommends the minimum aerial density of weather stations by 250 km2 (eventually 25 km2 on mountain islands). the 1 department of hydrology, czech technical university in prague, thákurova 7. cz-166 29 prague 6, czech republic, e-mail: josef.krecek@fsv.cvut.cz 2 aon benfi eld – impact forecasting. u prašné brány 1, cz-110 00 prague 1, czech republic 20 quality of climate information in watershed scale depends on the method of aerial interpolation (and extrapolation) of the observed point data (hay, l., viger, r. and mccabe, g. 1998). in mountain regions, particularly, the spatial interpolation of point data is complicated by the eff ects of the mezoand micro-climate. geographic information systems are supposed to be powerful tools in the spatial application of interpolation techniques (burroughs, p.a. and mcdonnell, r.a. 1998; hartkamp, a.d. et al. 1999). the aim of this study is to compare and assess the most commonly used methods of aerial interpolation of point weather data observed in the central part of the jizera mountains. (northern bohemia, czech republic) (figure 1). material and methods the jizera mountains are an important region for water resources recharge, therefore, the network of weather stations is relatively dense here. in total, 31 stations are located over an area of cca 200 km2. the distance between the neighbouring stations varies from 0.6 to 2.8 km. all stations are instrumented by rain-gauges, 15 stations by thermometers, and 7 by anemometers. fig. 1. weather stations with numbers and focused basins in the jizera mountains. – j = jizerka; weather stations with numbers and focused basins in the jizera mountains. – j = jizerka; j-1 = jizerka-1; jd = josefův důl; o = oldřichov; o-1 = oldřichov-1; s = sous j-1 = jizerka-1; jd = josefův důl; o = oldřichov; o-1 = oldřichov-1; s = sous 21 the observation guidelines of the weather stations are provided by wmo (2009), and the spatial interpolation techniques by wmo (1994), stein, m.l. (1999) or sluiter, r. (2009). the following interpolation methods were used here to process the point climate data: 1. nearest neighbourhood method (nn), 2. inverse distance weighting (idw), 3. polynomial functions – splines (spl), 4. hypsometric method (hyp), 5. kriging (kri). the nearest neighbourhood method (nn) assigns the value from the nearest observation to a certain grid cell (sluiter, r. 2009). the thiessen concept of polygon areas corresponding to observation points was applied here. thus, the value of a climate parameter p, representative over a catchment area a, is given by (1): p = σ (piai)/a, (1) where pi = value of the parameter p, observed at the station i; ai = area of the polygon i. the method of inverse distance weighting (idw) is an advanced nearest neighbour approach. the value of a certain grid cell is obtained from a linear combination of the surrounding locations. this method is based on the assumption that the weight of each observation declines with distance. the value of a climate parameter pj in a point j is given by (2): pj = σ[pi /(di + s) p] / σ[1/(di + s) p], (2) where pi = the value of the characteristic p, observed in a point i (i = 1, 2, … n); di = distance of the point j from the station i; p is parameter of the weight; s = parameter of smoothness; n = number of point observations. for the aim of this study, values of s = 0, and p = 2 were applied according to shaw, e.m. (1991). the method of splines (spl) is based on polynomial functions that fi t trends through the observation points by x-order polynomials. to ensure that results do not show strongly oscillating patt erns between the observation points, algorithms are used to smooth the resulting surfaces. broadly speaking, polynomial functions are regarded as a good method for the interpolation of monthly and yearly climate elements but they are less suitable at higher temporal resolutions (days or hours). that approach is not recommended when the neighbouring data show signifi cant diff erences (see sluiter, r. 2009). the hypsometric method (hyp) is a composite approach which takes account of catchment topography (shaw, e.m. 1991). it is recommended for small or medium sized catchments in hilly regions where the relationship between climate elements and elevation is statistically signifi cant. 22 the probabilistic approach of kriging (kri) incorporates the concepts of randomness, linear regression model, geo-statistics and optimum interpolation (stein, m.l. 1999). that method is considered to be the best interpolation technique in case of relatively sparse point data. kriging is also based on the recognition that the spatial variation of climate elements is oft en too irregular to be modelled by a simple function. thus, the variation can be bett er described by a stochastic surface with an att ribute known as a regionalized variable. the regionalized variable theory assumes that the value of a random variable pj at point j is given by (3): pj = mj + εj + ε'j, (3) where mj = deterministic function describing a structural component p at j; εj = a random spatially correlated component; ε’j= a residual non-spatially correlated term (or noise). when structural eff ects have been accounted for and the variation is homogenous, the semi-variance γ (d) can be estimated by (4): γ(d) = (1/2n) ∑ (pi – pj) 2, (4) where pi = value of climate element p, observed at the point i; pj = value of element p at a point j (in a distance d from the point i); n = number of pairs of sample points of observations of the values of element p separated by distance d. a plot of γ (d) against d is called a semi-variogram and gives a quantitative description of the regionalised variation. an important factor of the variogram is the range which describes the distance in case of spatially independent data points. several modifi cations of that approximation are mentioned by sluiter (2009), however, in this study simple kriging applying a spherical model of the semi-variogram was used. in this study daily precipitation amounts and daily values of mean air temperature, humidity and wind speed (data of the czech hydrometeorological institute, and the water authority of the elbe river collected in 1999–2007) were analysed. the raw data were fi ltered by the adms method ((shaw, e.m. 1991) and arcgis/arcinfo gis soft ware was applied for data processing. the success of spatial approximation was evaluated by statistical induction; the values of the root mean square error (rmse) were calculated by (5): rmse = [(1/n) ∑(pmi – pi) 2]0,5, (5) where pi = parameter observed at a point i; pmi = parameter modelled at a point i by the spatial interpolation from values of the parameter p in neighbouring points. 23 considering the water budget in six selected watersheds (figure 1), we tested the possibility to estimate realistic values of catchment precipitation (p) and evapotranspiration (et). potential evapotranspiration (etp) was calculated from the daily values of climate parameters (air temperature, humidity and wind speed) by applying the fao penman-monteith method (allen, r.g. et al. 1998) corresponding to the reference crop of a height of 0.12 m, a surface resistance of 70 s/m and an albedo of 23%, adequately watered. the geomorphological characteristics of the selected basins are given in table 1. results and discussion comparing the methods of interpolation, values of the root mean square error (rmse) for modelled and observed mean annual data – precipitation (pa), air temperature (ta), humidity (ha) and wind speed (wa) – of a nine-year period (1999–2007) are presented in table 2. the lower values of the root mean square error (rmse) identify bett er space approximation for climate parameters. the hypsometric method (hyp) provided the best results concerning the values of precipitation, temperature and humidity; while for wind distribution, the method of inverse distance weighting (idw) gave bett er outputs. that result corresponds to the signifi cant correlation between precipitation (pa), air temperature (ta), humidity (ha) and elevation (e). the estimated correlation coeffi cients are as follows: r = 0.757 (pa, e), r = 0.869 (ta, e), r = 0.728 (ha, e), r table 1. characteristics of the focused basins basin area (a), km2 mean elevation (e), m mean slope (s), % length (l), km shape index, a/l2 j j-1 jd s o o-1 10.41 1.03 19.64 13.78 2.59 0.23 913 927 834 865 478 507 9.7 12.0 11.9 14.0 28.2 34.6 4.32 1.14 5.49 5.06 2.36 0.66 0.56 0.79 0.65 0.54 0.47 0.53 table 2. rmse values for the modelled space distribution of climate parameters and methods of interpolation method precipitation (pa) mm air temperature (ta) oc humidity (ha) % wind speed (wa) m/s nn idw spl hyp kri 0.90 0.63 1.45 0.56 0.77 1.52 1.28 2.64 1.13 1.37 2.29 1.93 2.73 1.47 1.87 0.86 0.52 1.14 0.89 0.72 24 = 0.217 (wa, e), by the critical value rc = 0.254 (p = 0.01). the outputs of space interpolation (values of pa, ta, and ha by hypsometric method and wa by inverse distance weighting) for the years 1999–2007, are shown in figures 2, 3, 4 and 5. the interpolation by hyp, idw and nn fi ts extreme values of the tested climate parameters by errors of ±10 %. the spline approach (spl) tends to be a signifi cant disfi gurement of the observed extremes (up to 70%), similarly to the results of richards, d. (1975) and hay, l., viger, r. and mccabe, g. (1998). kriging (kri) resulted in fl att ening the local extremes it corresponds to the fi ndings of stein, m.l. (1999) and sluiter, r. (2009). the advantage of the hypsometric method (hyp) seems to be manifested mainly in a realistic extrapolation of the elevation-dependent parameters for the marginal areas of the investigated mountain region (outside of the observation network). concerning the interpolation of monthly data of elevation-dependent parameters, the hypsometric method was complicated by seasonal changes. monthly precipitation showed the most signifi cant relationship with elevation in may (r = 0.92); later it decreased to r = 0.65 (june-july), rised to r = 0.74 (september–november) and decreased to r = 0.33 (december-april). fig. 2. mean annual precipitation pa (mm) interpolated by the hypsometric method fig. 3. mean annual air temperature ta ( oc) interpolated by the hypsometric method fig. 4. mean annual humidity ha (%) interpolated by the hypsometric method fig. 5. mean annual wind speed wa (m/s) interpolated by inverse distance weighting 25 potential evapotranspiration was calculated in daily steps from the interpolated daily data of temperature, humidity and wind speed. the distribution of mean annual values of potential evapotranspiration etpa over the jizera mountains region in 1999–2007 is presented in figure 6. regarding the water budget in the six selected watersheds (figure 1, table 1), we suppose that aerial means of the parameters p, precipitation and potential evapotranspiration, (p-hyp) given by the hypsometric method are authentic. then, diff erences ∆ (mm) derived from the results given by alternative methods (nn, idw, spl, kri) – see (6) – are shown in table 3. ∆-nn = p-nn – p-hyp (6) ∆-idw = p-idw – p-hyp ∆-spl = p-spl – p-hyp(6) ∆-kri = p-kri – p-hyp the percentage error ∂ (%) of aerial p-means, calculated by alternative methods (nn, idw, spl, kri) versus the hypsometric method given by (7), is presented in table 4. ∂ = 100 ∆ / p-hyp (7) fig. 6. mean annual potential evapotranspiration etpa (mm) 26 it is evident that in catchments with a certain density of rain-gauges (11 hectares per gauge), all tested methods provide comparable and realistic outputs. on the contrary, in catchments where observations are absent, the percentage error in aerial estimates ∂ (%) signifi cantly depends on interpolation techniques: ∂ (%) it varies from -8 to 21 (idw), from -7 to 25 (kri), from -12 to 28 (nn), and from -15 to 40 (spl). similar errors ∂ (%) were found for mean annual values of potential evapotranspiration etpa in watersheds j (363 mm), j-1 (335 mm), jd (398 mm), s (386 mm), o (523 mm) and o-1 (514 mm) (table 5). however, the accuracy of aerial evapotranspiration in catchments is limited particularly by the inadequate number of wind speed observations. concerning fl ood events, much higher errors in estimates of extreme climate events are reported by srinivasan, g. and sushma, n. (2005), cooper, m.r. and fernando, d.a.k. (2009) and gallant, g. et al. (2010). also here, for an extreme daily rainfall (observed on the 13th august 2002), rather high errors of aerial estimates were found by alternative interpolation methods: the percentage error ∂ (%) varies from -10 to 26 (idw), from -13 to 26 (nn), from -16 to 34 (kri), and from -18 to 173 (spl) (tables 6 and 7). table 4. percentage errors ∂ (%) of mean annual precipitation in the focused catchments by using interpolation methods idw, kri, nn and spl catchment a/n* km2 ∂-idw ∂-kri ∂-nn ∂-spl % j j-1 jd s o o-1 0.25 – 0.11 0.25 – – -6 -8 0 -2 18 21 -6 -7 0 -2 22 25 -7 -12 0 -3 26 28 -5 -15 0 -6 40 35 *a = catchment area, n = number of stations in catchments table 3. diff erences ∆ (mm) between areal annual precipitation given by the hypsometric method and the methods of idw, kri, nn and spl in catchments catchment number of stations pa-hyp ∆-idw ∆-kri ∆-nn ∆spl mm j j-1 jd s o o-1 4 – 9 4 – – 1,217 1,227 1,170 1,189 973 955 -67 -99 -1 -25 179 203 -69 -88 -1 -25 217 235 -82 -143 -1 -32 250 268 -59 -178 -5 -69 394 330 27 again, in the case of a watershed with relatively dense observation points (jd catchment) the results of all tested interpolation methods are realistic. however, with decreasing number of rain-gauges (j, s catchments with 25 hectares per gauge), the estimation error ∂ of aerial rainfall varies from -18 to 8%. table 7. estimation errors ∂ (%) in aerial values of extreme daily precipitations (13th august 2002) catchment a/n* km2 ∂-idw ∂-kri ∂-nn ∂-spl % j j-1 jd s o o-1 0.25 – 0.11 0.25 – – 0 -10 0 -5 26 22 0 -16 0 -11 34 32 2 -10 1 -13 26 22 8 -13 3 -18 149 173 *a = catchment area, n = number of stations in catchments table 6. diff erences ∆ (mm) between the estimates of the areal daily rainfall (13th august 2002) catchment number of stations p-hyp ∆-idw ∆-kri ∆-nn ∆-spl mm j j-1 jd s o o-1 4 – 9 4 – – 207 209 195 200 144 148 0 -20 0 -10 37 33 0 -34 0 -22 49 48 4 -20 2 -26 37 33 16 -28 6 -35 214 256 table 5. estimation errors ∂ (%) of mean annual potential evapotranspiration in the catchments calculated by interpolation methods idw, kri, nn and spl catchment a/n* km2 ∂-idw ∂-kri ∂-nn ∂-spl % j j-1 jd s o o-1 5.20 – 3.93 4.59 – – 5 7 4 5 -12 -10 8 6 5 4 -14 -15 10 9 8 7 -21 -24 7 12 9 8 -32 -36 *a = catchment area, n = number of stations in catchments 28 conclusions in the investigated mountain catchments the hypsometric method (hyp) proved to be the most eff ective interpolation technique for elevation-dependent climate parameters (precipitation, air temperature and humidity), see table 2. the advantage of this approach is a realistic extrapolation of the data for marginal areas outside of the main observation network. for wind speed, the method of inverse distance weighting (idw) provided the best spatial distribution because of its weak correlation with elevation. the methods of hyp, idw and nn were able to fi t extreme values of the tested climate parameters by errors of ±10% while spl tends to be a signifi cant disfi gurement of the observed extremes (up to 70%). for six investigated watersheds (figure 1, table 1), the error in estimated aerial precipitation and potential evapotranspiration depends on the density of weather stations. with higher density of rain-gauges (11 hectares per gauge), all interpolation methods manifested comparable and realistic outputs. in catchments without observation data the output values gained by the hypsometric method were realistic and estimation errors given by alternative interpolation procedures reached almost 40% of mean annual values of precipitation and potential evapotranspiration (table 4. and 5). in case of an extreme daily rainfall (table 7) the error of aerial estimates provided by alternative interpolation techniques (nn, idw, spl, kri) in marginal catchments of the studied region varies from -16 to 173%. acknowledgements: this research was supported by the earthwatch institute (oxford, uk, mountain waters of bohemia), the czech ministry of education (msm 6840770002, revitalization of landscape aff ected by anthropogenic changes), and the grant agency of the czech republic (526-09-0567). references allen, r.g., pereira, l.s., raes, d. and smith, m. 1998. crop evapotranspiration, guidelines for computing crop water requirements. irrigation and drainage paper 56, rome, fao, 300 p. becker, a. and serban, p. 1990. hydrological models for water – resources system design and operation. operational hydrology report 34, geneva, wmo, 80 p. burroughs, p.a. mc donnell, r.a. 1998. principles of geographical information systems. oxford, oxford university press, 327 p. cooper, m.r. and fernando, d.a.k. 2009. the eff ect of the rain-gauge distribution on storm water models. in proceedings of the 18th world imacs / modsim congress, cairns, australia, 13–17 july 2009, 3500–3506. gallant, g., ailie j. e., david j. and karoly, d.j. 2010. a combined climate extreme index for the australian region. journal of climate 23. 6153–6165. 29 hay, l., viger, r. and mccabe, g. 1998. precipitation interpolation in mountainous regions using multiple linear regression. in hydrology, water resources and ecology in headwaters. iahs publication 248, 33–38. hartkamp, a.d., de beurs k., stein, a. and white, j.w. 1999. interpolation techniques for climate variables. nrg-gis series 99-01, cimmyt, mexico, 25 p. richards, d. 1975. the eff ect of reducing rain gauge network density on goodness of conceptual models fi t and prediction. institute of hydrology, report 28, wallingford, uk, 25 p. shaw, e.m. 1991. hydrology in practice. second edition, london, chapman & hall, 539 p. sluiter, r. 2009. interpolation methods for climate data. knmi report, de bilt, the netherlands, 24 p. srinivasan, g. and sushma n. 2005. daily rainfall characteristics from a high density rain gauge network. current science: special section on mountain weather forecasting 88. 942–946. stein, m.l. 1999. statistical interpolation of spatial data: some theory for kriging. springer series in statistics, new york, springer, 257 p. wmo, 1994. guide to hydrometeorological practices: data aquisition and processing, analysis, forecasting and other applications. publication 168, fift h edition, geneva, 732 p. wmo, 2008. guide to meteorological instruments and methods of observation. publication 8, seventh edition, geneva, 525 p. 30 now available! geography in visegrad and neighbour countries regional socio-economic processes in central and eastern europe – 20 years in transition and 2 years in global economic crisis edited by ágnes erőss and dávid karácsonyi geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences budapest, 2011. 169 p. during the last twenty years the erstwhile soviet bloc countries in central and eastern europe (cee) have taken distinct routes in post-socialist development, wherein the national trends and internal regional processes proved to be in deep contrast. responses to the challenges of the global economic crisis also varied, repeatedly brought to the surface long existing regional issues, structural problems and ethnic confl icts. human geographers are divided in the assessment of the shift s that occurred during the past twenty years and the exchange of experience is vital for fi nding adequate answers to the new challenges. in order to provide a forum for discussion the geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences with the generous support of the international visegrad fund small grant programme organized a conference in order to induce the revival of contact between the institutes of geography of visegrad countries and their western and eastern neighbours. present volume is a selection of presentations aiming to provide a deeper insight in socio-economic processes and their interpretation from geographical aspects taking place in the broader region of cee countries. ------------------------------------------price: eur 10.00 order: geographical institute rcaes has library, h-1112 budapest, budaörsi 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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(adobe) (common) (1.0) ] /othernamespaces [ << /asreaderspreads false /cropimagestoframes true /errorcontrol /warnandcontinue /flattenerignorespreadoverrides false /includeguidesgrids false /includenonprinting false /includeslug false /namespace [ (adobe) (indesign) (4.0) ] /omitplacedbitmaps false /omitplacedeps false /omitplacedpdf false /simulateoverprint /legacy >> << /addbleedmarks false /addcolorbars false /addcropmarks false /addpageinfo false /addregmarks false /convertcolors /converttocmyk /destinationprofilename () /destinationprofileselector /documentcmyk /downsample16bitimages true /flattenerpreset << /presetselector /mediumresolution >> /formelements false /generatestructure false /includebookmarks false /includehyperlinks false /includeinteractive false /includelayers false /includeprofiles false /multimediahandling /useobjectsettings /namespace [ (adobe) (creativesuite) (2.0) ] /pdfxoutputintentprofileselector /documentcmyk /preserveediting true /untaggedcmykhandling /leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice senior adviser lászló bassa is 65 years old 226 senior adviser lászló bassa is 65 years old this march our colleague and friend lászló bassa, managing editor of hungarian geographical bulletin celebrated his 65th birthday. on this remarkable occasion we’d like to thank with a few words for his permanent contributions to the cartographic activities of the geographical research institute of hungarian academy of sciences, for translating, editing and revising a huge number of books, att ractive atlases and series of thematic maps demonstrating achievements of physical, economic and human geography in hungary. lászló bassa was born on 29th march 1946 in budapest. he att ended the moscow state university of geodesy, aerial photography and cartography from 1964 and graduated as a cartographer (engineer in cartography) in 1969. returning to budapest he worked at the state-owned company (cartographia) as a junior cartographer. parallelly he translated geographical studies into russian and also edited cartographical publications. in 1971 he made a state exam in english and soon became a skilled translator of geography and cartography in both languages. in 1977 he changed his workplace and joined the staff of the geographical research institute of has. owing to his excellent russian and english and organizing talent, he became responsible for international relations of the institute. he held an administrative but important position supervised by the director of the institute. for the fi rst years of his activity he prepared and co-ordinated numerous international conferences in geography held in budapest and other hungarian venues. lászló bassa was a stable member of delegations which travelled abroad to take part at international geographical meetings (conferences, symposia, workshops etc.) mainly organized in socialist countries. he prepared regular reports on the outcomes of these meetings, which were published on the columns of hungarian geographical bulletin. moreover, deriving from his open personality and positive att itude to life lászló bassa was able to build and maintain friendly personal contacts with all kinds of geographers from all corners of the world, enabling to promote mutual and fruitful contacts between our institute and foreign academic bodies (institutes of geography, geographical departments of universities etc.). in the early 1980s he began a postgraduate course at the faculty of civil engineering of the budapest university of technology, from where he received his second university degree (consulting engineer of natural resources) in 1983. from the early 1980s lászló bassa became a member of the department of cartography of the institute, engaged in methodological and empirical problems of thematic cartography. he developed skills in map editing, engineering geomorphology and environmental management. during his active 34 years in the institute he was the author of several book chapters, prepared dozens of reviews about books writt en by hungarian 227 and foreign geographers and cartographers in hungarian, english or russian. he compiled a range of guidelines and supervised hundreds of map legends in foreign languages. in addition, he translated, revised and edited thousands of pages into english and russian in diff erent geographical and cartographical topics (eg. for the books in the series studies in geography in hungary; recent developments in spatial information, modelling and processing; ethnic geography of the hungarian minorities in the carpathian basin etc.) lászló bassa was among most active members of the editorial board of the national atlas of hungary (published in 1989), and in 1990 his work was rewarded with the széchenyi prize handed over by the president of the republic of hungary. in the 1990s he was the person who translated one the most essential geographical publications on the european union into hungarian (garrett nagle and kris spencer: geography of the european union regional and economic approach published in 1999). since 2009 he is retired but it does not mean that he has ceased to be active. he keeps on working with the editorial board of the hungarian geographical bulletin as a managing editor, helps with his advise the younger cartographer colleagues, revise english and russian manuscripts prepared for publications and checks the texts of the series of atlases published by our institute (south eastern europe in maps, 2007; ukraine in maps, 2008; hungary in maps, 2009) and i close my words with a private but essential remark: “laci” is a really good friend, whose modest and open personal character makes him very popular with the staff of our institute and among geographers both home and abroad. on the occasion of lászló bassa’s recent 65th birthday, we would like to express personal greetings from all our colleagues for all his life-long activity promoting the progress of cartography and geography in hungary. we wish him many more years full of success, with remarkable achievements in academic and personal life, spent in good health and inner satisfaction. tibor tiner jordan, p.: verwaltungsgliederung mitt elund südosteuropas 2007/administrative 219 jordan, p.: verwaltungsgliederung mitt elund südosteuropas 2007/administrative subdivision of central and southeast europe 2007. institut für stadtund regionalforschung der österreichischen akademie der wissenschaft en, 2010. vienna. 212 p. (series: atlas ost und südosteuropa/atlas of eastern and southeastern europe. 5.4 – g10) the latest volume of the series atlas of eastern and southeastern europe is the supplement (or continuation) of the publication with the same topic from 1989. it consists of two parts: the map and the accompanying text (70 pages in german, 69 pages in english). at the end a register is added on 70 pages. the map layout represents an extract of central and south-eastern europe as of 01.01.2007. this date seems rather early compared to the date of publication (2010), but it helped the author to avoid the problem arising from the present legal status of kosovo. the area represented is the same as in 1989: from thuringia in the west to kiev in the east and from vilnius in the north to south albania in the south. only the former socialist buff er states between the soviet union and western europe are represented on the map completely. the map depicts administrative borders and seats of various levels: besides the state borders, generally the levels of nuts-3 through nuts-5 are shown (as in most of the countries investigated nuts-2 is a merely statistical-planning level without real administrative functions). the border of the eu is also represented. the inscriptions are writt en in the offi cial language of the specifi c country. regarding the design of the map it should be emphasized that the harmonic colours of the administrative units can be clearly marked off . four of the fi ve main sections of the accompanying text consist only 7–8 pages together. the introduction begins with a general overview and includes some basic defi nitions for a bett er understanding of the text. the second part deals with the state of the eu integration of the countries in transition. the author describes the eu enlargement process, the membership of eurozone and schengen area until 2007 (but indicates the changes until 30.06.2010), writes about the relation with the non-member states and puts forward the perspectives of the further enlargement. the third unit investigates the present situation of the decentralisation process in the transformation countries. it starts with an overview about the roots of the administrative system, since the historical development has been quite diverse in the region: it fundamentally diff ered in the hapsburg, russian and ott oman empires. this chapter then turns from the past into the present and depicts the expectations by 220 the eu: that would be the weakening of the centralised nation states and empowering the regions (nuts-2–3 levels). the author also refers to the importance of the european and regional identity in this process. on the one hand his views seem realistic: e.g. barely developed european awareness, existing but weak regional identities, on the other hand idealistic conceptions and general statements also occur (e.g. “strenghtening of regional identities and regionalisation could be in a position to halt nationalism and reduce the likelihood of large-scale confl icts. switzerland off ers of good example...”). that idea might be right theoretically, but it is very far from working in the reality. the fourth part of the accompanying text (entitled subnational territorial-administrative units and their development) is the main analysing section. a detailed presentation is given about the 17 countries (in order: bulgaria, czech republic, hungary, lithuania, poland, romania, slovakia, slovenia, albania, belarus, bosnia and herzegovina, croatia, macedonia, moldova, montenegro, serbia and ukraine). to be more comparable, every country has been elaborated according to identical criteria: fi rst, the cultural and administrative traditions are shown, followed by the developments between 1989 and 2007; fi nally the current administrative-territorial system is presented. there is a fi gure at every country about the current administrative system, which makes them more understandable. at the end of the accompanying text a short synopsis can be found, which off ers the essential characteristics of the 17 states surveyed. figure 18 is perhaps the most valuable part of the book: it summarizes the main features of the administrative systems by countries and by nuts-levels, completed with information on administrative traditions. the fi nal part of the book is the register of the administrative units depicted on the map with their seats. this part includes not only transformation countries, but all the regions that appear on the map. as it was mentioned earlier, only offi cial names were indicated on the map, even so the register includes a very few minority names too. it is evident in slovenia, where italian and hungarian minority names are offi cial in certain regions, but not so in hungary, where the german names for győr and sopron are indicated, but e.g. kőszeg appears only in hungarian or in romania, where hungarian and german geographical names are in the register but the reader cannot fi nd neither historical nor ethnic connotations for that. the att empt to draw the administrative map of central and southeastern europe and to present the administrative characteristics of 17 countries was a signifi cant task – and it has proven to be a successful undertaking. the atlas is a very useful database for anybody interested in administrative issues of this region. patrik tátrai report on the association of american geographers annual meeting 105 chronicle hungarian geographical bulletin 60 (1) (2011) pp. 105–107. report on the association of american geographers annual meeting washington d.c., april 14–18. 2010 although the association of american geographers is a us-based organization, its activities are of worldwide reach. the annual meetings of aag are one of the greatest and most colorful events among the geographical conferences with thousands of presenters from all over the world. the 2010 meeting was held in washington d.c. the relative closeness of the venue to europe had att racted a lot of researchers from europe. more than 5,000 participants att ended the event, which took place in the marriott wardman park and omni shoreham hotels. partly because of the great number of the participants, the meeting was very diverse thematically and a wide range of approaches were present – which provoked interesting discussions and debates. the majority of presentations were from the fi eld of human geography, although some sessions dealt with topics related to anthropologic geomorphology or to the climate change, too. conference break at marriot wardman hotel 106 a number of sessions concentrated on the theoretical questions and main concepts of geography. for example, three sessions were focusing on space and spatiality with wide range of approaches. the last of them was a concluding one where some of the most prominent theorists (e.g. yi-fu tuan, nigel thrift) exchanged their interpretations of space. these presentations – and the debates about the ontological and epistemological issues related to space – demonstrated the far-reaching philosophical roots of geographical knowledge. several sessions dealt with the causes and the consequences of the global economic crisis. one of the most anticipated lectures was about the crisis, too: david harvey (city university of new york) interpreted the crisis as the logical consequence of the practices of the late capitalism – which he calls as “merchant capitalism”. in his marxian analysis he emphasized the role of the “accumulation by dispossession” – a term which he developed and used in his later works. according to harvey the solution to the inevitable crises is to change the capitalism itself – although harvey himself admits that it is a utopian idea. the number of sessions dealing with china and india refl ected the growing economic and political role of these countries. for example the developing green turn of the chinese economy was presented through the case of the automotive industry, in which the government invests heavily to develop new, more ecologically friendly engines and vehicles. the problems of rapid urbanization of china were also discussed in a separate session. the “geographies of postfordism” sessions have dealt with some theoretical questions of geography regarding the current crisis and spatial processes. for example, one of these sessions dealt with the relevance of the marxian categories in the analysis of the crisis and usability of the concept of class. richard peet and neil smith both emphasized that there is still a class society and the lower classes are the main losers of the economic downfall. similar to david harvey the participants of these sessions agreed that a change is necessary in the capitalism. in another session the panelists discussed how the social construction/production of scale is changing in the postfordist era. the nobel prize recipient economist, paul krugman spoke about the “new economic geography”, and how it has infl uenced the economists’ approach. in his opinion the main result was that economists started to use the concepts of space and scale in their research. however, as the discussant of krugman’s lecture, michael storper from london school of economics pointed out that it is not always the case: a lot of analysis from the mainstream economy uses a simplifi ed view of the space, e.g. seeing the countries as a homogeneous entity rather than a spatially diff erentiated unit. the lefebvrian idea of “right to the city” emerged in a lot of papers: presenters from various parts of the world analyzed the spatial exclusion in the cities and the transformations of urban governance. e.g. the “diversity of neoliberal urbanization” sessions demonstrated that despite the economic crisis the neoliberal urban governance is still in its bloom – moreover, in some places it was intensifi ed because of the growing competition for investments and jobs. the problems and specifi c development path of the post-socialist countries were also oft en mentioned topics. the “critical geographies of post-communist cities” sessions were focusing on the changing housing conditions in and around the eastern european cities, e.g. how the gated communities were formed in bulgaria, how the former socialist summer homes were transformed in estonia or what kinds of confl icts related to urban rehabilitation have emerged in budapest. the „author meets critics” sessions were memorable parts of the conference: in these events the writer of a recent book and a few critics/reviewers discussed that volume. 107 at one of these occasions the book in question was edward soja’s “seeking spatial justice”, which was criticized for example because of the normative nature of the term “justice” or because of the author’s alleged “los angeles exceptionalism” i.e. that the processes and phenomena he addresses only apply to los angeles. at the same time the contestants underlined that soja’s book is a valuable contribution to the philosophical/sociological debates related to justice and points out the role of geography in these debates. the scientifi c programme of the conference was extended by a book exhibition and numerous guided tours in washington and its surroundings and social events like the international reception or the meetings of various specialty groups. as a highlight of the conference, jane goodall was awarded with the aag atlas award for her work for environment and humanity. at the end of the conference nature demonstrated its power and the relevance of geography regarding the globalized transportation and communication systems: because of the eruption of iceland’s eyjafj allajökull volcano and the cancellation of fl ights, several european att endees of the aag meeting faced diffi culties to get back to europe. the next meeting will take place in seatt le (wa) in 2011. hopefully the more distant location will not aff ect negatively the number of european participants and it will be a colorful and exciting conference as well – and hopefully without travelling diffi culties. lajos boros conference break in the park of omni shoreham hotel 5_irodalom.indd 295 l i t e r a t u r e hungarian geographical bulletin 58 (4) (2009) pp. 295–296 baranyi, b. and fodor, i. eds.: the role of environmental industry in the regional reindustrialization in hungary. hungarian academy of sciences, centre for regional studies, debrecen–pécs, 2009, 229 p. during the past 35 years, deindustrialization has been one of the most signifi cant structural changes in the economy of developed countries. traditional industrial sectors – like mining, iron and steel industry, textile industry etc. – did disappear entirely from the european and north american economy, either because of their relocation into “cheaper” countries or by import substitution. the consequences are well known: drop in industrial employment and gdp output, and the dominance of the service and r&d sectors (70–75% of employment). this structural change was accompanied by a serious social crisis in the traditional industrial regions, what required a new type of economic and regional policy. in the developed economies the response was reindustrialization: parallel with the decline of traditional industries, a new, innovative, knowledge-based industrial sector grew. this industry needed less but highly qualifi ed manpower, and was located in developed regions, in most cases in metropolitan regions, where the r&d sector, the production and fi nancial services were concentrated. this process had specifi c features in hungary, as well as in the other east central european countries. the deindustrialization process started 10 years later, it was squeezed in time, and accompanied with the transition crisis. reindustrialization started later, to a considerable extent it was led by plant (sometimes r&d sector) relocations from more developed countries, and contributed to the sharply growing regional inequalities in the country. consequently, we could formulate one of the critical questions of the contemporary hungarian regional policy in the following way: what type of reindustrialization process should be promoted, which a) could be introduced in the less developed regions, too; b) could utilize local manpower and local infrastructure; c) has a clear growing potential and d) has a long perspective within the country, it is not menaced by frequent relocations. the authors of this book supposed that environmental industry could play such a role in the hungarian reindustrialization process. the publication was based on an interdisciplinary research carried out in the centre for regional studies, has and sponsored by the ministry of environment and water management. the 13 papers present diff erent aspects of the environmental industry, taking into consideration the key problems in hungary, i.e. the consequences of climate change or the favourable conditions for the development of a biomass-based renewable energy production. the fi rst two papers give a broad framework of the role of reindustrialization and environmental management in the central european regional economics (gy. horváth; g. lux). the state owned industry collapsed vehemently aft er the system change in 1990, but a reindustrialization started soon and the industrial employment reached pre-transition level in the most advanced i.e. czech, slovene, slovak economies. some sort of industry is a prerequisite for any type of economic development as even the dominating tertiary sector (including r&d, business services, transport) should be promoted to a great extent by the need of industry. 296 i. fodor and a. suvák present a useful summary of defi nitions of the environmental industry and the characteristics of global production and market of environmental goods. the market is clearly dominated by the largest economies of the world, with a few exceptions. in such a situation, it will not be easy to insert the small hungarian economy into the innovative and knowledge based sector of the environmental industry, although the author of another paper (l. oláh) is rather optimistic. most of the more analytical papers deal with rural/agricultural regions, partly dealing with environmental problems (including possible consequences of climate change on agricultural production) partly analyzing their alternative energy capacities. just one paper presents the role of environmental industry in urban sustainability (that by g. czeglédi tackling the case of budapest). the scale of the problem would merit broader interest and more papers. finally one can read a few case studies dealing with the application of environmental industry in regional development schemes in north eastern hungary. there is an almost general consensus about the necessity of environmental management for a sustainable global future. it is frequently supposed that this management will be inevitably confl icting with pure economic interests: it requires the diminishment of economic output and need heavy investments without any net economic return. this interesting book presents an economically more att ractive side of the environmental management: the growing importance of the environmental industry in regional development. györgy enyedi << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.4 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 /colorconversionstrategy /cmyk /dothumbnails false /embedallfonts true /embedopentype false /parseiccprofilesincomments true /embedjoboptions true /dscreportinglevel 0 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /hun 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/pdfxoutputintentprofileselector /documentcmyk /preserveediting true /untaggedcmykhandling /leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice report on the 100th anniversary of the establishment of the economic and social geography section of the hungarian geographical society 84 neoliberalism acts and looks just like zombies: it does not react to communication and is very tenacious, wants the brain (mind) of the living and its appearance is disheveled. he also analyzed the emergent, latin american notion of “post-neoliberalism” and the possible politics related to it. as usual, a book and journal exhibition with the presence of the most infl uential publishing companies enriched the two events, too. the exhibitors off ered their latest textbooks and journals which also helped to get familiar with the latest research trends and results. the two meetings were both extremely inspiring and thematically rich. the joint organization gave an exceptional opportunity for networking and gathering new impulses. the next eugeo congress will be held in rome in 2013 while the rgs-ibg annual meeting will be in edinburgh in early july of 2012. lajos boros report on the 100th anniversary of the establishment of the economic and social geography section of the hungarian geographical society the economic and social geography section of the hungarian geographical society (hgs) celebrated the 100th anniversary of its foundation on 12 january 2012. the oldest section of the 140-year-old association (hga) was founded on 11 january 1912 under the name ‘economic geography section’. 27 persons participated the inaugural meeting including the élite of the hungarian geography such as lajos lóczy and count pál teleki. hundred years later as a result of the eff orts of hga, the section and the department of social and economic geography of elte university, a program of high standard was organized to celebrate the anniversary. about 80 persons from diff erent parts of the country came together on lágymányos campus of elte. the commemoration was opened by józsef szabó, the president of hgs and was followed by mária szabó, the head of institute for earth sciences and geography of eötvös loránd university who greeted the audience. the program continued with scientifi c presentations consisted of two parts (according to the purpose of the organizers). first, presentations on the history and the establishment of the section were held, then the representatives of the contemporary hungarian geography presented shortly the past, the present and the signifi cance of the main disciplines of the hungarian human geography. the fi rst part started with patrik tátrai’s presentation on the history of the section from its foundation up to the present. aft er that zoltán dövényi delineated the details (e.g. participants, background information) of the inaugural meeting. the second part began with róbert győri’s presentation (read by márton czirfusz as the author could not participate) on the history and the main schools of the hungarian economic geography. the following presenter was józsef tóth who tried to systematize and group the various research fi elds of population geography mainly through presenting scientifi c books and publications. the rich history of the hungarian urban geography was overviewed by pál beluszky. later istván berényi outlined the history of the hungarian and the german social 85 geography emphasising the common points of the two systems. besides the “traditional” disciplines of the human geography, new trends were also presented by academician rezső mészáros who summarized the human geographical approaches of new technologies. the last guest was zoltán hajdú who reviewed some issues of the hungarian political geography. the task of the presenters to overview their special fi elds was quite diffi cult: all of them emphasised their diffi culties in summarising the history, the great variety and the scientifi c results of each discipline, which resulted in diff erent approaches of the task. all in all the audience had the opportunity to listen to exciting presentations covering most of the research fi elds of the hungarian human geography. aft er the scientifi c part of the program, gábor michalkó, the chairman and the secretary general of hgs gave the fl oor to academician károly kocsis, the president of the section, who closed the presentations and initiated that the name of the section should be changed to human geography section. his proposal was accepted. the event was closed with a simple and modest reception where the participants celebrated the anniversary with some champagne and a “birthday cake”. patrik tátrai the audience of the commemoration event 94 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (1) 83–92. manuscript reviewers 2019–2021 the editors of the hungarian geographical bulletin would like to thank the following experts who have offered their assistance in reviewing manuscript submissions to our journal issues between number 1 in 2019 and number 4 in 2021. their efforts and useful comments have been of great service for the authors and the journal. bácsi, zsuzsanna (keszthely) bagoly-simó, péter (berlin) bajmócy, péter (szeged) bakacsi, zsófia (budapest) balatonyi, lászló (budapest) balogh, péter (budapest) bălteanu, dan (bucharest) barcza, zoltán (budapest) beke, szilvia (szeged) benedek, józsef (cluj-napoca) bíró, borbála (budapest) bogdan-andrei, mihai (bucharest) boros, lajos (szeged) centeri, csaba (budapest) ćorluka, goran (split) czapiewski, konrad (warsaw) czigány, szabolcs (pécs) csapó, jános (pécs) csomós, györgy (debrecen) de lemos, fernando florim (aveiro) dragićević, slavoljub (belgrade) egri, zoltán (gödöllő) farsang, andrea (szeged) ficsor, johanna (baja) folinas, sotiris (volos) frantál, bohumil (olomouc) gál, tamás (szeged) garcía-arnay, ángel (zaragoza) gartner, georg (vienna) gavrilov, milivoj b. (novi sad) gu, chaolin (beijing) gyenizse, péter (pécs) gyuris, ferenc (budapest) hanus, martin (prague) hardi, tamás (győr) haszpra, lászló (sopron) hofierka, jaro (košice) holec, juraj (bratislava) houšková, beata (bratislava) hruška, vladan (ústí nad labem) hurbánek, pavol (ružomberok) irimiás, anna (budapest) jakab, gergely (budapest) jakobi, ákos (budapest) jordan, peter (vienna) karácsonyi, dávid (darwin) kertész, ádám (budapest) keve, gábor (baja) kis, anna (budapest) kiss, andrás (budapest) kolossváry, endre (budapest) kovács, tibor (eger) kovalcsik, tamás (szeged) kraft, stanislav (české budějovice) kržič, aleksandra (belgrade) kubeš, jan (české budějovice) labancz, viktoria (gödöllő) lakatos, mónika (budapest) laskowska, iwona (łódź) lászló, elemér (debrecen) lászló, péter (budapest) lóczy, dénes (pécs) madari, beata (goiânia) mamadouh, virginie djemila (amsterdam) mantel, stephan (wageningen) márk, lászló (gyula) michalkó, gábor (budapest) mika, jános (eger) milevski, ivica (skopje) milošević, dragan (novi sad) mucsi, lászló (szeged) novák, tibor (debrecen) oranje, mark (pretoria) ouředniček, martin (prague) pachura, piotr (częstochowa) parajka, juraj (vienna) pásztor, lászló (budapest) patkós, csaba (eger) penížek, vít (prague) pénzes, jános (debrecen) petiška, eduard (prague) pichler-milanović, nataša (ljubljana) reid, neil (toledo) repe, blaž (ljubjana) rizzo, raffaela gabriella (milan) savić, stevan (novi sad) schad, peter (münchen) schwarz, ulrich (vienna) sipos, györgy (szeged) siwek, tadeusz (ostrava) skalský, rastislav (bratislava) skarbit, nóra (szeged) skokanová, hana (brno) slach, ondrej (ostrava) smith, melanie (budapest) šuška, pavel (bratislava) svobodá, hana (brno) szabó, balázs (budapest) szabó, péter (brno) szabó, szilárd (debrecen) szalai, ádám (szeged) szalai, zoltán (budapest) szemethy, lászló (pécs) szilassi, péter (szeged) tátrai, patrik (budapest) torma, csaba (budapest) tóth, gergő (budapest) tóth, géza (budapest) turok, ivan n. (pretoria) vacca, andrea (cagliari) vida, györgy (szeged) winter, johannes (munich) zeleňáková, martina (košice) ženka, jan (ostrava) zied, hej-amor (sfax) žižala, daniel (prague) hungarian geographical bulletin vol 71 issue 1 (2022) manuscript reviewers risk and uncertainty in tourism: theory and practice 345 policies alone. environmental challenges should be assessed in the context of other global challenges such as food and energy security and poverty reduction. as many of the environmental problems are global in nature (e.g. biodiversity loss, climate change) or linked to the trans-boundary eff ects of globalisation, international co-operation is indispensable to ensure an equitable sharing of the cost of necessary measures. the oecd environmental outlook to 2050 with its very rich analytical background provides policy-makers, researchers and interested readers with guidance how to address more complex and long-term global environmental challenges and to enhance preventive, eff ective and effi cient environmental policies for bett er and cleaner future of our children and grandchildren. istván pomázi rátz, t. and irimiás, a. eds.: risk and uncertainty in tourism: theory and practice. kodolányi jános university of applied sciences, székesfehérvár, 2012. 146 p. during the summer of 2012 a new volume of studies was published as a result of a cooperation between the kodolányi jános university of applied sciences and the egyptian october 6. university, located at 6 th of october city, a satellite city of cairo. the chapters of this study book written in english were composed by international and hungarian authors and they discuss several diff erent aspects of the uncertainty and risk within fi eld of tourism. hearing the words uncertainty, risk and risk management in connection with tourism, we tend to associate them with some sort of outer negative effect or threat such as terrorism or att acks on tourists whilst they are abroad. this book wants to avoid that negative tendency. furthermore, with its 11 chapters, it explains a wide range of potential risks and uncertainty factors via a number of interesting cases. 346 the book consists of two parts. the fi rst one discusses the matt er of risk management in tourism as a whole process, including crisis prevention, the eff ects of the already developed hazard situations and the solutions of them. the longer second part uncovers the uncertainty factors of tourism, the understanding of these are crucial for the eff ective tourism management via six practical examples. the studies within the book are even more emphasized by the fact that the authors honestly discuss questions in which they were personally involved (for example, the egyptian authors write about the att acks against the egyptian tourists). understandably, those actions must have had a great emotional impact on them, nevertheless, they wished to share their experiences, thoughts and the methods of their problem resolution with the readers. the following six cases presented in the book are all exciting, readable and they are especially good examples on the subject of risk management: proactive crisis management in the hotel industry – practical tips for hotel managers. the conclusion of the study comes from a series of interviews with chinese, english and finnish hotel managers and it explains fi ve important practical steps with the help of which crisis situations could be handled in a more eff ective way. tourism and security in the shadow of terrorism. the study gives a complex picture of the eff ect of terrorism on tourism. additionally, it describes those eff ects in each main sector of tourism (transportation, hotel industry, travel agencies, insurance companies, security policies and media). moreover, it presumes the possibility of terror att acks in different regions. tourism as solution – perceived risks infl uencing participation in health-related tourism. in this study the reader meets another kind, individual, inner assumption type of risk. this chapter follows the consumer society´s growing need for health awareness (prevention) and the reduction of health risks factors, the eff ect of those on health tourism and the reasons causing those tendencies to develop. trust. the key factors of successful tourism management and competitiveness. the success of a destination, a tourism product can be explained by the eff ectiveness of the cooperation between the suppliers, which is based on mutual trust between the partners. the study describes the elements of trust through a multidisciplinary analysis on the example of urban tourism. businesswomen on the move – an expanding segment’s lodging expectations. the present study draws att ention to an interesting segment and the associated risk: it is essential for the hotels to meet the expectations of businesswomen. since most of the decisions regarding travel are made by women, a positive/negative experience gained during a business trip can signifi cantly infl uence, for instance, a businesswoman's choices on hotels and programmes, even when she is travelling with her family as a leisure tourist. the value of the study lies in presenting the characteristic travel habits and expectations of this tourism segment, and thereby it is pointed out what the individual accommodations have to prepare for. risk and uncertainty associated with pet ownership and travelling. this interesting study considered to be a niche study both in the hungarian and in the international literature reveals the uncertainty and risk factors of travelling with pets and the infl uential role of pets in travel decisions and the choices of destinations. in addition, the study also contains quantitative analysis about the demographic characteristics of that segment, the choice of means of transport and the characteristics of pet friendly hotels, as well. altogether, the study is a valuable, well-structured niche work considering the theme. it shows a wide spectrum of risk and uncertainty factors by processing exciting hungarian and international case studies providing suffi cient quantity and quality of 347 knowledge for the reader. although some of the empirical studies were made several years ago, those former statistics do not interfere with the processability of the topics and the making of conclusions. the knowledge collected by the book is useful both in practice and in the academic area and it could be a great starting point for tourism managers, tourism educators, college and university students interested in the fi eld of tourism. noémi kulcsár salamin, g., kohán, z., dobozi, e. and péti, m. eds.: climate-friendly cities. a handbook on the tasks and possibilities of european cities in relation to climate change. váti, budapest, 2011, 268 p. this handbook was published within the framework of the hungarian presidency of the council of the european union and geographers working both in human and physical geography can use it as a major source of knowledge in the fi eld. cities are not only the major challenge, but also the possible solution to climate change. according to estimations, cities use about two-thirds of the fi nal energy demand and generate up to 70 percent of all co2 emissions. to reduce these shares and combat the negative effects of climate change is a great challenge. the handbook is more than timely. with the europe 2020 strategy, the european union has set itself the ambitious goal of recovering european economy and tackling challenges like climate change and growing energy consumption at the same time. there is a solid link between cities and europe 2020, because cities are the driving forces of economic growth, and it is also in urban areas where a great potential for energy saving lies. green businesses and ecoinnovation can create new jobs and reduce co2-emissions at the same time. investment in eco-effi cient urban infrastructures enarural geography in russia, ukraine and in belarus – a literature review 79 r e v i e w hungarian geographical bulletin 60 (1) (2011) pp. 79–99. rural geography in russia, ukraine and in belarus – a literature review1 dávid karácsonyi2 abstract the article is an overview of the literature on rural geography published in the commonwealth of independent states during the two decades that passed since the breakup of the soviet union. first, a brief review of the soviet period is presented. a description of the current methodological approach and of the main sources follows. finally, the studies devoted to rural areas of russia, ukraine and belarus are introduced. the sources of the analysis mainly include works in english, german, russian and ukrainian. the literature review covers rural geography of russia, ukraine, and belarus, and in the case of russia it is focused on its european section. keywords: rural areas, rural geography, russia, ukraine, belarus, cis. introduction this article is an att empt to provide a review of the rural geography literature published in the countries of the cis. our review is far from comprehensive as our goal has been to summarize the english-language sources in the fi rst place and only to some extent sources in russian and ukrainian. the most abundant literature in western languages is available on russia’s rural areas. only a small portion of the reviewed writings is considered rural geographical by their authors, but some topics were chosen deliberately for their association with rural spaces. the novelty of our eff orts for the international audience boils down to systematization of various sources and to introducing them to the hungarian experts. during the 1990s hungarian geography, with 1 the preparation of the paper and the collection of references was made possible by the support of the visegrad fund scholarship (kyiv–odesa) and eötvös scholarship (leipzig). 2 geographical research institute, hungarian academy of sciences. h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mail: karacsonyidavid@gmail.com 80 few exceptions, stood away from the realities of the cis consequently, this review purports to fi ll this gap. soviet geography and rural areas east european (i.e. soviet-russian) geography developed along a pathway different from the western as well as from the hungarian trends (probáld, f. 1999 p. 251). though clearly manifested in academic theories, this diff erence stemmed from the divergent social processes. . in the fi rst half of 20th century, rural areas in eastern europe experienced a stormy and tragic history with far-reaching consequences. the elimination of their backwardness remained merely an ideological slogan. what had really been accomplished proved to be a step backwards relative to the previous periods and caused a serious break in economic development of rural places and in social consciousness of rural people. one example of a cataclysm the soviet countryside experienced – a cataclysm with a death toll of 6–8 million people – was the great famine (holodomor) in the early 1930s. the soviet dualist approach to geography, diff erent from the western treatment of the subject, sharply distinguished between physical and human (i.e. economic) geography (bulla, b. 1953 p. 49; probáld, f. 1995 p. 38, 1999 p. 252). however, human geography was eff ectively reduced, in the soviet union, to economic geography (industrial geography, analysis of location factors and production forces). such genuine subjects of human geography as population and sett lement were studied mostly as important factors of production (probáld, f. 1999 p. 253). according to mészáros, r. (1979 p. 401), population geography and geography of sett lements were the youngest spheres within soviet economic geography. all the three factors, i.e. a specifi c path of social and academic development, a defi nitive dualist stance, and a preponderance of economic geography (within human geography’s scope) provided that in contrast to western geography a concept of rurality did not emerge as a synthesizing concept. according to probáld, f. (1995 p. 38): “at any rate, dichotomy of nature and society hindered the development of regional geography of a synthesizing trend”. a specifi c approach to rural spaces or their neglect in soviet geography in comparison with the western (including hungarian) counterparts is captured in table 1. in spite of the above limitations the soviet economic geography yielded considerable results in the sphere of agricultural regionalization (e.g. mukomel, i.f. 1954; rakitnikov, a.n. 1961, 1973), based on diversity of natural landscape. according to bernát, t. (1967 p. 152), the evaluation of natural components has played an eminent role in geographical approach to soviet agriculture. 81 ye ar s w es te rn e ur op e h un ga ry so vi et u ni on (a nd s uc ce ss or s ta te s) 19 20 – 19 50 – tö nn ie s (g em ei ns ch aft ) u rb an -r ur al d ic ho to m y, – r ur al a re as p re se rv e th e pa st (c on se rv at iv is m , t he g en ui ne n at io n: e ng la nd ), ur ba n se tt le m en ts a re d ep os it or ie s of m od er ni ty , o f t he fu tu re – so ci og ra ph ie s, s tu d ie s on th e ba ck w ar d ne ss o f r ur al h un ga ry , f eu d al r es id ue s w it hi n th e ru ra l s oc ie ty – r ep ar ti ti on o f l an d a s th e fu nd am en ta l is su e of la nd r ef or m – r ep ar ti ti on o f l an d c ar ri ed o ut in 1 94 5 an d it s co ns eq ue nc es – fr om th e 19 20 s: la yi ng fo un d at io ns fo r th e so vi et c on ce pt o f g eo gr ap hy , b ar an sk iy ’s ac ti vi ti es – 19 30 s ye ar s: „ st al in is t” tr an sf or m at io n, s oc ia l “s ho ck ” (t he th re e gr ea t d em og ra ph ic d is as te rs , c iv il w ar +h ol od om or +g re at p at ri ot ic w ar ) – in th es e ci rc um st an ce s (g ra in e xp ro pr ia ti on , co lle ct iv iz at io n, o be sk ul ac hi va ni e, d ep or ta ti on s) no in ve st ig at io ns o f r ur al a re as m ig ht b e ca rr ie d ou t ( in a la ck o f d at a an d c on d it io ns ) 19 50 – 19 80 s – pa hl m od er ni za ti on , u rb an -r ur al co nt in uu m , – pe ne tr at io n of c ap it al is m in to ag ri cu lt ur e – sm al lh ol d er s’ h ol d in gs a re c ha ng ed by fa m ily fa rm s, p ea sa nt fa rm s ar e ta ke n ov er b y ag ri cu lt ur al w or ke rs – e ar ly 1 96 0s : c ol le ct iv iz at io n – se ct or al an d r eg io na l s tu d ie s on th e ec on om ic ba ck gr ou nd o f a gr ic ul tu re in th e su pp or t of d ev el op m en t a nd p la nn in g – e xp an si on o f q ua nt it at iv e m et ho d s, op ti on s fo r a co m pl ex in ve st ig at io n of ru ra l a re as – fr om th e 19 70 s a tu rn to w ar d s th e so ci et y: r es ea rc h of r ur al tr an sf or m at io n – d em an d o n th e re se ar ch o f r ap id in d us tr ia liz ati on – d ev el op m en t o f t he c on so lid at ed e xt en si ve so vi et e co no m y st ar ti ng w it h th e se co nd h al f o f 19 50 s: s tu d ie s on th e ag ri cu lt ur al r ay on s fo r th e pu rp os es o f e co no m ic p ro gr es s (t he k hr us hc he v er a) : v ir gi n la nd , c ott o n, m ai ze p ro gr am m es – r ec og ni ti on o f p op ul at io n an d s ett le m en t a s th e fa ct or s of e co no m ic p ro d uc ti on , i ni ti at io n of in ve st ig at io ns in to r ur al a re as in th e fr am e of ec on om ic g eo gr ap hy 19 80 – 19 90 s – po st m od er n ag ri cu lt ur e: r ur al a re as “a ft er ” fa rm in g – se ar ch in g fo r ne w r es ea rc h tr en d s – so ci al p ro bl em s, s oc ia l g eo gr ap hi c gr ou ps – ru ra l i s th e ar ea r es id en ts o f w hi ch d ec la re th em se lv es r ur al (b eh av io ur al g eo gr ap hy ) – 19 90 s ye ar s: d ec lin e of th e ag ri cu lt ur al se ct or : s tu d ie s on th e re la te d s oc io -e co no m ic p ro bl em s an d o n th e ne w s pa ti al st ru ct ur e of fa rm in g – a c om pl ex a pp ro ac h to r ur al it y (a ft er th e w es te rn p att e rn ) – a g ro w th o f t he s ig ni fi ca nc e of fa rm in g (w it h th e d ec ay o f s ub si d ia ri es a s pa rt o f st ru ct ur al r eo rg an iz at io n) – su rv iv al o f t he c on ce pt : r ur al =a gr ic ul tu ra l – r es ea rc h of d ep re ss iv e (r ur al ) r eg io ns , o f t ho se w it h he av y po pu la ti on lo ss – l oo ki ng b ac k up on th e ru ra l c on d it io ns d ur in g th e pe ri od o f “ cl as si ca l” c ap it al is m (v itt e an d , st ol yp in , l at e 19 th e ar ly 2 0t h c en tu ry ; n e p er a; u kr ai ne : i nd ep en d en ce b et w ee n 19 17 a nd 1 92 2) – c on ne ct io n of a gr ic ul tu ra l i ss ue s to d em og ra phi c on es (i off e ’s w or ks ), ou ts et o f t he c om pl ex ru ra l g eo gr ap hy ta bl e 1. c on ce pt s of a nd s tu di es o n th e ru ra l s pa ce s in th e 20 th c en tu ry in th e w es t, in th e e as t a nd in h un ga ry 82 enyedi, gy. (bernát, t. and enyedi, gy. 1977 p. 16) called att ention to soviet agroecological regionalization schemes which he tended to label as natural landscape assessments from the viewpoint of farming. a similarly large-scale work on regionalization was devoted to the delimitation of agrarian zones in ukraine (mukomel, i.f. 1954). some outstanding achievements of rural geography were aptly summarized by mészáros, r. (1979). in the 1960s, scholars from the institute of geography academy of sciences of the ussr (igan) carried out extensive agricultural regionalization of the lower volga (astrakhan oblast’) as reported by laszisz, j.b. (1959) and rakitnikov, a.n. (1961). in hungary, the geographical literature of the soviet period was thoroughly studied by wallner, e. (1953); beluszky, p. (1965); bernát, t. and enyedi, gy. (1977); mészáros, r. (1979); by radó, s. (1957, 1960: with a strong marxistleninist ideological approach by the latt er author). besides, periodicals such as földrajzi értesítő/geographical bulletin (e.g. pomusz, m.i. 1952) and földrajzi közlemények/geographical review (e.g. anucsin, v.a. 1966) published materials of scientifi c discussions and theses in hungarian translation, and some articles from the journal voprosy geografi i were printed as well. for the most part these reviews covered publications authored by scholars from moscow state university/mgu and at igan. relatively litt le att ention was paid to the works produced at the universities of the soviet republics other than russia (e.g. ukraine). the latt er, however, were of lower quality compared to research conducted in the academic centres in moscow. current approach to rural areas of the cis and the principal literary sources in many respects, ”rural spaces” in the east european literature are synonymous with the agricultural sector. in soviet books and articles published at the end of the 1980s, the adjective ”rural” was applied to depressive regions affl icted with massive population decline. the objective of researchers was to reveal the reasons for this decline and other problems of these areas (khomra, a.u. 1989; zayončkovskaya, z.a. 1986; dolenina, o.e. 2005). in the early 1990s, privatization of agriculture and its political and economic background was the focus of the studies primarily pursued by economists. besides, several contemporary publications compared the rural spaces prior to the russian revolution (1917) with the processes during the 1990s (e.g. ioffe, g., nefedova, t. 1997a; nefedova, t. et al. 2001). a radical transformation of the peasant society and rural regions were the topics for the historians (subtelny, o. 2000; heller, m. 2000; heller, m. and nyekrics, a. 2003), and for the experts on economic policy (van zon, h., batako, a. and kleslavska, a. 1998; van zon, h. 2001). 83 the third important case at issue was investigations into a nexus of the above mentioned problems that constitute rural geography in a broader sense. there are only few specialists involved in the study of rural regions in eastern europe because the att ention of geographers is rather focused on urban centres as the engines of socio-economic transformation (wegren, k.s. 2000 p. 237). a ”discovery” of rural spaces was accomplished by the late 1990s when privatization was basically over, and its consequences, as well as the unsolved problems gained importance. rural geography as a complex approach appeared on the scene, relating farming production to demographic depression. that was the focus of the works of ioffe, g. and nefedova, t. however, only a narrow circle of contemporary researchers from eastern europe deals with the rural issues. at present nahirna, v.p. in ukraine, and antipova, e.a. in belarus are the leading personalities in rural geography. out of geographical periodicals in the west, the most valuable source of information about east european countryside is eurasian geography and economics (the successor to soviet geography). founded by theodore shabad (harris, c.d. 1998), author of the fi rst monograph on the economic geography of the soviet union (shabad, t. 1951), this periodical has since 1960 dealt with geography of countries of the eastern bloc. publishing the writings by several soviet economic geographers, it provided a deeper insight into studies going on in the eastern part of europe. with the time passing, the appearance and contents of the journal changed several times, and it has become predominantly economic in profi le. in the early 1990s, it was renamed post-soviet geography and economics, its current title was obtained at a later date. this change in the title was necessary, because the study area extended spatially. since the early 1990s, the growing number of articles was devoted to china, so instead of the former soviet space the emphasis was put upon human geography of postsocialist countries. another important source available in the english-speaking world is europe-asia studies published by the university of glasgow. the title suggests a less geographic and more general (area studies) orientation of the contents. besides the regional studies, micro-level sociological surveys and articles on economics prevail, the latt er with the emphasis on economic and social policy. there are some research institutes specializing on east europe (osteuropa institut, berlin, österreichisches ostund südosteuropa institut, vienna, institut für länderkunde, leipzig, institut für agrarentwicklung mitt el und osteuropas, halle), and their areas of inquiry are divided between the balkans, central and eastern europe (european countries of cis). of the periodicals in german, osteuropa rather publishes multidisciplinary essays ranging from economics and history to literature and political science. its kindred journal is osteuropa wirtschaft which focuses on the economy. of 84 the geographic periodicals, the most important is europa regional. its study areas are the balkans, central europe, and cis countries. there are journals (geographische rundschau, geoforum, geojournal, annals aag etc.) that deal with the east european region either only occasionally or in thematic issues; they off er a scope to publications by both native and western experts. a critical comment about western publications on russia is contained in ioffe, g. and nefedova, t. (2001a p. 398). specifi cally, they point out that the approach of western authors to contemporary russia is marked by a “breaking news” mentality, i.e., it centers on elections, kremlin leadership, oligarchs or the drastic decline of the economy but barely takes the long-term processes into account. rural geography in russia this area of inquiry has developed mainly in russia during the past two decades indicating a high scholarly level reached by the academic institutions and far-reaching international links. since the emergence of the cis, the att ention of the international academic audience has increasingly focused on the russian federation. there are several reasons for this. firstly, political and economic power and therefore importance of russia in the eyes of social scientists outweighs those of the rest of the successor states of the ussr considerably, thus the experts keep a close eye on that country. secondly, in soviet times moscow dominated international relations whereas the universities of the other (than russia) republics almost exclusively maintained professional ties with the academic establishments within the soviet union. aft er the breakup of the union, moscow inherited the international connections of the soviets; therefore, russian researchers have a bett er chance to publish in western periodicals than specialists from the near abroad. thirdly, aft er the collapse of the ussr, part of the leading scholars (mainly from moscow) with command of foreign languages emigrated to the west where they were welcomed. these researchers established further contacts and created publishing opportunities for the geographers from the homeland. there are two kinds of articles about rural russia. the fi rst group deals with the relatively densely populated core area, i.e., with rural regions of the black-earth and of the non-black-earth areas of european russia. the other group is devoted to geography of the peripheral regions, that is, sparsely populated areas and ethnic republics. besides siberia, the european north belongs in this group as well as ethnically diverse caucasus. in most of the articles on european russia, no regional aspects are tackled at all; rather, they deal in general with processes of shorter duration that have taken place in rural russia and in agriculture, especially privatiza85 tion or with a historical perspective on the society and economy. some of these writings are economic treatises considering russia as a homogeneous entity, describing the privatization process and the rural areas aff ected by it in a spatially undiff erentiated manner. other articles are micro-level sociological analyses which view general trends from the perspective of local experiences learned through in-depth interviews. yet one more group of articles are writings emphasizing regional specifi cations of general trends and applying methodologies from economics and sociology to a continuum of spatial scales from regions down to sett lements and individuals. in sights into the historical geography of the processes that took place in rural russia of the 19th century and were thus historical antecedents of the agricultural privatization of the 1990s is mainly associated with the work of ioffe, g. and nefedova, t. (especially ioffe, g. and nefedova, t. 1997a). the authors provide an overview of the developments in rural areas, that is, of the forerunners of the present-day transformation,. these developments range from overpopulation of the rural regions to their fragmentation and from the decay of obschina to the vanishing of the collective sector. the major thread of the work in question is the comparative analysis of the transformations of russia’s rural spaces aft er the emancipation of serfs (1861) – the transformations preceding and following the stolypin land reform (that undercut obschina) and of the post-soviet transition. dolenina, v.p. (2005) presented an overview of demographic processes in rural spaces in the 20th century. devoted to the investigations of historical dimensions, is an outstanding book by nefedova, t., polian, p. and treivish, a. (2001) entitled town and village in european russia – changes of one hundred years. this is one of the most detailed analyses of european russia. its antecedent was the eponymous 1910 book by p.p. semenov tian-shanskiy. it was the fi rst detailed description of european russia, including its rural areas. fundamental structures of east european collective agriculture – obschina under the czars and the collective farm under the soviets – were the subject of writings by several authors (skyner, l. 2003; lindner, p. and nikulin, a. 2004). most articles on agricultural privatization were published in the fi rst half of 1990s; predominantly in the context of politics and economics and of the ongoing transformation. along with the economist lerman, z. it was van atta, d. and wegren, k.s. who studied these issues thoroughly. below only those authors will be mentioned who have been steadily publishing on the subject. the fi rst contributions by wegren, k.s. (1994a, 1997) were devoted to agricultural privatization, putt ing the political background and land reform in the focus. barnes, a. (1998) highlighted the diff erences between the methods of privatization in industry and farming. in the early 1990s, the majority of the authors dealt with private (farmer) holdings at that time considered potentially viable, but by the 86 mid-1990s they had shrunk and the dominance of large-scale collective sector and the subsistent household plots became evident. later, large-scale production units had come to the fore and due to diffi culties in data acquisition for several million dwarf holdings (ioffe, g. 2005) the subsistence or household farms were involved in the analyses only aft er the turn of the millennium. skyner, l. (2003) inquired into the issue of collective and private land ownership. brooks, k. and lerman, z. (1994), wegren, s.k. (1994c), rodionova, g. and ovčinceva, l. (2000), lindner, p. (2003) analysed a model reorganization of production units in nizhny novgorod oblast’ and its outcomes. this, in fact, was a model suggested by the world bank and fi rst introduced in fi ve territorial units; subsequently the methods spread from here to the entire country. accordingly, land shares were distributed among collective farm members. the contingents of the individual members were determined on the basis of time they worked on the farm. real estates and other non-land property and agricultural machines were auctioned. members were encouraged to join into groups in order to form new farms and to participate in tenders, bidding for machinery, buildings, and animals. from one collective farm 5–15 new farms with diff erent specialization used to emerge. in his two latest articles, lindner, p. (2003, 2007) sought for reasons for the disintegration of russian agriculture at the farm level. he emphasized that due to the weakness of the central state power in the course of the transformation of collective farms – a multitude of subjective human factors proved to have played a critical part in the destiny of the newly emerged farms and their economic success or failure. this led to rapid diff erentiation of the farms. moreover, soviet collective farms used to assume functions beyond just farming, as they provide infrastructure, services for the sett lements, economic background and support for the household farms so bidding farewell to collective farms was not an easy case. consequently, reorganization of collective farms was oft en nominal and it has not brought about new structures. wegren has lately provided an assessment of the agricultural policy of the putin era (wegren, k.s. 2004, 2005) coupled with the description of socioeconomic outcomes of reform (wegren, k.s. 2000; wegren, k.s. et al. 2003), such as rural unemployment and the lack of agrarian elite. a similar sociological treatise published by shubin, s. (2007) on rural poverty is based on network analysis. besides macro processes, several authors studied their regional specifi cations that showed up during agrarian reform. the fi rst writings of this kind appeared in 1994, with the termination of the initial step of transition when collective and state farms acquired new organizational forms patt ern (even if only formally) and most agricultural land was withheld from state property. craumer, p.r. (1994) carried out an analysis of the spatial consequences of the transformation of farming at the oblast level for the entire country, in87 cluding the socio-economic circumstances and natural conditions. craumer, p.r. applied many variables of a broad spectrum (qualifi cation, employment, population, ethnic relations, productivity and profi tability in agriculture, urban–rural interrelationships, private farms, political relations, incomes and land use). he made an att empt to process variables by multi-various methods (correlation and cluster analyses) but due to a multitude of variables and the unknown patt ern of their interrelationships no statistically signifi cant results were arrived at, and so the treatise revealed nothing much by way of description. craumer, p.r. also provided a long list of references from the fi rst half of 1990s. typologies relating to rural russia on the oblast level and based on agriculture and consumption were produced by kuhn, a. and wehrheim, p. (1999) for european russia, south siberia and far east. using comparative analyses of diff erent regions wegren, k.s. (1992 1994b,) established spatial eff ects of agricultural reform and for the fi rst time among the foreign experts he examined these processes at the rayon level in the kostroma and rostov oblasts. these studies focused on the transformation of agricultural enterprises and on appearance of peasant holdings and emphasized the relevance of the cultural-ethnic dimension to the collectivise tradition. ioffe, g. and nefedova, t. (2001a) presented an overview of the entire agro-food system (food production and processing) and its regional distribution. in another article (ioffe, g. and nefedova, t. 2001b) they closely examined the processes of transformation using the example of moscow and ryazan oblasts, with a special reference to the spatial aspects. the study uses local examples for the description of territorial links between agriculture and food processing. the authors’ conclusion was that there would be fi ve factors instrumental in the regional position of food economy: a core–periphery relation, productivity of the agricultural sector, human capital, economic situation of food processing, and spatial polarization with land abandonment in the periphery. another article by ioffe, g. (2005) treated the critical issues of agriculture such as its unimportance from the viewpoint of the investors and human resources whereas a work by nefedova, t.g. (2009) was an att empt to provide a summary report about the period since 1990 and a prediction of the long-term retreat of the sector due to extreme rural population decline up to 2050. there were studies focusing on household plots and private farms. the forerunner of these studies was an article in the special issue of geographische rundschau which dealt with the ussr (giese, e. 1983) and att ached importance to household plots operating along with collective and state farms not merely as subsidiaries. even though the dwarf household plots provided a signifi cant part of produce they barely appeared as research topics. this is primarily because the reliable statistical data had been merger about this type of farming 88 operations which could only be investigated through painstaking fi eld work. this topic surfaced in several works that for the most part explored the changing legal and economic background (prosterman, r.l. et al. 1997; wegren, s.k. 2004). the latt er article identifi ed the diff erences between the household plots and registered private farms, especially from a legal perspective. an article by amelina, m. (2000) sought an answer to the question, why the peasantry prefers to remain within the collective sector, why it is more att ractive and where the household plots are positioned in the contemporary structures. the empirical investigations carried out in the leningrad and saratov oblasts included survey of nearly two hundred households associated with the collective sector and an analysis of the local agricultural policy allegedly responsible for the divergent options, such as self-organization on the market (household plots) versus dependency on the collective sector. the east european collective agriculture (obschina of the tsarist regime or the collective farm of the soviet period) as a basic structure of the rural spaces appeared in lindner, p. and nikulin, a. (2004). the study by ioffe, g. and nefedova, t. (1997b) is similar in its content. a signifi cant breakthrough was the investigation by nefedova, t. and pallot, j. (2003, 2006) reported in a volume published by the oxford university press and entitled russia’s unknown agriculture: household production in postsoviet russia. the book pursues a spatial approach to household plots i.e. it is a purely rural geographical volume. this is an extended version of an article published by the same authors in eurasian geography and economics and based on surveys in contrasting regions of russia: stavropol’ krai, volga and ural regions, and arkhangel’sk and moscow oblasts. factors diff erentiating among household plots (accessibility of markets, physical environment, competitiveness of the diff erent produce) have a close relationship with the ethnic dimension. one of the latest contributions of wegren, k.s. et al. (2008) was an att empt to apply linear regression to outcomes of a sociological survey and reveal implications of geographical location. in that survey over 1,000 households were analysed on the basis of their distance from the rayon centre in more than 30 villages from 9 regions. correlation was found between location and economic performance both on rayon and sett lement (micro) levels. a complex spatial perspective on rural space, russian rural geography has grown out of studies on geography of agriculture and those on rural demographic processes (as the labour force background of the sector). the outstanding works belonging to this trend: ioffe, g. 1991; ioffe, g. and nefedova, t. 2004; ioffe, g., nefedova, t. and zaslavsky, i. 2004; ioffe, g. 2005; nefjodova, t. 2008a,b. the fi rst crucial point in the case was made by an article by ioffe, g. v. (1991) showing linkage of demographic processes taking place in the rural areas to the situation in agriculture, based on the state of aff airs in the soviet 89 era. the reforms of the 1990s produced a mess in the spatial distribution, but rural structures that had crystallized by the end of the decade by and large remained the same as before; the reforms even intensifi ed the spatial contrasts. beginning from the second half of the 1990s, the authors tried to display the historical continuity of the new structures. the fi rst fundamental work on this subject, entitled continuity and change in rural russia (ioffe, g. and nefedova, t. 1997a), was writt en in the midst of the transformation. this volume dealt chiefl y with the changes prior to the 1990s, taking into account the soviet period as a whole, but it extended into the years aft er the change of the political regime. the book was pioneering in a sense that it was fully dedicated to the russian countryside and the concepts of rural geography were applied to inter-urban spaces. the authors revealed the factors instrumental in the structure of the agriculture prior to 1990, including the change of population distribution and socio-economic impacts of transformation. they were the fi rst to write about spatial polarization and fragmentation of rural activities. some regions, e.g. belgorod oblast’ within the black earth zone and yaroslavl oblast’ within non-black-earth zone were studied in more detail. in a monograph published at the turn of the millennium (nefedova, t. et al. 2001), special att ention was paid to rural typology and changes in european russia. a prominent volume by nefedova, t. (2003), entitled rural russia at the crossroads dealt with rural circumstances that emerged following the transformation of agriculture. a particular att ention was paid to urban–rural relationships, including the impact of the dacha, a typically russian phenomenon of weekend cott ages combining urban and rural functions (in a sense that urbanities sett led in the countryside and thus aff ected its demographic and socio-economic processes). many people who own dachas engage in subsistence farming activities. the author also subjected the transformation of russia’s agriculture to an international comparison focusing on the mode of food production (e.g. collective sector, household plots, and registered private farms). the measures of agriculture’s success are infl uenced by the farm’s location especially under extreme environmental and accessibility conditions. the book ends up with a 10 unit regional typology that combines two aspects – accessibility and natural conditions. a publication by ioffe, g., nefedova, t. and zaslavsky, i. (2004) represents the most concise and thorough account of the fragmentation of russian rural spaces. a more detailed version of this account was later released as a book, ”the end of peasantry?” by ioffe, g., nefedova, t. and zaslavsky, i. (2006). the same issues were raised by ioffe, g. and nefedova, t. (2004) in their article in eurasian geography and economics seeking for the drivers of spatial diff erentiation, such as physical environment and accessibility, in european russia. this volume has a lot in common with the one of 1997 but presents a picture that emerged aft er the market reform induced transforma90 tion. the book focuses on spatial disintegration of rural russia applying a key idea: geography is destiny. the once continuous social space of rural russia has been converging into an archipelago consisting of multiple oases of farming immersed in a socio-demographic desert. internet inspired the idea of the “death of distance” but it is not valid in each case as electronic communication is not available everywhere and for everyone. in the book the proponents of environmental determinism (andrey parshev, fiona hill, cliff ord gaddy) are set against scholars who studied relations of cause and eff ect between russian environment and socio-economic development (geographers piotr semyonov tian-shanskiy, piotr savitskiy and historians sergey solovyov and vasiliy klyuchevskiy). the book enlarged upon specifi c russian features such as the dichotomy of westerners and slavophiles, russian collectivism (sobornost’), peasant community (obshchina), collectivization, delayed capitalist development and urbanization. the general dimensions fundamental for the situation of farming were described: west–east socicultural gradient in europe, distance from urban centres (i.e., a core-periphery relation), frontier character of the conquest of rural space, expansion typical of the previous times, marginal location due to considerable distances and environmental extremes. the volume provided an overview of rural population, situation in farming, and regionalization of european russia. some specifi c regions were characterized in more detail, such as novgorod and moscow oblasts, stavropol’ krai, and chuvash republic. the book may be considered a comprehensive summary of the authors’ previous investigations. in the course of their quantitative studies g. ioffe, and t. nefedova have come to the conclusion that whereas the diff erentiation of rural spaces during the czarist regime depended on natural conditions, it became predominantly the function of urban impact by the end of the soviet era. as nefedova, t. (2006) put it, the urban centres had become the main drivers (organizing forces) of the spatial structures of rural russia. in an article writt en in russian nefedova, t. g. (2007) discussed theoretical foundations and roots of rural studies (in fact human geography approach to agriculture) in russian geography, while kryuchkov, v.g. (2002) wrote about agrarian geographical investigations carried out at moscow state university. in russian literature several regional reports appeared such as the ugory project conducted and published jointly by sociologists and geographers (nefjodova, t.g. 2008c; nefedova, t.g. 2010). ugory village council (sel’skiy soviet) is located in manturovo rayon of kostroma oblast’, ca 600 km north-east of moscow. this is a typical segment of an internal periphery where a low population density, dwarf villages, ageing and outmigration have become a serious problem. it is virtually a process of degradation of a frontier area. 91 leafi ng through the periodical regionalnie issledovaniya, one can get an insight into the situation of rural geography in russia. another inner peripheral rayon in kostroma oblast’ was the subject of an article by baburin, v. l. (2007). in eff ect it is an exploration and description of complex socio-economic problems within a smaller region. typologies of simpler (one-dimensional) kind are represented by kazmin, m.a. and černisheva, e.a. (2007) who dealt with the sett lement network of rural areas in european russia. european oblasts were classed into 11 types of rural sett lement network by the size of villages (small, medium and large) and the temporal change of the oblasts’ position (1979, 1989 and 2002) was traced as well. levčenkov, a.v. (2007) described the historical transformation of a rural sett lement patt ern of kaliningrad oblast’ since the pre-soviet period. research of rural areas in ukraine and in belarus the geographical literature associated with rural areas of ukraine, especially the one based on empirical studies, is much scantier than its counterpart about russia and it is hardly represented internationally. one of the most curious papers was published by khomra, a.u. (1989) who analyzed population decline in rural regions of the ukrainian s.s.r. in the 1970s and 80s. its greatest merit among the foreign language publications on ukraine is high spatial resolution of research (conducted at the rayon level). most of geographical studies about rural ukraine in foreign languages have dealt with agricultural endowments. the issue of a contradiction between a high agrarian potential and a disastrous performance of the farming sector and the issue of privatization in agriculture were examined predominantly by the economists.3 several studies were published under the aegis of the world bank (1994a, 1994b), such as the treatises by csáki, cs. and lerman, z. (1997, 2000). the world bank and oecd issued several works about the ukrainian agricultural sector (oecd 2003, 2004). the latt er (oecd 2004) is a detailed analysis focused on the agricultural potential of the country (agrarian policy, privatization, living conditions in rural areas). clement, h. (1994) examined ukrainian agriculture in the mirror of agriculture and heavy industry as the major sectors of the economy. the notion of ”kornkammer”4 (granary or breadbasket) referring to ukraine occurs in the articles repeatedly. balabanov, g.v. and friedlein, g. (1995) reveal the signifi cance of ”kornkammer” in relation to environmental and economic con3 e.g. gudowski, j. 1997; lissitsa, a. and odening, m. 2001; onegina, v.m. 2001; nij nik, m. 2001; lissitsa, a. 2002; kravchuk, r.s. 2002; zorya, s.i. 2003; johnson, t.g. et al. 2005. 4 in diercke weltatlas (2000 p. 153) published in germany the concept of ”kornraum” was used. 92 ditions. a similar approach is deployed also by brebuda, j. (1971), penkaitis, n. (1994), pospelowa, g. (1995) and schubert, w. (1997). in the 1940s and 50s, agroecological studies appeared in the anglo-saxon literature comparing the north american prairie and the ukrainian steppe (e.g. nuttonson, m.y. 1947). the issue of household microfarms is discussed in the paper of nedoborovskyy, a. (2004) reporting on the case study conducted in three rayons of zhitomir oblast’. transformation of the ukrainian rural areas was tackled by allina-pisano, j. (2007). on agriculture and its transformation many studies of non-geographic character were published relating to regions that once used to be part of central europe such as sub-carpathia (almásy, s. 2004; almásy, s. and káli, t. 2004; réti, l. and molnár, j. 1999; vlakh, m. 1997); galicia (bosch, b. and endlicher, w. 2001) or kaliningrad oblast’ (kornejewez, w.s. and knappe, e. 1996). rural areas of the carpathian euroregion fi gured in the writing of sülizakar, i. (2000) with a detailed description of such regions in sub-carpathia and galicia. the study presents the results of a survey devoted to subsistent farms within agriculture. an overview of contemporary literary sources published in ukrainian has led to more fi ndings in empirical and quantitative analyses, but not in spatial typologies. apparently the main hindrance on the way to a typology was a lack of uniform data about small territorial units. as a result, spatial analysis is performed at the oblast level, which is conducive to only a generalized picture of the emerging spatial patt erns. in ukraine, one of the most prominent sources is the periodical issued by a research institute for regional studies under the aegis of the university of lviv, regionalna ekonomika and ekonomika ukraina. from the reviewed literature it became clear that a strong regional economic approach and a gis-based environmental-ecological analysis are the key aspects of research published by that periodical. this is a fundamental and rapidly evolving trend within ukrainian geography. a widely accepted and practised method to measure spatial disparities is to sum up various socio-economic indicators and to establish a ranking order of oblasts. cluster and factor analyses are also frequently applied. however, when relatively few spatial units (the oblasts of the country or the rayons of an oblast’) are described by numerous indicators, a statistical signifi cance of the results appears to be questionable. a textbook for higher education published in lviv and dealing with human geography of ukraine (shablij , o.i. 1994) contains only a brief description of rural issues (e.g.: sett lement patt erns pp. 210–213). the population as a source of workforce for agriculture captures some att ention in the introduction to a discussion of the agri-food production complex (285 p). aft er a brief 93 analysis of sectoral complexes the spatial structure of agricultural production is displayed (pp. 307–310). in relation to transformation processes in the rural areas and to the agricultural sector, several surveys were conducted at the oblast’ level by nahirna, v.p. (1998, 2003, 2006) resulting in types of rural spaces within the individual oblasts. the associates of the institute of geography in kyiv (balabanov, g.v. et al. 2003) published a work on the spatial aspects of transformation of several sectors, including the agri-food production complex at the level of oblasts. besides, this work presents a complex description of the nine regional economies in the country. the drawback of the analysis is that it sticks to vast administrative units, i.e., oblasts or to large economic regions so the picture derived is too generalized. the research of rural areas in this sense means the study of depressive (agrarian) regions (zastavniy, f. 2005; baranovskiy, m.o. 2007). the fi rst lengthy monograph that might be considered rural geographic was published by baranovskiy, m.o. in 2009. the work is centered on a typology of depressive areas at the rayon level supported methodologically with a factor analysis encompassing 19 indicators. the book has a lot to off er and contains proposals for the regional policy especially in relation to chernikhiv region based on a detailed case study. as far as rural geography of belarus is concerned, the work of antipova, e.a. (et al. 2007, 2008) has to be mentioned. she has been involved in the investigations of demographic issues and rural sett lement network of belarus. in her fi rst lengthy coauthored volume published under the auspices of the united nations, the demographic situation and labour market potential were measured. in her later writing, she used the concept of rural geography (sel’skaya geografi ya). describing the demography of rural areas, antipova compiled a rayon-level typology. dwarf villages present the most acute problem throughout the country; therefore in the frame of regional development policy a network of agrarian towns was planned as central places of the lowest level. the author examined the demographic trends of these central sett lements. a rayon-level cluster analysis of belarus’s demographic situation and its sett lement network, resulted in a typology of the rural areas in belarus. similarly to baranovskiy, antipova tackled the related problems of regional policy and made recommendations. in the international literature on geography, the agriculture of belarus was dealt with by knappe, e. et al. (2002, 2004). putt ing emphasis on the postponement of structural reforms in agriculture and on change of the level and standards of production in farming, she also touched upon the problems of the rural sett lement network. 94 conclusion the emergence of rural geography in all the three cis countries can be att ributed to a few of researchers. consequently, rurality as a complex notion has not been accepted and appears only marginally in the literature. russian rural geography has developed in the wake of research activities and publications of nefedova and ioffe, its ukrainian counterpart emerged with the works by nahirna and baranovskiy, while in belarus antipova was the explorer of the subject. all of them should be deemed pioneers of rural geography in the respective countries. rural geography has grown out of the interrelationship between the issues of demography and agriculture and of the studies on rural areas as depressive regions in these countries. studies of rural areas, however, are still lagging behind the studies of urban spaces as the key engines of the economy. international and foreign language literature mainly deals with rural russia and to a considerably smaller degree with ukraine, whereas belarus is largely neglected. rural russia att racts the att ention of foreign scholars because of its enormity and of the role it plays in society as well as because of a general interest in privatization. as for ukraine, the apparent contradiction between its large agrarian potential and low productivity of agriculture has engaged att ention of the scholars. references almásy, s. 2004. új típusú mezőgazdasági vállalkozások kárpátalja síkföldi régiójában (agricultural enterprises of the new type in the lowland region of transcarpathia). gazdaság és társadalom 15. 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(8): 455–481. wegren, k.s. 1994c. farm privatization in nizhnii novgorod: a model for russia? rfe/rl research report 3. (21): 16–27. wegren, k.s. 1997. land reform and the land market in russia: operation, constaints and prospects. europe-asia studies 49. (6): 959–987. wegren, k.s. 2000. socioeconomic transformation in russia: where is the rural elite? europa-asia studies 52. (2): 237–271. wegren, k.s., o’brien, d.j. and patsiorkovski, v.v. 2003. russia’s rural unemployment. europe-asia studies 55. (6): 847–867. wegren, k.s. 2004. russian peasant farms and household plots in 2003: a research note. eurasian geography and economics 45. (3): 230–239. wegren, k.s. 2005. russian agriculture during putin’s first term and beyond. eurasian geography and economics 46. (3): 224–244. wegren, k.s., o’brien, d.j. and patsiorkovsky, v.v. 2008. the economics of rural household in russia: impact of village location. eurasian geography and economics 49. (2): 200–214. world bank 1994a. ukraine, food and agriculture sector review. washington d.c., a world bank country study, 118 p. world bank 1994b ukraine, the agriculture sector in transition. washington d.c., a world bank country study, 79 p. vlakh, m. 1997. problems of agriculture transformation in ukraine: example of the carpathian region. in transforming rural sector to the requirements of market economy. examples from turkey, poland and ukraine. ed.: eraktan, g. et al. warsaw, university of warsaw, 43–51. zayončkovskaya, z.a. 1986. demografi českaya situaciya rasselenniya – voprosi geografi 129. 53–54. zastavniy, f. 2005. depressivni rehioni ukraini: analiz, ocinka, problemi. rehionalna ekonomika 1. 76–90 zorya, s.i. 2003. interdependencies between agriculture and macroeconomics in ukraine. doctoral dissertation, gött ingen, georg-august-university of gött ingen, 192 p. 100 since the disintegration of the ussr, the western world has shown an ever-growing interest in ukraine, its people and its economy. as the second-largest country in europe, ukraine has a strategic geographical position at the crossroads between europe and asia. it is a key country for the transit of energy resources from russia and central asia to the european union, which is one reason why ukraine has become a priority partner in the neighbourhood policy of the eu. ukraine has pursued a path towards the democratic consolidation of statehood, which encompasses vigorous economic changes, the development of institutions and integration into european and global political and economic structures. in a complex and controversial world, ukraine is building collaboration with other countries upon the principles of mutual understanding and trust, and is establishing initiatives aimed at the creation of a system that bestows international security. this recognition has prompted the institute of geography of the national academy of sciences of ukraine (kyiv) and the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences (budapest) to initiate cooperation, and the volume entitled “ukraine in maps” is the outcome of their joint eff ort. the intention of this publication is to make available the results of research conducted by ukrainian and hungarian geographers, to the english-speaking public. this atlas follows in the footsteps of previous publications from the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences. similar to the work entitled south eastern europe in maps (2005, 2007), it includes 64 maps, dozens of fi gures and tables accompanied by an explanatory text, writt en in a popular, scientifi c manner. the book is an att empt to outline the geographical sett ing and geopolitical context of ukraine, as well as its history, natural environment, population, sett lements and economy. the authors greatly hope that this joint venture will bring ukraine closer to the reader and make this neighbouring country to the european union more familiar, and consequently, more appealing. available! ukraine in maps edited by kocsis, k.–rudenko, l. and schweitzer, f. institute of geography national academy of sciences of ukraine geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences. budapest, 148 p. kyiv–budapest, 2008 -----------------------------------------price: eur 35.00 order: geographical research institute has library h-1554 budapest, pob. 130. e-mail: magyar@sparc.core.hu << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.3 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 /colorconversionstrategy /leavecolorunchanged 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice 271gnatiuk, o. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 271–286.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.71.3.4 hungarian geographical bulletin 71 2022 (3) 271–286. introduction military events in ukraine, taking place since 2014 as a result of geopolitical clash between the putin’s russia and ukraine supported by the west, have a strong social and political dimension for the ukrainian society. until 2014, the donbas had a strong regional identity, successfully transformed into political dividends by local industrial and financial groups (korzhov, g. 2006; kotyhorenko, v. et al. 2014; kuzio, t. 2015; pakhomenko, s. 2015). donetsk, the administrative centre of the eponymous oblast, was a powerful industrial, educational and cultural centre and closed the list of the 5 largest ukrainian metropolises. however, the russian-backed occupation of the predominantly industrial and highly urbanized parts of donetsk and luhansk oblasts, constituting the core of the donbas, provided for the residents of government-controlled part a chance to revive and rethink other forgotten regional identities (semyvolos, i. 2016). furthermore, large cities in the ukrainian government-controlled part of the region received new opportunities for their development. in particular, mariupol, the second most populous city in donetsk oblast and the informal capital of pryazovia, stepped out from the shadow of donetsk and started searching for its own distinctiveness and identity, which included a civic movement for the administrative separation of pryazovia from donetsk oblast (ruschenko, i. et al. 2015). nowadays, the peaceful smooth development of mariupol and of its identity may be rethinking of identity under war: pryazovia renaissance and regional centre ambitions in mariupol before 2022 oleksiy g n at i u k 1, konstyantyn m e z e n t s e v 1 and grygorii p i d g r u s h n y i 2 abstract the article addresses identity transformation in geopolitical fault-line city under a semi-frozen military conflict. until 2014, the donbas, a region in the eastern ukraine, had a strong identity cultivated by the local industrial and financial groups. the russian-backed military conflict induced rethinking of donbas identity, giving a chance for revival of silenced regional identities. our case study is mariupol, the second most populous city in donetsk oblast and the informal capital of pryazovia that stepped out from the shadow of donetsk. the research is based on the survey data (n = 1,251) collected in 2020 through personal interviews, analysed using descriptive statistics and binary logistic regression. the hypothesis that emerging pryazovia identity should qualitatively differ from presumably stigmatized donbas identity was confirmed only partially. the identity rethinking seems to be neither rapid no straightforward. donbas identity appears quite persistent, while pryazovia identity functions mainly as a complementary one. instead of escape from the stigmatized donbas identity, we observe rather its redefinition, including on local-centric (“mariupolocentrism”) and ukraine-centric bases. keywords: identity, geopolitical fault-line city, military conflict, pryazovia, mariupol received may 2022, accepted july 2022. 1 taras shevchenko national university of kyiv, department of economic and social geography, 64/13 vol. volodymyrska 01601, kyiv, ukraine. correspondent author’s e-mail: alexgnat22@ukr.net 2 institute of geography, unas. 44 vul. volodymyrska, 01054 kyiv, ukraine. about:blank gnatiuk, o. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 271–286.272 discussed only in the past tense, as russian troops have largely destroyed the city, and the city together with the surrounding region lost the majority of their residents due to emigration, flight, and deportations. even so, there are important lessons from the development of urban identity in mariupol in the relatively peaceful period of 2014–2021 to be learned. first, the story told by mariupol illustrates how geopolitical tensions and military actions have induced the contestation of old imagined communities and identities. second, it shows how self-identification processes and search for new identities may unfold in geopolitical fault-line city, of which mariupol is a sparkling example (gentile, m. 2017, 2020). in view of this, the study aims to investigate the identity transformation in geopolitical fault-line city under the influence of a semi-frozen military conflict, focusing on the rethinking of the existing (probably) stigmatized identity: is it disappearing, giving way to new identities, or rather redefines itself on a new basis? the research is primarily processand theory-oriented – the particular case of mariupol serves here as a model for the processes that may occur in the other cities in similar conditions. at the same time, despite the fact that empirical data used in the research are not relevant anymore due to the ongoing russian-ukrainian war, the results have some practical relevance as giving insights how opposing geopolitical actors may employ or reconfigure the urban identity of mariupol in medium and long-term perspective. donbas identity: consolidated and contested as it often happens with informal regions, there is no consensus on what the donbas is. the word “donbas” is actually a portmanteau formed from “donets basin”, an abbreviation of “donets coal basin”. the name of the coal basin, in turn, is a reference to the donets ridge and the river donets. being equated to the donets coal basin, donbas should include donetsk oblast except for its northern and southern parts, the southern part of luhansk oblast, the eastern part of dnipropetrovsk oblast, as well as the western part of rostov oblast in russia. from this point of view, certain parts of donetsk and luhansk oblasts are not covered by the donbas but rather should be included into other historical regions, such as slobozhanschyna and pryazovia (figure 1). however, the most common definition of donbas today refers to the whole donetsk and luhansk oblasts of ukraine – a transformation once again giving evidence that regions are historically contingent dynamic processes (pred, a. 1984) and social constructs (cresswell, t. 2013) involving an enormous influence of the cultural, historical and geographical context which plays a cardinal role in the formation of regions (graham, b. 2000; kasala, k. and šifta, m. 2017). in particular, perceptual borders of regions are changing under the influence of the modern administrative division (cf. šerý, m. and šimáček, p. 2012; vaishar, a. and zapletalová, j. 2016; melnychuk, a. and gnatiuk, o. 2018; nowak, k. 2018; gnatiuk, o. and melnychuk, a. 2019, 2021; marek, p. 2020). for instance, a whole modern administrative unit may be perceptually equated to a particular historical informal region under favourable circumstances (cf. gnatiuk, o. and melnychuk, a. 2019). moreover, prior to the military conflict in eastern ukraine, donbas identity seemed attractive to neighbouring regions due to the huge financial and symbolic capital of donetsk, which made it a powerful attractor for the residents of donetsk oblast and beyond (semyvolos, i. 2016). the image of donbas consisting of donetsk and luhansk oblasts in their integrity may be enhanced also by the school handbooks presenting the donetsk economic/ geographic region exactly in this way (pistun, m. et al. 2004; zastavnyi, f. 2010). industrialization and urbanization that started in the second half of the 19th century and continued during the most of the 20th century led to the influx of workers from russia resulting in a highly industrialized region, a kind of a melting pot for russians and ukrainians with russian-speaking cities surrounded by a ukrainian-speaking countryside (shulman, s. 1998; korzhov, 273gnatiuk, o. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 271–286. g. 2006; kuzio, t. 2017; haran, o. et al. 2019). soviet politics paid special attention to the donbas as an industrial base of the country and significantly contributed in this way to the formation of a specific regional identity (kuromiya, h. 1998; osipian, a. 2015; yakubova, l. 2015a, b; kuzio, t. 2017; stebelsky, i. 2018). from the very beginning of the ukraine’s independence, the donbas was a deeply russified area (stebelsky, i. 2018) with a strong prevalence of donbas regional identity over the national and local identity, as well as strong pro-soviet sentiments (flynn, m. 1996; shulman, s. 1998; sereda, v. 2007). after the deep economic crisis connected with the demise of the ussr, the industrial parts of donetsk and luhansk oblasts transformed into the economic and electoral fiefdoms of new local elites consisting of a mixture of representatives of the soviet nomenclature, “red directors,” and organized crime (zimmer, k. and haran, o. 2008; kuzio, t. 2015, 2017). gradually the donbas became a region with an almost absolute political monopoly of the party of regions which was based on economic control and client–patron relations (wilson, a. 2005; korzhov, g. 2006; zimmer, k. and haran, o. 2008; kuzio, t. 2015, 2017), where the ordinary people, often faced with poor living standards, were told by the local elite that the donbas mission is “to feed” kyiv and “agrarian” western and central ukraine (wilson, a. 2016; haran, o. et al. 2019). in fact, the economies of the donetsk and luhansk oblasts remained among the most depressed in ukraine, and the post-soviet donbas was certainly no engine of national prosperity (gentile, m. and marcińczak, s. 2012; mykhnenko, v. 2020). the key features of donbas regional identity, stimulated by local regional elites as an argument in the fig. 1. donbas, pryazovia, and slobozhanschyna on the map of ukraine. dpr = donetsk people’s republic; lpr = luhansk people’s republic. vinnytsiavinnytsia khmelnytskyikhmelnytskyiternopilternopil zhytomyrzhytomyr rivnerivne uzhhoroduzhhorod lutsklutsk ivano-ivanofrankivskfrankivsk lvivlviv chernivtsichernivtsi cherkasycherkasy poltavapoltava kremenchukkremenchuk chernihivchernihiv mykolaivmykolaiv pervomaiskpervomaisk izmailizmail odesaodesa bilhorod-bilhoroddnistrovskyidnistrovskyi khersonkherson zaporizhiazaporizhia melitopolmelitopol kyivkyiv bila tserkvabila tserkva kropyvnytskyikropyvnytskyi kharkivkharkiv dniprodnipro kryvyi rihkryvyi rih sumysumy yevpatoriayevpatoria simferopolsimferopol yaltayalta sevastopolsevastopol kerchkerch feodosiafeodosia donetskdonetsk mariupolmariupol luhanskluhanskkramatorskkramatorsk lysychansklysychansk horlivkahorlivka makiivkamakiivka alchevskalchevsk b e l a r u s p o l a n d r u s s i a r o m a n i a m o l d o v a h u n . s l o v . s e a o f a z o v b l a c k s e a donetsk and luhansk oblast donets coal basin pryazovia (ruschenko et al. 2015) slobozhanschyna demarcation line between government controlled and uncontrolled (”dpr” and ”lpr”) areas in 2015–2021 0 200 km100 gnatiuk, o. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 271–286.274 election campaigns, can be summarized as ukrainian-russian dual ethnicity, dominance of the russian language, industrial culture, sincere veneration of the soviet past, and sympathy towards russian history and state (pakhomenko, s. 2015). industrial culture is understood here as a dynamic phenomenon in which past and present industrial production is embedded in the human physical environment, social structures, cognitive abilities, and institutions that may influence the future development choices of a community (bole, d. 2021). the russian-backed occupation of the predominantly industrial parts of donetsk and luhansk oblasts, including oblast administrative centres, had double consequences. on the one hand, strongly developed regional identity of donbas, coming into collision with the ukrainian nation-state project, served as the internal precondition enabling the success of separatist pro-russian propaganda messages, which facilitated the formation of the puppet statelets dpr and lpr (pakhomenko, s. 2015). for instance, in 2015, people in the donetsk and luhansk oblasts were using pro-russian sources of information much more actively than in the adjacent regions (dobysh, m. 2019). noteworthy, cities of the two donbas oblasts are relatively underrepresented in the ukrainian wikipedia and overrepresented in the russian, compared to the other ukrainian regions (gnatiuk, o. and glybovets, v. 2021). the donbas regional identity was shown to be a significant factor affecting the public attitudes to the parts of the conflict (kudelia, s. and van zyl, j. 2019), although the role of the kremlin’s military intervention was paramount for the commencement of hostilities (hedenskog, j. 2014; wilson, a. 2016; mykhnenko, v. 2020). moreover, further development of the donbas identity narrative is observed within the self-proclaimed separatist “republics” (abibok, yu. 2018). on the other hand, there is a chance for rethinking the own identity by the residents of ukraine-controlled parts of donetsk and luhansk oblasts. despite the outlined mainstream features, the identity of donbas hardly may be considered as homogenous (zolkina, m. 2017), in particular regarding the attitudes to the russian and ukrainian cultures, as well as to the soviet legacies: “the pro-russian nature of donbas still remains one of the patented self-identification myths” (korzhov, g. 2006). rethinking the regional identity of the donbas has developed in two directions: the top-down and the bottom-up. the first direction is represented by the new narrative on donbas launched by ukrainian government officials about the artificiality of donbas as a region. in other words, the new narrative opposes the use of the term donbas for something more than the coal mining area. in particular, oleksiy danilov, the secretary of the national security and defence council of ukraine, expressed this argument in the following way: “there is no donbas; it is very dangerous when we start saying such things. this is the definition imposed by the russian federation”. according to danilov, “the concept of donbas has been purposefully used by the intelligence services of the russia as an instrument of information warfare since 2000, and especially actively during the russian aggression against ukraine since 2014. the goal is to oppose and artificially separate a certain region of ukraine as a territory that seems to have special rights and status, which gives further grounds to justify the creation and existence of the pseudo-states” (dorosh, s. 2021). the second direction is a redefinition of the existing donbas identity or the search for a new one by ordinary people. among the factors pushing the residents of the government-controlled donetsk and luhansk regions to rethink their regional identity, there may be the need to mentally escape from the donbas, which has become a symbol of war and decline since 2014. also, the donbas is no longer a single industrial complex, as most of the highly industrialized areas of the two oblasts were left outside the government-controlled territory. in 2014–2021, donetsk lost both administrative and symbolic status for the government-controlled 275gnatiuk, o. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 271–286. areas, and, thus, people should have reoriented to the other centres. “what is donbas now? donbas is where the war is. many call it the “old industrial area”. the so-called “russian-ukrainian alliance” has existed there… … it disintegrated in 2014, when these people started to determine who they are” (semyvolos, i. 2016). mariupol in 2014–2021: capital of re-emerged pryazovia or donetsk’s successor? the southern part of donetsk oblast seems to be one of the areas that have distanced from the donbas. in the broadest geographic sense, pryazovia (literally cis-azov region) is referred to the northern coast of the sea of azov. from this point of view, pryazovia includes the southern parts of donetsk and zaporizhia oblasts and the eastern part of kherson oblast in ukraine, as well as a portion of rostov oblast of russia adjacent to the northern shore of the taganrog bay. pryazovia differs from the surrounding areas from the standpoint of economy and history. except for the city of mariupol, it is a less urbanized, agrarian, fishing, and seaside resort region in contrast to the highly urbanized industrial and mining areas of donbas and prydniprovia bordering it from the north. pryazovia has a significantly more heterogeneous ethnic structure compared to surrounding areas. ukrainian cossacks came to the northern shore of the sea of azov in the middle of 18th century and founded such military administrative units as kalmiuska palanka of the zaporozhian sich (1739–1775) and azov cossack host (1832–1862). the azov greeks were relocated to pryazovia from the crimea by decree of tsar catherine ii in 1778–1779. also, pryazovia was settled by german colonists, russian old believers, dukhobors and molokans. in the days of the ukrainian people’s republic (1917–1921), the azov land with the centre in mariupol was envisaged as one of the first-order administrative units of the state (kotyhorenko, v. et. al. 2014; ruschenko, i. et al. 2015). indirect evidence of the developing pryazovia identity comes from toponyms. although the names of enterprises and organizations, derived from “donbas”, tend to spread across the whole donetsk and luhansk oblasts, they are relatively scarce in the extreme southern part of donetsk oblast (gnatiuk, o. and melnychuk, a. 2019), while the latter appears extremely reach with names derived from “pryazovia” (m a p i a r 2019). direct evidence comes from sociologists. survey carried out in 2015 (ruschenko, i. et al. 2015) used two markers of pryazovia identity: (1) identification of a residence place as pryazovia and (2) self-identification as pryazovia resident. as for the first marker, 27.1 percent of respondents identified their place of residence as “pryazovia”. regarding the second marker, 63.6 percent of the respondents considered themselves pryazovians (30.9% – definitely yes; 32.7% – rather yes). mariupol, a mid-sized port city (population ca. 450,000) in the southern part of donetsk oblast, is the largest city and the informal capital of pryazovia (davydenko, o. 2019). according to the survey of 2015, the highest priority to pryazovia as a perceived residence place (41.2%) was observed exactly in mariupol, and the three top-ranked famous personalities representing pryazovia turned out to be mariupolitans (ruschenko, i. et al. 2015). mariupol was temporarily controlled by the dpr during the late spring months of 2014, but soon liberated by the ukrainian troops on june 13, 2014 and de-facto converted into the administrative centre of donetsk oblast. however, since october 11, 2014 the oblast government moved to the much smaller city of kramatorsk (population ca. 150,000) in the northern part of donetsk oblast, although military agencies remained in mariupol due to its proximity to the front line. in 2022, during the wide-scale russian military invasion into ukraine, mariupol was besieged by russian troops and systematically destroyed by them. the first historical settlements at the site of contemporary mariupol were established by zaporozhian cossacks and crimean greeks gnatiuk, o. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 271–286.276 (kotyhorenko, v. et. al. 2014). until the end of the 19th century, mariupol was a port city that prospered due to trade and fishing. the new period of the city development began in 1898 with opening of a steelworks. until 2022, the city’s economy was dominated by two large steelworks, both controlled by the metinvest corporation. mariupol is often considered as a typical company town, in which owners and managers of dominant factories, nicknamed job-givers, have a decisive voice in the city’s decision-making (matsuzato, k. 2018), while grateful employees and members of their families are thanking them with their votes in the elections (dehterenko, a. 2008). the industrialization resulted in massive inflow of workers and their families and, consequently, in rapid growth of the city’s population, as well as gradual loss of original urban identity. nowadays, the city is predominantly russian-speaking: in 2001, 89.7 percent of urban population spoke russian, 9.9 percent spoke ukrainian, and only 0.2 percent spoke mariupol greek and urum; at the same time, ukrainians constituted 48.7 percent of the urban population, russians 44.4 percent and greek 4.3 percent (population census 2001). furthermore, mariupol has all grounds to be considered as a geopolitical fault-line city – a site of heightened political confrontation, where irreconcilable narratives tensely coexist, and where fundamental aspects of historical memory collide (gentile, m. 2017). it is located in proximity of the russian border with all expected consequences like intense cross-border ties, exposure to the russia’s informational spaces, relatively weak connections to the national centre of power in kyiv, and blurred national identity. in 2020, mariupolitans appeared to be surprisingly frank in revealing opinions that contradict the nationwide narrative of ukrainian unity, and the city population was divided between a large openly pro-russian minority of at least 40 percent and a small explicitly pro-ukrainian and pro-european minority, represented by between 10 and 20 percent of the population (gentile, m. 2020). nevertheless, the initial difference in local history and economy in mariupol from the rest of donetsk oblast still manifests itself. for instance, matsuzato, k. (2018) noticed the local politician’s expression on the local mentality that “the donbas people are coal miners, so they act as they are ordered to. we are metallurgists, so we do not act unless we are persuaded and convinced”. after the occupation of a portion of donetsk oblast by the russian-supported separatists in 2014, proposals to separate pryazovia from donetsk oblast were voiced by a plenty of politicians and statesmen. for instance, serhii taruta, ex-governor of donetsk oblast, claimed that “intellectuals in mariupol distinguish pryazovia from the coal-mining donbas”. the idea of uniting the historical areas of pryazovia into a single administrative unit (oblast) was definitely supported by 17.8 percent and rather supported by 43.6 percent of the respondents (ruschenko, i. et al. 2015). thus, it is probable that since 2014 some part of mariupolitans is cultivating the pryazovia identity as an alternative or supplement to donbas identity. on the other hand, the occupation of donetsk since 2014 resulted in the competition between the cities claiming the role of a new oblast capital, primarily mariupol and kramatorsk. in 2019, a petition was registered on the website of the president of ukraine with a proposal to change the name of donetsk oblast to mariupol oblast. the petitioner argued that the administration and residents of donetsk have shown “disloyalty to the ukrainian state and sided with the russian occupiers”, so it is advisable to move the regional centre to mariupol and rename the whole oblast. this petition did not receive the required number of votes for consideration by the president, but it can be considered as a message of relevant public inquiry from, at least, a part of mariupolitans (radio svoboda, 2019). here we see coexisting and competing ideas “mariupol is a capital of pryazovia” vs. “mariupol is a capital of [donetsk] oblast”: the first is clearly linked to the pryazovia identity, the latter identifies 277gnatiuk, o. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 271–286. mariupol rather as a donbas city – a successor of donetsk, but both ideas have in common the desire to make mariupol a regional centre, no matter the name of the region. data and methods the research is based on the survey data (n = 1,251, aged 18+) collected in mariupol in 2020 through personal interviews commissioned from the kyiv-based center for social indicators, which shares its resources with the kyiv international institute of sociology. the sample relies on a householdbased sampling frame, and only one person was selected within each household using a somewhat modified version of the so-called kish table (kish, l. 1949). the response rate is 30 percent, taking into account all forms of non-response. the main themes covered by the survey relate to current political and geopolitical situation in ukraine in general and in mariupol in particular. in the first stage of the study, we assess how widespread pryazovia identity is in mariupol, and how it relates to donbas identity and to the desire to see mariupol as the regional (oblast) centre. for this, we analyse responses to the following survey questions: – q1: (agreement with statement) “pryazovia differs from the rest of donetsk oblast in the specifics of the local society and culture” (four-option symmetric likert scale: completely agree, rather agree, rather disagree and completely disagree); – q2: mariupol is primarily a city of…? (options: donechchyna, donbas, pryazovia, south-eastern ukraine); – q3: (agreement with statement) “it is necessary to create the pryazovia oblast, and mariupol should be its centre” (fouroption symmetric likert scale: completely agree, rather agree, rather disagree and completely disagree); – q4: (agreement with statement) “mariupol should be the regional centre of donetsk oblast (instead of kramatorsk)” (fouroption symmetric likert scale: completely agree, rather agree, rather disagree and completely disagree). positive (completely agree, rather agree) answers to the first question, as well as the answer “pryazovia” to the second question, are considered as indicators (markers) of identification with pryazovia. the third and the fourth questions are designed to estimate the support for the status of mariupol as a regional centre (the phenomenon of “mariupolocentrism”) in two versions, corresponding to the ideas of the “capital of pryazovia” and “donetsk’s successor”, respectively. the second stage of the study was designed to determine the specific predictors of pryazovia identity and “mariupolocentrism” (if any), employing binary logistic regression. our dependent variables are based on the four aforementioned indicative questions and are designed as indicators of pryazovia identity and “mariupolocentrism”: – dependent variable (dv)1: agreement that mariupol is primarily a city of pryazovia (yes = 1, otherwise = 0); – dv2: agreement that pryazovia differs from the rest of donetsk oblast in the specifics of the local society and culture (agree = 1, otherwise = 0); – dv3: support for creating new pryazovia oblast with a centre in mariupol (agree = 1, otherwise = 0); – dv4: support for moving the centre of donetsk oblast to mariupol (agree = 1, otherwise = 0). in defining independent variables, summarized in table 1, we started out from the idea that pryazovia identity and “mariupolocentrism” should qualitatively differ from donbas identity (see pakhomenko, s. 2015; semyvolos, i. 2016). the hypothesis is that donbas becomes stigmatized for a pro-ukrainian and proeuropean part of the population since it begins to associate with geopolitical rival (russia), as well as war, destruction, and decline. the reactive search for a new host identity is a way to escape from the traumatic past via distancing from the stigmagnatiuk, o. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 271–286.278 tized identity. consequently, self-identification with pryazovia and, to a lesser extent, “mariupolocentrism”, are expected to have positive correlation with ukrainian ethnicnational identity, non-industrial culture, and negative (or at least neutral) attitudes towards the soviet past and the russian geopolitical narrative. also, we expect from positive correlation with the support for ukrainian central government policy and legislation, which reflects ukrainian civicnational identity (table 1). expectably, older age correlates with feeling soviet, but not completely, and all models have passed the multi-collinearity test (vif values) with good margin. results and discussion more than a half of respondents (59.9%) think that pryazovia differs from other parts of donetsk oblast in the specifics of the local society and culture, including 17.3 percent of respondents that definitely agreed with this statement (table 2). on the other side, only 10.2 percent of respondents definitely disagree with the cultural and societal difference of pryazovia from the donbas. in this way, the opinion about the cultural and societal distinction of pryazovia from the rest of donetsk oblast is prevalent among mariupolitans. at the same time, only 16.6 percent of respondents consider mariupol primarily a city of pryazovia, while the vast majority (54.4%) considers it primarily the city of donbas. thus, although 64.5 percent of respondents declared at least one marker of pryazovia identity, only 11.9 percent declared both of them (figure 2, a). this means that the vast majority of those who recognize the cultural distinction of pryazovia consider mariupol primarily a city of the donbas. such results suggest that although for most mariupolitans pryazovia table 1. independent variables for binary logistic regression and their rationale independent variable (covariate) rationale sex: male (ref. female) standard demographic control age: 40–59 years; 60+ (ref. 18–39 years) standard demographic control education: higher (in)complete: (ref. other) it is expected that people with higher education are more aware of pryazovia history and geography feeling european: yes (ref. no) indicator of european identity feeling soviet: yes (ref. no) indicator of soviet identity language used at home: ukrainian and/or other, except for russian (ref. other) indicator of ukrainian ethnic identity. this is stronger indicator than simply ‘feeling ukrainian’ since many ethnic ukrainians speak russian heavy industry should be the basis for the development of ukraine: agree (ref. disagree) indicator of industrial culture crimea is and will always be a part of ukraine: agree (ref. disagree) indicator of central government policy support: attitude to the territorial integrity of ukraine russian must be the second state language in ukraine: agree (ref. disagree) indicator of central government policy support: attitude to the national language policy was it necessary to demolish the monuments to lenin?: yes (ref. no) indicator of central government policy support: attitude to the national decommunization policy was 11 may 2014 dpr referendum legitimate: agree (ref. disagree) attitude to the russian-supported donbas separatism ukraine should be in russia’s sphere of influence: agree (ref. disagree) support for the russian geopolitical narrative ukraine is actually ruled by external forces such as the george soros or bill gates organizations: agree (ref. disagree) belief in one of the most widespread russian propaganda myths 279gnatiuk, o. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 271–286. is clearly not the same as donbas, it is rather a distinct part (a kind) of the donbas then something outside from the donbas. in other words, our findings support the model according to which pryazovia is a culturally specific sub-region of donbas rather than a separate region compared to the donbas. while the first model is supported by almost two thirds of respondents, the second is supported by only one in ten respondents. consequently, pryazovia identity appears to be rather a subidentity built over the donbas identity than truly independent identity equal to donbas identity. of course, it is necessary to keep in mind that only the identity of mariupolitans is discussed here; in the other territories, for instance, outside donetsk oblast, other models of pryazovia identity are possible. table 2. responses to the indicative questions for pryazovia identity, in percent yes no hard to say definitely yes rather yes rather no definitely no q1: pryazovia differs from the rest of donetsk oblast in the specifics of the local society and culture 59.9 33.3 6.2 17.3 42.6 23.1 10.2 q2: mariupol is primarily a city of donechchyna donbas pryazovia south-eastern ukraine 11.8 54.4 16.6 14.7 fig. 2. distribution of pryazovia identity and “mariupolocentrism” markers in the mariupol population pryazovia differs from other parts of the donetsk oblast in the specifics of the local society and culture (1) mariupol is primarly a city of pryazovia (2) support for both (1) and (2) support for neither (1) nor (2) support for creating the pryazovia oblast with the centre in mariupol (1) support for making mariupol a regional centre of the donetsk oblast (instead of kramatorsk) (2) support for both (1) and (2) support for neither (1) nor (2) a b gnatiuk, o. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 271–286.280 the vast majority of respondents want to see mariupol as an administrative regional (oblast) centre (table 3). those who support the idea of mariupol as the centre of donetsk oblast (81.9%) prevail over those who support the idea of mariupol as the centre of the newly formed pryazovia oblast (66.0%). however, these two groups of respondents widely intersect – the fact meaning that most respondents support both options (figure 2, b). notably, even among the respondents who definitely deny the cultural distinction of pryazovia, 46.5 percent and 26.8 percent respectively stay in favour of making mariupol the centre of donetsk / pryazovia oblast. simultaneously, those who recognize the cultural distinction of pryazovia are more supportive of moving the centre of donetsk oblast to mariupol than of the formation of separate pryazovia oblast. this not only supports the conclusion about the umbrella status of donbas identity for pryazovia identity, but also means that for significant part of the respondents the main thing is the status of the regional centre for mariupol – no matter which region: most pryazovians are “mariupolocentrists”, but not all “mariupolocentrists” are pryazovians (see figure 2). according to binary logistic regression model (table 4), people who consider mariupol to be primarily a city of pryazovia demonstrate strong ukrainian civic identity on a number of issues. in particular, they disapprove russian as a second state language and consider dpr referendum illegitimate. also, they reject russian propaganda myth about the external control on ukrainian government, and they are certainly not bearers of industrial culture. we found statistically significant correlation neither with feeling european or soviet nor, especially, with ukrainian ethnic identity. model quality check indicates that it is well calibrated and explains a significant part of the dependent variable dispersion. thus, this relatively thing group of mariupolitans at least partially fit out initial assumption about the pryazovia identity predictors. these people seem to be the strongest pryazovians with a clear proukrainian civic position, immunity to the russian propaganda, and strong negation of industrial culture. however, their proukrainian and anti-russian position is embedded into the local context of the ongoing geopolitical clash and reflects their civic identity rather than ethnic one. in particular, these people may speak russian language at home and feel soviet, but they obviously seeking to distance from donbas identity and to support the ukrainian government position. the characteristics of people recognizing pryazovia as a region different from the rest of donetsk oblast fits the initial hypothesis on pryazovia identity significantly worse. although they support for territorial integrity of ukraine and refuse to accept russian as a second state language, they tend to believe that ukraine should be in russia’s sphere of influence and that dpr referendum was legitimate. correlation with european and soviet self-identifications, as well as with ukrainian ethnic identity, was not found for this dependent variable too. besides, the selected model performs badly in this case considering the statistical tests. thus, we consider these people to be a rather vague group table 3. responses to the indicative questions for “mariupolocentrism”, in percent yes no hard to say definitely yes rather yes rather no definitely no q3: it is necessary to create pryazovia oblast, and mariupol should be its centre 66.0 16.3 17.4 23.3 42.7 11.4 4.9 q4: mariupol should be regional centre of donetsk oblast (instead of kramatorsk) 81.9 8.8 9.1 35.6 46.3 7.2 1.6 281gnatiuk, o. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 271–286. in terms of their geopolitical preferences and civic positions. probably, their awareness of pryazovia refers to their objective knowledge on the local geography and history rather than conscious identity resulting from rethinking of the current situation in the region. table 5 characterizes all “mariupolocentrists” as people with higher education and supporters of the territorial integrity of ukraine. this is where the similarity between the two groups of “mariupolocentrists” ends. apart from the support for the belonging of crimea to ukraine, supporters of mariupol as a centre of pryazovia oblast turned out to be opponents of the ukrainian government position. in particular, they support the official status of the russian language, agree with the legitimacy of dpr referendum, and believe in russian propaganda myth that ukraine is ruled by external forces. consequently, this pryazovia-focused kind of “mariupolocentrism” represents something opposite to that initially expected from pryazovia identity. the attitude to the status of crimea indicates that the ukrainian state is present in their world views, but their vision of ukraine fits the russian narrative. we may guess that they imagine hypothetical pryazovia oblast as a region with a broad autonomy from the central government in kyiv. at the same time, supporters of mariupol as a centre of donetsk oblast are rather amorphous group almost indistinguishable from the rest of mariupolitans, since this kind of table 4. binary logistic regression results: predictors of pryazovia identity independent variables (covariates) odds coefficient = exp(b) dv1: mariupol is primarily a city of pryazovia dv2: pryazovia differs from the rest of donetsk oblast male (ref. female) 1.222 1.049 age 40–59 years (ref. 18–39 years) 1.634* 1.028 age 60+ years (ref. 18–39 years) 1.442 0.975 education: higher (in)complete: (ref. other) 0.838 1.247 feeling european: yes (ref. no) 1.411 0.836 feeling soviet: yes (ref. no) 0.757 0.772 language used at home: ukrainian and/or other, except for russian (ref. other) 1.376 2.518 heavy industry should be the basis for the development of ukraine: agree (ref. disagree) 0.403*** 1.029 crimea is and will always be a part of ukraine: agree (ref. disagree) 1.078 1.569*** russian must be the second state language in ukraine: agree (ref. disagree) 0.572* 0.646* was it necessary to demolish the monuments to lenin?: yes (ref. no) 0.997 1.301 was 11 may 2014 dpr referendum legitimate: agree (ref. disagree) 0.455*** 1.845*** ukraine should be in russia’s sphere of influence: agree (ref. disagree) 0.707 1.553* ukraine is actually ruled by external forces such as the george soros or bill gates organizations: agree (ref. disagree) 0.468*** 1.063 constant 1.164 1.211 hosmer-lemeshow test (sig.) 0.565 0.028 nagelkerke r square 0.205 0.076 notes: *p < 0.05; **p < 0.01; ***p < 0.001. gnatiuk, o. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 271–286.282 “mariupolocentrism” has no statistically significant predictors in terms of both ethnic and civic identities and geopolitical preferences. their refusal to believe in the russian propaganda myth may follow from their higher level of education and, consequently, greater capacity to critical thinking. we guess that their motivation to make mariupol a regional centre is driven by rather economic than geopolitical reasons and reflects the desire to improve the position of mariupol in the competition for resources, as well as economic and political influence (cf. paasi, a. 2009). discussing the findings, it is necessary to keep in mind that the answers of the respondents could be potentially distorted by the interviewer effect. the political situation in ukraine and the ongoing russian-ukrainian conflict of the last 8 years could create some biases in the answers of the respondents. the general explanation for this is known as social desirability bias – respondents answer some sensitive questions in such a way as to comply with what they think society find more desirable, even if they hold only vague or no preferences on the issue or have a different opinion (berinsky, a.j. 1999). the respondents could avoid responses that might offend the interviewer of the opposing geopolitical preferences and of being frank (or at least franker) with similar views (cf. lipps, o. and lutz, g. 2010; németh, r. and luksander, a. 2018). in table 5. binary logistic regression results: predictors of “mariupolocentrism” independent variables (covariates) odds coefficient = exp(b) dv3: support for mariupol as a centre of pryazovia oblast dv4: support for mariupol as a centre of donetsk oblast male (ref. female) 0.902 0.989 age 40–59 years (ref. 18–39 years) 1.030 0.868 age 60+ years (ref. 18–39 years) 1.410 0.903 education: higher (in)complete: (ref. other) 1.508* 1.923*** feeling european: yes (ref. no) 1.021 1.214 feeling soviet: yes (ref. no) 0.721 0.824 language used at home: ukrainian and/or other, except for russian (ref. other) 1.300 1.378 heavy industry should be the basis for the development of ukraine: agree (ref. disagree) 0.751 0.672 crimea is and will always be a part of ukraine: agree (ref. disagree) 3.766*** 1.492* russian must be the second state language in ukraine: agree (ref. disagree) 4.097*** 0.821 was it necessary to demolish the monuments to lenin?: yes (ref. no) 1.049 0.807 was 11 may 2014 dpr referendum legitimate: agree (ref. disagree) 1.380* 1.251 ukraine should be in russia’s sphere of influence: agree (ref. disagree) 0.796 1.048 ukraine is actually ruled by external forces such as the george soros or bill gates organizations: agree (ref. disagree) 1.350* 0.647* constant 0.293 7.809*** hosmer-lemeshow test (sig.) 0.148 0.647 nagelkerke r square 0.161 0.016 notes: *p < 0.05; * p < 0.01; ***p < 0.001. 283gnatiuk, o. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 271–286. particular, given that the interviewers represented the kyiv-based sociological services, some respondents could have been inclined to conceal their sympathies for russia and the separatist movements. however, the survey was performed by the reputed sociological institutes, and measures have been taken to eliminate the interviewers conveying significantly biased results during the test surveys prior to the main study. conclusions the case of mariupol shows how military events, accompanied by the spatial disintegration of the old regions with the emergence of new borders and front lines, lead to urban identity rethinking. the identity that prevailed before the conflict (e.g., donbas identity) becomes stigmatized for a certain part of population as being associated with (geo)political rivals, war crimes, destruction, and decline. in order to escape from the stigmatized past, people start to search for a new identity, which may be invented de novo or represent already existing identity that had been silenced due to the historical circumstances but receives a new momentum for development (e.g., pryazovia identity). at the same time, the case of mariupol, a geopolitical fault-line city with already existing internal tensions and irreconcilable narratives (gentile, m. 2020), clearly shows that this identity rethinking is neither rapid no straightforward. after almost a decade of the conflict, only tiny minority of mariupolitans have developed strong new identity challenging the very grounds of the stigmatized old identity. instead, donbas identity appears quite persistent, while the new pryazovia identity functions mainly as a complementary one. such identity dualism may represent just a first step in escaping the stigmatised identity. however, the other possibility is that the majority of mariupolitans are not consciously rejecting their old stigmatized identity but rather are starting to build it upon an alternative ukraine-centric narrative. in this way, stigmatized identity is redefined on a new ground by a part of population, which contributes to growing heterogeneity of donbas identity (cf. korzhov, g. 2006; zolkina, m. 2017). the rethinking of identity is influenced also by the conflict-driven redrawing of political and administrative map. if the perceptual core of the existing region is cut off by the contact line or newly emerging administrative border, it loses its visible integrity, so the population of its peripheral parts is tempted to break with the old identity and seek a new one. previous studies have demonstrated the dynamism of the region’s perceptual boundaries due to the administrative changes in historical retrospective (cf. gnatiuk, o. and melnychuk, a. 2019 for ukraine; marek, p. 2020 for czechia). the case of mariupol, where donbas identity is redefined and simultaneously gradually complemented/ substituted by pryazovia identity, allows us to contemplate this process in real time. as a result, the disappearance of old regional identity and the emergence of new identities are observed (cf. paasi, a. 2009: “the institutionalization of a region is accompanied with the de-institutionalization of some other regional units which takes place either through integration or dispersion”). in this way, the military conflict revealed the internal heterogeneity of the donbas, revitalizing informal borders artificially hidden by the soviet administrative division (cf. semyvolos, i. 2016; zolkina, m. 2017). the search for a new identity includes reassessment of the city’s role in the region. “mariupolocentrism” may be considered as a shift from the regional (donbas) identity to local level (urban) identity. the public request for higher administrative status for mariupol can be seen also as a desire to institutionalize (and, accordingly, legalize) a new regional identity as a projection of local urban identity. transforming into the regional capital would be an attempt to officially map the territorial shape of the urban region (either redefined donbas or newly minted pryazovia). for some people, rethinking of identity may be driven gnatiuk, o. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 271–286.284 by rather economic than geopolitical reasons, since the official status of a regional centre would allow mariupol to compete more successfully for resources: “established regions are then ‘ready’ to be used in struggles over power and resources (which manifests itself most typically in regional policy)” (paasi, a. 2009). consequently, bearers of different markers of new identity may be quite diverse (up to contrasting) in terms of civic attitudes and geopolitical preferences. nevertheless, in case of mariupol, civic-national identity, including law abidance, shared beliefs and adherence to state-promoted values and institutions (shulman, s. 2002; leong, ch. et al. 2020), is more relevant in understanding the military conflict driven identity transformation compared with ethnic-national identity (cf. gentile, m. 2015; giuliano, e. 2018; aliyev, h. 2019; kulyk, v. 2019) – a conclusion that may be extrapolated on the other geopolitical fault-line cities in ukraine. from the practical case-oriented point of view, the results of the survey might be important for further analysis of the situation in the region in a mediumand long-term perspective after the end of the war. given that the city is currently destroyed, the status of mariupol as the capital of donetsk oblast is not relevant at least until its rebuilding, although the symbolical significance of a city substantially increased on the both sides of the conflict. the local territorial identity of pryazovia might be used by the russian occupational administration to legitimate establishment of a hypothetical “pryazovia” statelet or a “federal region” as a part of russia, exploiting the pryazovia-focused kind of “mariupolocentrism” with certain pro-russian cultural sentiments. however, according to our analysis, the strongest bearers of pryazovia identity clearly support pro-ukrainian civic position and resist the russian propaganda, therefore such attempts, if any, will most likely not be successful. on the other hand, if the city is recaptured by ukrainian army, the idea of pryazovia might be promoted by the ukrainian state in order to build de novo the urban identity of a resurrected city and ultimately link it with the ukrainian 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(eds): metropolitan regions in europe 321 l i t e r a t u r e hungarian geographical bulletin 62 (3) (2013) pp. 321–323. szirmai, v. and fassman, h. (eds): metropolitan regions in europe. austrian-hungarian action fund, budapest–vienna, 2012. 357 p. due to urbanization processes, global population increases and nowadays it is a wellknown fact that the number of metropolises and megacities (rapidly) grows. over the past two decades, researchers realized that the role of cities is becoming more and more important in the global economy and they appear increasingly as the engines of national economies. it is also evident that large cities cannot be interpreted as independent entities at all, so thanks to the social and economic interrelations between large cities and their surroundings, metropolitan regions get in the focus of scientifi c investigations. today, it is well known that global economy functions the most effi ciently in the metropolitan areas and the urban networks can successfully contribute to social and economic development of a country or a region. however, modern urban space also involves contradictions, for instance socio-economic confl icts, social inequality and environmental challenges. from this point of view the comparison of metropolitan regions in diff erent european countries is of particular interest, especially in cases where the history and the development of the countries have been interweaved for centuries. in may 2012, sponsored by the austrian-hungarian action fund, the institute of sociology of the hungarian academy of sciences organised a professional seminar for young researchers and students. the main aim of the seminar was to provide an opportunity for the next generation to present their current scientifi c results and the most important fi ndings of comparative analyses on western and eastern european metropolitan regions. another unconcealed aim of the event was to strengthen the austro-hungarian professional relations and scientifi c cooperation. the main outcomes of the seminar are summarised in a new book titled “metropolitan regions in europe” edited by viktória szirmai and heinz fassman. the aesthetic book contains 13 studies on 13 metropolitan regions 322 writt en by 15 authors. the choice of topics is extremely varied, the topics are classifi ed into three major chapters: i) transformation and regeneration of inner cities and suburbs; ii) urban, social and economic development tools; iii) urban tourism and its eff ects. studies included in the fi rst chapter of the book describe the social and economic developments trends taking place in metropolitan areas. johannes riegler compares the ongoing gentrifi cation processes of the vienna and budapest metropolitan regions using case studies. as he states, although brunnenviertel in vienna and józsefváros (josefsadt) in budapest can be characterised by similar determinant organizational structures (local government, local urban renewal agencies), the purposes of the two gentrifi cation processes are actually diff erent. while in budapest the main objective of the process is to enhance the city’s competitiveness, experts in vienna try to att ain a kind of social balance by soft urban renewal practices. thus, diff erent local strategies and urban regeneration policies can generate diff erent developmental trends in metropolitan regions. the study of vanessa n. hünnemeyer draws att ention to the role of development paths of metropolitan regions: as a consequence of the diff erent development paths, budapest and liverpool can be characterised by diff erent socio-economic contexts which provide distinct opportunities for implementation of large-scale urban regeneration projects. thus, the generating and facilitating roles of the projects in urban development are also diff erent in the two cities. marton berki examines the post-socialist transformation of a former industrial area in budapest. in the theoretical part of the study he gives an overview on the urban structure models related to urban topologies, then spatial organization of the socialist and post-socialist cities are compared. based on the investigations carried out in the former industrial area of soroksari road in budapest, berki points out that the post-socialist city is more likely to be associated with postmodern urbanism resulting in a similar ( fragmented and heterogeneous ) urban structure. júlia schuchmann analyses the suburbanization processes taking place in the budapest metropolitan region. her work is based on demographic statistics and questionnaire surveys on the intention to move. she underlines that the budapest metropolitan region is the most important migration area of the country where the population of the core city has risen again in the recent years. it is an interesting fact that there is no signifi cant correlation between the current economic crisis and the intention to move but this intention can be formed by the socio-spatial position and the extents of indebtedness of residents. the second chapter starts with marek dinka‘s short essay analyzing the bratislava metropolitan region in the context of baum (bratislava umland management) project. zsuzsanna fodróczy writes about the changing role of railway stations and reveals that metropolitan railway stations besides their classic functions appear more and more as new urban centres of services and consumption. the case study areas were the western railway station in budapest and the central station in vienna. antoine struelens pursues the train of thought on rail transport. in his study, the eff ects of the petite ceinture railway line in paris and the herrmann-debroux viaduct in brussels on urban development and transportation are compared. marchus maicher guides the reader into the world of virtual forums. based on quantitative and qualitative surveys carried out in four viennese large housing estates, he analyses the impacts of new media, communication platforms and social networks on the virtual and real communities. he concludes that those forums play a fundamental role in the local information fl ow and they can help shape local communities in metropolitan housing estates. in addition, through free opinion-forming, they can increase the residential satisfaction of local society. anna maria batista, sylvia smith and carina lesky draw att ention to the role of artistic work in urban planning. practical examples are presented in order to illustrate how 323 the application of artistic and creative solutions, contemporary arts and design in public spaces are able to change the interpretation of space and how they improve the quality of life and living environment. the authors provide positive examples for the cooperation of artists, designers, architects and residents working together on public spaces. similar topic is handled by ivana andrejić-djukis who analysed the design, the urban perception and social utilisation of bank of the danube in vienna, budapest and belgrade. urban open space design appeared in all three cities during the 1990s and since the millennium received more and more att ention. their results show a close correlation between the urban open space design and its public landmarks, and social actions of individuals as well. artistic interventions combined with architectural environment are to be seen as visual consumption of signs and symbols represented through public landmarks. the greater is the potential of the urban open space design, the greater the variety of social uses is. last study of the second chapter writt en by amarilla luke highlights the clustering process taking place in the western transdanubia region of hungary using the methods of key sector analyses and cluster mapping. the third chapter leads the reader into the world of urban tourism. bálint kádár compares the spatial patt erns of urban tourism in vienna, prague and budapest. there is a very good model of urban land use of tourists provided in the study based on online image sharing. touristic spaces in those cities before and aft er the change of regime are compared using that model. while vienna can be characterised by a balanced network of tourist uses, the att ractions in prague are arranged in linear patt erns due to the historical development of main urban axis. the case of budapest shows that the development of the urban centre’s tourist network is possible and it can also lead to more complex space usage. the composition and location of stores in the shopping streets are scarred by the distinct diff erences as well. the fi nal study of paula mett provides insight into tourism marketing strategy of copenhagen, madrid and budapest. whereas madrid aims at preserving its position as globally infl uential city, berlin’s image and marketing has been changing since the city’s unifi cation and now it is promoted as hip and trendy urban tourism destination. copenhagen’s strategy is to develop its potentials and also to realise its opportunities within the emerging oresund region. in this light, most important diff erences of the strategies are highlighted in the study. the editors put together an aesthetic and variegated volume. as it was already mentioned earlier, an important objective of the book was to provide an introduction and publication opportunity for young up-coming researchers. in certain publications the typical routine for young researchers can be still recognised, nevertheless an exciting, well-illustrated and actually interesting book was published by the editors. the topic of “metropolitan regions in europe” still carries a myriad of research opportunities, so the volume will hopefully continue with new topics and results. tamás egedy border control and accident rate of irregular immigration in the route to the canary islands (spain) during the covid_19 pandemic 101mesa-pérez, c.u. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 101–117.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.72.2.1 hungarian geographical bulletin 72 2023 (2) 101–117. introduction for the last two decades, the canary islands have been one of the external borders of the european union with a significant flow of irregular migration from northwest african countries. during the pandemic, coinciding with the increased immobility of the spanish population, there was a growth in the arrival of irregular immigrants to the islands (unodc, 2022). the health crisis, which began in 2020, boosted the migratory processes due to the serious economic situation of the surrounding countries, the increase of difficulties in the repatriation processes, the decrease in the control of flows in the sending countries and the use of clandestine migration as a geopolitical tool, especially by morocco. the international organization for migration calls for promoting safe and 1 research institute of text analysis and applications (iatext). university of las palmas de gran canaria, 35003 las palmas de gran canaria, spain. e-mails: carmelo.mesa@ulpgc.es; juan.parreno@ulpgc.es; josefina. dominguezmujica@ulpgc.es border control and accident rate of irregular immigration in the route to the canary islands (spain) during the covid-19 pandemic carmelo ulises m e s a -p ér e z 1, juan manuel pa r r e ño -c a s t e l l a n o 1 and josefina d o m ín g u e z -m u j i c a 1 abstract throughout the first decades of the 21st century, the maritime borders of the european union have witnessed a growing and increasingly complex mobility of an irregular nature. moreover, the effects of the covid-19 crisis on many african countries revealed the weakness of the maritime border and its permeability, as well as its increased danger. this research aims to study these irregular migration flows by sea during 2020 and 2021, through the atlantic border between the canary islands and africa. the so-called “canary route” is one of the most dangerous maritime routes in the world due to the ocean conditions, the distances that must be covered and the way in which migrants move. our analysis will therefore focus on one of the central aspects of this crossing, its danger and associated accident rate, which can be measured in terms of the number of shipwrecks, deaths, and missing persons. the objectives of this paper are: i) to show the spatial location of those wrecks; ii) to give an estimate of data on missing persons and deaths; iii) to focus on the study of those persons affected; iv) to delve into the underlying causes; and v) to analyse the border control actions developed during the pandemic. with this aim, information has been compiled from different national and international sources: official records, contrasted data provided by some ngos and the iom, and testimonies of the agents involved. this material is used to reflect on the normalization of border control as a factor that inevitably leads to deaths and disappearances. it suggests that this event should be a central element in european migration policy, contributing to designing border control actions that go beyond containment, thereby preventing the loss of human lives. keywords: irregular migrations, atlantic maritime border, migration controls, accidents in migration routes, canary islands received january 2023, accepted may 2023. mailto:carmelo.mesa@ulpgc.es mailto:juan.parreno@ulpgc.es mailto:josefina.dominguezmujica@ulpgc.es mailto:josefina.dominguezmujica@ulpgc.es mesa-pérez, c.u. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 101–117.102 regular migration (iom, 2022a, b) in line with sustainable development target 10.7 (to facilitate orderly, safe, and responsible migration and mobility of people, including the implementation of planned and wellmanaged migration policies); the target most explicitly and directly related to international migration of the 2030 agenda for sustainable development (undp, 2023) and the global compact for migration, forged in the un member states’ meeting celebrated in morocco in 2018, which calls on states to save lives, undertake coordinated international initiatives on missing migrants and promote safe, orderly and regular migration (un, 2018). however, the migration flows under study offer an opposite example because of the insecurity characterizing those from northwest africa to the canary islands during the pandemic. in this article we will focus on the analysis of these flows and especially on the study of the levels of accidents reached. specifically, we are interested in knowing the magnitude of the phenomenon expressed through the number of incidents and the number of people killed and missing. it is also important to show cartographically its territorial distribution, represent its temporality, characterize who are those affected and deepen in the knowledge of the causes. the second objective of this article focuses on the analysis of the border control policies developed by spain during the pandemic as a factor in the migratory process. beyond the rescue actions, which have partially alleviated the number of victims, this article studies the relationship between the political action developed and the nature of the migratory model that seems to have included the accident rate as a variable to be controlled, but consubstantial to the migratory model. in order to achieve these objectives, we will use data from various official and non-governmental sources, as well as opinions expressed by experts, immigrants and agents involved. the paper begins with a contextualization section on border control in the european union and the northwest african border, to present, after the presentation of the sources used, the main results of the study on the flows that have occurred during the pandemic and the political action carried out by spain. the framework of the research european border control and migration a frontier constitutes a territorial entity contributing to forge the nation’s personality that must be preserved. therefore, from the european perspective, strengthening border measures is seen as a remedy ensuring state security vis-à-vis external threats (jakubowski, a. 2022) and, for this reason, the eu member states continue to be dominant players in the border control policymaking, developing immigration controls at nation-state and supranational levels (bassa, l. 2009). consequently, the danger and accident rate affecting irregular migration in the balkan route, or by sea on the mediterranean and the atlantic routes cannot be considered out of the framework of the securitization of european community policy. as migration has captured the political agenda, the link between migration and security has been underpinned by a traditional military-political understanding of security (léonard, s. and kaunert, c. 2022). it is a securitization framework that has contributed to the construction of the so-called “fortress europe”, following the schengen agreement of 1985. this international treaty, one of the constituent treaties of the european union, was designed to consolidate the free internal movement of citizens, based on the abolition of internal border controls in several eu countries, while strengthening border controls with third countries. consequently, successive strategies were developed to implement the principle of control of the external perimeter of the union and to reinforce the surveillance system directed at it. the most outstanding action of this system was the creation of the european border and coast guard agency (frontex) in 2004, as 103mesa-pérez, c.u. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 101–117. well as the continuous initiatives for its progressive modernization and for the reinforcement of its operations. both this instrument and the gradual use of sophisticated technology: radars and sensors, camera surveillance systems, unmanned aerial systems, and largescale it systems handling biometric data (dijstelbloem, h. et al. 2011; domínguezmujica, j. et al. 2016; gerstein, d.m. et al. 2018), have been considered as a clear example of the so-called hard governance of the eu migration policy (ruiz benedicto, a. and brunet, p. 2018), a border control policy that continued to develop in 2020 and 2021, despite the expansion of the pandemic. in addition to these control and surveillance actions, some of the countries of the union, such as spain, have developed their own initiatives to implement political measures to control irregular immigration, not only through their own agents, but also through deterrence strategies, to prevent, contain and hinder the arrival and settlement of those immigrants who try to reach the coasts in unauthorized vessels (lópez-sala, a. 2015). these actions have been defined by different scholars as soft governance measures: flexible structures, committees, and networks (dudek, c. and pestano, c. 2019; ba palmqvist, p. 2021). these are initiatives that are implemented through cooperation agreements with the governments of the countries from which migrants originate, in the form of aid packages to stop immigration at its source. in other words, the policy adopted by the government of spain to curb immigration combines the use of border control mechanisms (surveillance with human and technological means) and an active bilateral coordination and cooperation with transit and origin countries (godenau, d. and lópez-sala, a. 2016). in the latter case, spain’s bilateral agreements with several african countries also include the activation of sea patrol operations within the territorial waters of third countries, with the 18n parallel being the main control zone, the area over which most surveillance is carried out. these actions can be considered as extraterritorial strategies which extend the interception powers of spain to maritime zones under the sovereignty of other states, even though the authority of the states to intercept the type of vessels with no nationality used by migrants allows the application of the smuggling protocol under unclos (united nations convention on the law of the sea). “therefore, their mere existence would generate a rescue obligation, which must be fulfilled irrespective of the legal nature of the waters where the boat is located” (garcía andrade, p. 2010, 315). however, the implementation of all these procedures has not prevented the continued occurrence of numerous irregular migration flows in the west african route, as well as the associated accidents and fatalities (shipwrecks with consequent disappearances and deaths). the sequence of irregular immigration flows along the atlantic route the surveillance of a maritime area, as opposed to a line in the case of land borders, is much more complex (spijkerboer, t. 2007). surveillance actions, which aim to locate the small boats or cayucos carrying migrants in an irregular manner, act from two opposing assumptions: from the principle of security, which seeks to prevent these flows, and from the humanitarian basis, that of protecting migrants from possible fatalities (godenau, d. and buraschi, d. 2019). whether we analyse migration control from the first perspective or from the second, it is confirmed that the expected results are not achieved. many of the migrants reach the coast of the canary islands by their own means, without intermediate controls, while many others get lost in the atlantic since, despite all the devices deployed to track migration in unauthorized vessels, the number of those intercepted is limited. in relation to the flows, some authors have referred to three distinct phases of irregular immigration to the canary islands in the past (godenau, d. 2014; idemudia, e. and boehnke, k. 2020): i) the initial phase, that of the first small boats that reached the mesa-pérez, c.u. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 101–117.104 eastern coasts of the canary islands from morocco, in the second half of the 1990s of the 20th century; ii) the second, that of 2000–2008, in which we presume that the number of fatalities increased significantly, given the considerable number of migrants coming from southern departing points (mauritania, senegal, gambia, guinea and sierra leone), and which had its epicentre in 2006, in the so-called “cayuco crisis”; iii) the third, in which irregular immigration flows decreased notably and, therefore, fatalities. these years coincided with a period of deep economic recession in spain and also with increased surveillance and deterrence policy, based on agreements signed with emitting countries (peregil, f. 2015). since 2018, a slight upturn in irregular migration has been noticed, which acquired an unusual intensity during the pandemic (domínguez-mujica, j. et al. 2022), to the point that we can speak of a fourth phase. in this phase, accidents and fatalities have grown very intensely, becoming one of the central elements that define this period. this is the focus of our study. sources and methodology the two main sources used to know how many and who are the dead and missing are the missing migrants project of the international organization for migration (iom) and the reports of the ngo ca-minando fronteras. the former is a valuable source that reports on migrants who have died or disappeared at the borders of the european union, including data on the date of death or disappearance, sex and status as a minor, if applicable, place of origin, cause of death, location of the incident, and the source and quality of the data. therefore, it only takes into account a few demographic variables, in addition to the fact that it only computes a portion of the deceased and not deaths that occur in migrant detention centres, refugee camps or similar centres, after deportation of the migrant to his or her place of origin or after settlement at the place of destination. also excluded are deaths that occur within the countries of origin, even if they are part of an international migration process. in the case of missing persons, the information included must contain contrasted evidence. for all these reasons, it is a recognized source of information, but it includes some underreporting. in the present case, a large number of people crossing the desert and the sahel area are not being counted, and a large number of disappearances at sea are not adequately recorded. the other source used are the records and reports of the ngo ca-minando fronteras. this is an ngo that operates on the western euro-african border and has, as one of its main objectives that of making visible the deaths and disappearances that occur in this area. to this end, they report on each of the tragedies that occur on the canary route, including in their information the day and place of departure and shipwreck and the number of people affected. not only do they carry out a monitoring task, but they also provide valuable qualitative information. it is not an exhaustive source, but it is of great testimonial value. in addition to these two main sources, qualitative information was collected by consulting the testimonies of 20 agents, experts and migrants, through 18 semi-structured interviews. specifically, six representatives and volunteers from the somos red, red cross, white cross and village du migrant ngos were interviewed. the interview, therefore, allows access to diverse profiles in order to obtain the broadest possible view from the daily practice of the reality surrounding the arrival and reception of irregular migrants. in addition, two teachers from the public education system were interviewed because of their dual role as teachers in contact with migrant minors and as volunteers in reception associations. in addition, two members of the military personnel involved in search and rescue were interviewed. these were two officers who regularly participate in rescue operations and who also carry out coordinating functions. their testimonies were therefore of great importance for a thorough understanding of border control policy. 105mesa-pérez, c.u. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 101–117. six journalists and academics specialized in the subject were also interviewed. these were two specialist researchers from the two public universities in the canary islands, others from senegal and two journalists of recognized prestige, specialists in african issues and working in africa for reputable spanish media. this group of interviews included people with diverse backgrounds (journalists, anthropologists, sociologists, etc.) and allowed, above all, contextualization of the subject matter addressed, given the extensive experience and academic vision of the interviewees. finally, four immigrants residing in shelters were interviewed. these are people who arrived irregularly in the canary islands and have been residing on the islands for more than six months in shelters managed by non-governmental organizations and volunteers. these testimonies focused on the personal experience of their migratory process and their expectations. most of the interviews were conducted in person in the canary islands, but some via videoconference with the countries of origin. some interviews required a translator. the interviews were transcribed after having been recorded. the interviews addressed the issue of dangerousness and accidents within a broader approach. these testimonies have been used to confirm the generalized concern for a new accident prevention procedure, an idea unanimously expressed by all interviewees. the quantitative information was integrated into a single database, and the information was filtered to avoid duplicating records regardless of their origin. a statistical and cartographic treatment of these data was carried out. for the latter, a territorial information system (gis) was created from the geographical coordinates of the sightings. irregular migration through the canary islands route and underlying causes after a prolonged period with reduced figures in the arrivals of irregular immigrants by sea to the canary islands, the data of arrivals have experienced a dizzying growth during the pandemic. according to the ministry of the interior, in 2020, 23,271 people arrived to the islands in 759 boats, a figure similar to the 22,249 immigrants estimated by the united nations high commissioner for refugees (unhcr). in 2021, still in the pandemic period, the total figure of the ministry of interior amounted to 22,316 people in 542 boats and, in 2022, the data, as of december 15, still inform us of the arrival of 15,466. the relevance of the canary islands route during the pandemic becomes clear if we consider, firstly, that, previously, in 2018 and especially 2019, the values were only 1,307 and 2,698 migrants, respectively, in a context of growth with respect to previous years. and, secondly, that 55.3 percent in 2020 and 53.2 percent in 2021 of the immigrants arriving non-regularly to spain by sea and land did so through the canary islands. most of the migrants arriving between 2020 and 2021 were young people from morocco, western sahara, mauritania, senegal, gambia, guinea bissau, guinea and mali, with an increase in those from côte d’ivoire, ghana and nigeria in 2021 (cear, 2022a). around 15 percent of these migrants were unaccompanied minors in 2020 (defensor del pueblo, 2021) and, in 2021, women and children increased in number, becoming 28 percent of arrivals. these are complex migratory flows in terms of migrant motivation. in all cases, migration responds to the search for a better life, but we can recognize different types of mobility: a) that of migrants fleeing the “structural” poverty of their areas of origin, increased in recent years by climatic factors and by the first signs of food crisis; b) people who are finding it increasingly difficult to earn a living due to the destruction of the resources that allowed them to subsist; c) migrants who have had to leave their homes as a result of the economic paralysis brought about by the pandemic or the recent increase in inflation; d) refugees fleeing armed and inter-ethnic conflicts or persecuted for various reasons (sexual orientation, political activism, etc.); e) people who migrate to join their spouses, children and family members, etc. mesa-pérez, c.u. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 101–117.106 “structural” and long-lasting poverty and the lack of job prospects are the main factors driving the northwest african population out of their places of residence. most of those migrating for these reasons come from the countries of the western sahel, in many cases from rural areas, driven out by the drought of recent years, but also from other areas such as southern morocco. there, the prolonged drought that began in 2017 and the lack of prevision of alternative water resources have characterized the evolution of its economic sector, which accounts for between 13 and 20 percent of gdp, following the implementation of the green morocco plan, which will be complemented by the so-called “generation green 2020–2030” (wahid, n. et al. 2022), and which has favoured the migratory process from the most arid rural areas. the destruction of resources is also a major emigration factor. the emigration of senegalese, gambians, mauritanians and guineans, in addition to responding to the economic hardship generated by the pandemic, is also the result of local factors, such as the fishing conflict that the region has been experiencing for years and which is causing fishermen and employees of traditional fish processing industries to find it increasingly difficult to survive (belhabib, d. et al. 2019). “now there is no fish, there is nothing now (...) four hours sailing offshore, then you are there three or four days fishing and cooking and after three or four days you return (...) 90 kilometres and you catch nothing (...) chinese boats, from europe, they all come to senegal to fish in big boats (...) they take it to other countries, nothing stays in senegal” (senegalese immigrant living in a reception centre in gran canaria). along with the arrival of large industrial fishing vessels in the area, the lack of management measures to regenerate the resources and the establishment of fishmeal and fish oil factories are resulting in a high number of people losing their traditional way of life. this situation has been compounded by the fact that, during the pandemic, fishermen and traditional factories have been restricted for health reasons. consequently, clandestine boat departures from the ports of st. louis, mbour and zinguinchor in senegal, banjul in gambia, bissau in guinea-bissau or nouadhibou in mauritania more frequently include people directly or indirectly linked to the fishing sector (bennett, n.j. et al. 2020; cissé, i. 2020). the increase in arrivals to the canary islands in 2020 and 2021 has also been interpreted as a consequence of the health crisis caused by the pandemic and its socioeconomic impacts on the migrants’ countries of origin (rodríguez salinas, r. 2022). for example, in the case of morocco, the pandemic sharply decreased international tourist flows (attahir, o. 2020), triggering workers, especially in informal activities linked to tourism, to try to reach the canary islands. nor should we fail to mention the increase in mobility as a result of the inflationary processes experienced by some countries such as ghana or sierra leone, which have been perpetuated by the current energy crisis (jackson, e. et al. 2020). in another sense, the idea has spread that the pandemic has reduced the adult population in europe and that this generates job opportunities. a representative of the ngo “village du migrant”, which focuses on helping senegalese returnees, expressed himself in this sense when he referred to the reasons for irregular migration: “the first reason is the lack of employment. it is an economic-social and professional problem (...). the second reason is social pressure, if there is no work there is social pressure and the third reason is the pandemic. europe has lost many adult lives and migrants want to leave to get work and replace these deaths in europe.” a part of the flows is associated with political reasons and the existence of armed conflicts and situations of social violence. the arrival of malians since 2019 is the best example of forced movements. the grave war and inter-ethnic violence that this country has been suffering since 2012, especially in the northern regions, has led to the displacement of more than one million people (bratton, m. 2016), a part of whom have crossed the desert to embark in the ports of senegal or mauritania for the islands. in addition, 107mesa-pérez, c.u. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 101–117. lately, interethnic violence has been spreading to niger and burkina faso. in burkina faso, 682,000 people had to move within the country in 2021 according to the internal displacement monitoring centre (idcm, 2021). nor should we forget the increase in arrivals from guinea, motivated by institutional repression, political instability and interethnic strife (alaejos garcia, e. 2021). finally, the migratory upturn is related to an increase in smuggling and trafficking business and to the migratory policies developed by some countries around the canary islands as a tool for political negotiation. for example, in this regard it is worth mentioning the fact that, on the part of morocco, the control of irregular migration to spain has been used as a bargaining tool in relation to issues such as spain’s position on the saharawi cause. according to cassarino, j.p. (2022), the intention of third countries to exert pressure on european countries through migration control is not a new phenomenon. what is unprecedented has been the explicitness of the moroccan intentions to instrumentalize migration. a dangerous migration route accident rates during the pandemic dangerousness and accidents are characteristic of the canary islands migratory route. although the figures confirming this are always inaccurate, the iom’s missing migrants project allows us to approximate the dimension of the phenomenon. according to this project, in both years, there were 141 incidents and the number of dead and missing in this period estimated at 1,986 people. in 2020, the number of deaths and missing persons recorded was 877, which was 4.5 percent of the total number of those rescued by salvamento marítimo (spanish search and rescue) in that year. in 2021, the figure was 1,109 dead and missing, representing 6.1 percent of those rescued. this last figure is similar to that provided by unhcr (2022), which counted 1,153 dead and missing in 2021. the data on deaths and missing persons from the ca-minando fronteras ngo is higher. according to this ngo, in 2020 there were 1,851 dead and missing in 45 incidents. in 2021 the figure rose to 4,016, in 124 incidents. these magnitudes are so high that, if we put them in relation to the figures for people rescued by salvamento marítimo, they represent 10.1 percent in 2020 and 22.2 percent in 2021. this means that one migrant disappeared or died for every 10 rescued in 2020 and that, in 2021, this proportion rose to more than two. ca-minando fronteras has estimated a total number of 7,692 victims in the period 2018–2022 on the so-called canary route. the fact that there are no national records, that counting criteria may differ between different organizations, and that an indefinite number of vessels and people are not found, leads to a certain disparity in the figures. in this context, from the incident records available from different sources, we have created our own database which should be interpreted as another approximation of what is really happening. in our sample, the total numbers of incidents and of dead and missing persons reach intermediate values. in 2020, 88 incidents were included, accounting for 1,762 dead and missing migrants, while, in 2021, the total data amounted to 132 shipwrecks and 2,943 people. disregarding the disparities in the figures, what is obvious is that the canary islands maritime border is characterized by the persistence of the accident rate, something that has increased during the pandemic period, especially in 2021 (cear, 2021). data from the missing migrants project allow us to delve deeper into some of the characteristics of the incidents. although the incident with the highest number of dead and missing, which occurred on 24 october 2020, involved the loss of 141 people, the majority of incidents, 61.2 percent were characterized as involving fewer than 10 victims. the number of dead and missing persons, on average, was 14 persons per incident. from a temporal point of view, most of the incidents were recorded in the second half of the year, from june inclusive, coinciding with the period in mesa-pérez, c.u. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 101–117.108 which there is usually a greater transfer of irregular migrants to the canary islands (figure 1). in terms of territorial location, the majority occurred on the high seas, in waters relatively close to the south and east of the coasts of the archipelago. however, a considerable number of incidents were also recorded south of the port of boujdour (western sahara), many of them in saharan, mauritanian and senegalese coastal waters. figure 2 shows that in 2021 the incidents recorded with fatalities were concentrated between fig. 2. location of incidents recorded in 2020 (red) and 2021 (yellow) in which deaths and missing persons were reported. source: iom. authors’ own elaboration. fig. 1. number of incidents, deaths and missing persons per month for years 2020 and 2021. source: iom. authors’ own elaboration. 109mesa-pérez, c.u. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 101–117. the canary islands and nouadhibou, north of mauritania, while in 2020 the location was more dispersed, with some cases recorded off the coast of dakar in senegal, the island of sal in cape verde and playa david, near mohammed in morocco. invisibilized victims with the imprecision that surrounds irregular migratory flows to the canary islands, we can affirm that most of the victims have the status of missing persons, despite the fact that, as carling, j. (2007, 330) points out, “migrant deaths at sea are particularly difficult to quantify because the bodies are often missing. in most cases, estimates of presumed drownings are based on survivors’ accounts of the number of passengers”. some non-governmental organizations, such as ca-minando fronteras, provide estimates of the number of missing persons, although this information is only available for the most recent period (2018–2022) (observatorio…, 2022). following these data, in 2020 and 2021 the number of missing persons accounted for most of the victims that occurred at the border. figure 3 shows a sample of episodes in which deaths or missing persons were recorded and for which the point of departure and place of interception are known. as can be seen, they come indistinctly from the different countries of northwest africa, fig. 3. ports of departure and point of sighting of vessels in which deaths and missing persons occurred. source: ca-minando fronteras. authors’ own elaboration. mesa-pérez, c.u. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 101–117.110 in many cases from places remote from the canary islands. it is estimated, based on the actions of family members and the ngo caminando fronteras, that 51 percent of the missing persons departed from the coasts of western sahara, especially from dakhla, laayoune and its port, blaya; cape boujdour, tarouma and lamsid. mauritania accounts for 16.9 percent of the missing, especially from nouakchott and nouadhibou; morocco, 9.8 percent, especially from tarfaya, agadir, tan tan, essaouria and safi; senegal, 8.7 percent, mostly from mbour, saint louis and dakar; and banjul and gunjur in the gambia, 6.9 percent. therefore, the invisibility of the victims is related to origins generally located to the southeast of the canary islands. most of these accidents were found in route locations, but others suffered significant drifts. these are those of which, on occasions, there is no news at all. as one of the rcc canarias coordinators we interviewed pointed out: “in the humanitarian crisis of 2007–2008, i remember that they said that out of every 3 boats, one never arrived, that is, one was always lost, that’s what they said back then. i think that proportionally it is much lower, but well, it is clear that they are lost (...) at the moment they pass the vertical of el hierro, there the maritime traffic is reduced a lot and unless they are lucky, it is complicated to find the boat.” the case of a vessel that left dakhla and was found near cape verde, after traveling 622 nautical miles, is a representative example of many others that were probably lost without trace. family members and ca-minando fronteras have tried to give a face to these unfound victims. from the record of their actions to recover the trail of these people, it is known that the majority are young men, although in 2021 the number of women and children grew considerably, in correspondence with the increase of both groups among those who arrived or were rescued (24% and 8.9%, respectively). those of subsaharan nationality abound, although a part are moroccans. they generally began their migratory journey as part of a family strategy to improve their living conditions, and there is no lack of cases in which they are united by kinship. but this does not mean that family members know or plan the migration process. it seems that many make the decision individually, as several migrants interviewed pointed out to us: “no, no, i don’t tell my mother anything because if my mother knows, she thinks a lot because, you know, a lot of kids die in the sea, a lot of boats sink in the sea, a lot of young dead kids. if i go to spain, my family does not sleep peacefully (...), and when i arrive in spain, i do.” causes of accidents environmental, technical, and human factors the accident and mortality rates of the canary islands migratory route are directly related to the long duration of many of the journeys and to the presence of certain environmental, technical and human factors in the migratory process. beyond these factors, the irregularity of the process is the main cause that explains the levels of accidents. we must not forget that this is a clandestine mobility involving organized groups operating outside the law and usually charging large sums of money for the transfers. the physical or environmental factors of the crossings are given by the atmospheric conditions and the state of the sea. this last and the influence of the trade winds vary throughout the year around the islands, denoting a marked seasonality in the migratory processes, which is characterized by the concentration of trips in summer and autumn, when the sea is in better conditions for navigation (mesapérez, c.u. and parreño-castellano, j.m. 2020). this implies that migrants must endure high temperatures and strong insolation during their journeys. in addition, they are often affected by hypothermia, both because they cannot avoid getting wet, and because of the greater loss of human body heat at sea due to the contrast in temperatures between day and night. all this explains the high number of 111mesa-pérez, c.u. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 101–117. people who die or arrive in poor health to the islands. added to this is the fact that crossings often last several days, increasing the likelihood of changes in environmental conditions and the state of the sea, leading to an increase in the number of casualties. the technical factors are those related to the vessels used, the navigation equipment and the expertise of the skippers. most migrants make their crossings in vessels designed for short trips in waters close to the coast (pateras), for artisanal fishing (cayucos) or for recreational activities (inflatable boats) (mesa-pérez, c.u. and parreñocastellano, j.m. 2021). the typologies of the vessels are therefore not suitable for navigation in oceanic waters, especially in the case of trips of more than one day. this is compounded by the lack of experience of the skippers. these are usually people with knowledge of navigation, fishermen or migrants who hope with this responsibility to alleviate the economic burden that their own migratory process entails, but who, in any case, do not usually have sufficient expertise for navigation on the high seas. it also happens that, on occasions, illegal trafficking is limited to payment for a place on a boat, but not for the accompaniment of a skipper, which forces some of the passengers to assume this role, without any knowledge of navigation, as we were told by migrants and aid workers in reception centres: “in senegal a lot of young people work, earn money for the boat. the family does not know anything. if a family member knows, you don’t go, you don’t take a boat. i paid 300 eur leaving from st. louis.” … “just people who, with their work, the employers, pay for the trip. other people pay some money. we have always heard about one thousand or so eur, and we have been told that with 300 or 400 eur you travel, it may seem that it is little money, but getting 50 eur in senegal is not like getting it in spain.” in addition, the absence of adequate navigation equipment for the crossing (lack of gps or use of cell phones with little autonomy), the absence or insufficiency of rescue equipment inside the boats or the foul of a roof to protect them from inclement weather increases the likelihood of suffering some kind of accident. finally, the accident rate is related to the conditions in which immigrants travel. generally, they have little or no training or familiarization with the marine environment, with the exception of those who work in fishing, so they tend to wear inadequate clothing for the cold, heat or humidity at sea and frequently suffer from seasickness or vomiting derived from the navigation itself. in addition, very often the crossing is made with insufficient water and food provisions, in overcrowded and unsanitary conditions. all this is especially relevant in the case of crossings by pregnant women, babies and children, whose number has increased proportionally in recent years. migration policy as a factor beyond the factors related to the migratory event itself, the levels of accidents and mortality that accompany this migratory process are related to the immigration policy that has been developed in spain during the pandemic. this has focused, as far as border control is concerned, almost exclusively on maritime rescue, border control abroad and the fight against illegal human trafficking, something which is necessary and has undoubtedly contributed to the fact that the figures for accidents have not been even worse, but which is insufficient if the aim is to reduce the level of danger. maritime rescue oriented to the migratory flow, as an organized structure, began, in the case of the canary route, with the arrival of the first small boats at the end of the 20th century. supported by the signing, in 1979, of the international convention on maritime rescue (sar), which aimed to create an international search and rescue plan regardless of the place where it was necessary to act, and its entry into force in 1985, an organizational structure oriented to the search and rescue of vessels with irregular immigrants was developed. until the adoption of this agreement, there was no international system for these opmesa-pérez, c.u. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 101–117.112 erations, although the obligation to provide help to ships in distress was regulated by the international convention for the safety of life at sea (solas). this was supplemented by the united nations convention on the law of the sea (unclos, 1982), which stipulated that every state shall require the master of a ship flying its flag, whenever they are able to do so without serious danger to the ship, its crew or passengers, to render assistance to any person found in danger of perishing at sea. according to the sar convention, states are obliged to ensure that measures are taken for the creation of adequate search and rescue services in their coastal waters and to enter into agreements with neighbouring countries, establishing international search and rescue regions, involving the joint use of facilities and the establishment of common procedures. in the case of the extensive sar zone around the canary islands, which came to be controlled by spain, at first the actions were carried out exclusively by the army, but since its creation in 1992, the rescue work has been progressively taken over by the maritime safety and rescue society (sasemar), while the army reserves for itself search actions. in addition to all this, spanish operatives act with some frequency in other sar areas when necessary, in accordance with the provision of the international maritime organization whereby states must adopt measures to allow the rapid entry into their territorial waters of rescue units from other countries (omi, 2016). the importance of search and rescue is evidenced by the fact of the approval of the resolution of 18 april 2018, by which the european parliament requested the development of search and rescue capabilities in all states and the recognition of the support provided by private agents and ngos in rescue actions at sea and on land, and, in the case of the canary islands, by the high numbers of migrants who are annually rescued by sasemar. despite all this, the number of shipwrecks, deaths and missing persons has been very high on the canary islands maritime route during the pandemic. the constant need for more resources for rescue in the islands, the lack of resources and training in neighbouring countries, and the difficulties for international coordination all contribute to the fact that the results are not better. border control has been characterized during the pandemic, as has been the case since the beginning of the century, by the development of own surveillance systems and by its outsourcing to other countries. spanish surveillance is carried out in the fir zone (flight information region) around the canary islands, but also off the coasts of mauritania and senegal, in order to hinder the exit. to this end, spain has increased its naval and air resources in recent years, with several patrol boats, “guardamares” (search and rescue boats), tugboats, helicopters, airplanes and drones (figure 4). externalization, that is, the fact that the issuing and transit countries play a fundamental role in preventing irregular migratory movements, has been in place for the last 15 years, since the migratory crisis that occurred in 2006 around the canary islands. in return, these states receive economic compensation and trade concessions within a structure of formal bilateral and diplomatic agreements with spain. externalization includes the signing of forced readmission agreements with the sending countries and the control of departures and transit, receiving spanish cooperation in this regard (gabrielli, l. 2017). finally, the third type of action is collaboration with the authorities and law enforcement agencies of the sending countries to dismantle networks and organized groups engaged in the smuggling of migrants. the smuggling of migrants by sea is a life-threatening crime punishable under both european and international law. in this regard, we just want to say that the european union and its member states have been contracting parties to the united nations convention against transnational organized crime (untoc) and its protocols, including the protocol against the smuggling of migrants by land, sea and air, since 2000 (un, 2004) and, that based on this international agreement, spain has developed cooperative action to dismantle these criminal structures (boe, 2007). 113mesa-pérez, c.u. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 101–117. therefore, spanish immigration policy has focused, during the pandemic, on border control through direct surveillance and externalization of borders, police control and humanitarian rescue actions, but has neglected actions aimed at alleviating the effect of the causes that explain the migratory event itself or the regulation and management of the process. this model of action, which leads to a high accident and mortality rate, has led some organizations to describe spanish immigration policy as “necropolitical” because it assumes the existence of deaths and disappearances as something consubstantial to the intervention model, following the terminology of the philosopher mbembe, a. (2006). conclusions the accident rate is an intrinsic characteristic of the maritime migratory model of northwest africa, the so-called canary route, with an increase in the number of migrants killed and missing at sea during 2020 and, especially, in 2021. shipwrecks have occurred at all times but have been more frequent in the second half of the year, coinciding with the period when environmental conditions are conducive to navigation. from a demographic point of view, most of the dead and missing are men, although in 2021 the number of women and minors grew. fig. 4. spanish fir area around the canary islands and means used. source: guardiacivil.es-salvamentomaritimo.es-defensa.com-exteriores.gob. authors’ own elaboration. mesa-pérez, c.u. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 101–117.114 the incidents have been distributed over a wide geographical area. in some cases, they have been located close to the ports of departure, in others during the crossing, near the island coasts and some at more distant points, due to the drifting of some vessels. most of the vessels involved in the accidents had departed from the coasts of western sahara, especially dakhla, from the ports of nouakchott and nouadhibou in mauritania, and from mbour in senegal. the distance to the destination makes the crossings dangerous and the likelihood of an accident greater. however, other factors relating to the environmental conditions, the characteristics of the vessels and the circumstances in which the passengers are traveling explain the high number of victims. behind the accident rate is the way in which migrants are forced to make their ocean crossing, with the frequent involvement of organizations engaged in human smuggling and the difficulties and limitations of law enforcement and search and rescue services to operate more effectively. but any effective action should consider the causes of the migratory process and, consequently, facilitate an orderly, regular and safe one, complying with the sustainable development objectives approved for 2030 and objective 8 of the global compact for migration. we believe that it is the european union’s own migratory model, applied in spain, which contributes to the fact that an orderly migratory policy has not been developed for the countries of northwest africa. even in the case of asylum seekers, the results are far from optimal. in 2021 only 10.5 percent of the resolutions were favourable, compared to 35 percent on average in europe (cear, 2022b). similarly, the spanish migration model has not been oriented to solve, at least partially, the causes that provoke irregular migratory flows. a good example of this is that, although spanish official development aid, which is directed in part to sub-saharan countries, has grown in recent years, in 2021 it was only 0.26 per cent of gdp, compared to the european average of 0.49 percent and in any case, far from the commitment of 0.7 percent, according to data from the development assistance committee (oecd, 2022). the foreseeable approval of the new law on cooperation for sustainable development and global solidarity may help to remedy this situation, but the above-mentioned precedents lower expectations. on the other hand, spanish policy has been based on the externalization of border control. it does not seem to be an effective control system, in view of the flows that occur and the number of deaths and disappearances, and this without taking into account how questioned this system is in terms of the rights of immigrants. besides, the impermeability of the external borders established in third countries depends on continuous negotiation, which turns irregular immigration into a geopolitical tool or weapon (garcés mascareñas, b. 2021). finally, beyond the factors that explain what has happened on the canary island migratory route, it should be noted that the accident rate and loss of life have become a naturalized element of the migratory model, by 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introduction the post-socialist states of central and eastern europe (cee), sharing similar socio-political and economic histories, have developed along dramatically diff erent trajectories than their western neighbours that, even after a decade of european union (eu) membership, is revealed by large disparities in economic productivity and living standards (espon 2014)2. european regional policy, primarily infl uenced by cohesion policy and its related funds, has aimed to lead member states towards ‘territorial cohesion,’ loosely defi ned here as multi-scalar balanced territorial development. territorial cohesion is also associated with “territorial interdependency and solidarity, which can include urban-rural or productive-residential dimensions” (faludi, a. and peyrony, j. 2011, p. 5) and relatively new forms of multi-level governance. despite reiterations between programming 1 department of institutional, environmental and experimental economics. faculty of economics, university of economics in prague; w. churchill square 4 130 67 prague, czech republic. e-mails: bradley.loewen@regpol2.eu 2 the research leading to these results has received funding from the people programme (marie curie actions) of the european union’s seventh framework programme fp7/2007–2013/ under rea grant agreement no 607022. contextualising regional policy for territorial cohesion in central and eastern europe bradley loewen1 abstract this conceptual paper discusses key instruments for territorial cohesion in central and eastern europe (cee) from a comparative historical analytical perspective amidst the neoliberalisation of eu regional policy, which has implications for the production and reinforcement of spatial inequalities in regional development. the neoliberalisation processes unfolding in the diff erent political-institutional contexts of cee have implications for the movement, transformation and eff ectiveness of policies such as regional policy, complicating the holistic understanding of policy eff ects. increasingly neoliberal regional policies across europe, and in the diff erent path dependent political-institutional contexts of cee in particular, raise questions about the eff ectiveness of regional policy to achieve territorial cohesion. comparative historical analysis provides a method of inquiry into path dependent processes shaping institutions and aff ecting policy outcomes, and is therefore a useful approach for conceptualising regional political-institutional contexts and their implications for regional policy. operational programmes encompassed in national strategic documents from the czech republic, estonia and hungary over three programming periods are examined as the key instruments for the implementation of regional policy, the comparison of which reveals a diff erence in perspectives towards the common eu goals of competitiveness and growth as a means of achieving territorial cohesion. the research thus points to the need for deeper comparative understanding of the political-institutional contexts in the three countries in order to identify factors of eff ective policies and to tailor eff ective policy solutions to specifi c regional contexts, a task to be advanced in future studies of regional policy and political-institutional contexts of cee. keywords: regional policy, cohesion policy, territorial cohesion, neoliberalism, central and eastern europe, czech republic, estonia, hungary loewen, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 205–217.206 periods, cohesion policy has convergence as its primary objective – focusing investment in less developed regions – along with complementary objectives spanning economic and social aspects of regional competitiveness. altogether, these objectives aim to strengthen and support solidarity and a polycentric spatial development in the eu. the year 2014 marks a milestone as an anniversary year and as the beginning of a new programming period for regional policy guided by the europe 2020 strategy for “smart, specialised and inclusive growth” (cec 2010a). as member states conclude their partnership agreements and operational programmes (ops) for the 2014–2020 period, it is a timely moment to take stock of how regional policy has progressed and how discourses have shaped the recent policymaking agenda and implementation. aft er a critical review of territorial cohesion and regional policy since the accession of cee countries to the eu, key policy documents are contextualised for the cases of the czech republic, estonia and hungary across three programming periods. a discussion emerges about the potentials for regional policy to support territorial cohesion and thereby tackle spatial inequalities in regional development in the three countries, and the need for deeper understanding of political-institutional contexts in order to tailor context-specifi c regional policies for this purpose. territorial cohesion, spatial inequalities in regional development and neoliberalisation of regional policy political and economic expansion followed by crisis has stimulated much debate over territorial cohesion and regional policy during the past decade. a number of high-profi le reports concluded that the lisbon strategy, of which cohesion policy was the primary tool for implementation, failed to close the productivity gap between europe and industrialised countries (barca, f. 2009; cec 2004, 2005, 2010b). the 2009 fi nancial crisis had the eff ect of reversing a long trend of economic convergence between member states as employment rates plummeted outside of europe’s traditional core (cec 2010b, 2014a,b). in cee sub-national regional polarisation intensifi ed with uneven implications for regional development (smith, a. and timár, j. 2010). thus, despite earlier progress towards territorial cohesion, there is wide consensus that regional disparities persist across europe, which can be evidenced by various socioeconomic indicators such as competitiveness (annoni, p. and dij kstra, l. 2013), gdp per capita (eurostat 2014), and human development (hardeman, s. and dij kstra, l. 2014). figure 1 illustrates the development of gdp per inhabitant in nuts-2 regions of the czech republic, estonia and hungary from 1999 to 2011, showing a sharp contrast between the capital regions and their peripheries, in the cases of czech republic and hungary. the similarity of gdp development across peripheral regions of the czech republic and hungary as well as the whole of estonia, and the impact of the 2009 fi nancial crisis can also be seen. the increasing spatial inequalities in regional development in europe are part of a global trend that, under the current dominant discourse of neoliberal theory, increasingly favours the growth of competitive urban centres at the expense of under-developed and structurally weak regions through processes of centralisation and peripheralisation (lang, t. 2011), demonstrated above by higher growth rates in the capital regions (including faster ‘catch-up’ in estonia). while cohesion policy has been estimated to have a positive impact on gdp over baseline levels in cee at the national level (cec 2014a), regional polarisation continues to be strongly felt in these traditionally peripheral countries. convergence-divergence tendencies in parallel with polarisation have been detected in cee nuts-3 regions from 1990 to 2008, with convergence amongst less productive regions and divergence of more productive regions (monastiriotis, v. 2014). 207loewen, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 205–217. the third espon synthesis report summarising a decade of territorial research, pointed to decreasing territorial cohesion due to the growth of urban cores and the decline of rural areas over the programme’s lifetime (espon 2014). furthermore, regions of depletion are more concentrated in cee, where rural areas are also characterised by a higher role of the primary sector and lower accessibility (copus, a. and noguera, j. 2010). while planning the follow-up to the lisbon strategy, the eff ectiveness of cohesion policy to somehow maximise growth while achieving convergence was left unclear (farole, t. et al. 2011). mixed results of the earlier cohesion policy prompted reforms for the 2014–2020 period, which, accompanied by the europe 2020 strategy, would reinforce neoliberal theory as the dominant discourse in european regional policy. the milestones of the neoliberalisation of regional policy are presented below, beginning with the 1999 european spatial development perspective (esdp), in which ministers of member states fi rst endorsed the concept of territorial cohesion.3 3 for the current and historical structure of regional policy, see: http://ec.europa.eu/regional_ policy en/policy/what/investment-policy/. regional policy has evolved to take on an increasingly neoliberal approach since the concept of territorial cohesion was communicated in its (then) most concrete form in the esdp as the “balanced and sustainable development of the territory of the european union” (cec 1999) along with three objectives: economic and social cohesion; environmental conservation and management; and balanced competitiveness in all regions; each corresponding to one of the three pillars of sustainable development established by the united nations’ brundtland report (wced 1987). the objectives of territorial cohesion therefore included an aspect of spatial justice, stipulating spatial reconciliation and safeguarding of regional diversity – elements strongly resistant to normative neoliberal principles. of signifi cance to cee countries, the esdp paid particular attention to structural weaknesses in peripheral areas facing diverse development prospects and consisting of diverse relationships and interdependencies. the key to the sustainable development of rural regions lies in the development of an independent perspective and the discovery of indigeneous potential and the exchange of experience with other regions, but not in the copying of development perspectives for other regions in the eu (cec 1999, p. 24). fig. 1. gross domestic product (gdp) per inhabitant, at current market prices by nuts-2 regions, 1999–2011 (espon 2013; eurostat 2014) loewen, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 205–217.208 looking towards eu expansion, the esdp already recognised a “lack of spatial development policies and regional policy instruments and institutions” as well as an absence of regional political and administrative levels in the accession countries (i.e. cee), and, therefore, expected that spatial development processes would not simply replicate those in the traditional core (cec 1999, p. 49). critical scholars quickly contested the europeanisation of spatial planning and the dominance of economic competitiveness put forth in the esdp (richardson, t. and jensen, o.b. 2000). nevertheless, as territorial cohesion has been promoted, refi ned and become more intertwined with neoliberal policy since 1999, the normativity of neoliberal principles has dominated policymaking in peripheral areas and thereby limited the array of policy options available. in 2003 the highly infl uential sapir report prioritised growth through innovation and institutional transformation as a strategy for europe (sapir, a. et al. 2003). the 2009 barca report subsequently contributed to a revised lisbon strategy, cementing neoliberal values of competitiveness into a place-based strategy (barca, f. 2009), and dropping previously implicit notions of spatial justice in territorial cohesion. moving towards the next programming period, critical scholars called for a context-specifi c regional policy balanced with increased transparency and fi scal responsibility. on the one hand, copus, a. and noguera, j. (2010) off ered that for regions to develop their potential, cohesion policy should take into account regional conditions associated with narratives of change and local particularities. the contextualisation of regional policy would necessitate more freedom for regions to deviate from eu and national agendas, especially in cee where some countries have seen recent recentralisation. on the other hand, farole, rodríguez-pose and storper recommended that greater conditionality be extended by the eu in order to avoid the potential problems of a decentralised cohesion policy (farole, t. et al. 2011). others called att ention back towards the social dimension to support european integration (lundvall, b.å. and lorenz, e. 2012), implying a retreat from neoliberalism. the resulting evolution of cohesion policy aligned more closely with europe 2020, shift ing priorities from hard infrastructure to soft innovation capacities and exerting tighter controls over the use of funds (cec 2014a). nevertheless, europe 2020 has been criticised for repeating the structural errors of the lisbon strategy (gonzález, l. and rubén, c. 2013). the promotion of territorial cohesion within a neoliberal regional policy framework presents a critical contradiction between the place-based approach and the normativity of neoliberal principles, since a common set of neoliberal principles neither fi nds the same application nor produces the same effects within the path dependent political-institutional contexts of regions. aft er a decade of capitalism stark and bruszt in their common work published in 2001 described the post-socialist condition in cee in terms of a “diversity of capitalisms” that had emerged in path dependent contexts (p. 1131), recalling jessop’s “actually existing neoliberalisms” (stark, d. and bruszt, l. 2001; jessop, b. 2002). in the wake of the 2009 fi nancial crisis, brenner, peck and theodore postulated that a variegated neoliberalism resulting from successive waves of crisis-induced neoliberal restructuring unfolds unevenly across space and produces “new forms of geo-institutional diff erentiation” or “inherited politico-institutional arrangements” (brenner, n. et al. 2010a, p. 331). the same authors found that prototypical neoliberal policy transfer between states produces a qualitatively transformed policy in diff erent political-institutional contexts (brenner, n. et al. 2010b). therefore, the similarities amongst cee countries should not be taken for granted when it comes to neoliberalisation processes nor the application of supranational strategies, the eff ectiveness of which can vary. barca, mccann and rodríguez-pose argued that the place-based approach that took hold in the eu during the 209loewen, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 205–217. reformed lisbon strategy was conducive to the many existing path-dependent institutional contexts (barca, f. et al. 2012). nevertheless, the increasingly homogeneous neoliberal regional policy still does not take these into account. a diverse array of appropriate policy responses corresponding to path dependent neoliberal contexts should, therefore, be expected in cee rather than the narrowing perspective of a (non-existent) pure neoliberalism. critical scholars have off ered insights into the rise of neoliberalism in other domains of regional development such as new economic geography (neg) and new regionalism (nr), which are believed to contribute to a depoliticisation of spatial development and the reproduction of uneven spatial development, increasing the vulnerability of lagging regions to the global fi nancial system and disarming regions’ political ability to respond to exogeneous events such as the fi nancial crisis (hadjimichalis, c. 2011; hadjimichalis, c. and hudson, r. 2014). such views incorporated into the research community made it diffi cult to distinguish progressive from regressive policy (hadjimichalis, c. and hudson, r. 2014). in 2004, the neoliberal normativity of the creative economy agendas of place competition and promotion were already being recognised (gibson, c. and klocker, n. 2004), and academics have since become intermediaries of creative economies for regional development, unconsciously and uncritically reproducing normative elements (gibson, c. 2015). denial of the problem of spatial inequalities in regional development, therefore, extends from experts and academics to the european commission, whose evaluations of the lisbon strategy and cohesion policy interpreted the eff ects of the fi nancial crisis as the result of macro-economic imbalances and competitiveness problems (cec 2010b, 2013), without recognising the problematic socio-economic eff ects of entrenched spatial inequalities and peripheralisation processes accumulating over decades, calling into question intra-european power relations and national interests in the sett ing of eu policy. while regional diversity is promoted in regional policy, the rhetoric remains limited to the neoliberal narrative of competitiveness and growth that, coupled with europe 2020, restricts policy options and could work against territorial cohesion by further promoting spatial inequalities in regional development. to understand how these concepts have been represented at the regional level and used to address regional particularities, it is necessary to look within individual member states. national documents for regional policy (including operational programmes) from the czech republic, estonia and hungary are next compared to diff erentiate between national perspectives. comparative analysis: regional policy in the czech republic, estonia and hungary as the case has been made above for decreasing territorial cohesion in cee countries, att ention will next be directed to regional policy as applied in the cee context to ascertain similarities and diff erences in the political-institutional contexts in which regional policy is delivered. the above mentioned critiques of neoliberalism in regional policy and related fi elds point to hidden diff erences in national contexts and the need to investigate beyond the normative elements of eu regional policy, as reproduced in national and regional policies, in order to uncover national discourses and political-institutional contexts with implications for policy eff ectiveness. programmes in the czech republic, estonia and hungary are investigated from a comparative analytical approach along the lines of comparative historical analysis within the fi eld of new institutionalism, which examines a small number of cases against a theoretical backdrop in order to challenge prior beliefs about the cases (goldstone, j.a. 2003), focusing on processes over time and the use of systematic and contextualised comparison (mahoney, j. and rueschemeyer, d. 2003). the three country cases herein are oft en grouped together as ‘post-socialist’, thereby loewen, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 205–217.210 suppressing notions of diff erence, and are recipients of eu policy intended for homogeneous application across member states. the forthcoming analysis examines the guiding national strategic documents of regional policy from three programming periods, encompassing operational programmes, to uncover diff erences between the three countries that also have potential implications for policy eff ectiveness. pre-accession support, regional policy and operational programmes agenda 2000 laid out the eu’s enlargement strategy in response to a high volume of membership applications from cee including the czech republic, estonia and hungary (cec 1997). cohesion was envisioned to be of great importance in an enlarged union, and funding through the phare programme and agenda 2000 prioritised upgrading transportation and environmental infrastructure and institutions, investments that were considered vital for the realisation of political and economic advantages in an enlarged union. therefore, the process of territorial cohesion with a long-term focus on outward-looking competitiveness was in motion even before the 2004 enlargement. following their accession, fi nancial support was provided by structural and cohesion funds, which have continued to drive investments for territorial cohesion in member states through regional policy. operational programmes (ops) are viewed here as the implementing instruments of regional policy and for delivering cohesion policy into national contexts. the czech republic, estonia and hungary were funded for ops for the remainder of the 2000–2006 (i.e. 2004–2006), 2007–2013 and 2014–2020 (on-going) periods. the strategies and thematic contents of ops can be identifi ed by examining their eu-negotiated parent national strategic documents for the allocation of investment funds. in 2004–2006, community support frameworks (csfs) outlined fi ve ops in each of the czech republic and hungary. estonia had a single national op for comparison. in 2007–2013, the number of ops (not to mention cross-border co-operations) proliferated: six national and eight regional ops in the czech republic (including one national and one regional objective 2 programme); two regional ops in estonia; and seven national and seven regional ops in hungary; all of which stemmed from the eu-negotiated documents, national strategic reference frameworks (nsrfs). the 2014– 2020 period was simplifi ed, with only national ops in the roster (again, excluding cross-border programmes), developed under the guiding national partnership agreements (pas). table 1 presents the instruments reviewed in the three-country comparison. development of regional policy in national contexts the following sections summarise and compare regional policy programmes between the czech republic, estonia and hungary. in the 2004–2006, 2007–2013 and 2014–2020 programming periods the three countries shared a similar economic situation of being small, open and export-oriented economies in the context of increased global trade liberalisation, with implications for regional disparities. the objectives across periods have been fairly continuous and the content of programmes across periods diff ers to a very litt le extent, in accordance with the reproduction of eu policy elements. nevertheless, the comparison suggests some diff erentiation between the country perspectives as well as some convergence of these perspectives moving towards the 2014–2020 period, possibly due to the streamlining infl uence of europe 2020. table 2 highlights key principles in national strategies in regional policy instruments, thereby demonstrating variation in the representation of neoliberal elements, and is followed by further description of key messages from each country. this raises the questions of how these variations may be connected to the successful or unsuccessful transfer of eu regional policy into the national contexts 211loewen, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 205–217. in cee, and what the subsequent eff ects of regional policies on spatial inequalities and territorial cohesion might be. czech republic the 2004–2006 strategy of the czech republic was described as “sustainability based on competitiveness” (mmr 2003, p. 61), supporting objectives of the lisbon strategy while focusing on the country’s relative performance within the eu for achieving territorial cohesion. despite regional disparities, achieving sustainable economic development depended on taking advantage of the prague agglomeration and its spill-over eff ects, developing other major growth poles, and upgrading transport infrastructure as a precondition for competitiveness and growth: “the main aim of the structural funds is … to fi nance interventions which can be expected to have a positive eff ect on long-run productivity gains and employment creation” (p. 55). horizontal objectives including environmental standards, social inclusion and balanced development of regions were included in each op. the latt er objective addressing territorial cohesion was described as “decreasing the negative impacts of unbalanced economic growth” (p. 68), thereby tackling the problem of spatial inequalities. in the 2007–2013 nsrf attention was drawn to the risks of diminishing global cost competitiveness, lagging productivity and institutional barriers impeding the business climate (mmr 2007). cohesion was represented both between regions and in relation to the eu, which continued the existing contradiction between convergence and competitiveness objectives: “there are also priorities in place with objectives in compliance with the lisbon strategy in support of the competitiveness of regions with the highest growth potential, whose stimulation will contribute to the cr’s convergence to the european average” (p. 63), again relying on the economic core to lift all regions, which could intensify spatial inequalities. nevertheless, growing regional disparities in unemployment were table. 1. regional policy instruments reviewed in the czech republic, estonia and hungary from the 2004–2006, 2007–2013 and 2014–2020 programming periods programming period instrument czech republic estonia hungary 2004–2006 community support framework yes no yes operational programme (national) 5 1 5 operational programme (multiregional) – – operational programme (regional) 1 – – 2007–2013 national strategic reference framework yes yes yes operational programme (national) 6 2 7 operational programme (regional) 8 – 7 2014–2020 partnership agreement yes yes yes operational programme (national) 7 1 6 loewen, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 205–217.212 noted, as well as the problems of transport defi ciencies and bott lenecks, e.g. in the ten-t network, considered to hamper flows between the east and west due to the czech republic’s central position in the eu. spatial polarisation and fragmentation continued to be an inhibiting factor to the development of lower-order growth poles and a cohesive territorial development. regional trajectories covered a range from “undergoing rapid development” to “having low growth dynamics” and being “on the decline” (p. 27). business incentives to smes were targeted to help this large segment of the economy achieve its growth potential, especially in underdeveloped regions. social cohesion through inclusion and improvements to public administration were also specifi ed. the 2014–2020 partnership agreement was designed for maximum coherence with the europe 2020 strategy (with associated targets) and related national policies. previous priorities were renewed, with the strategic objectives of “developing a high quality business environment” and “providing an inclusive society” (mmr 2014, p. 118). increasing the quality of education, core infrastructure and public institutions were listed as conditions for renewed economic growth, and investments were targeted to structurally weak regions to address traditional industries and growing long term social exclusion. estonia estonia’s single op for the 2004–2006 period focused on human resources development for economic competitiveness, but with a distinct specialisation on ict. skills and development was addressed by matching educational opportunities to demands of the labour market. disparities within the region were de-t ab le . 2 . v ar ia ti on s of n eo lib er al e le m en ts in r eg io na l p ol ic y in st ru m en ts in th e c ze ch r ep ub lic , e st on ia a nd h un ga ry fr om th e 20 04 –2 00 6, 2 00 7– 20 13 a nd 2 01 4– 20 20 pr og ra m m in g pe ri od s p ro gr am m in g pe ri od c ze ch r ep ub lic e st on ia h un ga ry 20 04 –2 00 6 e co no m ic c om p et it iv en es s th ro u gh p ro d uc ti vi ty a nd lo w c os t s tr at eg y – e co no m ic c om p et it iv en es s th ro u gh t ec hno lo gy a nd s ki lls d ev el op m en t – so ci oec on om ic d ev el op m en t th ro u gh i ncr ea se d e m pl oy m en t a nd s oc ia l i nc lu si on – 20 07 –2 01 3 e co n om ic c om p et it iv en es s th ro u gh u p gr ad in g sk ill s an d k no w le d ge ; tr an si ti on fr om lo w -c os t s tr at eg y; pr om ot io n of g ro w th p ol e pr od uc in g sp ill ov er e ff ec ts ; r em ov al o f ba rr ie rs t o ec on om ic d ev el op m en t. – – – – b en efi t fr om g lo ba l e co no m ic in te gr at io n; k n o w le d g e an d en tr ep re n eu ri al is m th ro ug h co m m un ic at io n an d m ob ili ty ; tr an si ti on f ro m l ow -c os t to k no w le d ge ba se d e co no m y; g lo ba l a tt ra ct iv en es s an d pl ac e co m pe tit io n (e .g . c le an e nv ir on m en t) ; p ro m ot io n of p ol yc en tr ic u rb an s tr uc tu re . – – – – – in cr ea se d e m p lo ym en t th ro u gh s ki lls d eve lo pm en t; so ci al s ta bi lit y an d e ffi c ie nt d el iv er y of s oci al s er vi ce s; in cr ea se d t er ri to ri al c oh es io n th ro ug h d eve lo pm en t o f r eg io na l g ro w th p ol es ; im p ro ve d a cc es si bi lit y th ro u gh t ra ns p or t in fr as tr uc tu re . – – – – 20 14 –2 02 0 im pr ov ed fu nc ti on in g of la bo ur m ar ke t; h ig h qu al it y bu si ne ss e nv ir on m en t; su pp or t t o sm e s; tr an si ti on to n on -p ri ce c om pe ti ti ve ne ss ; so ci al i n cl u si on i n cl u d in g em p lo ym en t se rv ic es . – – – – – in cr ea se d p ro d u ct iv it y re pl ac in g em pl oy m en t; r & d c ap ita lis at io n, v en tu re c ap ita l, fo re ig n d ir ec t i nv es tm en t; e ffi c ie nt u se o f r es ou rc es ; tr an si ti on to lo w c ar bo n ec on om y; g lo ba l c on ne ct iv it y. – – – – – fi sc al s ta bi lit y an d s tr uc tu ra l r ef or m s in cl . so ci al s er vi ce s; n ec es si ty o f e co no m ic g ro w th fr om a ll in ve st m en ts . – – 213loewen, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 205–217. scribed in terms of gdp contributions between tallinn and other counties (nuts-3 regions), demonstrating a strong core-periphery duality. without a csf, estonia’s programme aligned with its own national development plan, and participation in regional policy was comparatively simple. nevertheless, ex post evaluations found that the “centralised implementation and prioritisation of goals left the regional perspective as a subsidiary aim” (applica-ismeri europa-wiiw 2010, p. 3). sett ing targets within the nuts-2 region was not required, so the op was more free to pursue national interests, of which spatial polarisation was still a concern. the 2007–2013 nsrf projected a global and entrepreneurial spirit of estonia, poised to benefi t from increasing global trade liberalisation, as its position as a small, open and integrated economy was fi rmly established. the headline objective of “fast and sustainable development” (republic of estonia 2007, p. 65) aimed to promote open mobility and communication for knowledge transfer and entrepreneurialism: “…we also have an opportunity to win from the global expansion of labour market assumed that people return to estonia richer with one [sic] experience” (p. 15). technological advancement and opportunities for foreign direct investment were viewed as a means to escape its diminishing role as a low-cost labour provider: “the fast and expansive adoption of new technologies … and updating of business and operational models … are extremely important” (p. 18). neoliberal notions of att ractiveness and place competition were also promoted through welfare reforms, environmental sustainability, and cultural potentials of the periphery. “decreasing domestic regional balance” (p. 24) from uneven economic growth and urban-rural migration was addressed through promoting the development of a polycentric urban structure, elevating the representation of territorial cohesion in the national strategy. nevertheless, the capital region continued to be a major driver of economic restructuring and att raction, entrenching spatial inequalities. in the 2014–2020 pa estonia looks for increased macro-economic stability following the global credit crunch to reduce its vulnerability as an open economy (republic of estonia 2014). the country is preparing for a nominal decline in employment due to an aging population, which determines its economic strategy – “economic growth can only be driven by productivity and investments supporting it” (p. 6) – and focuses on high value-added levels of the economy, capitalisation of r&d, att raction of venture capital, and more effi cient use of natural resources. estonia further reinforces its international outlook by prioritising global connectivity for economic growth: “participation in global value chains unavoidably requires the existence of high quality connections,” and, “the impact of fl ight connections on gdp growth can range from 4–7%” (p. 20). the strategy points to decreased albeit large regional economic disparities from 2005–2012, suggesting positive movement for territorial cohesion – “regional diff erences in gdp relative to population between harju and tartu counties … and all other regions … have decreased” (p. 42) – although signifi cant internal migration to the core urban areas of tallinn and tartu have occurred since the 2008 fi nancial crisis (raagmaa, g. and stead, d. 2013). the strategy states that “all regions located outside of the urban areas of tallinn and tartu need additional att ention in accordance with their specifi c problems,” (p. 45) evidenced by limited employment and commuting possibilities. hungary the hungarian csf highlighted the intensifi cation of pre-existing regional disparities arising from market liberalisation and economic restructuring (republic of hungary, 2003). on the whole, the strategy demonstrated a strong social perspective amidst stable political and economic conditions, positioning human development as the primary means towards achieving territorial cohesion: loewen, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 205–217.214 “hungary must give renewed policy focus to strengthening its overall level of development in order to move towards convergence with the level of the socio-economic development of the eu” (p. 68). the inclusion of “socio-“ in this overall strategy is palpable. “improving the use of human resources,” (p. 68) took the second place objective, although it was also a prominent strategy for the fi rst objective, economic competitiveness. lowerorder objectives included environment, basic infrastructure and balanced territorial development. thus, the dominant theme of the csf was inclusive human development to improve employment, which suff ered due to substantial withdrawal from the labour market. the presence of high quality educational institutions was seen as a potential resource for improving employment in the less developed regions of the east, albeit amidst struggling r&d capacities characterised by lack of knowledge transfer, out-dated technologies and underinvestment. other social topics covered, such as healthcare, inclusion and equal opportunity, demonstrated a strongly social perspective. the 2007–2013 programme once again called for growth through increased employment with an enhanced global economic dimension, with a condition of respecting social values: “[we] need a brave and creative economic development concept embracing issues of employment as well that respects both the satisfaction of social demands and macro-economic stability” (republic of hungary 2007, p. 1). in this way, economic performance was secondary and conditional with respect to social cohesion, a resistant stance to the neoliberal norm. cohesion and structural funds were framed as an opportunity for the “renewal of society” (p. i). institutional reform was framed for the effi cient delivery of social welfare rather than economic development. regional disparities and internal contradictions were still high, and spatial polarisation was addressed through support for developing regional growth poles and harnessing endogeneous potentials to develop comparative advantages. following a period of fi scal consolidation aft er the fi nancial crisis – itself necessarily a neoliberal condition for economic growth – hungary considered itself well-positioned to benefit from cohesion and structural funds (republic of hungary 2013). the 2014–2020 pa continued to focus on fi scal policy for strong macro-economic conditions through targeted actions: “[these] funds can only result in additional economic growth in hungary if they are used in a more targeted and simple manner compared to the previous period” (p. 10), but retreated somewhat from the markedly social stance of previous programmes: “the development programmes which are not directly of an economic nature must be engineered in a way that they can … contribute to the goal of growth” (p. 11). therefore, the pa marks a shift and perhaps exemplifi es the most drastic neoliberalisation of policy of the three countries studied. regarding spatial polarisation it was believed that both old and new processes producing regional disparities, including microregional, needed support at a lower level than nuts-2 to be successful. the resulting programme exhibited a broader, streamlined set of development priorities corresponding to europe 2020, showing growing similarity to the other countries reviewed. low employment was still one of the most serious concerns hampering growth. contextualising further research the above sheds light on variations that can be produced within the eu streamlining process that appears to impose common policy onto diff erent political-institutional contexts, raising further questions about these national contexts and their abilities to transfer policy. the content of the national documents reviewed is admitt edly light and optimistic, especially considering that over the three programming periods, regional inequalities in cee have worsened and the european economy has faced its biggest challenges in decades. nevertheless, the strategies outlined 215loewen, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 205–217. therein demonstrate variation in the pursuit of competitiveness and growth amidst increasingly neoliberal supranational policy. the czech republic’s focus on catching up with european-average productivity through cost-competitiveness and reduced barriers to business contrasts with hungary’s focus on increasing labour market participation through developing human resources and estonia’s leap into advanced global niche markets. such variations in the approaches to the normative principles of competitiveness and growth recall the previously discussed notions of ‘actually existing’ and ‘variegated’ neoliberalisms (jessop, b. 2002; brenner, n. et al. 2010a), and suggest the possibility of further variations – that should be investigated – once regional policy is put into national and regional contexts. raagmaa and stead wrote that aft er accession cee countries practiced a combination of previous behaviour, new eu rules, and local agendas leading to double standards in policymaking (raagmaa, g. and stead, d. 2013). furthermore, monastiriotis stated that national economic contexts play a role in the convergence process (monastiriotis, v. 2014). therefore, the path dependent political-institutional structures in cee almost certainly carry remnants of previous regimes more than two decades aft er liberalisation that are infl uencing emerging forms of neoliberalism and have implications for regional policy, territorial cohesion, and spatial inequalities in regional development. moving forward, it becomes critical to further understand specifi c political-institutional contexts alongside policies in order to address some key questions raised by this paper: how has regional policy been transferred to cee and transformed through the transfer process? how has the transferred policy addressed the eu concept of cohesion and real spatial inequalities in diff erent national contexts? and ultimately, what factors of regional policy are particularly eff ective for promoting territorial cohesion in the cee? the answers to these questions will help to elucidate monastiriotis’ relationships between national economic contexts and convergence in order to form specifi c policy recommendations for cee. moreover, the identifi cation of key factors of successful regional policies in cee can benefi t regional policy as a whole by further developing the place-based approach and subsequently informing new iterations of policy instruments. conclusion the preceding comparative analysis has highlighted diff erent national perspectives in the cases of the czech republic, estonia and hungary towards the neoliberal principles of competitiveness and growth promoted by regional policy. critical scholars have responded to the neoliberalisation of regional policy and its negative eff ects by suggesting alternatives, from a re-politicisation and democratisation of policy to a reconsideration of discarded alternate forms of regionalism (e.g. welfare regionalism) (hadjimichalis, c. and hudson, r. 2014), or a refocusing of policy from convergence to underdevelopment (farole, t. et al. 2011). in any case, a deeper comparative understanding of national and regional political-institutional contexts is required to move beyond the neoliberal rhetoric of regional policy that is reproduced in national documents, and to ultimately determine the factors of successful regional policies for context-specifi c policy recommendations, of which this study took a fi rst step. peck, theodore and brenner argued that critical analysis needs to extend beyond concerns about what policies achieve, “to consider the manner in which they move, how cross-jurisdictional reform trajectories are constructed, and how the over-all pattern of policy making varies over time and space” (peck, j. et al. 2012, p. 278). it will be critical to consider these aspects in the quest for contextualised regional policymaking in cee. comparative historical analysis within the fi eld of new institutionalism off ers an approach conducive to this task. despite an accumulation of knowledge during the loewen, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 205–217.216 references annoni, p. and dijkstra, l. 2013. eu regional competitiveness index: rci 2013. luxembourg, european commission, joint research centre, publications offi ce of the european union, 160 p. applica-ismeri europa-wiiw 2010. ex post evaluation of cohesion policy programmes 2000–2006 fi nanced by the european regional development fund in objective 1 and 2 regions: working package 1: coordination, analysis and synthesis. task 4: development and achievements in member states: estonia. applica-ismeri europawiiw consortium. 20 p. barca, f. 2009. an agenda for a reformed cohesion policy: a place-based approach to meeting european union challenges and expectations. independent report prepared at the request of the european commissioner 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(4): 1129–1137. wced 1987. our common future. report on the world commission of environment and development. new york, united nations, 383 p. loewen, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 205–217.218 since the disintegration of the ussr, the western world has shown an ever-growing interest in ukraine, its people and its economy. as the second-largest country in europe, ukraine has a strategic geographical position at the crossroads between europe and asia. it is a key country for the transit of energy resources from russia and central asia to the european union, which is one reason why ukraine has become a priority partner in the neighbourhood policy of the eu. ukraine has pursued a path towards the democratic consolidation of statehood, which encompasses vigorous economic changes, the development of institutions and integration into european and global political and economic structures. in a complex and controversial world, ukraine is building collaboration with other countries upon the principles of mutual understanding and trust, and is establishing initiatives aimed at the creation of a system that bestows international security. this recognition has prompted the institute of geography of the national academy of sciences of ukraine (kyiv) and the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences (budapest) to initiate cooperation, and the volume entitled “ukraine in maps” is the outcome of their joint eff ort. the intention of this publication is to make available the results of research conducted by ukrainian and hungarian geographers, to the english-speaking public. this atlas follows in the footsteps of previous publications from the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences. similar to the work entitled south eastern europe in maps (2005, 2007), it includes 64 maps, dozens of fi gures and tables accompanied by an explanatory text, writt en in a popular, scientifi c manner. the book is an att empt to outline the geographical sett ing and geopolitical context of ukraine, as well as its history, natural environment, population, sett lements and economy. the authors greatly hope that this joint venture will bring ukraine closer to the reader and make this neighbouring country to the european union more familiar, and consequently, more appealing. ukraine in maps edited by: kocsis, k., rudenko, l. and schweitzer, f. institute of geography national academy of sciences of ukraine geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences. kyiv–budapest, 2008, 148 p. -----------------------------------------price: eur 35.00 order: geographical institute rcaes has library h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mail: magyar.arpad@csfk .mta.hu << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice relationship between ecological indicators and soil properties (in case of a wetland) 187 hungarian geographical bulletin 61 (3) (2012) 187–196. relationship between ecological indicators and soil properties (in case of a wetland) zoltán szalai1, mária szabó2, nóra zboray2, klaudia kiss1, kata horváth-szabó2, gergely jakab1, réka balázs3, tibor németh3 and balázs madarász1 abstract ecological indicators have been defi ned for higher plants. in theory with the use of these indicator values we can make predictions for the abiotic environmental factors based on cenological analysis. there are only few publications which have focused on validation of the published indicators. the scale dependence of these indices is poorly studied too. present paper focuses on applicability of soil related ecological indicators in small scale studies. three soil related indices were studied along a hydromorph toposequence, such as simon’s w, r and soó’s n values. simon ’s t value also was applied to compare applicability soil related ecological indicators with non-soil related ones for small areas. these values were determined on the basis of cenological measurement and compared with soil physical and chemical properties. our results suggest that w values can be use only for small scale ecological indications. keywords: ecological indicator, physical and chemical properties, toposequence, water demand, nitrogen, ph, microclimate introduction development of soils is aff ected by several factors. water and topography as primary environmental factors plays crucial role in soil development (centeri, cs. et al. 2009). spatial diff erences of soil forming factors cause spatial heterogeneity of soil properties (white, r.e. 2006; szabó gy. and czellér, k. 2009; 1 hungarian academy of sciences, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences, geographical institute. e-mail: szalaiz@mtafk i.hu 2 eötvös loránd university, faculty of sciences, institute of geography and earth sciences, department of environmental and landscape geography 3 hungarian academy of sciences, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences, institute for geology and geochemical research 188 kertész, á. et al. 2010). these phenomena aff ect on morphology and refl ect in spatial distribution soil properties such as amount macronutrients (sipos, p. 2004; farsang a. et al. 2008; kocsis, m. et al. 2008; szabó, gy. et al. 2008; nagy. r. et al. 2012) and organic matt er (om) decomposition and humifi cation (martins, t. et al. 2011; alexis, m.a. et al. 2012). since soil forming factors also have infl uence on vegetation, cenological properties of fl ora may have relationship with diff erent aspect of the environment, theoretically. as a result of fl oristic research, ecological indicators have been defi ned for almost the whole vascular fl ora (soó, r. 1980; simon, t. 1992). in theory with the use of these indicator values we can make predictions for the abiotic environmental factors based on cenological analysis (csontos, p. 1984; mjazovszky, a. et al. 2003; szabó m. et al. 2007). as relevant diff erences may occur along hydromorph toposequences within small distances, changes in physico-chemical properties of the soil can be detected in a small area (szalai, z. et al. 2010; varga, á. 2010). these toposequences allow the validation of ecological indicator values. present paper focuses on the reliability of the ecological indicators compared with soil properties. material and methods study area the 8 ha mocsárrét area located in the vicinity of ceglédbercel is in the border of the gödöllő hills and the pilis-alpár homokhát physical micro-regions (figure 1). it belongs to the former fl oodplain of the gerje stream. the deepest parts of the mocsárrét are willowy peat-bogs. the fens are diff erentiated from the sedgy meadows with a defi nite bench. the pasture-lands also diff erentiate defi nitely from the surrounding sandy steppes following a graduated elevation. sampling and measurements relationship between vegetation and soil properties were studied by simon’s w (water demand), r (soil ph) and soó’s n (soil nitrogen) values. simon’s t (köppens’s climate) value also was applied to compare applicability soil related ecological indicators with non-soil related ones for small areas. cenological properties of the mocsárrét were studied by estimation of herbaceous vegetation cover along a 22 m transect. the estimation was carried out along a straight line using 22 neighbouring 1 x 1 m quadrates. the lowest and the highest ones are labelled by 0 and 22, the highest one. the quadrates 189 covered a whole hydromorphic toposequence beginning from the peat-bog to the dry lucerne area (sandy steppe). species lists and cover estimations were carried out for each quadrats. applied ecological indicators were assigned to each species from hungarian flora database (horváth, f. et al. 1995). the cover-weighed averages of values were used to the calculations. soil properties are studied by boreholes, which made by edelman auger. drills were installed next to the quadrates and each of them reached the groundwater level. aft er the drilling, the depth of the groundwater level was measured in the borehole by tape-measure. soil samples were taken and measured from the upper 25 cm densely rooted soil horizon. soil organic carbon (soc) and total bounded nitrogen (tn) content were measured using ndir/chemoluminescent analyser. soil organic matt er (som) content was calculated from the soc values using a 1,72 multiplication factor. humic compounds were characterized by hargitai’s q value (buzás, i. 1983). soil ph was determined electrometrically from 1n kcl extract. caco3 content was measured using scheibler’s method (buzás, i. 1988). texture of the mineral phase was defi ned with a laser diff raction particle sizer while the quality of the mineral phase was determined with an xrd (x-ray diff raction). to compare soil data with ecological indicators soil ph values were converted to acidity (cmol+ kg -1) before regression analysis (to transform log scale to linear scale data). ecological indicator values transformed from ordinal scale to interval scale data by sneath and sokal’s method (podani, j. 1997). the relationships were studied using linear regression and correlation coeffi cient. fig. 1. ortophoto combined dem of study site 190 results morphological and mineralogical properties of soils along the 22 m toposequence som content doesn’t change consistently with the decreasing water content. in the deepest point of the toposequence (0) starting soil type is peaty meadow soil-gleyic phaeozem (pachic, arenic, calcaric), where the “histic” (h) horizon’s thickness reaches 10 cm. between the 0 and 1 quadrates soil type changes to calcaric meadow soil-gleyic phaeozem (arenic, calcaric). this calcaric meadow soil is typical until highest point of the toposequence. the mineral phase’s texture sand content increases whilst silt and clay content shows a decreasing tendency starting from the lower endpoint to the upper one. between the 0 and 1–5 quadrates there is a sudden change in the mineral phase ant this change appears in the herbaceous vegetation too. in the reed quartz and calcite are dominant, smectite is signifi cant and only a litt le feldspar is present. the iron phase is traceable in the form of goethite for which refer refl ections between 4.18 and 2.70 ǻ. iron concretions and mott les are made of poorly crystallized goethite. practically in the same level as the 0 quadrate lies the sedge dominated 1–5 quadrate. their matrix consists of mainly quartz and calcite but smectites are also signifi cant. the silt fraction contains litt le feldspar and amphibole. there is ferrihydrite in the matrix’s iron-phase, it is shown by the elevated baseline with maximum values around 1.5 and 2.5 ǻ. in the iron concretions mineral phase the iron (iii) is present mainly in the form of ferrihydrite and less poorly crystallized goethite (shoulder at the quartz’s base, around 4.16 ǻ; weak peak at 2.69 ǻ). dominant minerals of the soil matrix are also present in the iron concretions like quartz, calcite and feldspar. this alludes to the fact that iron-oxide concretions seceded around these mineral grains and incorporated them in the course of their growth. advancing to the upper endpoint of the toposequence goethite becomes dominant in the iron phase again. caco3 and soil som contents also changes between the 0 and 1 quadrate. further in the toposequence does not fall of caco3, however quantity of som decreases continually. condensation degree of humic acids degree increases steadily parallel with reduction of hydromorphy (table 1). relationship between ecological indicators and environmental factors from the reed (temporary open water surface) to the slightly elevating area headway of the lower water-demand plants can be observed to the expense of high water-demand (swamp) plants (ex. carex riparia). the association at 191 table 1. chemical properties of topsoil (0–20 cm) indicator 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 som (%, m/m) q tn (%, m/m) c/n caco3 (%, m/m) phkcl 27.2 0.34 0.26 60.7 7.69 7.81 9.7 0.32 0.08 70.3 3.5 7.81 9.8 0.42 0.19 29.9 3.5 7.8 8.3 0.45 0.25 19.3 3.3 7.78 6.1 0.46 0.28 12.6 3.4 7.81 5.2 0.45 0.26 11.6 3.1 7.8 5 0.43 0.23 12.6 3.3 7.72 4.8 0.51 0.21 13.3 3.4 7.65 4.4 0.49 0.2 12.8 3.2 7.65 4.5 0.48 0.21 12.4 3.6 7.52 4.5 0.48 0.19 13.7 3.5 7.54 indicator 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 22 22 som (%, m/m) q tn (%, m/m) c/n caco3 (%, m/m) phkcl 4.6 0.48 0.14 19.1 3.6 7.54 4.3 0.49 0.15 16.6 3.5 7.51 4.1 0.76 0.17 14.0 3.7 7.55 3.8 0.93 0.09 24.5 3.8 7.62 3.2 0.97 0.15 12.4 3.8 7.66 2.8 0.94 0.14 11.6 4 7.62 2.2 0.95 0.11 11.6 4.2 7.58 1.9 0.96 0.09 12.2 3.7 7.51 2 0.98 0.08 14.5 3.5 7.34 2.1 1.02 0.09 13.5 3.2 7.31 2.1 1.01 0.1 12.2 3.0 7.79 2.1 1.03 0.1 12.2 2.9 7.25 the top of the toposequence contains rather species of wet meadow (ex. festuca arundinacea) as well as disturbance tolerating species of dry pasture-lands (ex. agropyron repens). average w value of the vegetation – calculated by the vegetation cover – decreases together with the reduction of water eff ect (figure 2) while the trend line calculated by linear regression shows very weak connection (r2 = 0.60) with the t values. total nitrogen content of the soil (tn) decreases towards the upper endpoint of the toposequence which is also followed by the n value (figure 3). although connection between tn and n value is “visible”, the correlation coeffi cient between value pairs is very low (r2=0.61). along with the drop of the water eff ect soil ph decreases from ph8.3 typical of caco3 regulated wet systems to slightly alkali values typical of carbonated humic sandy soils. correspondingly to the previous two ecologic indicator values simon’s r value shows a decreasing tendency also. however, there is no connection between alkalinity and its indicator value (figure 4). albeit simon’s t value is primary for proving dissimilarities between köppen’s climatic zones (csecserits, a. et al. 2009), we were curious if it could indicate microclimatic diff erences also. accordingly to our expectations t values of the vegetation by the non-indiff erent species do not show any distribution patt ern (table 2). 192 fig. 2. spatial distribution of w value along toposequence in relation to depth of groundwater table fig. 3. spatial distribution of n value along toposequence in relation to total bounded nitrogen (tn) fig. 4. spatial distribution of r value along toposequence in relation to soil reaction 193 distribution of indiff erent values in case of all studied indicators there were some species which had 0 values. these species are not suitable for ecological indications. a question may arise as to whether there is any relationship between spatial distribution indiff erent values and spatial distribution of soil ph tn, and hydromorphy (depth of groundwater table). indiff erent species of studied indicators shows diff erent kinds of spatial distribution (figure 5). from the aspect of the water eff ect-indicating w fig. 5. proportion of indiff erent species within quadrats – a = w value; b = n value; c = r value; d = t value table 2. correlation between soil properties and ecological indicators on the basis of r2 soil properties simon’s w value soó’s n value simon’s r value depth of groundwater table total bounded nitrogen soil reaction ([h+] cmol+ kg -1) soil reaction (ph) 0,63 – – – – 0,51 – – – – 0,19 0,20 194 value there were no indiff erent species at the study area. this phenomenon supports the indicator’s applicability. species which didn’t show an n value in the vegetation is negligible in the vicinity of the lower endpoint and that would be likely at the sandy steppe (if the natural vegetation could have been remained) above the upper endpoint of the toposequence, as well. cover of the indiff erent n value species exceeds 50% in the middle section. contrary with above n indicator, proportion of indiff erent r values increases parallel with the depth of groundwater table. this reaches the 80% in the vicinity of the sandy steppe. however, climate indicator is not suitable for the indication of microclimatic diff erences, proportion of indiff erent species shows similar spatial distribution as in case of water demand index. discussion on the basis of correlation between indiff erent species from the aspect of r value and soil reaction this indicator was not appropriate for ecological indication in our small scale study. this index is applicable for large diff erences, eg. acidic soils – slightly alkali conditions – sodic soils. therefore multiplying sample numbers would not result a closer connection between the indicator and the ph value. relationship between n value and tn is also very poor, enlargement of the number of elements (studying several toposequences) would probably result a stronger connection. the most powerful connection is between the water demand and the w value. here the connection between the water demand and the ecological index can be detected already through a few numbers of elements. studied soil related ecologic indices have formed two “groups”, which are not sharply distinct, by their small scale applicability. transition is graduated between the only regional and locally also adaptable indices. in accordance with our expectations climate indicator t value out of the four ecological indices is not suitable for indicating microclimatic differences. the spatial distribution of indifferent climate indicators suggests that the site selection can be essential for such ecological studies which apply this indicator. acknowledgement: our research was supported by the hungarian scientifi c research fund (otka k100180, k100181) and by the local 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice doloreux, d., freel, m. and shearmur, r. eds: knowledge-intensive business services. geography and innovation 257 l i t e r a t u r e hungarian geographical bulletin 61 (3) (2012) pp. 257–262. doloreux, d., freel, m. and shearmur, r. eds: knowledge-intensive business services. geography and innovation. ashgate, alderhsot, 2010, 246 p. studies focused on knowledge-intensive business services (kibs) have been embedded into and stimulated by academic discourses over theorization of ‘knowledge’ and ‘learning’ in the contemporary (global) capitalism (see e.g. lyotard, j.f. 1984; harvey, d. 1989; bryson, j. et al. 2004) and also by practical (policy) debates over competitiveness of fi rms and national economies for the last three decades. as various fi elds and disciplines got involved in conceptualizing the production and circulation of knowledge, research approaches towards kibs grew increasingly transdisciplinary, and concerned with space – analysing intra-fi rm and inter-fi rm relations across geographical scales, and revealing their socio-cultural embeddedness (amin, a. and cohendet, p. 2004). although, such studies are focused dominantly on “advanced” economies of the traditional core regions, they provided and increasingly sophisticated view of knowledge-production as an engine of economic restructuring. this book contributes to understanding the role of knowledge intensive business services as drivers of innovation – how kibs support innovation and how kibs innovate themselves –, and also to explaining uneven development in the context of production, management and exchange of knowledge. the studies published in the book are “resolutely empirical” (p. 8), discussing kibs activities in diff erent institutional and cultural (basically, in european and north american) contexts. the nine case-studies provide a deep insight into the drivers and mechanisms of knowledge production, discussing the types of knowledge are produced and exchanged and how people and organisations interact in this process. although, the analyses are focused on diff erent geographical scales, discussing the globalization of kibs, their role in regional diff erentiation of a national economy, the knowledge fl ows in regional innovation systems, and also within kibs fi rms, the majority of studies suggest that knowledge production and exchange take place across geographical scales – and yet, they are shaped by particular local and regional contexts largely. in lack of space for a detailed review of results, i do not follow the logic of book that is organised around geographical scales. instead, the authors’ fi ndings shall be discussed in relation to key issues well258 known in service studies, such as the conceptualisation of kibs, the production of knowledge and innovation within the kibs fi rms, moreover, the interfi rm relations through which kibs stimulate innovation in other organisations – all interpreted as processes producing space. the authors share the widely discussed and accepted conception of kibs as producers and mediators of knowledge. this role rests on a highly complex and diverse process of information and knowledge sourcing (see trippl and tödtling in chapter 8) and on a creative manipulation of those in particular organisational and spatial contexts – the constant reproduction of the core asset (expertise) of kibs fi rms (see warf in chapter 2 and muller, zenker and héraud in chapter 10). in geographical terms, kibs are conceptualized as highly networked and locally (regionally) embedded activities that act across geographical scales while sourcing and mediating knowledge. nevertheless, putt ing knowledge in the focus drove some authors to conceptualize kibs in the wider context of social reproduction (e.g. considering medical services and higher education as knowledge intensive business services; see warf in chapter 2), that might stimulate further debate over the defi nition, and over kibs-related policies. moreover, the discussion of kibs’role in diff erent macroeconomic and socio-cultural contexts (cultural milieu and social practices) highlighted how diverse knowledge production and exchange are in core economies, and thus, how conceptualisation of kibs is shaped by local/regional processes and conditions (see shearmur; aslesen and isaksen; kautonen and hyypiä; doloreux, defazio and rangdrol in chapter 3, 5, 6 and 9). to understand the role of kibs providers as “innovators in their own right” (freel, p. 75), knowledge sourcing, development of new ideas and expertise, and the management of such processes within fi rms are key issues discussed by most of the authors. studies focused on knowledge sourcing argue against simplifi ed approaches that rest on local buzzglobal pipelines dichotomy. the authors’ empirical results suggest a highly diverse process in which, a number of agents (clients/users, competitors, suppliers, r&d institutions, universities, development agencies, networked professional communities) are acting as sources and/or co-producers of knowledge at diff erent geographical scales through various (formal and informal) channels of information fl ow (see chapter 4, 5, 6 and 8 by freel; aslesen and isaksen; kautonen and hyypiä; trippl and tödtling). the book suggests that knowledge sourcing is a diverse process that depends on the nature of services provided (professional expertise-based vs. technology-related activities/p-kibs vs. t-kibs), on the size kibs fi rms, and on the business (innovation) strategy adopted by a particular organisation. moreover, as kibs innovations rely highly on localized formal and informal relations (advantages of agglomeration economies and network externalities), knowledge sourcing should be discussed as a locally/regionally embedded process. studies focused local context of knowledge sourcing (see kautonen and hyypiä; trippl and tödtling; doloreux, defazio and rangdro in chapter 6, 8 and 9) highlight, how uneven development in metropolitan/non-metropolitan, core/peripheral, and in high-tech-based/public sector-oriented regions are driven by having (or not having) access to information and expertise. knowledge production is also discussed as a networked process (co-produced with other agents, primarily, with clients) that is ranging from customization of well-known recipes to innovative solutions to the clients’ problems (see chapter 2, 3, 4, 7 and 8 by warf; shearmur; freel; landry, amara and doloreux; trippl and tödtling). the studies suggest that, project-based work that grew dominant in the kibs sector is a source of new expertise and diverse knowledge management practices (codifi cation, developing tacit knowledge and the combination of those). nevertheless, it is also stressed that knowledge production rests on capacities of kibs fi rms, primarily on the skills of kibs staff and the 259 use of advanced technologies (see landry, amara and doloreux; trippl and tödtling in capter 7 and 8). an in-depth analysis of this process is provided by muller, zenker and héraud (chapter 10), who identifi ed the key agents of knowledge production (“knowledge angels”), searched their skills and qualities – that are over-arching disciplinary and organisational boundaries, and rest on professional expertise as well as on creative capacities –, and defi ned their strategic functions within intra-fi rm and wider networks. the widely discussed role of kibs as mediators of knowledge, and as such, stimulators and supporters of innovation (technological and organisational change, problem solving, crisis management, knowledge transfer etc.) in other organisations is also put in the focus of the book. types of knowledge produced and mediated, channels and methods of exchange, and the geography of those was researched empirically in diff erent regional and national contexts. a key issue discussed by most of the authors is the problem of tacit and codifi ed knowledge. as the results of landry et al., as well as of trippl and tödtling (chapter 7 and 8) suggest, we should shift from this dichotomy: both types of knowledge are (re)produced and exchanged at once in client-kibs provider relationships. for this, we should understand the complexity of knowledge exchange in various organisational and spatial contexts. this problem was discussed in a particular spatial context by the authors who adopted regional innovation system (ris) approach as a conceptual framework. aslesen and isaksen (chapter 5) analysed the role of kibs as mediators between agents (business/institutional) of ris that have diff erent knowledge basis; trippl and tödtling (chapter 8) focused on distinct types of kibs as mediators by their innovative activities in the vienna soft ware cluster, while doloreux et al. highlighted (chapter 9), how knowledge mediation is culturally embedded and how this function works within more distant relationships in canada. the authors were considered also with the geography of knowledge mediation. although, knowledge production in kibs fi rms is stimulated by locally (regionally) embedded relations that produce hierarchical and centralised spatial structures, knowledge mediation does not follow such patt ers necessarily. it occurs across geographical scales, linking users and providers, connecting diff erent regional innovation systems, and local businesses to global fl ows, as it is suggested by shearmur; freel; kautonen and hyypia (chapter 3, 4 and 6). although, there are no strikingly new concepts introduced in the book, it helps the reader to understand knowledge production and exchange as a highly complex, multiscalar process, that is shaped by intrafi rm processes, diff erent socio-cultural contexts (spaces and places interlinked by various networks), by macro-economic processes of national markets, as well as by local “buzz” of interpersonal/inter-organisational relations. moreover, the authors’ empirical results make the reader uneasy enough to re-think “sett led” defi nitions and categories, and open further discussion on knowledge-related issues in social sciences. finally, the authors highlight, how uneven development is driven through knowledge production, and how inequalities are being (re)produced by being involved or excluded from fl ows of information and expertise. erika nagy references: amin, a. and cohendet, p. 2004. architectures of knowledge. firms, capabilities, and communities. oxford, oxford university press bryson, j., daniels, p. and warf, b. 2004. service worlds. people, organisations, technologies. london, routledge harvey, d. 1989. the condition of postmodernity. an enquiry into the origins of cultural change. oxford, basil blackwell lyotard, j.f. 1984. the postmodern condition. a report on knowledge. theory of history and literature 10. 0_tartalom.indd 233 editorial aft er 1989–90 major political, economic and societal changes took place in the central and eastern european (cee) countries. due to marketisation of state assets, liberalisation of prices and growing exposure to international competition and globalisation, profound economic restructuring commenced leading to rapid de-industrialisation, growing wage and income disparities in these countries. at the same time the egalitarian principles of state-socialist redistribution of income and goods were replaced by the rules of the market which set off profound changes in the socio-spatial organisation of cities. the market principles of resource allocation together with a growing exposure to the global economy formed basic preconditions for robust shift s in urban land-use, growing social inequalities, and the spread of new functions. the tremendous and sometimes very spectacular changes of postsocialist cities in cee att racted great interest among urban geographers. the great att ention has been well refl ected in the growing body of literature focusing on various aspects of urban restructuring. the ambitious aim of this special issue is to further enrich our knowledge on post-socialist urban transformation. the majority of the eight papers included in this special issue were presented at the 4th eugeo congress held in rome 5–7 september 2013. they cover a wide range of topics that are thought to be relevant in recent processes of post-socialist urban restructuring. the diversity of contributions is guaranteed not only by the topics and methodological approaches, but also by the countries and cities covered. i sincerely hope that this set of papers will signifi cantly contribute to the bett er understanding of the phenomenology of the post-socialist urban space. zoltán kovács 234 6_book reviews.indd 293book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 293–305.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.67.3.6 hungarian geographical bulletin 67 2018 (3) b o o k r e v i e w s e c t i o n popov, v. and dutkiewicz, p. (eds.): mapping a new world order: the rest beyond the west. cheltenham– northampton, edward elgar, 2017. 218 p. since the late 1940s, when development economics as an academic field was in its infancy, there has been an abundance of action plans, road maps and aid initiatives aimed at achieving development in a given country or region. from the marshall plan to the washington consensus, the west has proposed no end of remedies for underdeveloped countries and regions. however, only a few countries have actually succeeded in converging over the past 60 years. moreover, there has been criticism of the west’s involvement, much of it drawing attention to the inefficiency of wealthy nations at helping to build the rest’s growth, and decrying them as being a major part of the reason why the global south continues to struggle to improve its wellbeing. some have gone so far as to declare that catch-up development is a ‘myth’ that is anti-democratic in nature (lummis, d.c. 1991, 2000), and to claim that the west’s development assistance (estimated to be a staggering usd 2+ trillion) has “failed to deliver the promise of sustainable economic growth and poverty reduction” (moyo, d. 2009, p. 28). it seems that with “mapping a new world order: the rest beyond the west”, the new book published by edward elgar and edited by vladimir popov and piotr dutkiewicz, we are taking a step forward from merely trying to understand why the rest has not caught-up with the west (garbicz, m. 2012) to looking more into the existing growth in certain developing countries and predicting its future global consequences. the objective of the present volume is to take stock of the world’s current economic trends at a very significant moment in the history of its economic development, i.e. when global economic dominance is shifting from north america to asia, and to set out possible scenarios for the future role of the rest. this demanding task has been attempted by no fewer than 14 contributors, comprising eight economists, four sociologists, and two political scientists. the authors draw on their detailed understanding of what can be learned from previous development approaches and policies, with examples taken from all over the world. in doing so, they cover a vast range of perspectives. on the one hand, the reader is presented with more general chapters containing historical analyses of growth trends in the global south, along with presentations of the patterns of globally distributing wealth and power found throughout history (chapters 1 and 2). on the other hand, there is no shortage of analyses, focusing on specific regions (chapters 4 and 7), that attempt to answer the central question of how to achieve an economic miracle in a developing country (based on the east asian success stories) and offer a deeper understanding as to why economic growth cannot be deemed successful when accompanied by economic inequality that threatens social stability (e.g. in india). the book focuses on three main aspects. the first is convergence, i.e. the idea that developing economies can catch-up with more developed ones in terms of per capita gdp. the countries that make up the rest are striving to close the per capita income gap with the west, and for the first time in the history of development economics, they are doing so successfully on average, although admittedly not all at the same (satisfactory) rate. the second is internal policies regulating the market. as is widely known, there is no magical ‘one size fits all’ formula for growth. similarly, solely relying on a neoliberal approach (with free market playing the key role) or drawing on structuralist theory (with a strong 294 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 293–305. state) have proven to be dead-end solutions. hence the ‘dual track reform approach’, which combines the two, is advised. this approach that “calls for maintaining stability during the transition and stimulating dynamic and sustainable economic growth by continuing transitory protection of the nonviable firms in the old priority sectors while removing restrictions to entry and facilitating the development of previously repressed industries that are consistent with the country’s comparative advantages” (p. 63) has proven to be effective in the few stable transitions that have taken place recently. moreover, in chapter 5 it is argued that foreign finance has not been helpful to developmental success, and that none of the few countries that have managed to make the transition from developing to developed status since the midtwentieth century were running current account deficits that would have had to be financed by loans, foreign direct investments, or multinational corporations. this is an important argument in the ongoing debate on development in those economies trapped in a low-income equilibrium. one side of the discussion, with “the end of poverty: economic possibilities for our time” (sachs, j.d. 2005) and one of the founding fathers of both millennium development goals and sustainable development goals, jeffrey sachs, argues that this can be achieved through the ‘big push’ model, where various forms of foreign finance (fdi, development aid, etc.) play the key role in bringing in the necessary capital, which then becomes a catalyst for growth. the other side, presented, inter alia, by the author of “dead aid”, dambisa moyo, rejects this model and advocates a more nationalistic approach where direct foreign investment should only be allowed in order to benefit new technology or to gain access to new markets and not for the purpose of bringing in capital (see chapters 5 and 6). “the rest beyond the west” sides with the latter view. the economic views presented tend to come from the left end of the spectrum, e.g. famous experts such as the late samir amin (who passed away in august 2018), but even the skeptics have to take into account the compelling evidence they bring to bear in support of their views (this is especially the case for the specific region presented by each author). the third aspect widely discussed in the book are strategies to improve living standards in the developing world. and it is precisely here where the reader might feel that what the book lacks are examples and analyses from sub-saharan africa. there are many excellent references to asian (notably china and the asian tigers), and some to south american, experiences, but africa is altogether visibly under-represented. this is a curious omission, as this macro-region has arguably been grappling with the greatest developmental challenges on the planet, and the need to improve wellbeing there is dire. failing to bring its specificity to the picture may well be a major flaw in the book’s attempt to present the ‘new global order’. clearly, the sub-saharan african countries are struggling to converge (djenass, m. and ferouani, b. 2014; sy, a. 2014) and their global economic impact is less significant than that of other macro-regions. despite that, the catch-up effect is in evidence there, even if it is occurring at a much slower pace than elsewhere (cuñado, j. and pérez de gracia, f. 2006). nor is there a single chapter on development from an ecological perspective, e.g. analysing the trade-offs between environmental protection and economic growth (bina, o. 2013) or on the question of gradual convergence and planetary boundaries: “if incomes in middleand low-income countries were to catch up with incomes in high-income countries (roughly usd 41,000 per capita), there would be a roughly 3.4-fold increase in global income from usd 87 trillion to usd 290 trillion, which would increase even further if high-income countries grow further and as the world population grows. and therein lies the problem.” (rockström, j. et al. 2013, p. 2). if the authors’ prognosis that the average per capita gdp gap will continue to close is correct, then environmental concerns are bound to become the global community’s primary concern, whichever individual country takes the lead and wherever the headquarters of the main international institutional actors are located. the book takes a global view of the issues discussed, while using local examples to illustrate broader trends. one chapter focuses on the relationship between the eu and russia. it advocates “thinking about new forms of spatiality” and puts forward the idea of an “international regime”, i.e. “institutionalized patterns of cooperation” (p. 177), as a solution to the recent impasse in russo-eu relations. otherwise, its relevance to the central and eastern european experience lies in its indicating directions towards building truly win-win relationships between countries belonging to the west and the representatives of the rest (where it seems that the cee countries that are part of the eu are considered by the authors part of the west, and the eu non-members – part of the rest), either through bior multilateral agreements or development assistance priorities. despite the book’s several chapters being written by different authors with many and varied views and perspectives, it is coherent and fascinating to read. development issues, by their very nature, require an interdisciplinary approach, and a ‘mapping’ that manages to present the big picture of the main point at issue, viz. what the world order is about to morph into. the intended readers are graduate and phd students, as well as professionals in development studies and related fields, who should find this book a compelling proposition that answers many questions but raises even more. małgorzata klein1 1 faculty of geography and regional studies, university of warsaw, warsaw, poland. e-mail: gosia.przepiorka@ gmail.com. 295book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 293–305. r e f e r e n c e s bina, o. 2013. the green economy and sustainable development: an uneasy balance? environment and planning c: government and policy 31. (6): 1023–1047. cuñado, j. and pérez de gracia, f. 2006. real convergence in africa in the second-half of the 20th century. journal of economics and business 58. (2): 153–167. djennas, m. and ferouani, b. 2014. growth and income convergence in africa. journal of economics and development studies 2. (4): 63–76. garbicz, m. 2012. problemy rozwoju i zacofania ekonomicznego: dlaczego jedne kraje są biedne, podczas gdy inne są bogate? (questions related to development and economic backwardness: why are some countries poor and others rich?) warsaw, walter kluwer polska. lummis, d.c. 1991. development against democracy. alternatives: global, local, political 16. (1): 31–66. lummis, d.c. 2000. the myth of catch-up development. global policy forum. available at: https://www. globalpolicy.org/component/content/article/211development/44206.html (accessed 25.08.2018) moyo, d. 2009. dead aid: why is aid not working and how there is another way for africa. new york, farrar, straus and giroux. rockström, j., sachs, j.d., öhman, m.c. and schmidttraub, g. 2013. sustainable development and planetary boundaries – background research paper. the un highlevel panel of eminent persons on the post-2015 development agenda. available at: http://www. stockholmresilience.org/publications/artiklar/201403-19-sustainable-development-and-planetaryboundaries.html (accessed 30.08.2018) sachs, j.d. 2005. the end of poverty: economic possibilities for our time. new york: penguin. sy, a. 2014. is africa at a historical crossroads to convergence? in growth, convergence and income distribution: the road from the brisbane g-20 summit. ed.: think tank 20. washington d.c., brookings, 11–21. robert musil: foreign direct investment from vienna in central and southeast europe 409 l i t e r a t u r e hungarian geographical bulletin 62 (4) (2013) pp. 409–414. robert musil: foreign direct investment from vienna in central and southeast europe. atlas of eastern and southeastern europe. institute for urban and regional research of the austrian academy of sciences, vienna, 2011. 60 p. globalization has displayed acceleration since the 1980s. foreign investments have played a giant role in that process. during the last decades, not only the amount of invested capital has increased, but also the destinations of investments have changed a lot. it can be seen particularly, aft er 1989 when the former european socialist countries successfully put themselves “on the map of investors”. (aft er world war ii this part of europe received only a small share of the foreign investments.) since then, the amount of the capital invested in central and southeastern europe has continuously increased and in 2012 the rate of the global investments has reached 11%. studying of the origin of the invested capital in a given region can also be important. that is why this publication is interesting. it was submitt ed by robert musil and published by the institute for urban and regional research of the austrian academy of sciences in 2011. in the literature publications like the “atlas of eastern and southeastern europe” demonstrating the foreign investment coming from a capital city in details are rare. in fact, the publication itself is a text accompanying the maps and its title is “foreign direct investment from vienna in central and southeastern europe.” the atlas consists of four colourful maps, the titles of which are the followings: map 1: active fdi stock 1993–2005, gross regional product 2005. map 2: employees in branches of viennese headquarters 2005, share of the tertiary sector in the total of employees. map 3: development of passive fdi stock 1993–2005, infant mortality 2005. map 4: origin of active direct investments 2005, population density 2005. – – – – 410 each map demonstrates the foreign direct investments in central and southeastern europe in an interesting and special approach. in addition, the explanation of the maps provides a theoretical and methodological background. the text has six major parts and nine chapters. taken as a whole, it is a short publication with 30 pages, but as it is bilingual, its total length is 60 pages. the fi rst half of the text is in german and the second half is in english. it would have been useful and advantageous to have the english version checked by a native speaker. the great advantage of the bilingual version is that much more people can read and use it. the fi rst part, the “introduction” has got an interesting subtitle: “foreign direct investment (fdi) from vienna, the wild east and selling of the family silver…”however, the term “wild east” is not defi ned exactly. instead, we get information on the reason for publishing of the atlas. several reasons were mentioned, but the most important one was the “delayed internationalization of the austrian economy”. the phrase “selling off the family silver” was used by the austrian media when the acquisition of e.g. bank of austria took place, although the author remarked that “very litt le understanding is expressed when the situation is reversed”. for example, when omv intended to acquire the hungarian mineral oil corporation (mol). the second part (foreign direct investment: defi nition, data and methodology) focuses on the defi nition of the concept of fdi; the data and methods. foreign direct investment is one of the main forms of the international investments. it is generally a long term investment in contrast to portfolio investments. its purpose is not only an investment in another country, but also the control of business activities of a given company. as a consequence, the concept for fdi given by the austrian national bank and adjusted to the guidelines of the oecd can be entirely accepted. according to it, “foreign direct investments can be considered as capital investments which are made by investors with the intention of establishing and maintaining a permanent economic relationship with business in another country. simultaneously, they intend to exert their infl uence upon the management of the company in question”. there are four types of fdi (the establishment of new companies, mergers, acquisitions, profi t reinvestments). lately, a shift has taken place in favour of mergers and acquisitions. they account for about 80% of all new investments. indeed, fdis can be considered as the “vehicle of the globalization”, because transnational companies (tncs) use them to expand the global network of their locations and to create global chains. fdis can also be classifi ed by the direction of investment and it can be active or passive. “active investments emanate from a domestic business and are destined for a foreign country, while passive investments fl ow in the opposite direction, arriving inland from abroad.” the author also emphasized that the indication of direction must always be considered as relative, “from the perspective of the observer”. according to musil, studying fdis is a fascinating subject for geographical researchers because they can be spatially determined. in other words, fdis can be studied well in space from a geographical viewpoint. foreign direct investments are usually motivated by diff erent reasons, the most important ones are the followings: market or sales orientation, cost orientation, supply security, acquisition of technical knowledge. those factors can be combined to a diff erent degree. at the beginning, mostly the fi rst two reasons were important in fdis, but nowadays the acquisition of technical knowledge is gett ing more and more important for the companies located in central and southeastern – – – – 411 europe in order to get technological knowledge from the east european and north american corporations. viennese investments into the countries of central and southeastern europe have two main reasons: market orientation and cost orientation. the data of maps refer to the years 1989–2005. that period refl ects the internationalization of the austrian economy. it is a pity that data aft er 2008 are not available, because the impacts of the economic crisis which broke out in 2008 particularly aff ected the viennese investors and thus central and southeastern europe. the researched area which is presented on the maps has 137 regions at nuts-2 and nuts-3 level. the third part (“the internationalization of vienna through foreign direct investment – the initial geopolitical and macroeconomic situation”) which have fi ve chapters, draws a historical overview about the eventful relationship between vienna and central and southeastern europe and about the role played by vienna in the development of the region during the diff erent historical periods. gett ing acquainted with the past is extremely important to be able to interpret the current processes “described on the maps” as the historical past considerably aff ects them. the author also pays a special att ention to the development and structure of fdi from vienna aft er 1989, because that year was a relevant turning point for the austrian capital city. since then, the role of the city in foreign capital investments and employment has become even more important. this part of the text also gives a response to the question whether vienna is a bridgehead between west and east. the geographical location of the capital city, its geopolitical situation, historical connections and cultural factors “also prompt the investors from vienna to focus on the regions formed part of the danube”. the central role of vienna is well-refl ected – among the others – by the direct fl ights from vienna to the eastern parts of europe. it is demonstrated in figure 4 in, while figure 7 illustrates “the most important locations according to the balance of profi ts, weighted by the volume of active and passive fdis”. on the map, it can be clearly seen that the regions situated east from vienna receive more investments from the city than others. in the fourth part (titled “spatial patt erns of foreign direct investment from vienna in central and southeast europe”) the spatial distribution of fdis (coming from) from vienna in central and southeast europe is analysed by three diff erent factors (distance, agglomeration, the level of development). in fact, it looks for the explanation of three key questions: how do the fdis (coming from) from vienna are distributed in space, namely, in central and southeastern europe? what are the reasons for that? what kind of structural diff erences exist between those locations? in the fi rst three chapters the author examines the regional distribution of active direct investments with regard to their correlation with the three factors mentioned before, then he provides information on the sectoral structure and the origin of active direct investments in 2005. the fourth chapter puts the emphasis on the analysis of the origin of passive fdis invested in 1993–2005 from diff erent aspects. in 1990s budapest was the number one destination of the ten most important investment locations among cities of central and southeastern europe, but aft er the turn of millennium, prague took over its place. foreign direct investments from vienna are characterized by a considerable spatial concentration. in the 1990s approximately two thirds of the investments were concentrated within 250 km of vienna. between 2003 and 2005 the investments in location more than 500 km from vienna increased and they accounted for 34% of the whole investments. the main reason for that shift is the increasing importance of those distant markets. according to the sectoral structure, the locations were classifi ed into four main groups with about 206 thousand employees: – – – 412 industrial locations: where 75% or more of employees work in the industry consumer-oriented service locations: where 75% or more of employees work in the service industry, mainly for commerce. producer-oriented service locations: where 75% or more of employees work in services, mainly for fi nancial sectors, telecommunications. mixed locations: neither industry nor service dominant. the fi rst group is the largest one, because 36 of 86 investment locations were industrial locations. almost 64% of the investments fl owed from vienna in central and southeast european countries come from its urban fringe. only a few locations which are usually peripheral regions (like somogy county in hungary) have exclusive investments originating from the urban fringe of vienna. the last part of the text contains the sources and the literature. they give an opportunity for the readers to deepen their knowledge in this special fi eld. in the text, there are 16 tables and 13 black and white fi gures providing important information and completing the text on the fdis from vienna in central and southeast europe. they also promote the bett er understanding of the fl ow and nature of fdis. taken as a whole, this publication can be very useful for people interested in the fate of central and southeastern europe and in their economic processes, particularly in the spatial characteristics of fdis. éva kiss – – – – in memoriam arild holt-jensen (1937–2022) 427book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 419–426.chronicle – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 427–428. the sad news arrived to the editorial office of hgb that arild holt-jensen professor of human geography at the department of geography, university of bergen, and old friend of hungarian geographers, passed away on 2nd of april 2022 at the age of 85. professor holt-jensen grew up in horten near oslo, and his road to geography was paved by such childhood memories as the arrival of five volumes of the national geographic magazine in his post-box in 1945 after the end of the war, that was ordered by his father before the nazi occupation, and thor heyerdahl’s kon-tiki expedition in 1947. he became fascinated by geography, explorations and reading maps, thus, it is not surprising that he chose this discipline for his studies and academic career. after graduating in geography at the university of oslo in 1963 he took an assistant job at the university of aarhus, denmark. it was there he met his wife elisabeth with whom he shared the rest of his life. in 1965 the holt-jensen family moved to bergen, where arild was employed as lecturer in geography at the university of bergen, and he served the university for the rest of his academic career. in 1986 he defended his phd, and in 1991 he was appointed professor in human geography at the university of bergen and stayed in this position until his retirement in 2008. professor holt-jensen published numerous books, among them the well-known geography: history and concepts (sage publications) that was first published in 1999, and its fifth edition appeared in 2018. the book has also been published in spanish, chinese and persian. this textbook is an excellent introduction for students to geographical thought with a unique approach that encompasses environmental, historical and social perspectives of geography and the study of human-nature interaction. the book became an essential student companion to the discipline worldwide. arild was amazingly prolific in several fields of geography, and he published excessively journal articles and book chapters on environmental, urban and regional planning issues. arild holt-jensen was also very active on the research front, and after the fall of the iron curtain he became interested in the mechanisms and outcomes of post-socialist transition in east central europe. he coordinated the nehom (neighbourhood housing models) project financed by the eu 5th framework programme between 2000 and 2004, with 11 partners from eight european countries, including hungary and estonia from the post-socialist part of the continent. this project was later followed up by the nordic neighbourhood project, financed by the nordic council of ministers, with 12 partners from seven northern european countries, including the baltic states. the main result of this project was the edited volume ’urban sustainability and governance; new challenges for nordic and baltic housing policies’ published by nova, new york in 2009. his academic achievements were rewarded modeens minnemedalj’ by the finnish geographical society in 2000. the most significant recognition of his many achievements was the johan august wahlberg’s medal in gold from the swedish society for anthropology and geography in 2018. the medal, which was awarded by crown princess victoria at stockholm palace, was given for his comprehensive view of geography as a science and his contribution to geography’s orientation towards social planning. next to his academic achievements arild was always very active in local and national politics from the start of his university studies: as member of the norwegian liberal party he headed its environmental commission between 1968 and 1975, he was member c h r o n i c l e in memoriam arild holt-jensen (1937–2022) 428 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 419–426. of bergen city council (1971–1979) and later served as chair of ‘landås city district’ board (his local neighbourhood) for 12 years. from 2004 he shifted to membership in bergen socialist (labour) party. arild was always very sensitive towards questions of social and environmental justice, which became more and more the centre of his academic interest. he questioned the functioning of neoliberal capitalism with severe criticism. beyond his outstanding professional achievements as university teacher, researcher and politician arild was also active in public life, and for many years he was voluntary cabin guard in turnerhytten in mount ulriken, where he made pancakes and coffee for hungry hikers over the week-end. another hobby he dedicated his free time together with his wife was dancing. he was a great lover of dancing, he was member of the folk dance club at ervingen and he was always the first on the dance floor during conferences. chronicle – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (4) 427–428. arild visited hungary regularly after 1998, where he gave lectures and set up collaborations with the younger generations of hungarian geography. he was always very curious about the political and socioeconomic development of hungary and the troublesome pathway from state-socialism to global capitalism. but he was also open to discuss both global and local challenges and the future of our discipline and planet earth. we will all miss his cheerful attitude, generosity and dedication to geography. zoltán kovács hungarian geographical bulletin vol 71 issue 4 (2022) chronicle zoltán kovács: in memoriam arild holt-jensen (1937–2022) the eff ects of global economic crisis in hungary 155 hungarian geographical bulletin 61 (2) (2012) 155–173. the eff ects of global economic crisis in hungary tamás e g e d y 1 abstract in recent years it has become apparent that the global crisis aff ects not only the core economic zones, but it also put pressure on individual nation-states to rethink their economic policies. the recession has brought about great waves of transformation especially in the european union. the case of greece, italy, ireland and spain shows that the future of the political and economic union and the euro zone may greatly depend on proper local management of the crisis. smaller countries with open economy like hungary face particularly diffi cult situation in europe, therefore, they should elaborate tailored policies to cope with the consequences of global economic crisis. this paper fi rst briefl y outlines the causes of global economic crisis, then it focuses on the most important socio-economic outcomes in hungary. the paper pays special att ention to the changes having taken place in the national economy, the labour market and their eff ects on the situation of households. keywords: global crisis, economic environment, labour market, credit crisis in hungary introduction according to the european commission, the fi nancial crisis which has hit the global economy since the summer of 2007 is without precedent in post-war history. from then onward the eu economy entered the steepest down-turn since the 1930s. many experts investigated what in fact could lead to the global economic crisis. partnoy, f. (2003), akerlof, g. and shiller r. (2009) pointed out that speculation on the fi nancial markets were the main reason for the crisis. bookstaber, r . (2007) and authers, j . (2010), however, emphasised that problems caused by the crisis lie, on the one hand, both in institutional structures and lack of control, weaknesses of state institutions on the banking system and, on the other hand, in wide-spread misconception that such 1 geographical institute, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences, hungarian academy of sciences, h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mail: ege6727@mail.iif.hu 156 long-established, large institutions do not fall off the market. posner, v. (2010) concluded, that the previously unquestioned and seemingly immaculate institutions can also fail. according to many economists (e.g. rajan, r . 2010) the crisis actually neutralises global economic counterbalances in economy and trade between the u.s. and china, the two important economic core areas. the intertwining of the two power centres shows that nearly a quarter of the u.s. government bonds are presently in the hands of china and it is the most important u.s. export market. some economic experts expeditiously note that the u.s. economy has been fi nanced by china for many years (kiss, j .l . 2009). other theories explain the background of the crisis on a cultural and national basis: german and french academics consider the crisis basically as an anglo-saxon problem, and they blame the stock exchange speculations taking place on the wall street and in the city of london for the crisis. (this att itude was less widespread in chinese media, knowing the multiple mergers of the u.s. and chinese economies). stuttaford, a . (2010) also pointed out that the greek national bankruptcy can also be traced back to the specifi c national mentality and consumption patt erns as the global crisis to the us-american ones. according to bernek, á. (2009) it is no coincidence that the global crisis broke out in the united states. this can primarily be explained by the economic weight of the united states e.g. two thirds of global r&d expenditures comes from the united states, it is the largest fdi exporter and importer, and 180 out of the world’s 500 largest companies are located there respectively. the stock market in new york continues to place the world-leading capitalist stock exchange and the usd’s role is widely known in international speculations. no doubt, electronic (virtual) markets, the “paper economy” proliferation and a parallel strengthening of deregulation had all determining role in the global crisis. control and restrictive role of state institutions weakened what led to speculative fi nancial transactions and to the spread of “casino capitalism” (simai, m . 2010). as a result, capital fl ow became more and more free, profi tability and the fi nancial transactions have grown faster than the production itself (for example, in many automobile works more revenue came from virtual fi nancial transactions, than that from the production of cars) (harvey, d . 2011). consequently, the world economy reached a stage of development where its development was not determined by the actual production processes, but by international cash fl ow processes (bernek, á. 2009). the global crisis has also proved that the neo-liberal economic policy is not adequate, therefore, to take measures for overcoming the crisis the states should play more active role. thus, in the long-run the return to the strict state-controlled economic policy is expected. in this paper fi rst i briefl y review the chronology of the crisis and its impacts on european countries and cities. then more detailed discussion will 157 be provided on the impacts of global economic crisis on the social and economic environments in hungary. the paper is based mainly on the most important international and domestic literature. in the fi nal section of the paper i present the results of an empirical survey conducted in several hungarian cities regarding the consequences of the crisis among households. the global economic crisis and its underpinning factors due to the globalisation of world economy national economies, fi nancial institutions and transnational (multinational) companies have become more and more interconnected, at the same time, they have increasingly liberated themselves from national and international control. another problem was that rating fi rms were closely intertwined with lending companies (banks), which led to the confusing situation that rating agencies often rated their own decisions. financial speculation and panic due to deterioration of the situation (i.e. the hysterical reaction) became also factors of the outbreak of the global fi scal crisis. before the crisis speculation aff ected fi rst of all the “securitized” receivables of mortgage-backed real estate loans. due to the boom of real estate market these bonds off ered higher and higher yields. globalisation circumvented the att ention of globally interconnected fi nancial institutions: the longestablished giants spread the risks among them and considered themselves invulnerable. the high yields and low risk, along with the ever-weakening control fostered fi nancial processes and investments. due to the interconnections between business and capital, revenues from the emerging countries have been increasingly channelled into the world market as well, leading to the increasing amount of liquid capital in the global market. the large amount of money brought about a reduction in bank interest rates and an increased propensity to invest, which basically came to the u.s. real estate market. under such circumstances, of course, the banks were pleased to give loans, therefore, signifi cantly increased the supply of consumer credit and lending, which boosted the demand on the housing market. result of this predatory lending was that households often spent half of their incomes for payment of instalments (szanyi, m . 2009). the crisis started in 2007, when credit indicators on the u.s. real estate market began to creep up, accompanied by the fall of prices. the increasing interest rates more and more swept away the frontier of the solvency of households and over time they became massively insolvent. the subprime mortgage securities depreciated while more credit institutions went bankrupt or posted a big loss. large credit institutions of the united states as citigroup, merrill lynch, goldman sachs and morgan stanley have suff ered billion losses by the end of 2007. then a dramatic turn occurred: in 2008 real estate prices in the u.s. dropped by 20 158 percent and in some cities the fall rate rose up to 30 percent (aalbers, m . 2008). around 150 billion usd losses have been reported by key players of the u.s. fi nancial sector, banks and brokerage houses by the spring of 2008. the collapse of lehman brothers in september 2008 extended (globalised) the crisis and transferred it on to the fi nancial market. thus, the global economic crisis started off the real estate and credit markets and then pulled the money market. the u.s. sub-prime real estate market crisis turned into a global fi nancial crisis. the global crisis reached the european union during the second half of 2008. the underlying reason was that the u.s. mortgage refi nancing was often carried by european credit institutions (i.e. “poisoned” securities, toxic assets often landed in their hands). in the last quarter of 2008 and fi rst quarter of 2009 in all european countries very similar processes took place: due to the cumulative losses lending conditions became even more extremely strict, the availability of credit became infl exible, so that the fi nancial crisis gradually passed through to other sectors of the economy. the crisis began to escalate into other sectors of the economy. e u r o s tat data show that the largest decline took place in durable goods industries (e.g. manufacturing, construction industry, automotive industry and electronic parts manufacturing, and consumer electronics). national currencies have been devalued compared to the dominant ones, the rate of unemployment began to rise. national governments were forced to pump money into the economy and the banking system to consolidate their positions (in many cases, taking loans from international organisations). this process practically still present, while the rescue packages introduced were more or less successful (see also boros, l . and pál, v. 2011). the global economic crisis, however, also started to show the vulnerability of national economies and the underlying diff erences among countries. the real gdp growth in the european union was –4.3 percent in 2009, however, substantial diff erences could be observed within europe (figure 1). the european commission identifi ed three main categories of countries depending on the characteristics of local economy: – the extent to which housing markets had been overvalued and construction industries oversized (e.g. the baltic countries, ireland, the uk, spain and france). – the export dependency of the economy (e.g. germany, austria and the netherlands). – the size of the fi nancial sector and/or its exposure to risky assets (e.g. the uk; ireland and luxembourg) due to the global crisis problems in the european union’s structure and the functioning of the euro zone became also clear. internationally renowned experts expressed their pessimism in the community’s future and the fate of the euro (see spring of 2012 when george soros envisioned the disintegration both of the eu and the euro zone). germany and france initiated their leading 159 role in combating the crisis in europe (not least because of their exposure and interests in countries being in crisis) and the political and economic positions of those countries being proactive in the crisis management have clearly been strengthened. however, as harvey, d. (2011) noted we must also see that in the long run the state cannot balance the problems generated by the capital, because the smooth functioning of the state depends just on the capital itself. the capital, however, never resolves its own crisis; only circulate around it. confi rming harvey’s ideas solow, r.m. (2000) believes that the capitalist system is able to cope with smaller problems and deals with the crises related issue, but it is not able to solve global crises. one of the main questions of successful management of crisis will be if global crisis management measures can be coordinated, as global crisis requires global actions and regulations. fig. 1. real gdp growth in european countries (2009, percent, compared to the previous year) source: eurostat, designed by agárdi, n . 160 global economic crisis and its impacts on european cities in 2009–2010 an international research project entitled “cities and the economic crisis” was carried out focusing on the impacts of the economic crisis and the responses of cities (guidoum, y. and soto, p. 2010). the research was part of the urbact ii programme. within the research programme a questionnaire was sent to 190 cities from 24 eu countries and switz erland participating in the 28 urbact projects of the first call for proposals during the 4th quarter of 2009. altogether 131 cities responded to the questionnaire survey. this chapter summarises the most relevant outcomes of the survey in the interpretation and explanation of the author.2 local budgets decreased in 80 percent of the surveyed cities with the main reasons reported being lower tax revenues and lower state contributions. cities where businesses were severely hit by the crisis and where budgets were highly dependent on local tax revenues were also likely to be more exposed to signifi cant reductions in their budgets. in many cities in the new member states (e.g. hungary), the change in exchange rates following the crisis have caused a considerable increase in the interest rates of loans taken in foreign currency. as a result, municipalities had diffi culties with increasing costs and diffi culties repaying their loans and accessing new bank credits. major projects supported by private funding have seen the private partners withdrawing for diff erent reasons: their inability to access credits from the banks and the reluctance to take risks and the fall in demand as in the case of housing projects. as a consequence, important infrastructure projects have been downsized, delayed or simply halted. a direct consequence of the decline in budget revenues was the inability of cities to provide the required co-fi nancing for projects supported by the european union structural funds. this was the case particularly in the new member states where the fl ow of such funds is especially important. the largest group of cities (one out of three) referred to individual measures to combat the crisis. these varied from the application of national recovery plans to fi re fi ghting actions to cut expenditure to more innovative tools. over 10 percent of the cities referred to the adaptation of existing strategic development plans to respond to the long term eff ects of the crisis. finally just 30 percent of the cities said that they had not yet developed a response or provided no information (guidoum, y. and soto, p. 2010). 2 the survey itself has two main parts, fi rstly, the nature of the impact of the crisis on diff erent kinds of cities and secondly, the nature of their response. the aim of the fi rst part of the survey is to give an overview of the ways in which the crisis is aff ecting the extremely diverse cities of europe today. the second part of the survey provides an early picture of the types of response to the crisis that are being explored by european cities. 161 the global economic crisis has also had serious impacts on the social conditions and cohesion of cities through the labour market. as a consequence of the economic recession, unemployment rates increased in 80 percent of the cities responding to the urbact´s survey, both in the public and private sectors. between march 2008 and march 2009, unemployment in the european union rose by 5.4 million people to 21.5 million (8.9 percent). the largest increases took place in the baltic states where unemployment tripled to around 15 percent in may 2009 and in spain where it was doubled to 18.7 percent. while cities generally reported the construction sector as being the most aff ected by the crisis in terms of business closures and bankruptcies, it is in the industrial/manufacturing sector where most job losses were recorded. in the european union youth unemployment increased more than twice as fast as unemployment as a whole between 2008 and 2009 (3.7 percent compared to 1.6 percent), leading to a youth unemployment rate of 18.4 percent. young people were clearly identifi ed as the group most severely aff ected by the crisis. in some cities, high levels of youth unemployment was said to be leading to a “brain drain” of qualifi ed young people to other eu countries, the united states and canada. according to eurostat the crisis has aff ected men more than women, and between 2008 and 2009 the male unemployment rate increased more than the female rate in almost all member states. migrants have also suff ered disproportionately from the crisis. since the start of the crisis, the unemployment rate of non-eu workers grew faster than for other workers and reached 18.9 percent in the third quarter of 2009, as against 13.6 percent one year before. according to eurostat low skilled jobs have been declining much faster than medium skilled or highly qualifi ed jobs during the recession. the eff ects of global economic crisis in hungary east central european countries followed diff erent pathways in the 2000s with regards the usage of foreign currency loans. in the baltic states, fi xed exchange rates favoured foreign currency lending, in hungary and romania indebtedness of residents occurred mainly in foreign currencies as well. in romania the situation is bett er as the savings of the residents are predominantly in euro and the loans are also mainly in eur and not in chf. similar situation could be observed in croatia, where 74 percent of bank loans are in foreign currency, of which four-fi fth is in eur. due to the high proportion of guest workers in the west and the country’s role in international tourism this type of indebtedness does not create major problems. in the czech republic and slovakia foreign currency debt was not signifi cant, and the foreign currency loan portfolio of poland and bulgaria remained at a low level as well. 162 before 2000, 25 percent mortgage charges were recorded in hungary. it is no coincidence that in 1999 only less than 20 thousand new homes were built in the country. this unfavourable situation was changed by the new housing program of the fidesz government in 2000, and according to cso data the amount of subsidised housing loans increased in the following two years to nearly 500 billion huf. in the following years, the number of newly built homes reached an annual level of 40 thousand, however, after this peak it decreased again in 2006 and 2007. this can partly be explained by the fact, that in 2003 a correction of the subsidised housing program was introduced, which actually meant a gradual reduction of state subsidies. foreign currency based lending started to run up when the non-subsidised forint loans’ mortgage interest charges reached an unaff ordable level. in the fi rst half of the 2000s due to the state interest subsidy system introduced earlier, to the improved real wages, and to the loans taken at the beginning in huf and later in foreign currency a huge demand on the housing market occurred resulting dramatically increasing prices on the real estate market between 2002 and 2008. the soaring housing prices have not dampened the demand, and more and more residents indebted. however, at this time already in foreign currency because of the more favourable interest charges and the tightening conditions of public interest subsidy system. in 2007, the amount of subsidised huf housing loans was 1,530 billion huf (375 thousand housing loans); while the rising amount of foreign currency loans by 1,459 billion huf (272 thousand foreign currency loans) were close to this volume. by the end of 2008 the ratio of foreign currency loans jumped to 60 percent within the total housing loan portfolio, although it was only about 1 percent at the turn of the millennium. the crisis broke the hungarian forint’s (mostly artifi cially) retained power and stability. in the last quarter of 2008 and the fi rst quarter of 2009, the hungarian currency has been depreciated by 15 percent compared to the chf, and by 17 percent compared to the eur. due to the increased instalments this depreciation has led in many households to insolvency and to an emerging credit crunch. at the end of 2009, the amount of housing loans in hungary was 3,920 billion huf (i.e. 15 percent of the gdp), of which 63 percent was the ratio of foreign currency based housing loans (kapitány, zs. 2011). 2009 brought signifi cant changes in housing loans. first, the banks have continued to reduce the lending of foreign currency mortgage loans, on the other hand, the residents became more cautious, which halted the growth of foreign currency loan portfolio in 2009. however, 2009 also brought changes in the sense that the ratio of late loans has dramatically increased. according to estimations of the hungarian financial supervisory authority there were altogether 1,225,419 residential mortgage-backed treaties in mid-2011 registered, and a quarter of these had 163 already some delay in issue, and more than one tenth had a delay beyond 90 days. the number of foreign currency loans was 262 thousand out of 301,700 loans with delay, 123 thousand out of 142,300 with a delay beyond 90 days. it is important to distinguish between foreign currency denominated housing loans and home equity freeware loans, since the construction of the two loan types signifi cantly diff er from each other, so the ratio of non-payers also diff er in the two portfolios. the average huf repayments costs of foreign currency loans increased by 21 percent between 2007 and 2011, partly because of the previous practice that banks have not used reference-based interest rates (i.e. the amount of interest to be paid was not linked to interbank interest rates). while fi nancial institutions in the neighbouring countries using reference interest rates already reduced their interest burden, interest rates remained unreasonably high in hungary. high interest rates have further heightened the negative eff ects of exchange rate fl uctuations. at the end of 2011 fi nancial institutions still off ered chf-based loans with an extra rate of 3.2 percent in hungary, which was much higher than the bank’s funding costs and country risk would have been justifi ed. in hungary, banks applied extraordinary high interest rates during the crisis and they further compounded the situation of households for extra profi ts. the above mentioned fact points out the low level of fi nancial culture of residents, the predatory profi t hunger of hungarian credit institutions and the delayed and inadequate state regulations. typically, before and during the crisis policy makers, the central bank and the banking institutions could be characterized by inaction, almost nothing happened except that the central bank’s stability reports consistently warned of the risks of foreign currency lending. in order to mitigate the negative eff ects of foreign currency exposure, in september 2011 the hungarian government passed a law on fi nal repayment of foreign currency loans in a lump sum. altogether 170 thousand households with foreign currency loan used this possibility to repay or to exchange into a huf-based loan. the amount repaid was equal of 1,354 billion forint which made up 24.1 percent of the total portfolio of foreign currency loans. since only 984.2 billion huf out of the above amount was paid by the households, the banking system in hungary had to bear a loss of more than 370 billion huf. it is no coincidence that international and domestic fi nancial institutions and economists heavily criticised these measurements. since the neediest strata were unable to use the off ered possibility of fi nal repayment, in april 2012 new measures were taken by the government – now in agreement with the banking sector –, to help the needy households (fi xed exchange rate of repayment for 5 years duration). diffi culties of the hungarian economy arose not only from the global economic crisis, because already few years earlier major problems were experi164 enced in the economy. in recent years, it became clear that the main economic problem in hungary is the increasing level of overspending. it was not as obvious during the fi rst half of the 2000s as the country’s economy performed relatively well: average economic growth was 4.2 percent between 2001 and 2006, which was mostly guaranteed by the industrial production growth rate of 6.4 percent (stark, a . 2011). the rate of increase, however, was broken in 2007 and the negative trend continued also in 2008, thus, economic development in hungary lagged behind the neighbouring countries. the crisis found hungary in a very depressed economic situation. according to békesi, l . (2011) the main problems of the hungarian economy are the low economic performance of the country, its low competitiveness in international comparison, scarce resources, the small size of the domestic market, the unfavourable demographic trends, and the quantitative and structural problems of labour force. this is combined with disproportionately high state responsibilities, liabilities and expenses, high-level corruption and huge accumulated debt. the structural problems with the negative eff ects of the crisis caused a gdp decline of 6.7 percent between 2008 and 2009, of which 2.9 percent could be linked with the industry. the number of corporate and individual enterprises signifi cantly dropped, the volume of foreign direct investments in the hungarian economy fell from 4.5 billion huf per year nearly to its third. the volume of investments has been reduced in many industries (e.g. in mining by 46 percent, manufacturing 15 percent). the industrial and manufacturing investments especially decreased in the counties of western transdanubia and in borsod-abaúj-zemplén and heves counties in northern hungary region. in the same period, industrial production fell by 18 percent: it was especially signifi cant in the manufacturing of metals and fabricated metal products (40 percent) and, also in the automotive industry (30 percent). examining the economic sectors we can conclude that between the fi rst quarter of 2008 and 2010 the production in manufacturing fell most dramatically (16.8 percent). compared to its share within the gdp there was also a signifi cant decline in construction industries. the sharp drop of new car sales from 177,000 to 45,100 between 2007 and 2011 illustrates the combined impacts of the narrowing domestic market and the eff ect of increasing interest rates of car loans. actually, the above decline in car sales almost destroyed the new car dealer network in hungary. the eff ects of crisis on construction industry and real estate market became also obvious. due to the unfolding credit crisis housing prices signifi cantly declined which brought about the freezing of the property market and a deepening crisis of construction industry respectively. in 2006 nearly 200,000 fl ats were sold, while in 2010 it barely exceeded 80,000. the number of dwellings built nationwide was only 20,800 in 2010, and, in 2011 it fell further by 40 percent compared to 2010. in 2011, construction output was lower 165 by 7.8 percent compared to a year earlier, and in the fi rst quarter of 2012 the negative trend was not stopped. we can conclude that especially the export-oriented sectors have been more exposed to and hit hard by the global economic crisis (kiss, é. 2011). there is no coincidence that in hungary the central and western transdanubian counties suff ered the largest production decline in the past few years (see also enyedi, gy. 2009; tiner, t. 2010). hungary’s situation during the economic crisis has signifi cantly worsened; therefore, the country can be classifi ed as one of the bigger losers. the main reason behind is the openness of the country’s economy. the ratio of companies participating in international production systems is 40 percent, the contribution of these companies to the export reaches 75 percent. approximately 45 percent of the assets of hungarian companies are controlled by foreign investors. about 25,000 foreign enterprises are registered in hungary. they provide nearly two thirds of the gdp, and their share in export and import goes up to 80 percent of the gdp (bernek, á. 2009; simai, m. 2010). international comparisons show that hungary is one of the countries where the crisis was accompanied by a modest increase of unemployment. lőcsei, h. (2011) gives an excellent summary on the temporal and spatial spread of unemployment during the crisis. according to her outcomes the period between the autumn of 2008 and the summer of 2010 can be divided into four phases: from october 2008 to january 2009, a moderate rise in unemployment – fi gures was detected. in this phase the proportion of unemployed and job seekers at the centres of industrial production in the counties of north western transdanubia increased signifi cantly. due to the reduced production in the larger companies of manufacturing centres major layoff s have occurred in komárom-esztergom, fejér, győr-moson-sopron and vas counties. in this period there were no signifi cant diff erences between the unemployment fi gures of individual sett lement categories. however, changes in the unemployment rates were strikingly high in the most disadvantaged areas, where unemployment defi nitely increased. between january and may 2009, the unemployment rate increased – rapidly, and in may it was nearly 33 percent (140 thousand persons) higher than one year before. in this period in all regions of the country the number of job seekers increased and rising unemployment was no longer limited to the export-oriented core areas of transdanubia. higher redundancies took place in the traditional industrial centres (e.g. dunaújváros, százhalombatt a, kazincbarcika, miskolc). in general, the negative labour market consequences were transferred from the larger cities to the smaller sett lements. in the period from june 2009 – to february 2010 the proportion of job seekers in the population aged between 15 and 64 continued to increase from 8.6 per166 cent to 9.3 percent, but the intensity has not reached previous extremities. labour market eff ects of the crisis, however, reached central hungary region (the region of budapest), where due to the predominance of the service sector the negative eff ects of the crisis were somewhat delayed. diff erences between the sett lement categories with respect to the number of job seekers constantly disappeared: the spatial eff ects of the crisis have become more even. the unemployment rate peaked at 11.9 percent in the fi rst quarter of 2010 (bálint, m . et al. 2011). since march of 2010 – a downward trend could be detected in the number of registered job seekers. the positive trend could be explained, on the one hand, by seasonal reasons and by the public employment programs introduced, and, on the other hand, by the emerging consolidation of manufacturing enterprises in the north and west transdanubian regions. however, favourable changes in the agglomeration of budapest could not be recognised yet. during this period, the employment in small communities of disadvantaged areas (e.g. villages in cserehát, szatmár and ormánság regions) improved somewhat faster (lőcsei, h . 2011). about the sectoral eff ects of the crisis we can conclude that the largest decline in employment occurred in the industry (11 percent), and more precisely within the construction industry. between the fi rst quarter of 2008 and 2010 the number of employees in this sub-sector decreased by 14.9 percent (bálint, m . et al. 2011). in addition, a large number of losses in manufacturing took place, also in real estate enterprises, and private companies involved in education (köllő, j . 2011). the reduction in the labour reached fi rst engineering industry, automotive industry, but most intensely hit electronics industry (kiss, é. 2011). the biggest redundancies (collective, organized, massive lay-off s) took place in foreign-owned automotive and electronics companies performed in budapest, esztergom, tatabánya, szombathely, székesfehérvár, veszprém and kecskemét. it is estimated that approximately 25 thousand people lost their jobs in the automotive industry in hungary due to the crisis. in other sectors of the economy layoff s speeded up in the spring of 2009. the eff ects of the economic crisis in hungarian cities to supplement international and domestic experiences we carried out questionnaire surveys in budapest, szeged and győr during the summer of 2010. the questionnaire contained altogether 39 questions. the household survey was supplemented with street questionnaires containing 10 short questions. the household questionnaire has also been published in digitised form on the internet and i expanded the research with an internet survey in the second half of 2011. the empirical results introduced in this chapter are based on the assessment of the information collected in these surveys. although results of the surveys are not representative, they give a good insight into the subjective 167 interpretation of the crisis, how people living in the major hungarian cities see and appreciate the eff ects of the global economic crisis in their daily lives. almost 60 percent of the respondents defi ned the start of the economic crisis in 2008. just over a third of the respondents put this to the second half of 2008, which was the period of the outbreak of the crisis in the european union. in recent years many analysis have been published about the crisis, in this respect the above rate is not considered to be high. however, respondents could clearly identify the united states, where the crisis originated from: nine-tenths of the respondents named this country as the cause of the crisis. the respondents can be divided roughly two-thirds to one-third according to the responses if the great depression began in the banking (64.5 percent), or in the real estate sector (27.6 percent). the distribution of answers could also be infl uenced by the problems of banking sector that had a decisive eff ect on the people in hungary. it is also worth taking a look at our empirical results revealing which branches of the hungarian economy suff ered the greatest losses in the crisis. two-thirds of the respondents stated, that the construction industry was the biggest loser of the crisis, while one fi fth of the respondents identifi ed the automotive industry and automobile trade. according to our survey urban residents perceive that the crisis in the cities caused the biggest problems on the labour market (e.g. shrinking employment opportunities, increasing unemployment). in addition, respondents also mentioned the real estate market as the focus of problems, the negative changes occurred in the economic environment (e.g. business bankruptcy), and fi nancial shortages and funding problems in governments and businesses. the lack of development and investments in cities is closely related to the latt er. generally a positive picture can be drawn among the residents with regards future development of cities in hungary. while only a quarter of the respondents expect the downturn, a further quarter thinks the current situation will be stabilised. however, nearly half of the respondents expect positive changes (figure 2). responses make it clear that on higher levels of the sett lement hierarchy people see more optimistic the possibility of recovery from the crisis. no clear picture could be drawn among city residents about the real effects of crisis on the labour market, namely how many people actually lost their jobs as a result of the crisis. answers to the question scatt ered widely: some said that the global crisis had hardly any eff ects on employment, while others estimated the number of redundancies to be around half a million. the largest proportion (27 percent) within the sample is represented by those interviewees who estimated that 100,000 to 150,000 people lost their jobs due to the crisis, which approximately corresponds to the actual data (figure 3). nearly half of the respondents experienced labour market eff ects also personally, as their acquaintances (32 percent), relatives or friends (16 percent) lost their jobs. 168 fig. 2. evaluation of future urban development trends by urban residents (2011, n = 545). source: author’s survey fig. 3. estimations on job losses due to the global crisis by urban residents (2011, n = 353). source: author’s survey the crisis had impacts not only on the labour market, but also signifi cantly aff ected the fi nancial conditions of households, income and savings relations as well. the impacts of the economic crisis on households can be summarised, that the social composition by income and fi nancial situation became polarised, i.e. on the one hand, more and more people slipped down on the income ladder to the lowest deciles, on the other hand, the gap between 169 the richest and poorest widened. the fi nancial crisis had clearly sharpened the diff erences between the households. the decrease of income and the level of indebtedness had a determining role in the fi nancial situation of the households (tóth, i . and medgyesi, m . 2011). these outcomes were also confi rmed by household surveys of tárki social research institute made in 2009. on the one hand, on the basis of subjective perceptions the proportion of those households combating with fi nancial problems or even are deprived rose (from 19 percent to 22 percent and from 4 percent to 8 percent respectively) compared to the results of 2007. on the other hand – especially among poorer households – a signifi cant increase in the proportion of indebted families has been registered since the crisis started. the gradually increasing indebtedness of poorer households is indicated by the fact that 14 percent of households in the lowest income quintile paid bank credit instalments in 2001, however, this fi gure climbed to over 40 percent in 2009. in the same group, the ratio of households paying housing loans rose from 7 to 24 percent over the same period, and the proportion of those with trade loans increased from 7 to 17 percent. the indebtedness of the highest income quintile of households was not so dynamic. at the beginning of 2010, in the lowest income quintile 43 percent of the total incomes were spent on debt repayment, while in the highest quintile it was only 15 percent (tóth, i . and medgyesi, m . 2011). empirical results show that the quality of life of urban residents decreased after the outbreak of the crisis. nearly half of those surveyed claimed that their quality of life deteriorated somewhat in recent years, nearly one-fi fth of the respondents stated that their quality of life decreased signifi cantly since the crisis started (figure 4). the deterioration of quality of life in many cases can be explained by the worsening fi nancial conditions of households: no coincidence that more than a quarter of respondents is worried about their future income (“won’t be able to feed the family”), a further fi fth of respondents is worried about job or livelihood. respondents spend almost two-fi fths of the household’s net monthly income on overheads; the ratio of food within the monthly budget is close to 30 percent. expenditures spending on clothing (12 percent), entertainment and culture (15 percent) are signifi cantly lower. in recent years, more and more news note in hungary that saving ability and willingness for that of the population is low: respondents – if they have a chance for that– set aside less than a fi fth of their monthly income. households primarily try to defend themselves against the crisis by reducing their direct expenditures (e.g. fewer but smarter shopping, cutt ing expenditures for clothing). a usual method for savings is to reduce overheads (cutting water, gas, electricity consumption), and to cancel services (e.g. internet, telephone and cultural programs). 170 conclusions more and more people say that it is actually not only the world economy, but also the whole socio-economic development path so far is in crisis that aff ects the whole of human society, culture, lifestyle, outlook and morals (szentes, t. 2009). according to the most relevant ideas of quinn, d . writt en in his book ishmael (1992) i would clarify this that the so-called “western culture”, the “white man’s culture” is in crisis, if we really interpret the current global crisis as a failure of the socio-economic development path. in fact, the market is now driven by selfi sh individualism ruling everything, not just the economy but also culture, sports, science and everyday life. the biggest problem in this respect is defi ned by lászló, e . (2008) very well: “the global economic growth continues, but fewer and fewer people see benefi ts.” several theories are circulating in professional circles about the causes and backgrounds of the crisis. the current crisis began in the united states and swept around the world. considering the functioning of the economy (short-, mediumand long-term cycles), in the magic triangle of speculation– virtuality–interlacement it was only a matt er of time, when and where a crisis of a similar size broke out. due to the economic crisis to be expected that a certain degree of rearrangement occurs in the global economic space (see asia’s and especially china’s growing role in the global economy). the european fig. 4. perceptions of residents about the quality of life since the break-out of global crisis (2011, n = 353). source: author’s survey 171 union has to rethink both the state’s role and responsibilities in the regulation of fi nancial markets, and the role of nation-states in the community’s future development. the crisis has aff ected the cities in many ways and at very diff erent scale. international experience shows that considering the negative eff ects of the crisis it is not the city size, but rather the composition of the local economy that plays a major role. cities with export-oriented, deeply embedded economic sectors in international market and trade have been more hit by the crisis. according to the european commission cities should implement a smart, sustainable and inclusive growth to avoid future negative trends in their local economy. „smart growth” means the development of economy based on knowledge and innovation, „sustainable growth” promotes more resource-effi cient, greener and more competitive economy. „inclusive growth” would foster a high-employment economy delivering economic and territorial cohesion. east central european countries have followed diff erent pathways in their political, economic and social transformations (cotella, g . 2006). even before the global economic crisis the diff erentiation of central european countries was marked and it has only been further accelerated by the crisis. hungary, as an apt pupil during the years of transition has lost its leading role in the region. according to kiss (2009), the country today is characterised by a kind of double marginalisation: fi rstly, the country’s position weakened not only in the eu but also in east central europe; on the other hand, budapest’s role is thinned in the region as well. therefore, the membership in the european union for hungary – although often criticised in political phrases –, also represents an essential form of protection. due to the irresponsible decisions of the political elite in hungary the economic crisis reached a weakened state. therefore, it is not surprising that many experts view that hungary is one of the biggest losers of the crisis in europe. the crisis damaged the country’s export-oriented sectors, growth industries; it occurred earliest and had often the biggest negative impacts in the formerly prosperous regions (e.g. central transdanubia). the economic problems were coupled with problems of the fi nancial market: far-reaching credit crisis reared its head in hungary, which has deepened the social crisis. according to present understanding the state, the credit institutions and the public are all to be blamed. for many years there has been no eff ective state (political) means of credit market regulation, credit institutions applied much higher interest rate indicators to damp their profi t hunger and the population – due to the low-quality fi nancial culture – irresponsibly took mortgage-based housing and trade loans. the governmental measures started in 2011 in order to mitigate the negative impacts of the crisis have sharply been criticised at home and abroad. 172 at the moment no clear positive eff ects of these measures can be detected yet, but because of the short time scale it is too early to draw the bott om line. anyway, a more cautious opinion can be noticed that the recent actions have not strengthened hungary’s position within the european union. it is still an open question to estimate the results on the future development of the socalled unorthodox economic policy presently followed by hungary. acknowledgement: the article and empirical survey presented above have been supported by the bolyai jános scholarship of the hungarian academy of sciences. r e f e r e n c e s aalbers, m . 2009. geographies of the fi nancial crisis. area 41. 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(9–10): 20–24. solow, r .m . 2000. growth theory: an exposition. oxford, oxford university press, 304 p. stark, a . 2011. a magyar gazdaság fejlõdése közép-kelet-európában. (the development of hungarian economy in east central europe). stratégiai tanulmányok a magyar tudományos akadémián. ezredforduló 1. 3–9. stuttaford, a . 2010. scapegoating les anglo-saxons. weekly standard 15 (38): www.weeklystandard.com szanyi, m . 2009. a globális válság eredete, fő dimenziói és egyéb jellemzői (the origin, main dimensions and other features of global crisis). in a globális válság: hatások, gazdaságpolitikai válaszok és kilátások. ed. farkas, j . (cd) (1): 7–26. szentes, t. 2009. ki, mi és miért van válságban? – a leegyszerűsítő nézetek és szemléletmód kritikája. (who, what and why is in crisis? – criticism of simplifying views and outlook). budapest, napvilág kiadó, 232 p. tiner, t. 2010. far from the core – regions and industrial park in economic shadow in hungary. part one. hungarian geographical bulletin 59. (2): 89–106. tóth, i . and medgyesi, m . 2010. jövedelemeloszlás és megélhetési nehézségek a konszolidációs csomagok és a válságok közepett e magyarországon (distribution of incomes and livelihood diffi culties among consolidation programmes and crises in hungary). in munkaerőpiaci tükör 2010 – közelkép: a válság munkapiaci hatásai. eds. fazekas, k. and molnár, gy. budapest, mta közgazdaságtudományi intézet – országos foglalkoztatási közalapítvány, 180–197. 174 hungary in maps edited by károly kocsis and ferenc schweitzer geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences budapest, 2009. 212 p. ‘hungary in maps' is the latest volume in a series of atlases published by the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences. a unique publication, it combines the best features of the books and atlases that have been published in hungary during the last decades. this work provides a clear, masterly and comprehensive overview of present-day hungary by a distinguished team of contributors, presenting the results of research in the fi elds of geography, demography, economics, history, geophysics, geology, hydrology, meteorology, pedology and other earth sciences. the 172 lavish, full-colour maps and diagrams, along with 52 tables are complemented by clear, authoritative explanatory notes, revealing a fresh perspective on the anatomy of modern day hungary. although the emphasis is largely placed on contemporary hungary, important sections are devoted to the historical development of the natural and human environment as well. in its concentration and focus, this atlas was intended to act as hungary's 'business card', as the country's résumé, to serve as an information resource for the sophisticated general reader and to inform the international scientifi c community about the foremost challenges facing hungary today, both in a european context and on a global scale. examples of such intriguing topics are: stability and change in the ethnic and state territory, natural hazards, earthquakes, urgent fl ood control and water management tasks, land degradation, the state of nature conservation, international environmental confl icts, the general population decline, ageing, the increase in unemployment, the roma population at home and the situation of hungarian minorities abroad, new trends in urban development, controversial economic and social consequences as a result of the transition to a market economy, privatisation, the massive infl ux of foreign direct investment, perspectives on the exploitation of mineral resources, problems in the energy supply and electricity generation, increasing spatial concentration focused on budapest in the fi eld of services (e.g. in banking, retail, transport and telecommunications networks), and fi nally the shaping of an internationally competitive tourism industry, thus making hungary more att ractive to visit. this project serves as a preliminary study for the new, 3rd edition of 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can be opened with acrobat and adobe reader 5.0 and later.) >> /namespace [ (adobe) (common) (1.0) ] /othernamespaces [ << /asreaderspreads false /cropimagestoframes true /errorcontrol /warnandcontinue /flattenerignorespreadoverrides false /includeguidesgrids false /includenonprinting false /includeslug false /namespace [ (adobe) (indesign) (4.0) ] /omitplacedbitmaps false /omitplacedeps false /omitplacedpdf false /simulateoverprint /legacy >> << /addbleedmarks false /addcolorbars false /addcropmarks false /addpageinfo false /addregmarks false /convertcolors /converttocmyk /destinationprofilename () /destinationprofileselector /documentcmyk /downsample16bitimages true /flattenerpreset << /presetselector /mediumresolution >> /formelements false /generatestructure false /includebookmarks false /includehyperlinks false /includeinteractive false /includelayers false /includeprofiles false /multimediahandling /useobjectsettings /namespace [ (adobe) (creativesuite) (2.0) ] /pdfxoutputintentprofileselector /documentcmyk /preserveediting true /untaggedcmykhandling /leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice 5_6_irodalom_kronika.indd 215 l i t e r a t u r e hungarian geographical bulletin 2009. vol. 58. no 3. pp. 215–219. kocsis, k. and schweitzer, f. (eds.): hungary in maps. geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences, budapest, 2009, 211 pp. the latest, third volume of a series of atlases published by the geographical research institute presents the geography of hungary. the fi rst volume presented a region, south eastern europe and the balkans (2005, 2007), and the second ukraine (2008), one of the largest and most populous countries of the continent. the new member of regional atlases, a comprehensive overview of a comparatively small country, hungary, is the most voluminous of them. this publication can really be called an atlas as the descriptions and analyses on more than 200 pages are illustrated by 172 full-colour maps and diagrams. in addition, 52 tables accompany the clear and authoritative explanatory notes. on average, each page of the atlas contains at least one colour fi gure or a statistical set. the volume consistently follows a clear editorial philosophy in content, structure, outward appearance and execution (size, cover, paper quality, lett er types, page sett ing, and illustrations. this is a unique publication combining the best features of a book and atlas. no such work was published in hungary in the past few decades. the hungarian geographers always thought it important to present their country for foreign readers. aft er world war i, several geography books and lots of maps were published on hungary and its geographical environment. they were published fi rst of all in french, english and german languages, and they showed the catastrophic eff ect of the peace treaty (1920) on hungary and the carpathian basin. later, since the 1960s, aft er a break of two decades, the studies and two national atlases concentrated on presenting the large scale changes in the socialist society and economy. they were published in russian, german and english. twenty years aft er the great political changes and the second edition of the national atlas of hungary in 1989, it was high time again publishing a concise book or atlas to refl ect the current state of the country in english. according to the editors, this project served as a preliminary study for the new, third edition of the national atlas of hungary to be co-ordinated by the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences. the two editors and their excellent staff have tested their capacity of collecting the data from hungarian and international sources, writing the detailed explanations and organizing a huge scientifi c project. as an outcome of these eff orts, a distinguished team of more than thirty contributors presented the results of their research in almost all the fi elds of earth sciences. an impressive amount of information in the maps and graphs supported with textual comments make the atlas a comprehensive handbook. although the emphasis is largely placed on contemporary hungary, important sections are devoted to the historical development of the natural and human environment as well. the work is divided into fi ve parts, two shorter introductory and three longer analyzing chapters. the fi rst, short chapter positions hungary, its geographical location and geopolitical situation in the world. the subsections briefl y describe the stability and change in the ethnic and state territory in the past 1100 years, administrative divisions, and give an overview of the changes in the international relations and economic development aft er 1989. the comparative fi gures also reveal the dramatic scale of transformation 216 of some european economies at the turn of the 20th and 21st century. the second, shortest chapter is an outline of the history of the hungarian state since the very beginning to the past years, when hungary became a member of the european union. an excellent map series on the states in the carpathian basin between 1000 and 2009 accompanies the story of the hungarians. the third chapter follows with the topographical and physical-geographical description of hungary. this analysis of the natural environment comprises almost a third of the total pages of the volume. compared to the former atlases in the series, this part is given a major att ention. the relatively detailed description demonstrates that the study of the geography of hungary has been traditionally strongly rooted in understanding the natural conditions of the land. the subchapters begin with addressing the topic of geophysics (tackling the earthquakes in the whole pannonian basin) and – relatively shortly – geology. the part on the relief and landscape types is richly accompanied by maps. the subchapter dedicated on climate includes long-term trends, which are of great importance for the agriculture in hungary. a section on hydrography follows, which convincingly demonstrates that the scientifi c study of waters, the drainage system and the water management is of crucial importance for the urgent fl ood control in hungary, a country set in the middle of a large basin. another subchapter explains why the fertile soils of hungary form a major asset of the national wealth, though land degradation has been endangering their quality. the parts on the fl ora and fauna analyze the question in a broader perspective both in time and space. the state of nature conservation and environmental protection in hungary is extensively presented in two subchapters not forgett ing about the international environmental confl icts. the chapter on the population and sett lements is somewhat underrepresented in the atlas compared to the extent of similar chapters in the former two publications. this is certainly explained by the fact that the population of hungary is much more homogeneous than that of the balkans or ukraine. however, the maps and tables and the explanations on relatively fewer pages give a comprehensive overview of the demographic features of the country: the size and distribution of the population, the population movement in historical perspective, and internal and international migration. intriguing topics are discussed and presented here: the general population decline, ageing, increase in unemployment, the roma population at home, the situation of hungarian minorities abroad, and new trends in urban development. the subchapter on ethnicity and religion is another part of the book that will raise a great interest among foreign readers although the latest data (from 2001) are relatively old. the national census planned for 2011 will surely provide the editors with up-to-date data on the ethnic and lingual patt erns as well as on church and religion. the subchapter on sett lements is more detailed and gives current data on the sett lement system and urbanization of hungary. the fi nal, and – just like in the other atlases in this series – by far the most extensive chapter deals with the economy of the country. aft er an outline of the economic history of hungary, important passages describe the transition to a market economy (including the privatization and the controversial economic and social consequences as a result of the transition) and the main features of the new economic structure, not leaving the subject of the massive infl ux of foreign direct investment. a time series of maps illustrates the regional processes of the past three decades. a detailed analysis of economic sectors follows: agriculture, mining with the perspectives on the exploitation of mineral resources, problems in the energy supply and electricity generation, industry and transport. telecommunications and the banking network with an increasing spatial concentration of services focused on 217 budapest as well as the internal trade and capital exports each received a subchapter. the fi nal part deals with tourism in hungary. it is a great asset of the atlas that the maps and fi gures clearly orientate the reader to discover the regional patt erns and diff erences within hungary. unfortunately, the dark colours of symbols block the reading of some maps, while in some other cases the colours are too much reduced. although the use of geographical names is not always consistent, the maps always help identify the objects or places mentioned in the explanations. the graphs and tables of international indicators help the interested to place the economy of hungary fi rst of all in a european dimension. most of the data are surprisingly fresh – due to the computers that can wait until the last days to process the latest data either in table or map form and to the scientists who interpreted the data and the trends. a book like this is surely an important source of information for geographers and other earth scientists. although writing this volume did not need direct international cooperation, the publication will surely generate an echo outside hungary. i wish that hungary in maps become a popular publication with the international readers: this book may also serve as a nice and useful gift for visitors including not only the professionals of the scientifi c community, but also businessmen, politicians or the sophisticated readers. it also satisfi es the interest of those readers who wish to learn about the land and inhabitants of the hungarian state and want to have a reliable guide to the modern image of the country in a european context and on a global scale. the price of this professional guide is most advantageous! this atlas makes hungary even more att ractive to visit. gábor gercsák oecd environmental performance reviews hungary. organisation for economic co-operation and development, paris, 2008, 226 p. the review of public policies and country performance is a core function of the oecd, whose aim is to help member countries improve their individual and collective performances in environmental management and sustainable development. oecd also reviews environmental performance of key non-member countries. to date, oecd has completed reviews of chile, china and of the russian federation. the environmental performance review of hungary, published in 2008 in english, french and hungarian examines hungary’s progress since the previous oecd environmental performance review in 2000, and the extent to which the country had met its domestic objectives and international commitments. the oecd report also reviews hungary’s progress in the context of the oecd environmental strategy for the first decade of the 21st century. some 46 recommendations were made that should contribute to further environmental progress in hungary. it addresses the combined eff orts of government and civil society (including industry, labour, households and environmental ngos). the fi rst environmental review of hungary assessed the progress made between 1990 and 2000, a period marked by hungary’s accession to the oecd (in 1996). it was very timely to release the second report, covering the period since 2000, aft er accession of hungary to the eu and aft er more than 10 years of co-operation with oecd. since 2000, bokor, l., szelesi, t., wilhelm, z. and csapó, j. eds.: locality and the energy resources. frugeo geography research initiative 353 l i t e r a t u r e hungarian geographical bulletin 63 (3) (2014) pp. 353–356. bokor, l., szelesi, t., wilhelm, z. and csapó, j. eds.: locality and the energy resources. frugeo geography research initiative. shrewsbury, uk, 2013. 216 p. this publication was prepared in honour of klára bank, associate professor of the university of pécs, hungary. her main research areas are energy industry, energy management, current issues of energy problems and the role and use of renewable energy sources. in february 2013, she celebrated her 60th birthday, and on the occasion sixteen authors pay tribute with this volume to the staff member, researcher, teacher, but not least the always direct and helpful colleague. the book diff ers fundamentally from similar volumes in several aspects. firstly, the edition was undertaken by frugeo geography research initiative (fgri) working in england, which is an educational, research and editorial enterprise that specialises in geography and environmental sciences. the book was scheduled to be the fi rst volume of the series of geographical locality studies, appearing periodically in the fgri library. unconventionally, the manuscripts originally did not start as co-authored works, because the editor considered it relevant that studies published in the book should be the intellectual property of only and exclusively of the authors indicated at the beginning of the papers, presenting their own research, refl ecting their own views. this idea, however, was superseded by practical considerations in the meantime. at the same time, the writings are in english, so the book is beyond traditional hungarian volumes of studies and is scheduled to att ract the interest of international experts. articles included in the volume are basically organized around few keywords: locality, effi ciency, reduction (e.g. output, consumption, wasting), independence (e.g. from imported energy sources), sustainability and stability. these keywords are plastic in content, but all are connected to the sources of energy and closely intertwined. substantial requirement towards the authors was to focus on the connection between locality and the use of energy resources. the authors' task was to describe energy consumption and technological methods and emphasize the use of energy resources with local importance, the possibility of the improvement 354 of effi cient technologies and methods, that of the reduction of consumption, wasting and sensitivity from imported energy sources, and the relevance of sustainability. the relevance of this fi eld of research in the new millennium is quite obvious. since we have to confront a number of strategic challenges, among which healthy foods, clean drinking water and sustainable energy supply are the most important. in the energy sector, the next period will be the age of structural and paradigm shift on both the demand and supply side. even today, many people live in the delusion of the cheap and infi nite supply of energy, but the current consumption patt erns are not sustainable in the future. in order to ensure our own future and the next generations' needs and to maintain a liveable environment, a swift change of att itude in the energy fi eld is urgent as well. performance of the economy, social issues, investor confi dence and social well-being also depends on the energy safely accessible and aff ordable; therefore, one of the major challenges for hungary is answering the energy-related issues. there is no doubt about the relevance of the topic, the european union developed the europe 2020 strategy for the ambitious purpose to fi nd a solution to the economic recovery and future challenges at the same time. this also means that the growth should be socially inclusive and above all, more sustainable. at the same time, national energy strategy was adopted which formulates the new energy development trends outlining the hungarian energy vision. in the success of such strategies locality plays an important role, cities should undertake concrete actions to achieve the targets. cities as key centres of economic development and innovation provide the territorial framework for environmentally friendly and socially inclusive growth. in addition to the fact that we must fi nd a solution for social exclusion in cities, the greatest energy saving potential is also concentrated in urban areas. investments in energy-effi cient urban infrastructure create a thriving business environment and att ract more people to the local labour market. higher levels of employment can help overcome the income-dependent and energy-wasting habits of consumers as well as can provide the fi nancial resources for the new, climate-proof growth. thus, cities represent both a challenge and a solution to climate change. a challenge because the energy demand of the world's cities covers two-thirds of the total energy consumption, but also a solution, since, due to the dense urban network and compactness, cities have the opportunity to operate in a very energy-effi cient manner. papers included in the volume are structured as follows. first, the former phd-student of klára bank, lászló bokor pays tribute to her with the paper titled 'the importance of energy resources in the local environment'. the author's goal is to shed light on the nature, origin, natural relations and the importance of local-level utilization of energy resources, all in accordance with the social sphere. it also aims to help understand the geographical interpretation of power systems, in order to show the ever closer relations between the natural and social, as well as local and global spheres. in his essay béla munkácsy (department of environmental and landscape ecology, eötvös loránd university, budapest) argues for the importance of holistic approach in energy planning and he believes that we need to break with the narrow-minded technological approach. there are many non-technological principles that have serious impact on energy planning. in this respect the changing role of geography is remarkable, because it can be considered a complex discipline in itself. therefore, the author att ributes a decisive role to spatial approach, also because renewable energy sources are scatt ered in space. jános csapó a former student and current colleague of klára bank discusses best practices of 'energy effi ciency in tourism’ both on hungarian and international level where energy effi ciency practices are integral part of tourism development. selected case studies include new zealand, australia, the european union and south transdanubia (hungary). he concludes that energy effi ciency is an important driving factor for tourism development. 355 nándor zagyi current phd-student of klára bank, provides possible solutions to mitigate the environmental impact of air conditioning, under dry and semi-arid climatic conditions in his paper, with the title 'traditional energy – free solutions for ventilation and air-cooling in arid tropical areas of asia' in the study areas (north western india and the iranian basin) many long-established technical methods are applied which could be used also in modern architecture. these methods help adapt to extreme weather conditions by making use of water cooling and heat removal capability, as well as the possibilities of shading. zoltán wilhelm analyses the role of water as natural resource, cultural heritage and tourism att raction in india pointing out its weaknesses in relation to the possibilities. furthermore, he demonstrates the specifi c role of water as a natural resource in the sub-continent. the author notes that the traditional and sustainable water management practices can contribute to the broadening of tourism supply. the current and former student of the celebrated, lászló bokor and tamás szelesi greet her by publishing their work titled 'bhutan: a nature-based holistic society in the himalayas'. the study using the current comprehensive international literature highlights how the population tries to live in harmony with nature, which is evident in the course of their daily lives and activities. conditions for the development of energy systems are basically defi ned by the surrounding mountain ranges that can also be considered as the basis for the bhutanese culture. the results published by lajos göőz in the paper titled 'the feasibility of small-regional autonomous energy systems' are also adapted to the geographical career of the celebrated. the study describes the regional development eff ect of renewable energy sources. the positive eff ects are linked to employment, research and development, sme activities and industrialisation. the author points out that renewables have strong positive impact on the living standard and human resources. the work emphasizes the importance of budget support, because if the government fails to take a part in these developments, hungary will not be able to achieve the goals of the energy action plan. károly tar, associate professor at the college of nyíregyháza investigates the relationship between relative frequency, relative energy content, average velocity, and the average length of time of the wind directions. he also determines the measure of stochastic connection between the energetic parameters for characterisation of inner defi niteness of the wind energy fi eld. he draws the reader's att ention to the fact that the value of wind direction’s energetic parameters and the ratio of their signifi cant connections are also dependent on the orography. over and above, it has a downward trend in time. most non-signifi cant connections were observed between the average velocity and average length of time or between the relative frequency and the average velocity of the wind directions. results of the author show, that the inner defi niteness of the wind fi eld became weaker in hungary which requires more caution in the site selection of wind energy utilisation. károly tar and mihály tömöri together greet the celebrated with the paper on 'realistic potentials of wind energy utilisation in hungary'. the authors not only explore the climatic potentials of wind energy utilisation, but also the potentials in hungary’s geography and land use, science and energy policies. the study presents the main factors in installing wind turbines and designates the areas recommended for installation. gabriella ancsin (university of szeged) explores the advantages of the utilisation of geothermal energy with respect to the technology and economic performance. thermal waters have been widely exploited for nearly half a century in the area of the great hungarian plain not only for balneological, but also for industrial and agricultural purposes, as well as for public heating. the use of geothermal energy for heating has been more and more propagated, and substantial economic advantages can be achieved in case of larger public buildings as well as residential complexes. 356 mária mohos and lajos keczeli salute the celebrated with a study titled 'the functioning of the cement factory in királyegyháza in a rural area'. the authors provide interesting results connected to the human geographical aspect of the topic. they clearly identify three possible ways of development in the micro-region aff ected by the cement factory. in the fi rst case, the agricultural nature remains, which will be linked to a nearly equivalent industrial profi le. agricultural production is strengthened by the cement plant supplied by biomass fuel. in the second case, the primary sector is completely relegated, while the secondary and tertiary sector would take up the majority of workers. according to the third variant – based on the negative trends in the world economy – the failed economic restructuring would lead to a situation where the original agricultural profi le remains dominant. viktor glied assistant professor at the department of political studies, university of pécs highlights the background of 'social confl icts in the shadow of the paks nuclear power plant'. as author argues surveys of the last decade show that the hungarian society does not reject the operation of paks nuclear power plant. however, the proposed new extension sets new questions related to the fi nancing of the investment and its necessity. the author points out that international considerations against nuclear power and energy are guided by not only fi nancial issues but also emotional and political motivations. the author draws the reader's att ention to the case of the hungarian situation: it is not the security risks which are primarily mentioned in connection with the expansion of the plant. it is rather the costs associated with the construction of the new blocks and the reconstruction of uranium mining. the organising principle of the book was from the general to the more specifi c topics, from the higher territorial level towards the lower. thus, the introductory provisions are followed by asian and hungarian examples. in case of the latt er, the book also moves from the general to the regional and in sectoral approach, where wind, geothermal and fi nally nuclear energy are discussed. the editors are to be commended for the carefully designed internal structure of the volume and to its att ractive appearance. the cover design is a hand-painted drawing about the natural energy sources by viktória nemes. on the back, info arousing the interest of the readers can be read. one tab gives the concise biography of the celebrated, the other a short description of the editors. to conclude the present volume att empts to provide a starting point for those who are open to heed the recommendations and add their own experiences to it. however, the main target groups are professionals and local experts involved in city management, urban and regional planning, decision-makers, offi cials managing processes and professionals supporting their work. in fact, it can be recommended to all those who are involved in the development of local, regional or sectoral development-policy making, implementation, professional preparation, what is more, the education at national or european level. instead of permanent reference to the lack of funds, understanding approaches diff erent from ours (even asian) described in the book can be exemplary and strongly recommended for consideration, which may contribute to the practical and cost-eff ective management of problems and the change of att itude. we understand that the knowledge connected to the importance of energy awareness is expanding almost day-to-day. that is why we encourage all readers of this volume to adapt the information described here to the conditions of his/her own locality, complete it and contribute to the construction of this growing knowledge. asking them to use and propagate, explain to others the described information in this volume, consider these guidelines and initiate further discussions at local and national levels. róbert tésits solar and wind energy resources of the eger region 17 hungarian geographical bulletin 63 (1) (2014) 17–27. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.63.1.2 solar and wind energy resources of the eger region jános mika1, edina kitti csabai1, ildikó dobi2, zsófia molnár3, zoltán nagy2, andrás rázsi1,3, zsuzsanna tóth-tarjányi2 and ilona pajtók-tari1 abstract the spatial interpolation and mapping of renewable energy resources is an important task of potential estimation of atmospheric renewable energy sources. first the global radiation on horizontal surfaces and near-surface wind speed at 10 m height above the surface (not at 60–120 m, which is the height of contemporary wind turbines) is measured. based on standard meteorological observations, the experts of the hungarian meteorological service elaborated a series of digital maps with 0.1°×0.1° resolution. the grid-point values are based on homogenised data using mash theory and soft ware. the study tackles solar and wind energy from four aspects. firstly, a trial for validation of the gridded data is provided by a comparison between a single station, eger and the very closely located grid-point values. secondly, the annual cycles of the areal-mean global radiation and wind speed are presented, based on the gridded data of a selected area of 50×50 km. both the averages and the standard deviations of the diurnal mean values are presented for the 1981–2010 reference period. presenting the maps of the distribution within the area is the third issue with average and standard deviation values. finally, the point-wise trends are drawn for both energy sources in the single grid-point used in the aspect one in 1981–2010 and also in the nearby located stations for comparison. the trend of solar energy is positive, whereas the trend for wind energy (speed cube) is negative in the given 30 year period. since, mainly warming characterised those three decades in the northern hemisphere, the trends might also be interpreted as responses to the large-scale forcing, though the observed behaviour does not necessarily mean causal relationship with the global tendencies. keywords: global radiation, wind energy, eger region, annual cycle, climate change 1 eszterházy college, h-3300 eger, eszterházy tér 1. e-mails: mikaj@ektf.hu, ecsabai@gmail. com, razsia@ektf.hu, pajtokil@ektf.hu 2 hungarian meteorological service, h-1024 budapest, kitaibel pál u. 1. e-mails: dobi@met. hu, nagy.z@met.hu, tarjanyi.zs@met.hu 3 hungarian meteorological service, regional centre, h-3530 miskolc, petőfi s. u. 18. e-mails: razsi.a@met.hu, molnar.zs@met.hu 18 introduction the development of society and economy is oft en determined by climate, topography and water availability. this relationship is in the focus of our present research on renewable energy sources and energy effi ciency in the eger energy region, ne hungary. natural conditions for the utilisation of the resources and the associated societal conditions will be discussed in the paper. the eger energy region consists of 23 sett lements including the county seat, eger. the area of the region is 718 km2; its population was 92,483 inhabitants in 2009. the present study deals with solar and wind energy. results of spatial and temporal analyses of global radiation and wind speed data will be presented below. gridded data values will be compared with those of one single station located very close to one of the grid-points. the annual cycle of the area-mean values and the standard deviations of the diurnal means as well as distributions will be presented. finally, the point-wise linear trends of annual and seasonal solar radiation and wind cube values will be given for the grid-points. data and methods in the meteorological practice, solar energy is observed on a horizontal surface. wind energy is related to 10-metre height above the ground. none of them is considered as maximum available energy since the optimally directed and tilted solar cells as well as the higher-elevated wind turbines will provide more energy. nevertheless, the smooth spatial distribution of both energy sources provide a fi rst insight into the availability of the energy, since direction and tilt modify the energy independently of the spatial coordinates, except in the case of extreme topographical conditions. the logarithmic dependence of wind speed from the height does not explicitly vary with horizontal coordinates, either. the presented results are mainly based on grid-point data in a ca. 50×50 km area containing the eger energy region (figure 1). more exactly, the gridded data are characterised by their geographic limits of are 47.6° and 48.1° northern latitudes and 20.0° and 20.7° eastern longitudes. the gridded data obtained by the experts of the hungarian meteorological service are also available on the internet (www.carpatclim-eu.org). the interpolation was performed for the whole country also involving some near-border stations of the neighbouring countries. hence it is diffi cult to assess how many stations were involved in the interpolation. from the meta-data, one can establish that allowing 0.6°–0.6° wider areas than the rectangle, the area contains 7 stations for wind speed but only two stations for sunshine duration. the data series is available for 1961–2010, but we use the data of the 1981–2010 period which coincides with a more or less even warming period in the northern hemisphere which is also confi rmed by the recent ipcc ar5 report (ipcc, 2013). 19 fig. 1. the eger energy region in the 0.1°×0.1° geographical network with the single station called eger. the other lines represent the administrative areas of the 23 sett lements of the region the area of computations is characterised by variable topography, though the majority of the highest hills of the investigated rectangle are not included in the region. the average height of the rectangle is 205 m, the standard deviation of the elevation of the 48 grid-points is 150 m. the highest located grid-point is at 866 m a.s.l., whereas the lowest point is at 86 m a.s.l.. there are 12 grid-points below 100 m a.s.l. and again 12 grid-points above 300 m a.s.l.. for these features are considered by the interpolation methodology is applied. the input data of the stations underwent on a homogenisation process (“mash” by szentimrey, t. 1999) to avoid non-realistic fl uctuations and to obtain a statistically optimal interpolation (“mish” by szentimrey, t. and bihari, z. 2006). the latt er does not only use the spatial correlation of the elements but also the temporal correlation which is not known in any other spatial interpolation methodology. both statistical processes are described by the authors at htt p://www.carpatclim-eu.org/docs/mashmish/mashmish.pdf. in the given database wind data are derived from direct measurements, but solar radiation data are estimated from sunshine duration applying the method of angström, a. (1924) modifi ed by prescott, j.a. (1940). 20 for comparison, the point-wise observed data measured by the standard meteorological station of eger (47.90° n, 20.39° e, 225 m a.s.l.) are also used for much shorter periods, namely the data of 2001–2010 for global radiation and those of 1996–2010 for wind speed. the point-wise values are compared with the grid-point data at the point of 47.90° n latitude and 20.40° e longitude. one must note that the station eger was not involved in the grid-point value derivation due to the sparse data availability in 1961–2010. the statistical calculations applied below are fairly simple: averaging is based on the diurnal values. standard deviations are also computed for the diurnal values to represent diurnal variability of the available energy. the trends are determined by the method of least squares. the signifi cance of the trends is not estimated, the correlation coeffi cients are added for orientation. the validations of the gridded data both for global radiation and wind speed cube for eger are presented in the next part of the paper. the validation is crucial from the point of view of feasibility to apply the gridded data in the evaluation of energy potential in the region. the annual cycles of the gridded global radiation and wind speed data based on the area mean values will also be presented. not only the annual cycle of the means but also the standard deviations are in the scope of the evaluations to describe the stability of the available potential. the estimated spatial diff erences for the climatic means and standard deviations of january and july months will be detailed too. geographical distribution around the mean values is also mapped exhibiting interesting spatial patt erns despite the small size of the investigated rectangle. finally, we return to the point-wise values of eger to explore the longterm tendencies in the time variations of global radiation and wind cube at 10-m height. validation of the grid-point data the fi rst important question concerning the grid-point data is whether they refl ect the real values correctly, especially under the circumstances of complex topography. we could make this comparison only between the meteorological station of eger and the nearby grid-point. the horizontal distance between them is less than 1 km. note that the station was always involved in the interpolation. global radiation table 1 represents a fair agreement between the global radiation of grid-point (rcc) and the observation by the station (robs). the diff erence between the 21 means of the 30-year period and the means of the 10-year period is rather signifi cant though in case of comparing the shorter station data series with the identical gridded data, the diff erence is increasing. that statement also refers to the medians. the standard deviation values taken from the identical ten-year periods, however, are closer to each other. the maxima and the minima are fairly close to each other, as well. so, the grid-point values can be considered as a fair approximation for global radiation with no considerable biases. wind speed unfortunately the grid-point values of wind speed cubes (fcc), i.e. the fi rst approaches of the available wind energy (table 2) do not perform so well. the 30-year climate estimate is 50% larger than values observed at the station (fobs) during a 15-year period. about half of the diff erence disappears if we compare the identical time periods. the remaining diff erence is still 25%, i.e. the gridded values overestimate the wind cubes by that value. the medians are also a bit overestimated. table 1. basic statistics for global radiation in eger and in the nearest grid-point mj/m2/day rcc rcc robs period 1981–2010 2001–2010 mean median standard deviation minimum 12.00 10.67 7.59 2.09 12.27 11.00 8.36 0.39 12.06 10.61 8.44 0.00 maximum no of days 29.46 10,957 31.25 3,652 table 2. basic statistics for wind-cube in eger and in the nearest grid-point (m/s)3 fcc fcc fobs period 1981–2010 1996–2010 mean median standard deviation minimum maximum 30.07 10.65 69.29 0.02 1,702.21 25.07 10.22 52.18 0.06 1,401.17 19.94 9.26 34.38 0.00 614.13 no of days 10,957 5,479 22 the standard deviation of daily values diff ers even more signifi cantly. the diff erence between the 30 years grid-point values and the 15 years station values is above 100%, roughly the half of which remains when comparing the identical periods but diff erent data. this strong overestimation peaks in case of maxima with almost threefold diff erence between the 30-year gridded and 15 years local data. due to the diff erence, the statistics of wind will be mapped only for its fi rst power (instead of its cube). we would like to emphasise again that the eger station was not involved in the grid-point value derivation, since the observations were performed at diff erent sites during the basic 1961–2010 interpolation period. the above validation is a good example for any point of the eger region, because the grid-point data are completely independent from the station-data. areal-mean daily statistics averages of global radiation and wind speed figure 2 illustrates the annual cycle of global radiation and wind speed by the areal mean values based on the gridded data, also indicating the highest and the smallest values of the 30 years average values of monthly total radiation and monthly mean wind speed. the july maximum of global radiation is slightly over the june value explained by the annual minimum of cloudiness in july. standard deviations of the diurnal values the climatic mean values provide fi rst insights into the available energy resources. the knowledge of diurnal variability around these values is also important. figure 3 presents the standard deviations for the daily sums of global radiation and the daily mean wind speed which, certainly, refl ect the strong annual cycle of global radiation, but they behave diff erently from the annual cycle of wind speed (figure 2). fig. 2. annual cycle of global radiation (mj/m2) (left ) and the mean wind speed (m/s) (right) by the areal mean values with the lowest and highest point-wise averages in 1981–2010 23 mapping diurnal means and standard deviations global radiation figure 4 illustrates the spatial distribution of global radiation in january and in july. the data represent the diurnal mean values. the maps were created by the arcgis soft ware. the annual cycle of global radiation is mainly determined by the astronomical diff erences at the given latitude, i.e. the early summer maximum of the zenith angle, the length of daylight and by the annual cycle of cloudiness which is the lowest in july. the standard deviation maps of the diurnal data can be seen in figure 5. here, again, the fair estimation of standard deviation by the single grid-point value near eger in the above validation allows for considering the above maps confi rming the estimates of the real standard deviations. only the peak value of standard deviation in the 47.9° n 20.0° e grid-point is infl uenced by the mountainous station of kékestető located almost there, nearly 1,000 m a.s.l.. here, cloudiness may cause strong time variations in radiation. that eff ect is present only in july, but not in january when there are clouds at any elevation. fig. 3. annual cycle of standard deviation for diurnal global radiation (m j/m2) and that of wind speed by the areal average values with maxima and minima of the region (1981–2010) fig. 4. average global radiation fi elds diurnal global radiation at a horizontal plain by the gridded data. units: mj/m2 24 fig. 5. standard deviation of diurnal global radiation at a horizontal plain according to the gridded data. units: mj/m2 fig. 6. average fields of diurnal mean wind speed according to the gridded data. units: m/s wind speed figure 6 presents similar values of wind speed at the 10 meters observation level. the maps indicate even larger relative diff erences within the area possibly as a consequence of over-interpretation of the topography. the maxima around a few single grid-points are not convincing, either. the standard deviation values of the diurnal mean values of wind speed can be seen in figure 7. their structure also contains some surprising local extremities which are hardly real consequences of the real topography. hence, even if the maps represent the linear wind speed estimates, the spatial patt erns of both the averages and the standard deviation are rather uncertain. fig. 7. standard de viation of diurnal mean wind speed at 10 m above the ground level according to the gridded data 25 observations global radiation the long-term trends are presented in a single grid-point located at the shortest distance (ca. 1 km) from eger. the cc series are based on the derived values from sunshine duration (see above). it is fairly convincing that in the last 10 years with frequent observations, the inter-annual fl uctuation occurred parallel in the two series (figure 8). the annual totals of global radiation exhibit unequivocal moderate trend of 5.31 mj/m2year. comparing it with the average value of the 30-year period, it can be establish that it is the only 1% per decade. it means that the future development of solar energy industry will hardly depend on the direct eff ect of climate change. according to figure 9 the two seasons with the highest absolute values, i.e. summer and spring exhibit increasing trends, whereas the two other seasons are characterised by decreasing trends. both the absolute diff erence and the diff erences of steepness of the trends support the positive trend of annual global radiation presented in figure 8. since the observed 1981–2010 period coincided with a global warming period. the trends can also be interpreted as a result of a monotonically warming period of 30 years. wind energy the same analysis is performed for wind cube data and their annual means shown in figure 10. the diagram indicates a considerably decreasing trend in 1981– fig. 8. trends of annual global radiation (mj/m2) in the near-eger grid-point (cc: 1981–2010) and the local observation in eger (obs2) fig. 9. seasonal trend lines in the cc series of global radiation with the linear trend and the explained variance (square of correlation coeffi cient) by the given trends 26 2010. as stated previously, the diff erences between the gridded and the point-wise data are rather big. however, the strong biases may have been constant during the 30-year period. the wind speed trends of seasonal means are presented in figure 11. they equally demonstrate the decreasing tendency which makes the reality of the trend in the annual mean even more convincing. discussion the gridded global radiation data may be considered as fairly good approaches but this is not the case for wind data. in both cases, data compared with the data of eger station were not involved in the interpolation. hence, both experiences can be considered to be based on the comparison of independent data. the presented mapping is based on the probably best available statistical interpolation using input data from the whole country and for some stations near the border. in principle, it promises a bett er estimation of real fig. 10. trends of the annual mean value of daily mean wind-cube (m3/s3) in the gridpoint nearest to eger and in the point-wise measurement in eger fig. 11. trends of the seasonal mean values of daily mean wind-cube (m3/s3) in the gridpoint nearest to eger and in the point-wise measurement in eger 27 values than any other interpolation using a smaller dataset. mish does not only use spatial but also temporal correlations, which may also improve the interpolation. furthermore, the statistical homogenisation of the data allows avoiding the biggest errors of initial observations. the spatial structure of the wind speed is derived without the fi nest spatial structure of the region. of course, at higher altitudes where the wind turbines are generally operated, the wind fi eld is smoother. nevertheless, the real wind turbines would need site-specifi c dynamical modelling as generally requested in the feasibility studies. the observed trends are convincing both for the increasing global radiation and for the decreasing wind speed. the positive experience of the validation for global radiation supports the established trends, which cannot be repeated for wind speed cubes. moreover, the trends do not necessarily mean that they continue in the future if the global warming continues. acknowledgements: the study was supported by the támop-4.2.2.a-11/1/konv-20120016 project in hungary. the gridded data are downloaded from open access data base derived by the carpatclim project (htt p://www.carpatclim-eu.org/pages/home/). references angström, a. 1924. solar and terrestrial radiation. quarterly journal of the royal meteorological society 50. 121–125. ipcc 2013. climate change 2013. the physical science basis. final version. htt p://www.ipcc. ch/report/ar5/wg1/) 2260 p. prescott, j.a. 1940. evaporation from a water surface in relation to solar radiation. transactions of the royal society of south australia 64. 114–118. szentimrey, t. 1999. multiple analysis of series for homogenization (mash). proceedings of the second seminar for homogenization of surface climatological data. budapest; wmo, wcdmp-no. 41. 27–46. szentimrey, t. and bihari, z. 2006. mish (meteorological interpolation based on surface homogenized data basis). in the use of gis in climatology and meteorology. eds. tveito, o.e. et al. cost action 719. final report,. the use of gis in climatology and meteorology. eds. tveito, o.e. et al. 54–56. 28 changing ethnic patt erns of the carpatho–pannonian area from the late 15th until the early 21st century edited by: károly kocsis and patrik tátrai hungarian academy of sciences, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences budapest, 2013. this is a collection of maps that visually introduces the changing ethnic patt erns of the ethnically, religiously, culturally unique and diverse carpathian basin and its neighbourhood, the carpathopannonian area. the hungarian and english volume consist of three structural units. on the main map, pie charts depict the ethnic structure of the sett lements in proportion to the population based on census data et the millennium. in the supplementary maps, changes of the ethnic structure can be seen at nine dates (in 1495, 1784, 1880, 1910, 1930, 1941, 1960, 1990 and 2001). the third unit of the work is the accompanying text, which outlines the ethnic trends of the past fi ve hundred years in the studied area. the antecedent of this publication is the „series of ethnic maps” published by the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences from the middle of the 1990’s, which displayed each of the regions of the carpathian basin (in order of publication: transylvania, slovakia, transcarpathia, pannonian croatia, vojvodina, transmura region, burgenland, hungary). this work represents, on the one hand, the updated and revised version of these areas, and, on the other hand, regions beyond the carpathian basin not included on previous maps. thus, the reader can browse ethnic data of some thirty thousand sett lements in diff erent maps. ----------------------------------price: eur 12.00 order: geographical institute rcaes has library h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mail: magyar.arpad@csfk .mta.hu << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.3 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice 5_6_irodalom_kronika.indd 222 report on the second international congress of eugeo bratislava (slovakia), august 13–16, 2009 eugeo is the society of scholarly geographical societies, associations of geographers and other membership organisations representing geographers and geographical science in the european union. the eugeo initiative was fi rst conceived in january 1994, at a meeting in rome organised by the italian geographical society. the idea was to encourage and enhance greater collaboration among geographical societies of eu member states and in general, geographers of the continent. the royal dutch geographical society (knag) initiated the fi rst congress of eugeo in amsterdam in august 2007, which was a turning point in the life of the society. the success of the amsterdam congress convinced both the participants and eugeo board members about the necessity of such an event where – similar to the aag annual conferences in the us – european geographers can meet and discuss the most relevant issues of the discipline. in amsterdam decision was made by eugeo board to organise the biennial congresses. the second international congress of eugeo entitled ‘challenges for the european geography in the 21st century’ was organised by the slovak geographical society in close collaboration with comenius university, faculty of sciences and the institute of geography of the slovak academy of sciences. the congress was held in bratislava, capital of slovakia, between august 13–16, 2009. bratislava with its geographical location provided also excellent opportunity for geographers of the former state-socialist countries (including hungary) to get involved in the work of the major international conference. the second congress of eugeo was att ended by ca. 150 participants from 28 countries. during the three day long meeting plenary and thematic sessions as well as poster sessions were organised. the congress was followed by optional excursions to various parts of slovakia and to the neighbouring countries (including hungary). the congress was offi cially opened by vladimir ira, president of the organizing committ ee, followed by high rank representatives of the comenius university and the slovak academy of sciences, and not least by christian vandermotten, president of eugeo. aft er the opening ceremony three keynote papers were delivered in the opening plenary session. tadeusz stryjakiewicz (poland) introduced the results of a major eu funded project (acre) focusing on the location factors of the creative and knowledge-intensive industries in european metropolitan regions. armando montanari (italy) explored the topic of human mobility and local development from a broad theoretical perspective. finally, jozef minár (slovakia) presented his research fi ndings in the context of geographical fi elds and spatial organisation of landscape. during the congress 12 sessions were organised under the main topic, these explored broad but relevant issues, such as: theoretical geography; land use and land cover change; geomorphology; gis and spatial data processing; sustainable development; population development; global mobility; political geography and governance; urban renewal; geography of governance; trends in tourism geography; regions – development – disparities. – – – – – – – – – – – – 223 in the closing plenary session three presentations took place. christian vandermotten (belgium) summarized his long experience about regional disparities within europe under the title ‘the new map of the european regional structures and their evolution’. jiři blažek (czech republic) devoted his lecture to the challenges and dilemmas of the future eu cohesion policy. finally, zoltán kovács (hungary) summarised the most important features of urbanisation in east central europe prior to and aft er the change of regime in 1989–90. the scientifi c programme of the congress was extended by a book exhibition, a guided tour in bratislava old town and diff erent social events like the congress dinner, which was held on a ship cruising on the danube river. it can be concluded that the second congress of eugeo was an outstanding event of european geography: it stimulated fruitful discussions about research, education, and developments in the subject. the diversity of disciplines represented by the participants emphasised a rich dialogue between geographers and practitioners, researchers and teachers. hopefully the next eugeo congress to be held at the royal geographical society (with ibg) in london at the end of august 2011 will att ract even more geographers from all over the continent and beyond, and it will further strengthen the academic appreciation of eugeo and the european congress of geographers. further details about forthcoming congresses of eugeo can be found in the following website: www.eugeo.org. zoltán kovács 95book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 91–102.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.67.1.8 hungarian geographical bulletin 67 2018 (1) brade, i. and neugebauer, c.s. (eds.): urban eurasia – cities in transformation. berlin, dom publishers, 2017. 288 p. the book invites us to a journey across the cities of the former soviet union, from kaliningrad to vladivostok, from baku to almaty, and intends to show us how urban space and society have changed and are still changing during the time of transition. the album-like publication is the 58th volume in the “basics” series of dom publishers, a series featuring a wide range of topics in architecture and urban development. this format addresses a broad audience with short texts, informative diagrams, and plenty of photographs. the volume heavily draws on the scientific results of “ira.urban”, a 4-year-long international research project conducted by the leibniz institute for regional geography, leipzig. the “ira.urban” or “urban reconfiguration in post-soviet space” project aimed to investigate how cities in the former soviet union answer the challenges of economic and social changes generated by the emergence of new nation states and globalisation. the research project was supported by an international scientific network, the participants of which also contributed to the current volume. the latent question whether urban development in cities east of the former iron curtain after the socialist, or soviet, regime is still influenced by past practices, heritage and settings, or whether the new trends of globalisation, individualisation and, for example, neoliberalisation are more significant factors, has long been of concern to urban researchers. numerous publications have been released analysing the political, economic, and social changes, and in some cases their consequences in the urban spaces of central and eastern european post-socialist cities (cf. edited collections of andrusz, g. et al. 1996; enyedi, g. 1998; hamilton, i. et al. 2005; tsenkova, s. and nedovićbudić, z. 2006; stanilov, k. 2007). but the other, much larger part of the former eastern bloc, namely the exsoviet states and their cities, were hardly studied by urban researchers, at least till the 2010s. since then, the work of urban anthropologists in particular has come to the forefront in post-soviet urban society and urban space research (cf. alexander, c. et al. 2007; gdaniec, c. 2010; darieva, t. et al. 2011; schröder, p. 2017). this body of research examines primarily the appropriation and use of public urban spaces by different social groups, mainly in the form of case studies. the benefit of the current collection is that it takes a comparative approach: it tries to make comparisons in time, including pre-socialist and socialist times as well as the period during and after transition, and also to compare cities in the post-soviet space, besides giving insights into several urban topics such as housing, infrastructure, economy, planning, and the social perception and appropriation of urban space. the major questions are, among others, who the winners and losers of the transition are, who can be identified as key actors, and to what extent are forces driven (still) by the state? the first chapter outlines the context by taking a macro-scale view of the urban network. it presents the characteristics of the soviet urban system and the challenges that emerged after the dissolution of the ussr, such as the growing competition among cities. firstly, frost investigates spatial changes in the post-soviet city system, claiming that the urban network is being transformed from a relatively balanced structure (as an outcome of spatial equalisation) to a polarised system. urban shrinkage heavily affects both mediumand small-size towns, and especially monocities (mono-functional cities). meanwhile, capital cities, large urban centres and their satellite towns, and cities close to specific natural resources like gas or oil, keep growing in significance. the process of polarisation is confirmed by zubarevich as well, adding that it is not accompanied by significant changes in the urban hierarchy or in inter-urban ties: “a classical centre-periphery model is a privilege in this space” (p. 39). although polycentricity will grow within the post-soviet region, and the role of moscow as primary centre is gradually eroded, there are no other cities that can be considered as strong alternative poles. the contribution by sgibnev and tuvikene 96 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 91–102. raises issues regarding the maintenance of urban infrastructure, with a special focus on public transport, as well as the social consequences of the termination of subsidised provisions, e.g. in housing. “the end of infrastructure provision sounded the disintegration of society” (p. 55) and sometimes may have enhanced the nostalgia for the soviet union. that is also why the two authors suggest to “draw attention to social and cultural aspects of infrastructure, their role for identity formation and power relations” (p. 60). the second chapter deals with urban housing and how planning, construction, and maintenance have changed during the transformation in the three main types of residential areas: in the inner-city, on large housing estates, and in suburban areas. golubchikov, badyina and makhrova report on inner-city reconstructions, ranging from less violent forms such as kommunalki (shared homes) resettlement and renovation to newly-built gentrification, often at the site of destroyed urban heritage, or at the expense of public and green spaces. due to weak regulation or the improper application of rules, construction developments, e.g. high-rise housing, could also result in highly eclectic urban landscapes. nonetheless, these phenomena are similarly known in post-socialist countries (hirt, s. 2012). the study by neugebauer provides a good overview of the ideological background, urban design concepts, socio-political dimensions and the social appreciation of soviet mass housing, while making comparisons with their western european counterparts. neugebauer also scrutinises the legal and informal changes in housing practices. a revival of mass housing on the urban fringes of growing cities, either as private investment or as national housing programmes is also noticeable. golubchikov and makhrova describe housing processes in exurban areas: previous urban-sprawl in soviet and early post-soviet times by dachas (second home for non-permanent use), and more recently, often at the site of these dacha areas, by kottedzhi (cottages, villas), or even by gated, elite settlements. at the same time, city edges are also characterised by newly-built mass housing, giving home to less well-off families, and even the informal settlements of migrants are present. as a result, “the periphery has also emerged as a territory where social inequality is spatially most visible” (p. 178). the third chapter addresses urban economic transformation, primarily the change in the institutional environment (transition to market economy) and the structural shift due to the growing importance of the service sector and consumer goods industry, and their impact on urban structure. kuznetsov, chetverikova and baronina give evidence in their study that deindustrialisation is not an overarching tendency in the post-soviet space, and there are some successful examples of industrial modernisation in metallurgy and car production. these developments are financed either from state investments or from private capital, which often means foreign, especially asian, direct investments. some of the monotowns were effectively turned into naukograds, science cities – again, with the help of state subsidy. however, in (mono)cities where unsuccessful industries are present (e.g. agricultural machinery, civil electronics), social problems are not analysed. axenov discusses the retail evolution in the post-soviet urban space, first the flood of kiosks and ground floor capitalism (see also tosics, i. 2006), and later on the more regulated, but at the same time also more exclusionary and exclusive shopping centres. these commercial space developments are responses to the insufficient supply during the soviet era and to the high demand in post-soviet times. moreover, petty vending as source of (additional) income was and still is a response to the impoverishment of the population. turgel and vlasova give examples in their contribution to tertiarisation in the cityscape, based on experiences from yekaterinburg and its region. the restructuring of the economy affected both inner city areas and the urban edge. the function of buildings has changed, former industrial headquarters have been turned into banks, offices, or commercial buildings. retail suburbanisation took place especially through international retail chains. in the final, fourth chapter, cities are studied as “material stage to display and means to negotiate societal diversity and conflicts“ (p. 234). its essays deal with micro-scale urbanity; social and cultural aspects are considered. the study by rekhviashvili and neugebauer focuses on the use of urban public space. on the one hand, citizens use urban public space as a stage for (pro or contra) protests, and they use it in their everyday life, in the routines and practices they have partly inherited from pre-soviet or soviet times. on the other hand, the state utilises urban public space to foster nation building, which might also be a form of how political power is still being projected on urban space. materialised forms of nation building and memory policy are the main topics of the contribution by kinossian. in former soviet member states built soviet legacies, architecture, and monumental art have been handled in various ways in the post-soviet period. in some places they have been destroyed or removed (e.g. in ukraine, azerbaijan), while elsewhere they remained untouched. they are either intentionally kept in the absence of other unifying symbols (russia), or are simply neglected (for the central and eastern european context see czepczyński, m. 2008). in addition, built heritage from pre-soviet times in historic cities is in danger of economic transformation and marketisation. the cultural landscape “has become a battlefield of preservation values and interests of profit extraction” (p. 262). this phenomenon, profit maximisa97book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 91–102. tion, is also explained by appenzeller in the section “urban planning and governance”. he argues for “engaging citizens more actively and reducing the hierarchical system that is vulnerable to corruption and all too easily hijacked by the political or economic ambition of individuals” (p. 273). western european planning tools, however, can only be adapted to postsoviet countries to a lesser extent. low civil activity, especially towards urban issues, and the weak institutionalisation of civil society are discussed by mezentsev, neugebauer and mezentseva as well. these shortcomings and a “disbelief in any effectiveness of public activism” (p. 276) (similarly to hirt’s notion of ‘privatism’, hirt, s. 2012) are claimed to be the heritage of soviet times. nonetheless, proactive and counteractive activities are present in post-soviet cities too. counteractive activities are aimed mainly at the protection of built heritage, memorials, public and green spaces, and at opposition to demolition and new construction. based on these studies, it is striking how the role of state is constantly changing in urban planning and development, and, consequently, in terms of its influence on living and residential forms as well. during the soviet-era, as urbanisation had key relevance, planning extended even to the organisation of everyday life, for instance in the ‘socgoroda’, which were laboratories “for socialism’s ideal interaction between working, living, and recreating” (p. 219). at the dawn of the post-soviet era, the “almost lawless environment” (p. 183) could not prevent the “violation with existing plans, norms and heritage” (p. 87). later on, the state regained its role in both regulation and investment, supporting, among other things, social housing, the modernisation of heavy industry, and the conversion of some monotowns into science cities. it should be noted that although the book was not intended to give a comprehensive overview, the cases of russian (large) cities are well stressed (especially in chapter 4) through the examples selected by the authors. instances from other ex-soviet states are less numerous and are generally limited to capital cities. however, the images and short texts provide a broader view. notwithstanding, extending research to small and medium-size cities would still be desirable in post-socialist urban science (borén, t. and gentile, m. 2007). the current volume, as a medium for raising awareness, is informative and manages to give an insight into the diversity of post-soviet cities. from a scientific point of view, especially valuable are some of the highlighted aspects, which could be further used in research: the abandonment of the transitological focus and the consideration of social and cultural aspects. these are mentioned in the book in connection with studying infrastructure (p. 60) and housing (p. 72), but they are applicable in more general terms as well. all in all, the volume fulfils its purpose and indeed offers an intriguing starting point for further exploration. orsolya eszenyi1 r e f e r e n c e s alexander, c., buchli, v. and humphrey, c. eds. 2007. urban life in post-soviet asia. london–new york, university college london press. andrusz, g., harloe, m. and szelényi, i. eds. 1996. cities after socialism: urban and regional change and conflict in post-socialist societies. oxford, blackwell. borén, t. and gentile, m. 2007. metropolitan processes in post-communist states: an introduction. geografiska annaler: series b, human geography 89. (2): 95–110. czepczyński, m. 2008. cultural landscapes of postsocialist cities: representation of powers and needs. aldershot, ashgate. darieva, t., kaschuba, w. and krebs, m. eds. 2011. urban spaces after socialism: ethnographies of public places in eurasian cities. frankfurt, campus verlag. enyedi, g. ed. 1998. social change and urban restructuring in central europe. budapest, akadémiai kiadó. gdaniec, c. ed. 2010. cultural diversity in russian cities: the urban landscape in the post-soviet era. oxford, berghahn books. hamilton, f.e.i., dimitrovska, a.k. and pichelermilanović, n. eds. 2005. transformation of cities in central and eastern europe: toward globalization. tokyo, united nations university press. hirt, s. 2012. iron curtains. gates, suburbs and privatization of space in the post-socialist city. chichester, wiley-blackwell. schröder, p. ed. 2017. urban spaces and lifestyles in central asia and beyond. abingdon–new york, routledge. stanilov, k. ed. 2007. the post-socialist city. urban form and space transformations in central and eastern europe after socialism. dordrecht, springer. tosics, i. 2006. spatial restructuring in post-socialist budapest. in the urban mosaic of post-socialist europe. space, institutions and policy. ed.: tsenkova, s. and nedović-budić, z. heidelberg, physica verlag, 131–150. tsenkova, s. and nedović-budić, z. eds. 2006. the urban mosaic of post-socialist europe. space, institutions and policy. heidelberg, physica verlag. 1 doctorate school of earth sciences, eötvös loránd university (elte), budapest, hungary. e-mail: eszenyi.orsolya@gmail.com. in memoriam prof hanna bremer (1928-2012) 86 in memoriam prof hanna bremer (1928–2012) the community of scientists associated with the international association of geomorphologists (iag/aig) has lost another of its founding fi gures. hanna bremer, one of the closed circle of iag honorary senior fellows, had been an ardent supporter of the idea of collaboration among the workers in this discipline from the very beginning, from the fi rst international geomorphological conference held in manchester in 1985. at the time of the second conference, which took place in frankfurt in 1989, she could look back to a highly successful academic career. it started with studies in geography, geology and physics in gött ingen, where she fi rst worked in fl uvial geomorphology, the topic of her doctor’s thesis also defended there. then she moved to heidelberg and accomplished habilitation on the geomorphology of the australian outback and fi nally sett led in cologne, where she chaired physical geography for two decades (from 1972 to 1993) and became an authority on tropical geomorphology. in her books on morphogenesis in the tropics she exploited the experience accumulated during long years of fi eld work on four continents: australia, africa (nigeria, mali and kenya), asia (india and sri lanka) and south-america (amazonia). communication in english or french was no problem for her. aft er her retirement (in 1993) she travelled less frequently, but in 1996 she felt it to be her duty to participate at the regional geomorphological conference at venues of budapest and veszprém. unfortunately, the acting president of the iag, prof dietrich olaf slaymaker, dénes lóczy and hanna bremer in sümeg, at an excursion during the iag regional geomorphological conference in 1996 87 barsch suff ered a stroke just some months before the conference started. on hearing the sad news, hanna bremer immediately presented herself as an obvious substitute (a german professor of equal international esteem) and enthusiastically fi lled the gap created by the absence of the president. she was particularly delighted when she was decorated with the medal of veszprém, the town of hungarian queens. she and prof olav slaymaker (university of british columbia, vancouver) also took part at the excursions accompanying the meeting – as it is att ested by the photo taken in sümeg, where we stopped to have a rest. hanna also co-edited the proceedings volume of the conference, which was published as the rather thick ”supplement-band 110” to the high-ranking international professional journal she founded in 1973, the zeitschrift für geomorphologie. (she fi lled the position of chief editor at the journal until 1992.) aft er the meeting in veszprém she made some friendly gestures towards the hungarian hosts: invited a hungarian geomorphologist among the editors of her favourite journal and off ered part of her rich collection of books to the library of the geographical research institute of the academy in budapest. in the last decades of her life she was seldom seen at big conferences, but preferred to spend most of her time at home in wilhelmsfeld, reading or sorting her collection of slides, books and maps, regularly socializing and daytripping in female circles. for the very last years the soroptimist club in weinheim, in the pleasant environs of the bergstrasse of hesse, became her residence. she kept contact with geomorphologist friends through circular lett ers sent out before christmas. she passed away on 20 january, 2012. hanna bremer will be remembered not only for her publications, the well-writt en textbooks and handbooks on the tropics (die tropen), weathering and soil formation in tropical environments (zur morphogenese in den feuchten tropen, relief und boden), the origin of inselbergs and other exotic topics, but even more for her personal traits, her boundless helpfulness and enthusiasm and the warmth of her original personality. dénes lóczy 7_irodalom.indd 81literature – hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 79–82. it hardly needs proof that the social and economic growth has been characterized by polarization. this phenomenon results in an emergence of the economic growth and stagnation areas all over east central europe. the distribution of these areas and its variability are aff ected by diverse growth factors which lead to convergence or divergence of the growth rate. this book containing nine chapters att empts to identify and interpret the diff erent consequences of increasing growth diversity on the basis of international research project carried out between 2011 and 2014 in poland, lithuania and slovakia. the fi rst chapter by paweł churski (‘the polarization-diff usion model in changes to cohesion policy – consequences for the direction of growth policy’) is of introductory and theoretical nature. its goal is to establish the role of the polarization-diff usion model in the changes to the european union’s cohesion policy. at a time of frequently indicated lack of eff ectiveness of the compensation model, the polarization-diff usion model is viewed as the basis for the new paradigm in the member states’ regional policies conditioning the changed direction of the growth policy intervention. the presented facts ands trends as well as a discussion conducted by the author provide an important basis for conclusion drawn with respect to the results presented in the remaining chapters of this volume. the main goal of the chapter developed by anna borowczak and michał dolata (‘distribution of the economic growth and stagnation areas in poland in 2000–2010’) was an analysis of the distribution of the economic growth and stagnation areas and its variability in time, carried out with respect to research into the extent and dynamics of social and economic growth in a total system approach. this distribution was identifi ed for 379 polish counties with respect to the timeframe of 2000–2010 where the synthetic indicator and data clustering were employed. the adopted spatial arrangements makes it possible to view the polarization processes in the context of the distribution of areas with diverse conditioning of the developmental processes which stem from the contemporary globalization processes as well as the remaining relic divisions of poland’s economic space. the conclusions drawn in this article have been used in the subsequent two chapter to form a content-related entirety. the article by robert perdał and jan hauke (‘areas of the economic growth and stagnation in poland – growth factors’) focuses on the issue of identifying and analysing important factors determining the distribution and development of economic growth and stagnation areas in a total system and partial approach with respect to the selected aspects of the process. the procedure of identifying growth factors was based on a canonical correlation analysis and regressive modelling. the research procedure was conducted for all the counties as well as their specifi c sub-systems. this allows to identify the regularities related to the approach of the territorially-oriented growth policy. the goal of the chapter prepared by joanna dominiak and barbara konecka-szydłowska (‘the eff ect of the crisis on the socio-economic situation of households based on the example of wielkopolska’) is an att empt at identifying the impact of the crisis on the social and economic condition of households. the research was illustrated with the example of wielkopolska province broken down to the social and economic growth and stagnation areas identifi ed in this region at nuts 4, on the basis of an analysis of churski, p. ed.: the social and economic growth vs. the emergence of economic growth and stagnation areas. bogucki wydawnictwo naukowe, poznań, 2014, 197 p. literature – hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 79–82.82 poland’s total developmental variations. 1,988 representative households were surveyed with respect to changes to diff erent factors (e.g. the unemployment rate among the household members, the income size and structure, running expenses borne by the households, household depths, the ways of spending free time etc.) in the time of crisis. again, att ention was attracted to the regularities resulting from the specifi city of the endogenous resources and exogenous conditioning in the economic growth and stagnation areas in a search for the related commonalities and diff erences. the series of chapters referring to poland was closed a paper writt en by joanna dominiak (‘the impact of the economic crisis on the business environment service market, based on the example of wielkopolska’). it includes an analysis of the operations of the business environment service market in wielkopolska province in the conditions of economic downturn in poland after 2008. the research was based on the fi eld work in the province and was concerned on 32 business environment institutions. 220 companies rendering commercial business services and 737 entrepreneurs due to the fact that they are located mainly in large cities in the course of analysis of the social and economic growth, they were included into the growth areas. the questionnaire survey was carried out in the formerly identifi ed growth areas (poznań, konin, kalisz, leszno and poznań county). an analysis of the demand part of the business environment takes into consideration the identifi ed stagnation areas also (słupca, kalisz and pleszew counties). on e one hand the research was aimed at analysing the changes to the range of impact of the business environment institutions and the changes to the scope of services rendered by them and their fi nancial condition in the time of crisis. on the other hand the author identifi es the changes to the intensity and scope of relations between companies and business environment institutions during the economic crisis. the second part of the book starts with the article of pavol korec (‘lagging regions of slovakia in the context of their competitiveness’). its goal is to provoke a discussion on selected issues of the theory and methodology and regional research into competitiveness and the empirical results of the analysis of the competitiveness of slovak regions with special emphasis placed on the country’s less developed regions. the next chapter writt en by gintarė pociūtė focuses on one of poland’s neighbouring countries (‘trends of imbalances of demographic and socio-economic development in the post-reform period in lithuania’). the goal of this article was to identify the most signifi cant trends in the irregular social and economic growth in lithuania in the past two decades. to this end the author analysed the developmental deviation from the average for selected demographic and socio-economic variables. she also identifi es lagging regions which are peripheral ones at all. a long-titled chapter authored by paweł churski, donatas burneika and pavol korec (‘areas of economic growth and areas of stagnation as objects of special intervention under regional policies of the european union member states: an international comparison’) was an att empt for a comparison research for poland, lithuania and slovakia. the goal of this analysis was to identify the developmental differences in the economic growth and stagnation areas and the direction of the regional policy intervention in these regions in these three new eu member states. the research results off er a considerable cognitive benefi t resulting from the standardised systematization of the surveyed issues for these countries, overcoming some of the objective limitations related to non-existent comparable data on the subject. the last chapter of the book called ‘research methodology of spatial variability of socio-economic development at the sub-regional level’ developed by four authors, dovile krupickaite, jan hauke, barbara konecka-szydłowska and robert perdał combines two aspects of research. the fi rst one is an analysis of the diversity of social and economic growth in the population and sett lement aspect in a supra-national dimension. the other aspect consisted in testing three diff erent methods of identifying the growth and stagnation areas which leads to interesting cognitive conclusions of methodological nature. a great number of carefully edited coloured and black-and-white maps make more chapters very attractive while demonstrate the distribution of both the growth areas and areas of economic stagnation on nuts4 level between 2000 and 2010 in poland, slovakia and lithuania. this comprehensive book is highly recommended for geographers, economist, sociologists and politicians as well as wider audience interested in the problems of regional and economic inequalities of nowadays’ east central europe. tibor tiner 4_kozina_bole.indd 259kozina, j. and bole, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 259–273.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.67.3.4 hungarian geographical bulletin 67 2018 (3) 259–273. introduction the creative economy as an alternative pathway for industrial decline was first introduced into practice in metropolitan regions of the global north. since then, it has gradually spread out to other highly urbanized areas of the global south and places in transition such as post-socialist european countries (chapain, c. et al. 2013; stryjakiewicz, t. et al. 2014; schlesinger, p. 2016). numerous studies tried to explain structural conditions and suggested policies to attract, retain and release creative potentials (landry, c. 2000; florida, r. 2002; boschma, r.a. and fritsch, m. 2009; musterd, s. and murie, a. 2010; musterd, s. and kovács, z. 2013). however, despite providing substantive contributions to the discussion on the creative economy, its geography and support mechanisms, the literature still contains some gaps because it is quite biased towards advanced economies (hong, j. et al. 2014) and/or large cities and metropolitan areas (kozina, j. and bole, d. 2017). there is less research trying to identify specifically how different national understandings, economic systems, and geographic and institutional contexts influence the way creative economy works or the type of territorial policies implemented to support it (chapain, c. et al. 2013). furthermore, in comparison with increasing empirical analysis of global urban network, relatively little has been done to examining urban hierarchy the impact of territorial policies on the distribution of the creative economy: tracking spatial patterns of innovation in slovenia jani k o z i n a 1 and david b o l e 1 abstract the creative economy as an alternative pathway for industrial decline was first introduced into practice in metropolitan regions of the global north. since then, it has gradually spread out to other highly urbanized areas of the global south and transitional areas such as post-socialist european countries. numerous studies tried to explain structural conditions and suggested policies to attract, retain and release creative potentials. however, the focus on promotion of the creative economy is still on large cities and sectoral policies by emphasizing economic, social and legislative issues of the creative labour. there is little evidence about how territorial policies shape the development of the creative economy, especially in medium-sized and small towns outside the reach of the agglomeration areas. the aim of this paper is to study the impact of territorial policies on the distribution of the creative economy in slovenia as an example of the post-socialist country. by analysing spatial-temporal trends of patents, we track patterns of innovation between 1975 and 2014 in the urban system. a central focus is given to examine changes in urban hierarchy, i.e. relationships between ljubljana as the capital and the only large city in the country, regional centres and small towns. the spatial-temporal analysis of patents granted in slovenia confirmed the linkages between territorial innovation systems and policies. the main findings show that innovation has become more evenly distributed across space, which can be attributed to long tradition of polycentric spatial development in times of yugoslavia and more recent territorial policies favouring further dispersion of the local self-government system in slovenia. keywords: cultural and creative industries, territorial innovation systems, intellectual property, patents, urban development, urban hierarchy, policentricity, small and medium-sized towns, central and eastern europe 1 research centre of the slovenian academy of sciences and arts, anton melik geographical institute; novi trg 2, 1000 ljubljana, slovenia. correspondent author’s e-mail: jani.kozina@zrc-sazu.si kozina, j. and bole, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 259–273.260 and changing patterns of urban networks at national levels from the perspectives of creativity and innovation (lu, l. and huang, r. 2012). the latter is especially true for post-socialist european countries that have recently undergone significant changes in terms of economic, social and spatial restructuring. at the beginning of the 1990s, many postsocialist cities were almost complete deserts in terms of innovation (stryjakiewicz, t. et al. 2014). nowadays, central and eastern europe (cee) still performs among the worst on the european innovation scoreboard, although regional ‘pockets of excellence’ can be identified in some moderate innovator countries (member states where performance is between 50 per cent and 90 per cent of the eu average) such as prague in the czech republic or the bratislava region in slovakia (hollanders, h. and es-sadki, n. 2017). however, we need a much better insight into the national spatial dynamics and territorial policies to support emerging creative economy and innovation in the postsocialist urban context. the aim of this paper is to study the impact of territorial policies (such as regional plans, local self-government legal acts or strategies of spatial development) on the distribution of the creative economy in slovenia as an example of the post-socialist country. by analysing spatial-temporal trends of patents, we would like to track patterns of innovation between 1975 and 2014 in the urban system. a central focus is given to examining changes in urban hierarchy, i.e. relationships between ljubljana as the capital and metropolitan city, regional centres and small towns. due to long tradition of polycentric spatial development in times of yugoslavia and more recent territorial policies favouring further dispersion of the local self-government system, we hypothesize that patterns of innovations are becoming more evenly distributed across space. a peculiarity of the slovenian urban system is the dominance of smaller towns due to traditionally dispersed settlement system and polycentric policies during the (post)socialist era. international urban-rural typologies usually place slovenia among the least urbanized european countries; according to the latest methodology, slovenia is the second most rural country in europe right behind lithuania with 51.6 per cent of rural residents (eurostat 2017). in this paper, we attempt to make two theoretical contributions. first, we try to add to the discussion if specific national territorial policies influence the distribution of the creative economy by investigating the spatial patterns of innovation. second, we add to the theoretical debate of the creative economy by involving the concept of territorial innovation systems as a proxy for measuring a spatiality of the creative economy. theoretical background conceptualizing creative economy and innovation the origins of the creative economy should be sought in changing economic circumstances of post-world war ii when developed industrialised countries increased productivity, started moving traditional manufacturing to developing countries and entered post-industrial age by favouring services, knowledge, creativity, and innovation (bell, w. 1973; scott, a.j. and storper, m. 2014). strongly influenced by the movements around the “cultural turn” that shifted attention away from the marxist tradition towards culture so-called “cultural industries” gained importance in the 1980s (garnham, n. 2005). they refer to the traditional cultural economics and to forms of cultural production characterised by a symbolic element and encompass many fields, from art to movies, music and others (lazzeretti, l. et al. 2018). since the 1990s, another turn – the “creative turn” – denoted the dawn of a new era in political and academic domains by constructing the creative industries and latterly, the creative economy, as a policy object that can be managed to secure primarily economic and sometimes social outcomes so as to increase 261kozina, j. and bole, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 259–273. competitiveness (schlesinger, p. 2016). the focus of cities, regions or countries across the world thus redirected to the importance of creativity and innovation in fostering development with the emergence of highly interrelated concepts such as creative industries, creative economy and the creative class (chapain, c. et al. 2013). despite its raising importance and popularity, the creative economy is a vague concept encompassing numerous inconsistent definitions (boggs, j. 2009). the most recent bibliometric analysis distinguishes between three main streams of the creative economy research evolving around the concepts of 1) cultural and creative industries, 2) the creative class, and 3) the creative city (lazzeretti, l. et al. 2018). it is quite commonly accepted that cultural and creative industries lay at the heart of the creative economy (for a review see collins, p. and cunningham, j.a. 2017). although cultural and creative industries may be difficult to measure, there seems to be a wide agreement about intellectual property to define them (see garnham, n. 2005; newbigin, j. 2010). the creative economy can be understood as ‘financial transactions in creative products, whose economic value is secured through copyright, design, trademark and patents’, and therefore includes the arts, media, new media, design and architecture (creative industries) along with the sciences, engineering and technology sectors (knowledge-intensive industries) (howkins, j. 2001; cunningham, s.d. 2007). the emerging economic activities adopted by competitive cities and regions can thus be attributed to creative and knowledge-intensive industries (bontje, m. and musterd, s. 2009; musterd, s. and murie, a. 2010; bontje, m. et al. 2011; musterd, s. and gritsai, o. 2012; musterd, s. and kovács, z. 2013). the role of the creative economy is to connect the creative sector to national and regional innovation systems and thereby move it into the sphere of research-based, knowledge-intensive industry policy (cunningham, s.d. 2007; european commission 2010; hong, j. et al. 2014). compared to creative industries, which are limited to specific sectors, the creative economy is used to encapsulate also their spill-over effects on a wide range of economic and social contexts (european commission 2010; kern, p. 2015). the creative economy is thus directly contributing to innovation (bakhshi, h. and mcvittie, e. 2009; lee, n. and rodríguez-pose, a. 2014; florida, r. et al. 2017) through creative inputs, such as ideas for new products, supplementary products and services or marketing support for product innovations (müller, k. et al. 2009). from this perspective, innovation can be viewed as an integral part of knowledge-intensive industries and thus the creative economy. territorial systems of innovation the systems of innovation have been categorized into national innovation systems, regional innovation systems and sectoral innovation systems with the first two relying on a spatial dimension (markatou, m. and alexandrou, e. 2015). their reconfiguration is closely connected to transformation processes of corresponding political and planning systems (kaiser, r. and prange, h. 2004; hamidi, s. and zandiatashbar, a. 2018). historically, there have been major differences between countries in the ways in which they have organised and sustained innovation within their national economies (freeman, c. 1995), where urban development has an important feedback effects (carter, r.a. 1988; pumain, d. et al. 2009). hägerstrand, t. (1952) was the first to formalize the propagation of innovation among towns and cities as a hierarchical diffusion process: the largest cities are the first to capture the benefit of the innovation, then the innovation filters down the urban hierarchy, according to urban size, through imitative or competitive processes: the larger cities adopting first, then the medium-sized cities, and later the smallest towns (cf. pumain, d. et al. 2009). the post-world war ii saw a shift of population, businesses, and economic activity from kozina, j. and bole, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 259–273.262 the urban centres to the suburbs, the rise of the so-called edge cities of industry and technology at the suburban periphery, as well as a clustering of high technology enterprise, creative workforce and venture capital in suburban “nerdistans” (bontje, m. and kepsu, k. 2013; florida, r. and mellander, c. 2016; kozina, j. and clifton, n. 2018). however, what we witness today is a movement of talent and jobs from the suburbs back to the city; a phenomenon occurring over the past decade or so defining that it will be the city – not the state – that gets to become the core of economic and political power (markatou, m. and alexandrou, e. 2015). the rank-size distribution of the creative class across 444 city regions in 8 european countries indicates a higher concentration in larger urban areas compared to smaller cities and towns (lorenzen, m. and vaarst andersen, k. 2009). the suburban model might have been a historical aberration, and innovation, creativity, and entrepreneurship are realigning in the same urban centres that traditionally fostered them (florida, r. and mellander, c. 2016). however, recent spatial trends in innovation have been well documented for large cities and metropolitan areas such as london and san francisco (e.g. ferrary, m. and granovetter, m. 2009; nathan, m. et al. 2012). on the other hand, little has been done to reflect the changing patterns of nationallevel urban hierarchy (lu, l. and huang, r. 2012). there is a lack of direct evidence on how dispersed forms of settlement affect innovation productivity (hamidi, s. and zandiatashbar, a. 2018). due to weak theoretical base and lack of clarity, evaluation of the research and formulation of guidelines for territorial innovation policies is limited, especially in small and medium-sized regions (andersson, m. and karlsson, c. 2006). to this end, we need a more pronounced evidence of how territorial policies shape the development of innovation, especially in medium-sized and small towns outside the reach of the agglomeration areas. territorial development of innovation in central and eastern europe the only comprehensive and comparable hard data to measure the creative economy and innovation across different countries are available from international organisations, such as the united nations (un, 2015). according to those reports, slovenia’s creative industries exports stood at usd 756.5 million in 2013, and imports reached usd 584.4 million, generating a positive trade balance of usd 172 million. design (interior design and fashion) and publishing (newspaper and books) are the leading creative sectors in terms of exports. however, growth in the creative industries exports has been lagging in contrast to other cee countries (table 1), possibly since slovenia was one of the hardest hit countries in the recent economic crisis (verbič, m. et al. 2016). on the other hand, the number of patents in slovenia is significantly higher, indicating perhaps a better innovation potential of the country. in other indicators pertaining to innovation, such as the quality of r&d sector, tertiary education, and capacity of innovation, slovenia together with table 1. creative industries (ci) exports and number of applications filed under the patent cooperation treaty (pct) in selected cee countries country ci exports, million usd pct per million inhabitants, 20172003 2013 czechia hungary poland slovakia slovenia n/a 2,161.35 2,687.71 667.75 668.63 n/a 3,485.12 5,401.63 1,354.15 756.51 24.4 24.7 10.5 11.3 71.9 n/a = no data. sources: world economic forum, 2018; un, 2015. 263kozina, j. and bole, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 259–273. czechia generally scores higher than other cee countries (world economic forum 2018). if we consider the copyright industry, which includes 31 sectors according to combined wipo and uspto methodology, it is an important economic sector in slovenia. it employs 2.9 per cent of the workforce and contributes to 4.0 per cent of the overall gdp in slovenia, while the eu average is 3.2 per cent in employment and 4.2 per cent in gdp respectively (forum d’avignon 2014). cee countries are not that much different in this respect, with czechia having the highest gdp share (4.5%) and hungary the highest employment share (3.1%). regardless if we look at the creative industries or the copyright industries, we can observe that they represent significant segments of economy in slovenia and cee as a whole, especially if we consider that they emerged practically from scratch only one or two decades ago (stryjakiewicz, t. et al. 2014). although research in the creative economy is quite extensive, it is more difficult to find those focusing on spatial patterns and the impact of territorial policies on them. in slovenia, the research is limited towards finding spatial patterns of employees in creative economy on a level of city-regions (kozina, j. and bole, d. 2017; kozina, j. and clifton, n. 2018). the main finding is that workplaces in the creative economy still cluster in main urban centres, which was already established by other research for instance in italy and spain (lazzeretti, l. et al. 2008). the creative economy tends to cluster in large urban areas, where it plays an important role for the local economic base. the findings from slovenia reconfirm those results. but slovenian results also show a slight shift of employees working in the creative economy towards more suburban and rural locations within the cityregional context in the last decade. in other cee countries, spatial patterns of the creative economy and innovation are also scarce. in hungary, most of the creative labour is employed by foreign-owned companies in the north-western and north-eastern regions. there is also a high concentration of creative professionals in budapest, due to historic trajectories where past uneven developmental policies created the capital city as a ‘lone star’ atop of the national urban system (lengyel, b. and ságvári, b. 2011), which also holds true for some other countries such as bulgaria and serbia (bontje, m. et al. 2011). budapest on the other hand holds almost 43 per cent of the country’s creative employees (kovács, z. et al. 2007; egedy, t. and kovács, z. 2009). a study from czechia also confirms that the creative economy is unevenly spatially distributed with concentrations in large cities and especially prague, which has almost 40 per cent of country’s creative economy employment (slach, o. et al. 2013). spatial patterns in czechia follow the settlement hierarchy, where population density is in positive and traditional manufacturing in negative relationship with the localization of the creative economy. in poland, the data is neither available nor comparable with other countries, although there are some indices that the spatial patterns are less centralised (namyślak, b. 2013). according to kasprzak, r. (2015), warsaw is the place for the majority of the creative economy enterprises, but not to the same degree as in other cee countries. results from slovakia are similar to other cee countries, displaying a strong concentration in larger cities, especially bratislava and košice but with recent slight de-concentration tendencies in the past years (blahovec, r. and hudec, o. 2012; rehák, š. et al. 2014). in romania, the distribution of creative economy follows the urban hierarchy, with bucharest having a dominant role, expressed with a higher density of companies and employees in the creative economy (pintilii, r.d. et al. 2017). spatial patterns of the creative economy in cee countries exhibit higher concentration in capital cities or capital metropolitan regions. ljubljana, budapest and prague all have between 40–45 per cent of the total national employment in the creative economy in their respective countries. this was established also in other non-cee countries: 77 kozina, j. and bole, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 259–273.264 per cent of all creative clusters are found in metropolitan regions (boix, r. et al. 2015). this concentration in large or capital cities could be explained by theories of agglomeration economies: co-location of firms and their spatial proximity, availability to specialised firms and services and access to knowledge spill-overs (lorenzen, m. and frederiksen, l. 2007; hamidi, s. and zandiatashbar, a. 2018). in addition to the benefits provided by agglomeration economies, the creative economy also clusters due to the mechanisms of spin-off formation (especially universities and of creative private firms) and institutional support (gong, h. and hassink, r. 2017). this institutional support in the form of public sector initiatives such as special trainings, public funding, higher education activities, and policies orientated towards strengthening the role of the creative economy are thus active agents in spatial distribution of creativity. research context and design territorial policies and urban development in slovenia the main aim of territorial policies (spatial and developmental plans and strategies, urban and regional plans) after the world war ii was to establish polycentric urban development system. most of this has been achieved through two local government reforms in 1960s/1970s and 1990s. before the world war ii, there were 469 municipalities in slovenia. their number constantly decreased to 62 in 1964 (figure 1). this was a one-tier system and was mostly understood as an extension of the state power (nared, j. 2018). the rationale of such territorial development was to develop centres that would be equally divided and would provide the same possibilities for work, living, recreation and social standing to all inhabitants. this idea suited the economic, social and ideological circumstances of socialism (nared, j. 2018). about 13–15 towns would form the frame of such polycentric development (a more precise number was not set). in 1974, the new constitution of yugoslavia identified municipalities as not only administrative but also the economic units. instead of 13–15 regional centres, there were suddenly 64 centres (the same as the number of municipalities) (drozg, v. 2012). such urban development system strongly favoured small towns with population between 5,000 and 20,000. the second major local government reform took place after the independence of slovenia in 1991, when the number of municipalities started to increase again from previous 62 to 212 in 2011 (nared, j. 2018). the vast majority of newly born municipalities were established in a rural context. the introduction of new municipalities signalled the discontinuation of the previous local government system in which the municipality, as a ‘socio-political community’, primarily operated in the name of the state while the exercise of local self-government mostly took place within smaller local communities (čokert, a. 2005). this policy recognised two spatial levels of government: the local (municipal) and state level, whereas the regional level is only administrative. the spatial development strategy of slovenia from 2004 (figure 2) identified 15 regional centres (urban centres of national importance) but no further steps were made towards establishing a secondfig. 1. spatial concentration and dispersion of the local (self)government system after the world war ii and the independence of slovenia. source: nared, j. 2018. 0 50 100 150 200 250 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2020 n u m b er of m u n ic ip al it ie s year 265kozina, j. and bole, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 259–273. fig. 2. polycentric urban system and development of wider urban areas in slovenia in 2004. source: mope, 2004. tier level of government system. such territorial development exacerbated the unevenness of the slovenian urban system, which is reflected in the lack of regional centres or medium-sized towns with population above 50,000, a strong presence of small towns below 20,000 inhabitants that typically display ‘oversupply’ of public services and functions in comparison to medium-sized towns (nared, j. et al. 2017), and high prevalence of rural centres. methodology with an aim to study the impact of territorial policies on the distribution of innovation in the slovenian urban system, we analysed spatial-temporal trends of patents granted per place of patent holder between 1975 and 2014. the data were obtained from the slovenian intellectual property office. empirical confirmation of the powers of spatial agglomeration in regard to knowledge generation can be found in the empirical works of jaffe, a.b. et al. (1993), óhuallacháin, b. (1999), acs, z.j. et al. (2002), crescenzi, r. et al. (2007) and others on the geography of patenting. they suggest that patenting activities are typically concentrated in agglomerated centres of production. patent statistics provide a measure of innovative output. their strength is to provide comparable information on inventions across a broad range of technological sectors (crescenzi, r. et al. 2007) and are available in large numbers and for a very long time series (archibugi, d. 1992), which is of utmost importance when conducting such spatial-temporal analysis. the number of patents has been linked to r&d activity and to innovation, and is therefore a widely used indicator of the capacity of a region to exploit knowledge and to translate it kozina, j. and bole, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 259–273.266 into potential economic gains (bowen, h.p. et al. 2008). patent statistics is probably the most commonly used empirical indicator for the innovative output of firms and regions (brenner, t. and broekel, t. 2011). however, patent indicators also suffer from a number of limitations in their ability to proxy innovation, and hence must be interpreted with care (crescenzi, r. et al. 2007). patents are notably troublesome, because not all innovations are patented, and not all patents are equally innovative or rewarding (scott, a.j. 2006). to overcome these barriers, other more complex approaches can be applied such as r&d and non-r&d activities, innovation surveys and other intellectual property records (lhuillery, s. et al. 2016). however, acs, z.j. et al. (2002) and crescenzi, r. et al. (2007) claim that patent statistics return results highly comparable with other measures, thus allowing us to consider the growth rate of patents as an effective proxy for measuring spatial patterns of innovation. spatial units of analyses are 212 municipalities, which correspond to local administrative units (lau level 2) according to the nomenclature of territorial units for statistics (nuts) of eurostat. the municipalities are divided into four main groups according to the period of their establishment that highly corresponds with the urban hierarchy level. in addition, we distinguish older 62 municipalities into ljubljana as the capital and the only large city in the country (~290,000 inhabitants in 2016); regional centres (foreseen as a backbone of the urban system in the 1960s, identified as urban centres of national significance by the spatial development strategy of slovenia in 2004, but never established as capitals of regional authority units) and other small towns (table 2). results: territorial dynamics of innovation in slovenia the innovation activity measured through the patents granted was almost insignificant in slovenia until 1991, when the country gained independence from yugoslavia and entered the market economy (figure 3). the situation was therefore the same as in other post-socialist countries that were described as ‘complete deserts in terms of innovation and business networks’ (stryjakiewicz, t. et al. 2014). further developments were in line with the prevailing trends in economic development: moderate and sustained growth after 1991, a re-acceleration shortly after the entry into the european union in 2004 and a sharp decline after 2011, when the delayed effects of the global recession began to intensify in slovenia (verbič, m. et al. 2016). table 2. the structure of municipalities according to the period of establishment, the dominant type of municipal centres and size type of municipalities population in 2016 period of establishment dominant type of municipal centres n mean sd min. max. 1964–1994 capital city* regional centres** other large city medium-sized town small town 1 23 34 / 28,157 14,375 / 22,408 6,682 / 8,885 4,056 / 111,832 35,278 1994–1998 1998–2006 2006–2011 total rural centre rural centre rural centre 89 45 20 212 4,977 3,021 3,032 9,737 2,856 2,191 952 22,260 372 375 2,039 372 16,182 11,273 5,515 288,307 *ljubljana was divided into five municipalities in 1964. they were merged in 1994. **the spatial development strategy of slovenia identified some medium-sized towns as conurbations. these are brežice– krško–sevnica, jesenice–radovljica, koper–izola–piran, slovenj gradec–ravne na koroškem–dravograd, and trbovlje–hrastnik–zagorje ob savi. however, in present paper we analyse them separately. source: authors’ calculation based on the data of the statistical office of the republic of slovenia. 267kozina, j. and bole, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 259–273. spatial distribution of patents granted between 1975 and 2014 according to urban hierarchy outlines strong concentration in ljubljana as the only large city with 31.2 per cent of all granted patens (figure 4). stronger concentration can also be detected in some medium-sized towns such as maribor, kranj, velenje, novo mesto, celje and koper, whereas many of them portray a similar image as small towns and in some cases even rural centres. innovation distribution does not necessarily follow the agglomerative logic in a straightforward way as suggested by empirical works of jaffe, a.b. et al. (1993), óhuallacháin, b. (1999), acs, z.j. et al. (2002), crescenzi, r. et al. (2007). between 1994 and 2014, innovation activity increased at the national level by 2.5 times. it is important to note that there was a significant increase in all types of municipalities. however, the largest increase was recorded in small towns (3.9 times) and rural areas (3.4–3.7 times), significantly smaller in medium-sized towns (2.5 times) and the smallest in the capital city of ljubljana (1.7 times). innovation has therefore intensified the most in less urbanized settlements (table 3). ljubljana as the capital city is constantly losing its position as the innovation leader. from more than one third of patents granted in 1994 this share fell to almost 25 per cent in 2014. the medium-sized towns have kept their constant position, while small towns that were granted local authority rights in 1960s/1970s, on the one hand, and newly established rural municipalities after 1994, on the other hand, have improved their position. territorial policies from the socialist and post-socialist era favouring polycentricism at lower hierarchical levels and neglecting regional centres have influenced also a more even distribution of innovation activities. dispersion of innovation activities can also be detected within individual categories of municipalities. gini coefficients exhibit continuous dispersion in the categories of small towns and rural centres. medium-sized towns remain quite stable in this regard. however, the concentration is generally a bit higher in rural rather than urban context (see table 3). discussion and conclusions the objective of this paper is to study the impact of territorial policies on the distribution of the creative economy in slovenia as an example of the post-socialist country. by analysing spatial-temporal trends of patents fig. 3. evolution of patents granted between 1975 and 2014 in slovenia. source: the slovenian intellectual property office. 2010 2014 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 62 m un ici pa lit ies 14 7 m un ici pa lit ies 19 2 m un ici pa lit ies 21 0 m un ici pa lit ies kozina, j. and bole, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 259–273.268 granted, we aim to track patterns of innovation between 1975 and 2014 in the urban system. a central focus is given to examine changes in urban hierarchy, i.e. relationships between ljubljana as the capital and the only large city in the country, regional centres or medium-sized towns and small towns. spatial-temporal analysis of patents granted in slovenia confirms the linkages between territorial innovation systems and changes in the urban system. the main findings show that innovation has become more evenly distributed across space, which can be attributed to long tradition of polycentric spatial development in times of yugoslavia and more recent territorial policies favouring further devolvement of power from the regional level to local municipal centres. this means that municipal centres that gained decision-making and administrative importance gradually also increased their innovation potential. the results are consistent with the outcomes of other authors who highlight the connection between reconfiguration of territorial innovation systems and transformation processes of corresponding political and planning systems (kaiser, r. and prange, h. 2004; hamidi, s. and zandiatashbar, a. 2018). however, to say that patterns of innovation are becoming uniformly distributed across the urban system would be an exaggeration. a better description is that territorial polices can, over a longer period, ‘nudge’ spatial patterns of innovation into a specific direction or shape. in slovenian case, towards a slightly more balanced, polycentric structure by favouring small towns, which were designated as central settlements in 1960s/1970s, and rural centres, which were given a more important role in the settlement structure after 1994 fig. 4. spatial distribution of patents granted between 1975 and 2014 according to urban hierarchy in slovenia. source: the slovenian intellectual property office. 269kozina, j. and bole, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 259–273. (nared, j. 2018). territorial tendencies of innovation follow a similar pattern of a slight shift of employees working in the creative economy towards more suburban and rural locations within the city-regional context in the last decade (kozina, j. and bole, d. 2017; kozina, j. and clifton, n. 2018). this nudge may be related to the impact of local (self)government reforms affecting improvement of some public service (e.g. education, health, administration), which are strongly linked to greater territorial innovation potential (doloreux, d. 2002; morgan, k. 2004). being a municipal centre in slovenia guarantees better access to public services, which leads to better living and working environment (nared, j. 2018) and possibly also to a better innovation potential of those localities. in the socialist era, newly established municipal centres were further developed with new economic functions – for instance, every town was ‘equipped’ with at least one industrial plant, an accompanying apartment buildings built for industrial workers, and basic social infrastructure (drozg, v. 2012). we could argue that although the transition to market economy transformed and deindustrialised those smaller centres, they retained the ‘pioneering’ spirit, defined as a range of certain assets like mind-sets, skills, traditions and tacit knowledge (harfst, j. et al. 2018), which is so important for the creative economy. this is also a demonstration of how territorial polices can influence the innovation systems through improving amenities in the public sector domain. nevertheless, the spatial structure of innovation activities still reflects the dominant agglomeration logic and follows urban hierarchy. just as in the case of employees working in the creative economy (kozina, j. and bole, d. 2017; kozina, j. and clifton, n. 2018), patents granted also concentrate in larger and more central settlements in the urban system. ljubljana as the capital and the only large city in the country with ~290,000 inhabitants in 2016 still exhibit the supremacy over other medium-sized and small towns, although its fading role does not ultimately ta bl e 3. d is tr ib ut io n of p at en ts g ra nt ed a cr os s di ffe re nt ty pe s of m un ic ip al it ie s be tw ee n 19 75 a nd 2 01 4. t yp e of m un ic ip al it ie s pa te nt s gr an te d n % g in i c oe ffi ci en t pe ri od o f e st ab lis hm en t d om in an t ty pe o f m un ic ip al ce nt re s n 19 75 – 19 94 19 94 – 19 98 19 98 – 20 06 20 06 – 20 14 19 75 – 19 94 19 94 – 19 98 19 98 – 20 06 20 06 – 20 14 19 75 – 19 94 19 94 – 19 98 19 98 – 20 06 20 06 – 20 14 19 64 –1 99 4 c ap it al c it y r eg io na l ce nt re s o th er l ar ge c it y m ed iu m si ze d to w n sm al l t ow n 1 23 34 25 9. 5 23 6. 0 88 .2 26 6, 8 24 7. 2 11 7, 3 58 5, 7 62 0. 9 31 0, 0 69 4. 3 83 6. 3 43 2. 1 37 .5 34 .1 12 .7 33 .8 31 .3 14 .9 31 .8 33 .7 16 .8 28 .4 34 .2 17 .7 – 0. 54 5 0. 57 6 – 0. 53 5 0. 57 1 – 0. 53 8 0. 47 0 – 0. 54 5 0. 52 0 19 94 –1 99 8 19 98 –2 00 6 20 06 –2 01 1 t ot al r ur al c en tr e r ur al c en tr e r ur al c en tr e 89 45 20 21 2 76 .0 22 .8 9. 5 69 2. 0 10 8. 1 43 .5 7. 1 79 .0 22 0. 5 78 .9 24 ,0 1, 84 0. 0 33 6. 4 10 7. 0 41 .9 2, 44 8. 0 11 .0 3. 3 1. 4 10 0. 0 13 .7 5. 5 0. 9 10 0. 0 12 .0 4. 3 1. 3 10 0. 0 13 .7 4. 4 1. 7 10 0. 0 0. 77 2 0. 80 0 0. 76 1 0. 86 6 0. 77 1 0. 73 4 0. 79 5 0. 83 9 0. 65 6 0. 75 2 0. 60 6 0. 81 8 0. 67 4 0. 73 0 0. 56 4 0. 80 7 so ur ce : t he s lo ve ni an i nt el le ct ua l p ro pe rt y o ffi ce . kozina, j. and bole, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 259–273.270 legitimise anymore a status of a ‘lone star’ atop of the national urban system, which is so typical for other capital cities in cee (kovács, z. et al. 2007; egedy, t. and kovács, z. 2009; bontje, m. et al. 2011; lengyel, b. and ságvári, b. 2011; slach, o. et al. 2013) and also metropolitan areas of non-cee countries (boix, r. et al. 2015). the fading role of ljubljana could probably be explained by higher land and property values, which can be a significant discouraging locational factor for small innovative businesses (hamidi, s. and zandiatashbar, a. 2018). medium-sized towns (~20,000–50,000 inhabitants) maintain their innovative role stagnant, although growth would be expected in line with their ‘assigned’ role in the spatial development strategy of slovenia from 2004, where they are defined as centres of national significance. the role of mediumsized towns in the national innovation system can be explained by the spatial policy, where the regional level is neglected, nonautonomous, and where, from a public administration point of view, regional centres have exactly the same competences as the local municipal centres (nared, j. 2018). on the other hand, small towns (~5,000–20,000 inhabitants), which were defined as central places in 1960s/1970s, exhibit the largest growth of innovation activities. they are probably using their ‘oversupply’ with social and physical infrastructure as a competitive advantage contrary to larger urban environments in attracting, retaining and/or releasing innovation potential. as shown by nared, j. et al. (2017), small towns are also very important in terms of export orientation and global competitiveness of slovenia since they are the location of successful export orientated companies both from the socialist and post-socialist era. this research contains certain limitations, which relate to the ability of patent indicators to proxy innovation. such limitations include the heterogeneous value or degree of novelty of patented products or processes, non-patentability of many inventions or the better cost-effectiveness of other protection methods (e.g. secrecy), the different propensity to patent across countries and sectors (archibugi, d. 1992). however, acs, z.j. et al. (2002) and crescenzi, r. et al. (2007) argue that analyses based on patent counts deliver results highly comparable with those based on more direct measures of innovation, thus allowing us to consider the growth rate of patents as an effective proxy for changes in local innovative performance. patents can thus be a measure of both the creative economy and innovation. by including patents and other measures of territorial innovations systems, we can contribute to the methodological pluralism in the creative economy research and unveil its hidden perspectives. it would be interesting to see if other countries with similar polycentric structure and/or policies as slovenia (e.g. switzerland, germany, poland, the netherlands) also exhibit similar territorial innovation patterns. in addition, it would be interesting to know which aspects of territorial policies influence the innovation system the most: is it the infrastructure (construction of physical or social space) or the more indirect aspects (institutional support for innovations, the innovative milieu etc.)? this research tried to focus on untapped synergies between innovation, policies and space. new findings may serve planners and policy makers to be better equipped to create places that not only benefit industry clusters, but that provide the framework for more robust territorial innovation systems (hamidi, s. and zandiatashbar, a. 2018). acknowledgement: this work was supported by the slovenian research agency (arrs) under program p6-0101 geography of slovenia and grant h6-8284 (b) awarded to the jpi urban europe project “bright future for black town“. 271kozina, j. and bole, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 259–273. references acs, z.j., anselin, l. and varga, a. 2002. patents and innovation counts as measures of regional production of new knowledge. research policy 31. 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(1): 1–15. slach, o., koutsky, j., novotny, j. and ženka, j. 2013. creative industries in the czech republic: a spatial perspective. ekonomie 16. (4): 14–29. stryjakiewicz, t., męczyński, m. and stachowiak, k. 2014. role of creative industries in the postsocialist urban transformation. quaestiones geographicae 33. (2): 19–35. un 2015. creative economy outlook and country profiles: trends in international trade in creative industries. geneva, united nations conference on trade and development. verbič, m., srakar, a., majcen, b. and čok, m. 2016. slovenian public finances through the financial crisis. teorija in praksa 53. (1): 203–227. world economic forum 2018. global competitiveness index 2017–2018 reports. http://reports.weforum. org/global-competitiveness-index-2017-2018/competitiveness-rankings/#series=eosq119 accessed on 17.05.2018. kozina, j. and bole, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 259–273.274 report on the international workshop „regional socio-economic processes in central and eastern europe 20 years in transition and 2 years in global economic crisis" : budapest, april 4-5, 2011 221 report on the international workshop „regional socio-economic processes in central and eastern europe – 20 years in transition and 2 years in global economic crisis” budapest, april 4–5, 2011 the fi rst scientifi c encounter of geographers from visegrad countries and their neighbours was organized in budapest. the idea of the workshop evoked in the host institute, the geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences, while further fi nancial support was aff orded by the international visegrad fund and the department of social and economic geography of the eötvös loránd university, budapest. not only the press but also the politicians paid close att ention to the event: in her welcome speech mrs. edit szilágyi bátorfi, the v4 national coordinator of hungary emphasized the moral and political importance of this scientifi c forum for all the visegrad group. chronicle hungarian geographical bulletin 60 (2) (2011) pp. 221–227. participants of the resep cee workshop, gri has 222 the almost fi ft y invited lecturers arrived from ten diff erent countries and spoke nine vernaculars from post-socialist central and eastern europe. twenty years aft er the change of communist regime human geographers could evaluate the recent processes and discuss the possible new directions of cooperation. the purpose of the conference was to refresh the former scientifi c connections and to build new ones. in a globalising world the eastern neighbour areas of the european union have been being upgraded. in addition, the visegrad four (v4) might form a kind of bridge between east and west. this goal was to be reinforced by the workshop with the main objective of gett ing a deeper insight in socio-economic processes having taken place in the cee countries and in the wider surroundings and their interpretation from geographical aspects. according to its general conception the conference was to provide a chance to specialists of the region representing various disciplines of geography to exchange ideas about numerous regional, structural and ethnic problems that had emerged in the last two decades. the main goal of the workshop, to open the fl oor to geographers from neighbouring countries, was att ained: participants arrived from austria, germany, poland, czech republic, slovakia, belarus, ukraine, russian federation, romania and hungary. all the partners (not only colleagues from the v4 countries) supported the idea of preparing a website of the workshop in all the languages of the participants to enhance the multifarious cultural character of the region. as a result of the participants’ eff orts therefore the general conception and the detailed programme could be read in ten diff erent languages (htt p:// www.mtafk i.hu/resep_cee.html) which highly contributed to the value of this project. although the offi cial language of the conference was english, a session was also held in russian to encourage communication among the russian speakers as well. károly kocsis, director of the gri has opened the two day long conference. the workshop had two plenary sessions, where the representatives of the leading geographical institutions introduced their professional profi le and on-going research projects. on behalf of the v4 countries antonín vaishar off ered a brief overview from the geonics, brno, grzegorz węcławowicz from the geographical research institute polish academy of sciences, warsaw; vladimír ira from the institute of geography, slovak academy of sciences, bratislava; and károly kocsis the gri has. the second plenary session, chaired by vladimir kolossov, was entitled to the v4 neighbours' geographical institutes. from the western neighbours peter jordan introduced the institute of urban and regional research from vienna, while isolde brade talked about the leibniz institute for regional geography, from leipzig. regarding the eastern neighbour countries the participants had the opportunity to get acquainted with the following institutions: belorussian state university faculty of geography represented by ekaterina antipova, the institute of geography ukrainian national academy of sciences by grygorii pidgrushnyi and the institute of geography of russian academy of sciences by vladimir kolossov. in the aft ernoon the fi rst scientifi c session was the russian speaking one, chaired by józsef nemes-nagy, about the actual demographic and economic issues in the post-soviet region. grygorii pidgrushnyi presented a summary about the actual industrial processes in ukraine, liudmila fakeyeva highlighted the most important demographic shift s in belarus in the last twenty years, while mikalai kabylinski talked about the actual characteristics of labour market in belarus. summarizing this session its chairman called the att ention of the audience to the divergent development trajectories of these post-soviet countries. the second session was dedicated to actual socio-geographical processes in the visegrad countries, chaired by vladimír ira. viliam lauko presented the spatial patt ern of higher education in slovakia in the last twenty years; istván tózsa gave an overview about the spreading of info-communication technologies in the region; mikulas huba summarized 223 the recent environmental challenges slovakia had to face; janusz górecki revealed some spatial characteristics of the business sector in poland. in the aft ernoon the foreign participants also were invited to a bus sightseeing tour round budapest, guided by zoltán kovács (gri has). on the second day seventeen presentations were held in four scientifi c sessions. the fi rst session focused on rural areas and peripheries chaired by peter jordan. the opening presentation by thilo lang off ered an in-depth and remarkably systematized overview on the theoretical frame of peripheralization. antonín vaishar presented a case study on a peripheral part of the czech-polish border zone. magdalena dej and robert guzik analysed the spatial accessibility of rural areas in poland. based on abundant statistical and fi eld work data magdalena dej studied the accessibility of secondary education facilities, while robert guzik evaluated the public transportation system in the western carpathians in poland. the second session chaired by isolde brade was devoted to the urban areas. grzegorz węcławowicz gave a lecture on the eff ect of economic crisis upon central and eastern european urbanization processes. lászló jeney off ered an overview on the state of cee countries in the european city competition. then kostyantyn mezentsev analyzed the changes in urban regions and urban network in ukraine. the session was closed with a presentation by petr klusáček about the revitalization processes and challenges of a brown-fi eld area in the czech republic. grzegorz węcławowicz opened the fi ft h session dedicated to the investigation of eff ects of global economic crisis, although the fi rst exciting presentation by márton czirfusz rather aimed at showing how the post-socialist economies have been portrayed in contemporary art. volodymyr anderson evaluated the clusterization potential in diff erent areas of ukraine. olga shuvalova’s presentation focused on the energy sector in east germany. the following papers were dedicated to the spatial eff ects of the crisis in hungary and romania. hajnalka lőcsei focused on the regional eff ects of the crisis in hungary, while egon nagy put the emphasis on the nationwide trends in the economy of romania and governmental responses. the russian federation and the european union was the topic of the last session, chaired by volodymyr anderson. a lecture by pál szabó on the spatial structure of the eu, a paper by andreas wust about changing border regimes and an exciting presentation by ferenc gyuris about changing spatial disparities in russia closed the workshop. active discussions followed each session, especially in connection with the countries or territories that have not been recognized offi cially by the un (aft er the presentation of anna shmytkova). these conversations also emphasized the importance of events as this conference to give chance, among others, to harmonize divergent opinions. the presentations will be available on the website of the conference mentioned above; in addition they will be published in a volume of papers during this summer. the hosts of the workshop hope that this initiative will be organized later as a regular meeting of geographers from v4 and neighbouring countries. the leading geographical institutes of visegrad countries consider the compilation of a joint publication: an atlas entitled “visegrad countries in maps”. coordinators of the resep cee workshop, gri has ágnes erőss and dávid karácsonyi blümel, w.d. (hrsg.): wüsten – natürlicher und kultureller wandel in raum und zeit 101 l i t e r a t u r e hungarian geographical bulletin 60 (1) (2011) pp. 101–104. blümel, w.d. (hrsg.): wüsten – natürlicher und kultureller wandel in raum und zeit (deserts – natural and cultural change in space and time). nova acta leopoldina, neue folge, band 108, nummer 373. deutsche akademie der naturforscher leopoldina in zusammenarbeit mit der gesellschaft für erdund völkerkunde zu stutt gart e. v. stutt gart, 2009. 259 p. volume 108, no. 373 of the series „nova acta leopoldina” contains 259 pages and includes 12 papers preceded by an introduction and welcome speach. the topic is up-to-date and important, for deserts belong to the most problematic regions of the earth. the papers published in this volume were presented at the leopoldina meeting, 2–3 may 2008 in stutt gart, organized by the german academy of natural scientists leopoldina in cooperation with the geographical society, stutt gart. the introduction by blümel, w.d. gives a concise summary of the topic. the main issue is whether climate change and its consequences will further complicate the problems of the deserts putt ing more and more pressure on the poorest regions of the world. the fi rst introductory paper by bolle, h.g. characterizes arid regions as risk areas and it focuses on the question how people and social groups handle risks. the second contribution by giese, e. and sehring, j. presents an analysis of environmental changes in central asia from the aspect of potential confl icts. the authors distinguish anthropogenic reasons of environmental change from global climate change. nevertheless, they seem to forget that climate change is also due to anthropogenic reasons. the importance of the interactions between environmental changes and socioeconomic disparities is emphasized in the paper. 102 succov, m. and thevs, n. take the example of the taklamakan to present a paper on the danger of extinction of the tugai vegetation which has been characteristic for winter cold deserts and semi deserts, the author say ”formerly”. this is a statement pointing to the fact that tugai is a vegetation of former times already. climate change, land use change, desertifi cation and salinization are mentioned in relation to the processes having endangered tugai vegetation. high mountain deserts of central asia are the subject of the paper by kreutzmann, h. as in most of the publications in this volume, the importance of the activities of human society is emphasized both in this article as well as the next one by mächtle, b. and eitel, b. the namib desert is one of the most att ractive areas of southern africa. the paper of blümel, w.d., eberle, j., hüsel, k. and eitel, b. discusses climate and land use changes in the holocene era. 14c-datings allow for the reconstruction of climatic fl uctuations in the middle ages (1000–1350 a. d.) and in the litt le ice age (1500–1850 a. d.). according to these datings the period between 1000–1250 a. d. was so humid that parts of the desert were transformed into a savanna-like ecosystem, while during the litt le ice age hyperarid conditions prevailed. these changing climatic conditions triggered landscape changes, especially along the desert margins. the topic of claussen’s, m. contribution is similar to the previous one. the author investigates the dynamics of the sahara during the middle and late holocene times. focusing on the sudanese desert kröpelin, s. reports on the reconstruction of the environment and on the cultural history of the sahara. the following paper by breuer, i. and gertel, j. leads the reader to the fi eld of social problems at the edge of the sahara, i. e. in morocco. there is a switch from the social problems to the highly current activity in the region, to tourism in the deserts of northern africa. these areas are easily accessible, especially in morocco and tunisia. the appearance of tourists requires newly established infrastructure. the construction of an asphalt road leading directly to the erg led to serious damages so that this kind of development can not be considered sustainable. talking about deserts one should not forget about the highly developed parts of the world. schmid, h. gives an interesting paper on dubai and las vegas. the success attained by these centres can not make us forget the negative eff ects on the environment. the last paper of radtke, u., hilgers, a., hülle, d., lomax, j. and rittner, s. is more or less a synthesis of the reconstruction of landscape history of drylands. the method of optically stimulated luminescence (osl) is mentioned as a tool for paleoenvironmental reconstruction. the authors propose to apply this method for the assessment of the sedimentation history of the whole quaternary period. the volume of nova acta leopoldina is an intriguing work providing a huge amount of information about deserts and their development. it is very remarkable that environmental change of the deserts is presented not only as a natural process but also as a socio-economic one. the contributions deal with the deserts in a global dimension so that the reader can get a very good overview of contemporary research on the drylands of the world. ádám kertész climate-friendly cities. a handbook on the tasks and possibilities of european cities in relation to climate change 347 knowledge for the reader. although some of the empirical studies were made several years ago, those former statistics do not interfere with the processability of the topics and the making of conclusions. the knowledge collected by the book is useful both in practice and in the academic area and it could be a great starting point for tourism managers, tourism educators, college and university students interested in the fi eld of tourism. noémi kulcsár salamin, g., kohán, z., dobozi, e. and péti, m. eds.: climate-friendly cities. a handbook on the tasks and possibilities of european cities in relation to climate change. váti, budapest, 2011, 268 p. this handbook was published within the framework of the hungarian presidency of the council of the european union and geographers working both in human and physical geography can use it as a major source of knowledge in the fi eld. cities are not only the major challenge, but also the possible solution to climate change. according to estimations, cities use about two-thirds of the fi nal energy demand and generate up to 70 percent of all co2 emissions. to reduce these shares and combat the negative effects of climate change is a great challenge. the handbook is more than timely. with the europe 2020 strategy, the european union has set itself the ambitious goal of recovering european economy and tackling challenges like climate change and growing energy consumption at the same time. there is a solid link between cities and europe 2020, because cities are the driving forces of economic growth, and it is also in urban areas where a great potential for energy saving lies. green businesses and ecoinnovation can create new jobs and reduce co2-emissions at the same time. investment in eco-effi cient urban infrastructures ena348 bles these businesses to grow and proved jobs for more and more people. climate change and related urban responses have become part of the european policy making by now. this is refl ected by a range of policy-relevant documents like the leipzig charter on sustainable european cities, adopted in 2007, or the toledo declaration, adopted in 2010. these documents draw the att ention to the possible role of cities in climate change adaptation, to the need for increasing energy effi ciency of our cities, and to the improvement of urban infrastructure enhancing climate-friendly urban development. this book was prepared fi rst of all for decision makers, public offi cials working in city administrations, but it can also be used by researchers and students who are interested in urban geography and more specifi cally in the topic of climate-friendly cities. the main objective of editors was to take account of the possible means that can be used in the mitigation of and adaptation to the consequences of climate change in urban areas. this target was achieved with the collection of best practices elaborated and implemented by various european cities, providing a toolkit for city management. this approach allowed only a limited amount of in-depth knowledge or theoretical analysis; nevertheless, the case-studies included in this volume provide a useful set of possible practical actions when one think of his or her city. with the aid of the virtual library of the european urban knowledge network (eukn, www.eukn.org) the editors were able to base the handbook on a large number of technical documents and best practices implemented by various european cities. the handbook starts with the identifi cation of the phenomena of urban climate, its peculiarities, and the possible impacts of global change on it. the subsequent chapter focuses on possible forms of climate-friendly urban governance. the authors believe that successful governance for climate-friendly cities should be multilevel and it should encompass integrated planning as well as partnership among actors of climate protection. chapter 3 off ers an innovative methodology to support the elaboration of integrated strategies. step by step guidance is provided city managers how to integrate climate aspects in strategic planning. the remaining ten chapters focus on diff erent impacts of climate change and their possible mitigations in cities: such as the urban structure and land use (ch. 4), transportation (ch. 5), low carbon energy management (ch. 6), climate related architecture (ch. 7), water management and communal infrastructure development (ch. 8), disaster management and health care (ch. 9), climate conscious behaviour and lifestyle of local inhabitants (ch. 10), assistance of deprived social groups in adapting to climate change (ch. 11), impacts of climate change on urban economy (ch. 12) and urban society (ch. 13). among the diff erent sectors of urban management dealt with in the chapters, however, there are three key pillars, which have more horizontal and outstanding importance: appropriate urban governance, climate conscious urban planning and climate-friendly urban development. these pillars have outmost importance on the road towards climate-friendly cities. though this is not an academic book in its purest sense, nevertheless, we recommend it also specialists working in the academia because of its integrated approach and practical focus, which is oft en lacking in current academic discourses. zoltán kovács kazharski, a.: central europe thirty years after the fall of communism. a return to a margin? 87book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 87–94. b o o k r e v i e w s e c t i o n doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.72.1.6 hungarian geographical bulletin 72 2023 (1) at an international academic conference in bratislava in june 2022, aliaksei kazharski began his book presentation by acknowledging that russia’s invasion of ukraine had rendered his newly published study, central europe thirty years after the fall of communism, outdated. the war drastically altered central european politics in the four months between february and june. at the time of kazharski’s presentation, the war had become the predominant geopolitical issue in the region, overshadowing the eu migration crisis and covid pandemic, which are the main themes of his book. in relation to the war, two significant changes had taken place in the geopolitical landscape of central europe. firstly, the unity among the countries of the visegrad group that formed over the migration issue in 2015 had dissipated due to hungary’s neutrality towards the war and its continued cooperation with russia. on the other hand, poland, the czech republic, and slovakia have actively supported ukraine since the beginning of the invasion and made substantial contributions to their neighbour’s defence. secondly, these efforts have led many journalists and analysts to argue that the centre of power in europe is shifting eastwards and away from france and germany (erlanger, s. 2023). nevertheless, these geopolitical transformations have not reduced the relevance or usefulness of kazharski’s book. in fact, its significance has increased due to the unexpected timing of its publication coinciding with russia’s invasion of ukraine. as a result, the book has become the most up-to-date source on the bygone era of central european politics. kazharski demonstrates exceptional expertise in the politics and history of slovakia, the czech republic, poland, and hungary, which is truly remarkable. through a combination of rich empirical area studies and international relations theorization, the book offers a unique and insightful contribution to the field. furthermore, the study provides a necessary comparative basis for understanding the changes and continuities in central european geopolitics after february 2022. hence, it should be read because of the changes that have occurred in the region since its publication, not in spite of them. the book examines the evolution of perceptions surrounding central europe over a thirty-year period encompassing the 1989 revolutions in the former eastern bloc and the outbreak of the covid pandemic. the author’s initial contention is that the dominant geopolitical understanding of central europe was transformed by the 2015 european union debates on migration policy and the refugee redistribution plan, widely known as the migration crisis in europe. prior to this, the dominant geopolitical meaning of central europe was that of a region transitioning from the russian-dominated eastern bloc to its rightful place in the west. this narrative was realized through the integration processes of the eu and nato and the eventual membership of the former warsaw pact states in these euro-atlantic institutions. however, the enthusiasm for europe in central europe gradually waned in the face of persistent economic disparity and diverging social values between the eu’s eastern and western member states. this inequality paved the way for the geopolitization of regional differences in the context of the 2015 migration crisis. to defend their rejection of the eu’s policy of refugee redistribution, the visegrad group (v4) countries, led by populist leaders such as viktor orbán kazharski, a.: central europe thirty years after the fall of communism. a return to a margin? lanham, lexington books, 2022. 226 p. 88 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 87–94. and jaroslaw kaczyński, redefined a new central europe as a racially homogeneous, christian, and conservative moral centre of the eu. they aimed to spearhead a cultural counter-revolution, reimagining europe as a culturally and politically conservative union of nation-states rather than a federation governed by supranational institutions from brussels. in the book, central europe is treated as a regionbuilding discourse rather than an objectively defined geographical region. the author focuses on the shifting meanings and contexts of central europe without attempting to establish its geographical boundaries. through an examination of moments of discursive change, kazharski identifies a continuity in the everchanging concept of central europe since its emergence in the 19th century. this continuity is reflected in the aspiration to escape marginality and assert belonging to europe’s core. different meanings of central europe may suggest different strategies for achieving this aim, but at their core, they all serve to emphasize the political, economic, cultural, moral, or historical centrality of the region within europe. the two dominant narratives of central europe in the past three decades – the post-1989 return to europe and the post-2015 anti-migration region-building among the visegrad group – have both sought to bridge the inequality gap with western europe, but through different means. the former sought to imitate and adopt western norms, while the latter sought to advance local norms and ideas as a better alternative to existing western ones, with the goal of establishing a new normative order in europe. furthermore, the author delves into the policy contexts and institutional frameworks that underpin regionbuilding efforts. the author asserts that the post-2015 rebellion of the visegrad quartet is limited in both temporal and sectoral terms. temporally, the region-building of central europe and its institutional representation in the form of the visegrad group is a specific, eventdriven phenomenon that wanes as geopolitical context changes. hence, kazharski characterizes post-2015 central european region-building as ad hoc regionalism. in terms of policy sectors, the rebellion against western european hegemony falls short, neglecting crucial areas such as the economy and security. the visegrad economies are all dependent on germany and other western countries, while their defence and security policies are outsourced to nato. as a result, the focus of their counter-hegemonic geopolitical efforts is restricted to cultural, demographic, and migration policies. despite their counter-hegemonic posture, the visegrad countries remain deeply enmeshed in the institutional structures of the western-dominated economic and political order from which they benefit. the author uses the term embedded revisionism to describe this dynamic, in which revisionist actors are not entirely rejecting the status quo but instead selectively challenging it from within. this nuanced take on central european geopolitics offers a compelling lens through which to analyse the region’s ongoing efforts to escape marginality and assert its place at the core of europe. finally, the author posits that embeddedness and revisionism are not necessarily at odds. in fact, embeddedness affords the possibility of revisionism. as the eu and nato manage issues such as the economy and security, where the visegrad countries lack consensus, these nations can concentrate their political efforts on areas of agreement. these common ground issues provide the foundation for their counter-hegemonic efforts. there are two issues that i found problematic and confusing about the book’s theoretical arguments. firstly, the argument regarding the post-2015 shift in the meaning of central europe rests on a misperception of the normative divide between western europe and the visegrad group. the author’s assertion that the migration crisis led to a normative rupture between the two geographical regions of the eu lacks adequate evidence and reifies politically motivated geopolitical narratives. anti-migrant political movements promoting civilizationist visions of europe exist in both parts of the continent (brubaker, r. 2017; casaglia, a. et al. 2020). meanwhile, despite its purported embrace of multiculturalism and refugee welcoming policies, the western european mainstream has implemented a violent and brutal border policy towards migrants, resulting in numerous deaths at europe’s land borders and in the mediterranean. there is evidence of the continuity between the eu’s migration policy and central europe’s rejection of immigration (kallius, a. 2016), such as hungary’s southern border fence, which viktor orbán justified based on the existence of spain’s anti-migrant fortifications in ceuta and melilla. to the author’s credit, several times throughout the book, he mentions that we should not overstate the east-west divide and acknowledges the existence of multiple viewpoints within the same place. yet, this acknowledgement does not change the book’s central line of reasoning. furthermore, the author’s treatment of the supposed divide between western and central europe in the context of the migration crisis raises serious questions about the critical distance necessary in analysing political discourse. the “east–west clash” is a political narrative pushed by the likes of orbán to deflect criticism of their illiberal policies. by accepting this geographic division as a neutral fact and positioning figures like orbán solely on one side of the divide, the author fails to critically engage with politically motivated discourse. when the author argues that the “migration crisis revealed the largest normative gap between the great european powers such as germany and the governments and societies of central europe” (p. 45), he (unintentionally) echoes orbán’s claim that “european citizens want something different from that which is put forward by most european governments. people want us to 89book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 87–94. defend our borders” (orbán, v. 2015). such slippage of political categories into academic language undermines the author’s goal of critically analysing politics. secondly, the author’s definition of central europe as a region-building discourse requires clarification. what does this definition refer to: an attempt to form a policy coalition or a political move to legitimize a particular stance by spatially framing a difference with an opponent? in the first scenario, central europe gains meaning through regional cooperation, while in the second scenario, it is established through the communication of external differences and regional political identity claims. this distinction is crucial, as the author defines central europe not as an objective reality but as a discourse in chapter 1. yet, chapter 2 advances a new meaning of central europe based solely on the cooperation of countries on migration within the existing framework of the visegrad group. in his description of the dominant version of the central europe discourse in the 1990s, the author shows how the perception of central europe as a “lost cousin” of western europe influenced the foreign policy priority of euro-atlantic integration in the former socialist states. the author identifies not only a policy consensus among the region’s states but also the crucial role of the kunderian myth of central europe in forming this consensus of return to the west. in contrast, when tracing the post-2015 shift towards a new vision of central europe, the author only highlights a policy consensus within the visegrad four (v4) and a normative division along the east-west geographical lines within the european union (eu). however, what the author’s argument and discourse analysis lack is a demonstration of the centrality of central europe in v4’s policy discourse on migration. the book’s initial chapters examine how the four visegrad countries, through a partial identification with and revision of the eu normative order, have come together as an ad hoc institutionalized grouping. the subsequent chapters, however, highlight the differences in the domestic and individual perspectives on europe among slovakia, the czech republic, poland, and hungary. chapters 4 to 6 provide empirical details on how each member of the v4 pursued individual strategies to overcome marginalization in the post-2015 period. in addition, each empirical chapter begins with a section in which the author provides an overview of the main geopolitical traditions and geographical imaginations that are derived from each country’s interpretation of its history. these historical-geographical narratives, analogies, and images play a significant role in shaping the geopolitical reasoning of contemporary politicians, serving as the building blocks for their current arguments. the reader is, thus, provided with an introduction to the historical geopolitics of the four countries, as well as a deeper understanding of contemporary politics. in particular, the author notes that the governing elites of slovakia and the czech republic have a similar understanding of europe’s core and periphery, but position their countries differently within this framework. the slovak elites maintain that the country is part of the eu core, while the czech elites adopt a more nuanced approach, seeing the country’s position in between the core and periphery as the most beneficial to its sovereignty. the author argues that this difference is due to a deep-seated fear of german encroachment on czech sovereignty that is not present in slovakian geopolitics. in contrast, poland and hungary share many similarities in their strategies for dealing with marginality. rather than accepting the existing european core-periphery spectrum, they seek to reorder it, promoting a new geographical imagination of europe in which they are seen as the moral centre and heroic bastion of conservative, christian europe of nation-states. the vision espoused by leaders such as orbán and kaczyński is distinct from the 1990s reorientation towards the west, yet it also echoes the 1980s dissident and romanticist discourse on central europe, which relied on a double othering of both the east (represented by the ussr/russia) and the west (perceived as lacking in spirituality and culture). this discourse builds upon the tripartite geography of europe, as conceptualized by milan kundera and earlier by jenő szűcs, as discussed in the excellent genealogical overview presented in chapter 1. it is fascinating to find how this contemporary illiberal and anti-western discourse is rooted in a pre-existing geopolitical tradition that defines europe in civilizational terms and positions central europe as the keeper of european culture that has been forgotten in the west. however, the empirical chapters fall short of the expectations set by the book’s initial theoretical discussions. rather than exploring how each v4 country leverages the discourse on central europe to position itself within europe, the analysis primarily focuses on statecentric discourses with limited consideration of the regional scale. as a result, the concept of central europe is largely absent from the discourse analysis presented in these chapters, including the final chapter on the pandemic. this represents a missed opportunity to examine and assess the book’s central thesis through specific case studies, and to determine the extent to which the discourse on central europe as a geopolitical trope for escaping marginality features in national politics. based on the sample of geopolitical discourse analysed in the book, the reader will find little evidence that central europe as a region-building discourse has any influence on domestic debates about coreperiphery relationships, either as a counter-hegemonic strategy or as a vision for unification with the dominant core. on the contrary, the empirical data presented in the book indicates that these debates are inward-looking and centred on the state and the nation. as the author notes at the end of the czechslovak chapter, “small states construct the core-periphery relations for themselves” (p. 103). 90 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 87–94. in the book’s final chapter, the author examines the impact of the covid pandemic on previously established “central european revisionist political discourses.” despite initially suggesting that this would shed light on the changing nature of central europe as a counter-hegemonic region-building discourse, the chapter focuses on how the pandemic altered the relationship between three scales of geographical identification: national, european, and global. the analysis shows that the visegrad countries maintained their strong counter-hegemonic stance towards europe, but the geographical landscape shifted, with the national scale emerging as the dominant image of the self. meanwhile, the european and global scales saw increased securitization and othering. in conclusion, the book’s last chapter offers an insightful analysis of the reconfiguration of geographical scales during the pandemic, but falls short in its examination of central europe as a region-building discourse. ultimately, the book offers a compelling conceptual framework to comprehend the shifting geopolitical dynamics in the region. in our current context, the image of central europe as a moral centre continues to hold sway, particularly in the political discourses of poland and hungary. poland, for instance, has assumed a leadership role in the european effort to support ukraine’s defence of its sovereign statehood. the towns of rzeszów and przemyśl, in south-eastern poland, have emerged as the main logistical hub for western aid to ukraine and a key conduit for ukrainian refugees seeking safety. despite its peripheral location in topographical terms, this area has become europe’s geopolitical centre in the ongoing war. hungary on the other hand, has adopted a different stance, maintaining neutrality in the war and preserving its ties with russia. prime minister orbán has positioned himself as the sole european leader advocating for peace, casting hungary as an “island of peace” in a sea of conflict (orbán, v. 2022). although this stance represents an immoral attempt to justify continued cooperation with russia, orbán has used this strategy to claim a moral high ground in the european geopolitical landscape. the polish-hungarian rift has taken a toll on the visegrad group as a collective, yet central europe appears to have only gained influence. the firm pro-ukrainian policy of the region’s countries, with the exception of hungary, has become hegemonic, in large part due to the backing of the united states, which germany and france now follow, sometimes reluctantly. however, this increase in influence has also resulted in two key shifts. firstly, the concept of central europe has evolved from previous crisis periods, now standing for atlanticism and anti-russian geopolitics, rather than cultural counter-revolution and christian illiberalism. secondly, the visegrad quartet has given way to a new regional alignment, which has shifted northward and slightly eastward to include the baltic states and finland. it is too soon to predict the long-term impact of the russian-ukrainian war on the core-periphery geographies in europe. despite the increased influence of central and eastern european states, western europe, led by germany and france, still holds greater economic and political power. the book’s notion of ad hoc regionalism accurately reflects the current state of affairs. it is uncertain whether the newly formed regional cohesion, which includes the baltic states and finland but excludes hungary, can endure beyond the war and pose a challenge to the franco-german hegemony in europe. however, this shift in the political-geographical landscape between western europe and russia could result in the term “central europe” losing its relevance as a geographical description for the emerging regionalism. paradoxically, despite its increasing geopolitical sway, central europe may become an unintended casualty of the war. gela merabishvili1 acknowledgement: this publication has been made within the project “peripheral geopolitics” (pd 139188), supported by the national research, development, and innovation office (nkfih) via postdoctoral excellence programme. r e f e r e n c e s brubaker, r. 2017. between nationalism and civilizationism: the european populist moment in comparative perspective. ethnic and racial studies 40. (8): 1191–1226. casaglia, a., coletti, r., lizotte, c., agnew, j., mamadouh, v. and minca, c. 2020. interventions on european nationalist populism and bordering in time of emergencies. political geography 82. 102238. erlanger, s. 2023. ukraine war accelerates shift of power in europe to the east. the new york times, 26 january 2023. kallius, a. 2016. rupture and continuity: positioning hungarian border policy in the european union. intersections. east european journal of society and politics 2. (4): 134–151. orbán, v. 2015. those who are overwhelmed cannot offer shelter to anyone. government of hungary, 3 september 2015. available at https://2015-2019. kormany.hu/en/the-prime-minister/the-primeminister-s-speeches/those-who-are-overwhelmedcannot-offer-shelter-to-anyone orbán, v. 2022. speech by prime minister viktor orbán at an event hosted by the association of german chambers of commerce and industry. cabinet office of the prime minister. 10 october 2022. available at: https:// miniszterelnok.hu/speech-by-prime-minister-viktor-orban-at-an-event-hosted-by-the-associationof-german-chambers-of-commerce-and-industry/ 1 elte eötvös loránd university, institute of geography and earth sciences, department of social and economic geography, budapest, hungary. e-mail: gela.merabishvili@ttk.elte.hu https://2015-2019.kormany.hu/en/the-prime-minister/the-prime-minister-s-speeches/those-who-are-overwhelmed-cannot-offer-shelter-to-anyone https://2015-2019.kormany.hu/en/the-prime-minister/the-prime-minister-s-speeches/those-who-are-overwhelmed-cannot-offer-shelter-to-anyone https://2015-2019.kormany.hu/en/the-prime-minister/the-prime-minister-s-speeches/those-who-are-overwhelmed-cannot-offer-shelter-to-anyone https://2015-2019.kormany.hu/en/the-prime-minister/the-prime-minister-s-speeches/those-who-are-overwhelmed-cannot-offer-shelter-to-anyone https://miniszterelnok.hu/speech-by-prime-minister-viktor-orban-at-an-event-hosted-by-the-association-of-german-chambers-of-commerce-and-industry/ https://miniszterelnok.hu/speech-by-prime-minister-viktor-orban-at-an-event-hosted-by-the-association-of-german-chambers-of-commerce-and-industry/ https://miniszterelnok.hu/speech-by-prime-minister-viktor-orban-at-an-event-hosted-by-the-association-of-german-chambers-of-commerce-and-industry/ https://miniszterelnok.hu/speech-by-prime-minister-viktor-orban-at-an-event-hosted-by-the-association-of-german-chambers-of-commerce-and-industry/ gela merabishvili: kazharski, a.: central europe thirty years after the fall of communism. a return to a margin? lanham, lexington books, 2022. 226 p. gyuris, f., michel, b. and paulus, k. (eds.): recalibrating the quantitative revolution in geography: travels, networks, translations. abingdon-new york, routledge, 2022. 232 p. 197book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 193–199. the questions of how, where, and by whom geographical knowledge is produced caught the attention of many scholars in recent decades. these issues are of interest to the researchers of the history of geographical knowledge and the geography of scientific knowledge (livingstone, d.n. 2003), while it is also important how scientific methods, concepts, and ideas move from one particular place to another (jöns, h. et al. 2017). the volume i revise in the following pages is a recent contribution to these efforts. the aim of the editors was to approach the history of quantitative human geography from a critical point of view, that is, to challenge the anglophone narratives and the western hegemony (timár, j. 2004; paasi, a. 2015) in this sense. recalibrating the quantitative revolution in geography: travels, networks translations is an outcome of scholarly discussions which were taken place between 2017 and 2020, primarily in the frameworks of international conferences and workshops. key events leading to the birth of the volume were “neue kulturgeographie – new cultural geography” conferences between 2017 and 2020, the session “histories of the quantitative revolution from a different perspective: practical implementation in service of political agendas” at the 2018 annual meeting of the american association of geographers and a workshop on the histories of quantitative revolutions in geography in 2019. the introductory chapter presents the goals of the volume and its underlying approach by applying a metaphor represented by a piece of art by gertrud “gego” goldschmidt, namely the reticulárea. this artwork from 1969 shows a combination of “metal rods” which “form a web of complex networks and meshes. while there is a remarkable regularity in triangles of different sizes, there is also chaos and distortion. it is not clear whether all the elements form one interconnected structure or whether different structures coexist within this space. the web has neither a centre nor any clear boundary, and it appears to be a structure composed of the surface without any content” (p. 1). while the reticulárea fits to the positivistic paradigm of the 1960s focusing on universal models and abstraction of individual phenomena, it is also a starting point for the critical deconstruction of the traditional history of ‘the quantitative revolution’. one should think of the history of quantitative geographies as “a history of many connections of small and large networks of traveling ideas and people and the constant transformation and translation of these ideas and concepts” (p. 2) in the editors’ point of view. in order to “recalibrate” the anglophone (and more specifically us-centred) narrative on the rise of quantitative human geography and spatial science, most of the chapters of the volume (1) bring together papers on the histories of non-american national traditions (chapters 2 to 4, and 6 to 11), while (2) taking into account the roles of both formal and informal academic networks forming local geographical schools (chapters 2 to 13), and (3) analysing the international and national political, social and economic contexts which shaped the application of quantitative methods (chapters 2 to 11). as can be seen, most of the volume discusses similar topics and takes a coherent approach to present selected national cases. however, chapters 5, 12, and 13 are rather different compared to the rest of the book in several aspects. therefore, i first focus on chapters 2 to 4, and 6 to 11 and show at the end of my revision in which respect can the remaining three chapters be considered different. michiel van meeteren (chapter 2) provides a history of spatial science in the netherlands. following the formation of scholarly networks and institutions in line with the social and political contexts from the 1920s up until the late 1960s, he shows that quantigyuris, f., michel, b. and paulus, k. (eds.): recalibrating the quantitative revolution in geography: travels, networks, translations. abingdon–new york, routledge, 2022. 232 p. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.72.2.8 hungarian geographical bulletin 72 2023 (2) 198 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 193–199. tative traditions were present in the dutch context decades before the ‘quantitative revolution’ in the us. however, these achievements are mainly missing from the mainstream historiography of dutch human geography as these quantitative researches took place primarily within governmental institutions, and many of them were never published. the chapter vividly illustrates how dutch geographers influenced by the student uprisings in the late 1960s “were so immersed in the american hegemonic presentation that they overlooked curating their own tradition” (p. 14). chapter 3 presents the geographies of quantitative geographies in brazil: mariana lamego takes “a placebased narrative trying to cover a broad materialised network of bodies and artefacts responsible for the quantitative revolution diffusion in brazil” (p. 31). deriving from the local institutional histories of the cities of rio claro and rio de janeiro embedded in international scholarly networks, lamego shows how quantitative geographies were applied at these places: spatial diffusion of quantitative methods and theories was possible through personal connections established long before the quantitative revolution, serving as channels for the mobility of the human (people and their knowledge) and non-human (books, computers) means of academic work. chapter 4 also places brazilian quantitative geography in an international context: the role of translations of academic papers initially written in english and french languages can be considered central in brazilian “academic modernization” (p. 46) due to the country’s peripheral position. revising the articles published in two major geography journals, the boletim geográfico (1966–1976) and revista brasileira de geografia (1970–1982), guilherme ribeiro points out that one should think of translations published in the global south as a political issue; “what who and which themes” (p. 56) are circulated has a key role in the formation of national traditions in peripheral countries. the findings of the chapter are mind-provoking. however, due to the anonymity of the translators for the large majority of the articles, it was not possible for the author to provide thorough, structured knowledge of the background of the translators themselves (for example, personal networks and motivations), which could offer insight into the selection process of the translated articles. chapter 6 provides an account of the changing role of quantitative methods in hungarian human geography from the early 20th century until the 2000s, and the evolution of the institutional framework. ferenc gyuris shows how quantitative methods were applied in different eras for mainly political goals: statistics were mobilized in the interwar period to serve the territorial revision of the treaty of trianon. after wwii, quantification was led by changing geopolitical power relations. during the state socialist period, ‘neutral’ and ‘objective’ mathematical models were imported from soviet and western authors serving territorial development and planning, while after the transition of the 1990s, applied quantitative geography gained importance due to the availability of eu regional policy funds. gyuris presents how the changing geopolitical influences were related to the application of foreign scholarly literature throughout the period analysed. the contribution of olivier orain (chapter 7) presents the emergence of a new quantitative and theoretical paradigm in french human geography. by analysing the broader social and political changes, it shows how and why marxist and critical quantitative geography emerged in the late 1960s and how it developed until the 1990s. considering the formal institutional framework of the university and academic system, it also reveals that the new approach started as a movement and gained ground after a generational shift in the era of academic expansion amidst a growing number of academic jobs. katharina paulus and boris michel analyse in chapter 8 how quantification, modelling and remote sensing technologies affected geography’s relation to nature in germany and how this process related to the sub-disciplinary divide of human and physical geographies. chapter 9 by boris michel focuses on the mechanisms which resulted in the city becoming one of the main objects of geographical research. the case of german human geography reveals that the rise of industrial capitalism and the city as an essential product coincided with the application of quantitative methods from the 1920s onwards. both chapter 8 and chapter 9 are thought-provoking as they take the objects of scientific inquiry to a central place and explain the discipline’s shifting views on those objects through transformations occurring in the social and economic systems in which scientific knowledge has been produced. in the following chapter, larissa alves de lira takes a longue durée approach to follow the early stage of quantification in brazilian geography. based on the papers published in the revista brasileira de geografia between 1938 and 1960, the author scrutinizes the quantitative works of geographers at governmental agencies. publications containing statistics in the form of tables, images, and maps are considered. in the period analysed, the brazilian state was a leading actor in gathering and processing statistical data driven by the goal of modernizing the country. alves de lira also reveals that the work of brazilian geographers was mainly influenced by french, german, and anglophone schools of thought. matteo proto’s chapter 11 discusses the long-term evolution of italian quantitative geography from the late 19th century onwards. in his contribution, the author provides an overview of the intellectual heritage italian geographers’ work was built upon, the development of the academic institutional framework, and 199book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 193–199. the political-social context, which made quantitative geography an important pillar of applied research during and after the interwar period. as the author puts it, “since the beginning of the 1950s certain innovative theoretical and methodological approaches arose in italian geography that were not too dissimilar from the coeval dominant paradigm, mainly connected to applied economic geography and aimed at empowering the quantitative and modelling approach that had emerged previously with the rise of positivism at the end of the 19th century” (p. 174). however, “what took place throughout the 1970s was a progressive critique of the role geographical knowledge played in sustaining and neutralizing political discourse” (p. 176). while the chapters analysed above focus on national traditions of quantitative geographies and their transformations, chapters 5, 12, and 13 are dealing with specific projects and biographies of us geographers; it is not only the scale of analysis that is different in these chapters but also the geographical focus. what seems to make these chapters fit into the volume is that they contribute to deconstructing the traditional narrative on ‘the quantitative revolution’. chapter 5 concentrates on the origin and development of digital mapping in the us. the approach matthew w. wilson takes in this chapter considers the personal biography of howard fisher and the role of the institutional context in order to “disrupt the easy origin stories with the cul-de-sacs of experimentation and failure, tenuous allies and adversaries, and the fragility of thought and action” (p. 66). the central subject of the chapter is the symap project, which was an innovative achievement in digital mapping in the 1960s, organized by fisher and betty benson. chapter 12 is dedicated to william bunge and his book titled theoretical geography. the authors, trevor barnes and luke r. bergmann, scrutinize bunge’s personal and academic background to explain the main features of his manuscript and the novelties it brought about. matthew hannah’s chapter 13 presents the projects of peter gould in the 1980s and alain badiou in the 2000s, which aimed to elaborate on the ways quantitative social science could be critical for the sake of “rescuing mathematical thinking from the negative connotations it has acquired in the critical cultural and social thought of recent decades” (p. 195). while chapters 5 and 12 deal with the processes forming quantitative geography and spatial analysis in the 1960s and aim to shed light on less-known mechanisms and personal stories affecting the developments of the approach, chapter 13 discusses the efforts to revisit the role and future potential of quantitative social research. in the final chapter, the authors discuss some concluding questions about their thoughts on quantification in geography with respect to past, present and future processes. chapters of the volume have shown that the us-centred narrative on ‘the quantitative revolution’ has serious shortcomings: national traditions of quantitative geography are diverse and, in many cases, preceded the positivistic-quantitative turn of the 1950s. on the other hand, it is also apparent that there are many similarities in the histories of different national cases. even the early endeavours in quantitative geographies were led by the states, and research took the form of applied science to underpin development plans and to gather knowledge in a way useful for political power. one can also learn from the volume that different national schools of thought impacted each other due to the personal and formal institutional networks. györgy mikle1 r e f e r e n c e s jöns, h., meusburger, p. and heffernan, m. (eds.) 2017. mobilities of knowledge. cham, springer. livingstone, d.n. 2003. putting science in its place: geographies of scientific knowledge. chicago, the university of chicago press. paasi, a. 2015. “hot-spots, dark-side dots, tin pots”: the uneven internationalism of the global academic market. in geographies of knowledge and power. eds.: meusburger, p., gregory, d. and suarsana, l., dordrecht, springer, 247–262. timár, j. 2004. more than ‘anglo-american’, it is ‘western’: hegemony in geography from a hungarian perspective. geoforum 35. (5): 533–538. 1 elkh research centre for the humanities, institute of history, budapest, hungary. e-mail: mikle.gyorgy@abtk.hu hungarian geographical bulletin vol 72 issue 2 197-199 (2023) györgy mikle: gyuris,f., michel, b. and paulus, k. (eds.): recalibrating the quantitative revolution in geography: travels, networks, translations. abingdon–new york, routledge, 2022. 232 p. conference commemorating the 50th anniversary of the carpatho-balkan geomorphological commission 327 conference commemorating the 50th anniversary of the carpatho-balkan geomorphological commission between 24 and 28 june 2013 the institute of geography of the slovak and polish academy of sciences organized the 50th jubilee conference of the carpatho-balkan geomorphological commission (cbgc) in slovakia, in the mountain resort of stará lesná (part of tatranska lomnica). the fi rst international symposium on geomorphology of the carpathians was organized by the department of geomorphology and hydrology of mountains and uplands of the institute of geography of the polish academy of sciences and the institute of geography of the slovak academy of sciences between 16 and 26 september 1963. the symposium started in cracow, continued with excursions from poland to slovakia and fi nished in bratislava. the main aim of the commission was not only the exchange of knowledge and experience on the geomorphological research of the carpatho-balkan mountain system, but also to fulfi l common research tasks. the participants were bulgaria, czechoslovakia, hungary, poland, romania, the soviet union and yugoslavia. several studies, journals (studia geomorphologica carpatho-balcanica) and maps dealing with the geomorphology of the carpathian region have been produced. the conference organized this year was the 11th during the 50-year-long history of the commission. similar meetings were organized in other scientifi c centres of the carpathian region, for example, in sofi a (1966), bucureşti (1970), budapest (1975), prešov (1982), debrecen (1987), băile herculane-orşova (1998), bratislava (2003), pécs (2007) and ostravice (2011). currentí problem areas, research trends and the results of the workshop were the participants of the post-conference excursion at the morskie oko 328 presented during the sessions. six internationally acknowledged geomorphologists were appointed as the presidents of the commission: mieczyslaw klimaszewski (1963–1978), emil mazúr (1978–1987), zoltán pinczés (1987–1998), dan bălteanu (1998–2003), miloš stankoviansky (2003–2007) and dénes lóczy (2007–2013). the international association of geomorphologists (iag/aig) endorsed the creation of the carpatho-balkan-dinaric regional working group (cbdrwg) in 2005. the working group was active during the period of 2005–2009 under the presidency of miloš stankoviansky. the iag prolonged its operation for the period of 2009–2013. the member states of cbdrwg are austria, bulgaria, croatia, czech republic, hungary, macedonia, poland, romania, serbia, slovakia, slovenia and ukraine. thus the research area of the cbgc was extended to include the dinarides too. the most important result of the cooperation of geomorphologists among the cbgc and iag cbdrwg member countries is the monograph titled recent landform evolution – the carpatho-balkan-dinaric region edited by dénes lóczy, miloš stankoviansky and adam kotarba, published by springer in 2012. eleven member countries out of twelve contributed to the national chapters of the book. in june 2013 geomorphologists from the member countries of the commission took part in the jubilee conference and showed their 38 presentations and 26 posters on their investigations. the 9 sessions (including two poster sessions) covered the following topics: paleohydrology (four lectures), fl uvial geomorphology (11) being a focus of geomorphological research nowadays because of recurring extreme weather conditions, sessions of slope processes (6) as well as a miscellaneous session (with 17 papers). hungary was represented with the most numerous (13) delegation arrived from the university of szeged, university of pécs, eötvös loránd university and geographical institute rcaes has (budapest) and university of debrecen. in addition, we listened to 7 polish, 5 romanian, 5 slovak, 6 czech and 2 slovenian lectures and studied 10 romanian, 7 hungarian, 4 polish, 5 slovak and 1 slovenian posters in the poster session. they were associated with the research topics presented during the lectures. we met several excellent examples of international research on the carpathian basin and the carpathian mountain chain during the three days of the conference. the joint council meeting was organized on thursday evening whene dénes lóczy, who was the president between 2007 and 2013, resigned and the new president petru urdea from romania (west university of timişoara) introduced himself and was elected at the meeting. in addition, leszek starkel, the fi rst general secretary of the commission, and miloš stankoviansky, the chair of the carpatho-balkan-dinaric regional working group, recalled the important events of the last 50 years (1963–2013). they talked about former meetings, excursions, publications and the activity of the working groups in the last 50 years. at the end of the conference we took part in an excursion. its destination was the polish tatra mountains, the morskie oko tarn and the chocholowska dolina valley. we observed unique alpine landforms, the processes which formed them as well as the stages of their development in the tatras. on the trip we experienced the competence and hospitality of the polish colleagues, namely zofi a rączkowska, adam kotarba and piotr kłapyta. we would like to thank the slovakian colleagues for all memorable experiences, especially jan novotny and milos lehotský for hosting, the organization of high quality and the continuation of the 50 years tradition. zsanett kopecskó and mónika kovács water temperatures of the danube and tisza rivers in hungary 317 hungarian geographical bulletin 61 (4) (2012) 317–325. water temperatures of the danube and tisza rivers in hungary g lovász1 abstract based on a 60-year long hydrological observation series from the hungarian hydrological service (between 1951 and 2010), the monthly mean water temperatures of both largest rivers in the carpathian basin, the danube and the tisza, important for a range of practical considerations, are studied. the monthly extremes in water temperatures are explained by the diff erent climatic conditions in the drainage basins of the rivers: the danube basin upstream its entrance to hungarian territory with a marked atlantic and the tisza basin with a strong continental character. changes are followed along the hungarian stream sections. trends in water temperature change are established and interpretations are sought with consideration to the climate change trends predicted by climatologists for hungary. the trends are more clearly manifested for the danube catchment than for the tisza catchment. within the outlined overall trends, positive and negative singularities are also identifi ed for the coldest and ho est months and their occurrence is also analysed in regional contrast. keywords: water temperature, air masses, climate change, singularities introduction in the hungarian literature analyses of river water temperatures fi rst appeared in the second half of the 19th century and included data from the observations on the danube (g , g . 1866). in the early 20th century observations on the water temperature of the tisza river were also published (p , d. 1905). in the mid-20th century a synthesis based on a 5-year time series of observations on the temperature conditions of standing waters and streams in hungary (l , w. 1956).the observation network has signifi cantly expanded since 1950: it has become ever denser and, in addition to major rivers, measures began on smaller watercourses too. 60-year series are available and allow analyses of broader thematics. 1 professor emeritus, institute of geography, university of pécs, h-7624 pécs, i úság útja 6. e-mail: gyuresz@gamma. k.pte.hu 318 the present study is based on data from the observations of the hungarian hydrological service for two stations on the two largest rivers: one at entering and another at leaving hungarian territory. the danube enters hungary at dunaremete and the tisza near tiszabecs, while the danube leaves hungary downstream of mohács and the tisza downstream of szeged (figure 1). there is signifi cant variation between the drainage basins of the two rivers. on the danube catchment alpine (high-mountain) climate, while in the northern alpine foreland moist atlantic climate is typical. here the predominance of temperate maritime air masses deriving from the middle to high geographical latitudes of the atlantic ocean and of subtropical atlantic maritime air masses is characteristic (b , n. 1959; p , g . 1979). in the tisza drainage basin, i.e. in the ne and e parts of the carpathian basin middle-mountain (dry continental) climate prevails. in the climate temperate continental air masses, primarily from asia, and polar air masses are of signifi cant importance. thus, in the alpine foreland the infl uence of maritime air masses, while in the ne and e parts of the carpathian that of continental air masses are decisive. the paper investigates the impact of the climate of both catchments on the water temperature conditions. the 60-year observation series also allows the presentation of the hydrological impact of global warming. climatic character and water temperature there is no signifi cant diff erence between the annual mean water temperature of the two rivers when they enter hungary: the danube at dunaremete has a value of 10.4 °c and the tisza at tiszabecs 10.0 °c. the annual and monthly fig. 1. the drainage basins of the danube and the tisza rivers. – 1.1 = the danube catchment upstream of dunaremete; 1.2 = the danube catchment between mohács and dunaremete; 2.1 = the tisza catchment above tiszabecs; 2.2 = the tisza catchment between tiszabecs and szeged 319 curve of water temperature for the rivers arriving from the 131,543 km2 basin w of the carpathian basin and from the 9,707 km2 basin in the ne-carpathians refl ects climatic variations less directly. minimum monthly water temperature is observed for both rivers in january: on the average the danube at dunaremete is warmer (2.3 °c) than the tisza at tiszabecs (0.7 °c). the values are infl uenced by mild atlantic winters as opposed to longer continental winters (table 1). in the ne-carpathians, to the infl uence of cold continental air masses, warming is more gradual than on the catchment to the w of the carpathian basin. as a consequence, until april the water temperature of the tisza is lower than that of the danube. in the summer period (from may to september) the warmer continental summer also contributes to the higher water temperature of the tisza. the maximum monthly water temperatures refl ect the summer temperature conditions w and e of the carpathian basin, respectively., as the danube at dunaremete peaks 18.1 °c (in august) and the tisza at tiszabecs 20.0 °c (in july). the range of the monthly mean temperatures is higher for the tisza (19.3 °c) than for the danube (15.8 °c). the diff erences in discharge are also infl uential in this respect (figure 2). heat energy arrives in similar amounts but the lower water mass of the tisza warms up more rapidly and to greater extent. table 1. monthly and annual water temperatures of both rivers at the entrance to hungary, 1951–2010, °c jan feb mar apr may jun jul aug sep oct nov dec year the danube at dunaremete, 131,543 km2 2.3 3.0 5.6 9.6 13.5 16.7 17.9 18.1 15.7 11.8 7.3 3.7 10.4 the tisza at tiszabecs, 9,707 km2 0.7 1.0 3.8 8.5 14.2 18.1 20.0 19.7 15.7 10.4 5.2 1.9 10.0 fig. 2. the mean monthly discharges of the danube and the tisza, 1951–1980, m3/sec 320 changes along the longitudinal profi le of the hungarian section the length of the hungarian section of the danube is 378.6 km, while the tisza is 51% longer (572.3 km). the growth of the danube catchment area from dunaremete to mohács in the w margin of the carpathian basin is 77,521 km2, while for the tisza from tiszabecs to szeged in the ne and e part of the carpathian basin is 128,701 km2 (figure 1). the climate of the e part of the carpathian basin is strongly infl uenced by the carpathian ranges, which in winter moderate the eff ect of cold air masses generated over n-asia, o en modifying the direction of air currents (p , g . 1979). the water temperature of the tisza is remarkably infl uenced by the heat input from the tributaries on hungarian territory and the temperature of infl ow of communal and industrial sewage since the river transports only 36% (855 m3/s) of the discharge of the danube. these kinds of eff ects are less signifi cant for the danube. on the territory of hungary the long-term mean temperature of the danube rises by 1.2 °c and of the tisza by 2.0 °c (table 2). in the winter months (from december to february), arriving from the atlantic regions with mild winters to the continental carpathian basin, the danube loses from its temperature. the same phenomenon does not apply for the tisza as in the ne-carpathians the continental winters are colder than in the e parts of the carpathian basin, where the carpathian mountains o en prevent the penetration of cold continental air masses from the direction of siberia (p , g . 1979). as a result of the protective eff ect of the carpathians the le -bank tributaries bring warmer water than those coming from the ne-carpathians. the temperature diff erence between the two rivers is most pronounced in the summer and early autumn (between june and october). to the infl uence of the cold air masses arriving from easterly direction, a er november the water of the tisza cools more rapidly than the danube (table 3). as a consequence of the temperature conditions of the carpathian basin, the danube, which was warmer, when reached hungary, is colder, when leaving the country, than the tisza (table 1). table 2. changes in the monthly and annual mean temperatures of the danube and tisza in hungary, 1951–2010, °c jan feb mar apr may jun jul aug sep oct nov dec year the danube between dunaremete and mohács, 378.6 km -0.3 -0.1 0.1 1.0 2.0 12.1 2.7 2.7 1.9 1.2 0.5 -0.2 1.2 the tisza between tiszabecs and szeged, 572.3 km 0.2 0.5 0.8 2.1 2.5 2.9 3.0 3.2 3.1 3.0 2.0 0.7 2.0 321 the trends of water temperature change between 1951 and 2010 the trend of mean water temperature changes of both rivers is related to global warming (m , j. 1988, 1989, 1991; b , j. et al. 2007 and others). the temperature of waters fl owing in from catchments lying w from the carpathian basin rises more rapidly than that of waters deriving from the e parts of the basin (table 4). the general rising trends of variable extent are interrupted by short spells of positive and negative fl uctuations, which primarily depend on winter and summer air temperatures (figure 3). the trends of mean annual minimum (winter) and annual maximum (summer) temperatures represent most faithfully the impact of winters and summers on water temperature. climate change is most remarkably manifested in the temperature and precipitation conditions of these seasons. the waters in the coldest month of the year arrive from the catchment of 131,543 km2 area w of the carpathian basin with a positive trend of 2.31 °c/60 years, while waters from the ne-carpathians show a very weak negative trend (table 5). the tendency of water temperature changes indicates that the impact of ever milder winters is not observed in the mountainous ne parts of the carpathian basin. table 3. monthly and annual water temperatures of both rivers leaving hungary at the s border, 1951–2010, °c jan feb mar apr may jun jul aug sep oct nov dec year the danube at mohács, 209,064 km2 2.0 2.9 5.7 10.6 15.5 18.8 20.6 20.8 17.6 13.0 7.8 3.5 11.6 the tisza at szeged, 138,408 km2 0.9 1.5 4.6 10.6 16.7 21.0 23.0 22.9 18.8 13.4 7.2 2.6 12.0 table 4. trend of change in annual mean temperature, 1951–2010, °c station area, km2 y1 trend, °c/60 years mohács (danube) szeged (tisza) 209,064 138,408 0.0243 0.0149 1.46 0.89 1 coeffi cient of the regression equation table 5. trend of changes in minimum monthly mean temperatures, 1951–2010, °c station area, km2 y1 trend, °c/60 years dunaremete (danube) tiszabecs (tisza) 131,543 9,707 0.0385 -0.0042 2.31 -0.25 1 coeffi cient of the regression equation 322 in the ho est summer month the positive trend (1.28 °c/60 years) of waters from the danube catchment w of the carpathian basin points to summers ge ing warmer at a slower pace than winters are ge ing milder (table 6). in the ne-carpathians summer temperatures virtually remain the same (trend: -0.03 °c/60 years). the tendencies confi rm that the rise of winter temperatures in the catchment w of the carpathian basin is remarkable, while no change is observed in summer temperatures. the trends observable along the hungarian sections of both rivers also refl ect the modifying eff ect of the climate of drainage basins to which the carpathian basin was added (figure 3). the eff ect is manifested in the variation of the y coeffi cient values. in winter the most pronounced changes are found in the water temperature of the tisza river. the 1.24 °c/60 years positive trend along the hungarian section of 572.3 km length, between tiszabecs and szeged, indicates signifi cant warming during winter in the e parts of the carpathian basin (table 7). the tisza arrives from a catchment of severe climate upstream of tiszabecs into the carpathian basin, where winters are milder and river water temperature rises. the water temperature of the danube reduces along its hungarian section of 378.6 km length because the river fl ows from a w region of mild atlantic winters into the relatively colder carpathian basin. table 6. trend of changes in maximum monthly mean temperatures, 1951–2010, °c station area, km2 y1 trend, °c/60 years dunaremete (danube) tiszabecs (tisza) 131,543 9,707 0.0213 -0.0005 1.28 -0.03 1 coeffi cient of the regression equation fig. 3. changes in the water temperatures of the danube and the tisza, 1951–2010, °c. – 1 = linear trend (regression line); 2 = moving trend (means for 10 values) 323 the summer water temperatures show a much moderate rising trend (0.08 °c/60 years) for the hungarian danube section (378.6 km) between 1951 and 2010 than for the hungarian tisza section of 572.3 km length (1.1 °c/60 years) (table 8). the more remarkable warming trend of the tisza river is infl uenced by its course 192.7 km longer than that of the danube and the fact that in summer the tisza has 26 and 22% lower discharges than the danube. the identical amount of heat warms the lower amount of water more effi ciently. the singular positive and negative fl uctuations within the above outlined trends (figure 4) are remarkable in the monthly changes of water temperatures for the danube catchment upstream of mohács (209,064 km2 area) and for the tisza catchment upstream of szeged (138,048 km2 area). the tendency of ever milder winters is not continuous. since the mid1960s it is evident for approximately 10 years but then it is followed by almost stagnation (figure 4, a). in the e part of the carpathian basin the weak negative trend is replaced by a weak positive trend of ca 15-year duration from the mid-1960s (figure 4, b). since the early 1980s there has been a very moderate rise to the present. the singular changes in monthly mean water temperatures for the coldest winter months in the period 1951 to 2010 confi rms that winters started to become ever milder in the region w of the carpathian basin in the early 1960s. summer warming in the danube catchment w of the carpathian basin only began in the beginning of the 1980s (figure 4, c). a marked rise in temperatures has been continuing to our days. in the e part of the carpathian basin the remarkable positive trend also dates back to the beginning of the 1980s, table 7. trend of changes in minimum monthly mean temperatures for the hungarian sections of the danube and the tisza rivers, 1951–2010, °c station area, km2 y1 trend, °c/60 years dunaremete (danube) mohács (danube) tiszabecs (tisza) szeged (tisza) 131,543 209,064 9,707 138,408 0.0385 0.0208 -0.0042 0.0098 2.31 1.25 -0.25 0.59 1 coeffi cient of the regression equation table 8. trend of changes in maximum monthly mean temperatures for the hungarian sections of the danube and the tisza rivers, 1951–2010, °c station area, km2 y1 trend, °c/60 years dunaremete (danube) mohács (mohács) tiszabecs (tisza) szeged (tisza) 131,543 209,064 9,707 138,408 0.0385 0.0398 -0.0005 0.0179 2.31 2.39 -0.03 1.07 1 coeffi cient of the regression equation 324 but this process is signifi cantly slowing down since the early 1990s (figure 4, d). the singular changes in monthly mean water temperatures for the ho est summer months indicate that summers started to become ho er only in the early 1980s and in the region w of the carpathian basin this process has been more marked than in the e part of the carpathian basin. conclusions from the analyses of the 60-year long observation series the following conclusions can be drawn. in function of climate on the upstream catchment, the water of the danube is generally warmer at the entrance to the carpathian basin than that of the tisza, but in summer the tisza water reaches higher temperatures and also its annual temperature range is higher. a er november the water of the tisza cools more rapidly than the danube. fig. 4. trend of changes of the coldest winter months (tmin, °c) and of the warmest summer months (tmax, °c), 1951–2010. – 1 = linear trend (regression line); 2 = moving trend (means for 10 values) 325 the overall rising trend in the monthly mean temperatures of danube water indicate remarkable climate change, winters ge ing milder in the catchment section upstream of dunaremete, while a similar trend cannot be pointed out for the tisza catchment in the ne-carpathians. these trends does not show steady warming but are interrupted by short spells of positive and negative fl uctuations, which primarily depend on winter and summer air temperatures. references b , n. 1959. magyarország éghajlata (climate of hungary). budapest, akadémiai kiadó, 302 p. b , j., p , r. and p -á , m. 2007. a cirkulációs viszonyok változásának elemzése az atlanti-európai térségben (analysis of changes in air circulation in atlantic europe). légkör 52. 18–24. g , g . 1866. a dunavíz hőmérséklete vonatkozólag a hazai viszonyokra (water temperature of the danube in hungary). matematikai és természe udományi közlemények 4. budapest, mta, 472. p. l , w. 1956. folyóink és tavaink hőmérsékleti viszonyai (temperature conditions of lakes and rivers in hungary). beszámoló a vituki 1955. évi kutatásairól. budapest, vituki, 131–146. m , j. 1988. a globális felmelegedés regionális hatásai a kárpát-medencében (regional impact of global warming in the carpathian basin). időjárás 92. 178–189. m , j. 1989. a globális felmelegedés és magyarországi hatásai (impacts of global warming in hungary). vízügyi közlemények 71. 542–599. m , j. 1991. a nagyobb globális felmelegedés várható magyarországi sajátosságai (predictable characteristics of major global warming in hungary). időjárás 95. 265–278. p , d. 1905. a tisza folyó hőfoka (temperature of the tisza river). vízrajzi évkönyv 13. budapest, országos vízépítési igazgatóság, 141–150. p , g . 1979. éghajla an (climatology). budapest, tankönyvkiadó, 336 p. 326 hungary in maps edited by károly k and ferenc s geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences budapest, 2009. 212 p. ‘hungary in maps' is the latest volume in a series of atlases published by the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences. a unique publication, it combines the best features of the books and atlases that have been published in hungary during the last decades. this work provides a clear, masterly and comprehensive overview of present-day hungary by a distinguished team of contributors, presenting the results of research in the fi elds of geography, demography, economics, history, geophysics, geology, hydrology, meteorology, pedology and other earth sciences. the 172 lavish, full-colour maps and diagrams, along with 52 tables are complemented by clear, authoritative explanatory notes, revealing a fresh perspective on the anatomy of modern day hungary. although the emphasis is largely placed on contemporary hungary, important sections are devoted to the historical development of the natural and human environment as well. in its concentration and focus, this atlas was intended to act as hungary's 'business card', as the country's résumé, to serve as an information resource for the sophisticated general reader and to inform the international scientifi c community about the foremost challenges facing hungary today, both in a european context and on a global scale. examples of such intriguing topics are: stability and change in the ethnic and state territory, natural hazards, earthquakes, urgent fl ood control and water management tasks, land degradation, the state of nature conservation, international environmental confl icts, the general population decline, ageing, the increase in unemployment, the roma population at home and the situation of hungarian minorities abroad, new trends in urban development, controversial economic and social consequences as a result of the transition to a market economy, privatisation, the massive infl ux of foreign direct investment, perspectives on the exploitation of mineral resources, problems in the energy supply and electricity generation, increasing spatial concentration focused on budapest in the fi eld of services (e.g. in banking, retail, transport and telecommunications networks), and fi nally the shaping of an internationally competitive tourism industry, thus making hungary more a ractive to visit. this project serves as a preliminary study for the new, 3rd edition of the national atlas of hungary, that is to be co-ordinated by the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences. ------------------------------------------price: eur 20.00 order: geographical institute rcaes has library h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mail: magyar.arpad@cs .mta.hu << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.4 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 /colorconversionstrategy /cmyk /dothumbnails false /embedallfonts true /embedopentype false /parseiccprofilesincomments true 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can be opened with acrobat and adobe reader 5.0 and later.) >> /namespace [ (adobe) (common) (1.0) ] /othernamespaces [ << /asreaderspreads false /cropimagestoframes true /errorcontrol /warnandcontinue /flattenerignorespreadoverrides false /includeguidesgrids false /includenonprinting false /includeslug false /namespace [ (adobe) (indesign) (4.0) ] /omitplacedbitmaps false /omitplacedeps false /omitplacedpdf false /simulateoverprint /legacy >> << /addbleedmarks false /addcolorbars false /addcropmarks false /addpageinfo false /addregmarks false /convertcolors /converttocmyk /destinationprofilename () /destinationprofileselector /documentcmyk /downsample16bitimages true /flattenerpreset << /presetselector /mediumresolution >> /formelements false /generatestructure false /includebookmarks false /includehyperlinks false /includeinteractive false /includelayers false /includeprofiles false /multimediahandling /useobjectsettings /namespace [ (adobe) (creativesuite) (2.0) ] /pdfxoutputintentprofileselector /documentcmyk /preserveediting true /untaggedcmykhandling /leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice 201book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 197–208.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.71.2.8 hungarian geographical bulletin 71 2022 (2) this concise study by gábor demeter and zsolt bottlik (with contributions from krisztián csaplárdegovics) is a rather rare example of a genuinely critical history of a discipline written by the representatives of the discipline. contrary to recent publications by steven seegel (seegel, s. 2018) or vedran duančić (duančić, v. 2020), the book by demeter and bottlik is a voice of geographers on geography’s past. this characteristic feature springs to one’s mind immediately; not only is the authors’ focus centered upon cartographic techniques rather than the biographies of main actors, or academic milieus of their time, but the narrative is intercepted by numerous tables and maps. the book is furthermore amended with over fifty carefully designed maps aiming at an alternative presentation of historical data. there are, however, no historical maps reproduced in the volume, as they are mostly known to specialists in the field. all of them have been made accessible on a dedicated website (https://balkanethnicmaps.hu/ originalmaps.html), although their resolution is not always satisfying. the outspoken goal of the authors is to identify the methods of manipulation with data and cartographic visualizations on the one hand, and producing a more reliable representation of the balkan’s ethnic structure on the other hand. the book is divided into four chapters. chapter 1 offers a general introduction into the history of ethnic mapping and political history of the balkans. chapter 2 is a history of balkan cartography divided into three main phases: (i) the early maps in the first half of the 19th century, mostly authored by specialists in slavic studies; (ii) increasingly politicized cartography of the latter part of the century; and (iii) propaganda cartography generated by all sides of the conflict in the context of the first world war. chapter 3 discusses methodological problems of mapmaking and the balkan censuses while chapter 4 consists of the aforementioned modern maps produced by the authors. the book is amended with lists of maps, tables and figures, and a bibliography. as it becomes clear from the construction of the narrative, maps in the service of the nation consists of two elements that rarely coexist within one book. the first is the history of southeastern europe seen from the perspective of ethnic cartography. the authors offer a convincingly rich outline of a complicated reality, discussing dozens of maps in their historical contexts. their knowledge of relevant sources is impressive and they skillfully, if sparingly, make use of the critical literature on the topic (studies by justin mccarthy and ipek yosmaoğlu in the first place). the second building block of the narrative is a reevaluation of ethnic (i. e. linguistic, denominational or combined) statistics. authors confront 19th century patch maps with rarely used ottoman registers and censuses. their modus operandi is to compare their own maps based on the existing statistical data with historical cartographic material in hope that, even though numbers rarely match, similar proportions of ethnic groups would help to identify the most reliable among the historical maps. such an approach partly exonerates cartographers of the past who, biased as they mostly had been, still occasionally succeeded in producing at least partly proper representations of reality. is such an ambitious approach destined to be a failure? the answer depends on the perspective. there can be no doubt that an adequate, even large scale picture of the ethnic composition in the balkans during the 19th century cannot be achieved. leaving aside the plethora of historical maps and mutually exclusive interpretations, the lack of consistent data from any longer period of time makes such an undertaking unrealistic. authors frequently refer to the ottoman statistics but they perfectly realize that ethnic and other categories used in them cannot be translated into modern terms, nor do they cover any region systematically. demeter, g. and bottlik, zs.: maps in the service of the nation: the role of ethnic mapping in nationbuilding and its influence on political decision-making across the balkan peninsula (1840–1914). berlin, frank & timme, 2021. 310 p. 202 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 197–208. beyond that, mass migrations and border changes significantly influenced realities on the ground. in sum, the reader of this book will not necessarily feel that his/ her knowledge of the ethnic structure of southeastern europe grew significantly higher. in lieu of such an unfulfilled dream of accuracy bottlik and demeter offer a couple of consolation prizes of considerable value. methodological considerations is surely one of them. the authors do not dismiss all historical data altogether. in their eyes, through the combination of various sources at minimum some general idea of ethnic or religious divisions can be achieved. the precondition for future historians of southeastern europe would be, to follow bottlik’s and demeter’s advice, not to “fell into the trap of considering one of the sources only as primary and reliable” (p. 230). in the case discussed ottoman censuses had been such a dismissed source. acknowledging their (be it limited) credibility opens the way for a comparison with other statistics. the combination of such data results in a considerably improved ethnic map. not an exact one, but meticulously following all available data. cartography and, especially, cartographic techniques are another ‘winner’ of the history told in the book. most of the historical maps that have been discussed by the authors (without, however, being reproduced in the book) were simple patch maps. their main value, that is their simplicity, was at the same time their main vice. incapable of illustrating complicated relations they proved completely useless when confronted with the balkan mix of ethnic and religious groups. deficiencies of patch maps had been noticed, even though not seriously challenged, by the 19th and 20th century cartographers themselves. some of them, to mention jovan cvijić whose oeuvre gets a fair but, at times, caustic treatment, excelled in generating new mixed ethno-religious categories (such as ‘albanised serbs’) designed to more precisely express local identities. demeter and bottlik see this cartographic technique as inadequate and highly susceptible to propagandistic manipulations. their alternative is various forms of pie chart maps. their main asset is that they allow to reliably illustrate data variability. given doubts surrounding most (or all) of balkan ethnic statistics such a possibility allows cartographers to achieve a considerable level of clarity and credibility. while the concept of the book and the approach of the authors are fascinating in their combination of critical history of (politicized) science on the one hand, and cognitive optimism on the other hand, maps in the service of the nation offers no easy reading. the history of balkan cartography is narrated in an extremely condensed fashion, while the decision to exclude historical cartography does not help to visualize the problems discussed therein. it is also a pattern throughout the book that meaningful information that should be integrated into the text gets transferred into the footnotes. imminently, such a style occasionally leads to oversimplifications: at times the authors squeeze sophisticated realities into short formulas; a procedure that not always brings fruits. so, for example, the references to ‘slavophilia’ of some of the cartographers of the 19th century offer rather little substance given the vagueness of the term. in this case bottlik and demeter seem to fell victim to their own oversimplification as they struggle to interpret františek zach’s approach to the region’s ethnic divisions (apparently without knowledge of the latter’s links to prince czartoryski’s ‘diplomatic service’ in the balkans – pp. 64–65). there are instances, too, where the authors seem to follow the language of their sources too closely; hence mention of a map that “mutilated north albania” (p. 95). a more relaxed, less condensed narrative would perhaps help to avoid such awkward formulations. yet another problem related to the concise narrative is weak contextualization. history of cartography in general is embedded in the political history, cultural history and history of science. balkan cartography requires even more attention and a larger surplus of information in order to be properly understood. to name but one example: wavering international sympathies and antipathies in western europe (progreek, pro-bulgarian etc.) occasionally get a mention in the narrative but nowhere do they expand beyond very short notes. these deficiencies of the narrative result in the authors’ stepping over the major problem of a complex relation between cartography and propaganda. the latter seems to be personalized by cvijić, whose flexible handling of ethnic identities clearly (and understandably) frustrates the authors. yet, besides being politically motivated, cvijić has been widely acknowledged the best balkan geographer of all times. the challenge faced by historians of geography is not necessarily to dethrone the serbian scholar, nor to unmask him as a skillful manipulator, but rather to explain how science and propaganda could coexist within single high quality cartographic work, how they intermingled and influenced each other. such an attempt is absent. all aforementioned weak sides of the book leave the reader not fully satisfied, but not disappointed either. the authors deserve credit for their impressive knowledge while they not always succeed in making this knowledge accessible to the reader. still, there are many wise and thought-provoking fragments worth scanning through the whole narrative. such as this short explanation of the meaning of the chosen ethnic category for a cartographic representation of the region: “in fact, it was the category of muslim slavs who were able to shift the balance: if they were counted as muslims, a relative muslim majority was observable 203book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (2) 197–208. in the empire; if they were considered slavs, a slavic majority was the result. as not only the result, but the approach was different (one a religious categorization, the other linguistic), the results were incomparable and from a certain point of view are equally reasonable (or unreasonable). this is the paradox of balkan ethnic mapping” (p. 157). maciej górny1 1 polish academy of sciences, tadeusz manteuffel institute of history, warsaw, poland. e-mail: mgorny@ihpan.edu.pl r e f e r e n c e s duančić, v. 2020. geography and nationalist visions of interwar yugoslavia. cham, palgrave macmillan. seegel, s. 2018. map men: transnational lives and deaths of geographers in the making of east central europe. chicago, the university of chicago press. 1_szeberenyi et al.indd 3szeberényi, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 3–15.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.69.1.1 hungarian geographical bulletin 69 2020 (1) 3–15. introduction and research background the investigation of quaternary sediments, such as loess-paleosol sequences, helps to reveal pleistocene climate and environmental changes (marković, s.b. et al. 2011, 2015; újvári, g. et al. 2014; horváth, e. and bradák, b. 2014; varga, g. 2015; varga, g. et al. 2019). besides the most commonly used proxies (e.g. grain size, magnetic susceptibility, carbonate content), applications of diffuse reflectance spectroscopy (drs) method have become more widespread in this field (buggle, b. et al. 2014; krauss, l. et al. 2016; vlaminck, s. et al. 2016; zeeden, c. et al. 2018; wu, y. et al. 2018). the method allows measurements in a rapid, non-destructive way and does not require complicated sample preparation. the visible and near-infrared (vis-nir) spectra allow simultaneous investigations of various parameters. reflectance spectra of fine-grained minerals showed specific properties, which were observed for the first time by white, w.b. and keester, k.l. (1966), and adams, j.b. and filice, a.l. (1967). diffuse reflected light contains spectral information concerning the physical and chemical composition of the il1 geographical institute, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences. h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. hungary. corresponding author’s e-mail: szeberenyi.jozsef@csfk.mta.hu 2 university of matej bel faculty of natural science, banská bystrica, tajovského 40, 974 01, slovak republic. 3 institute of geonics as cr, v.v.i., ostrava-poruba, studentska 1768, 708 00, czech republic. 4 eötvös loránd university, institute of geography and earth sciences, department of physical geography, pázmány péter sétány 1/c, h-1117 budapest, hungary. investigation of spectral properties of different quaternary paleosols and parent materials józsef s z e b e r én y i 1, alzbeta m e d v e d ’o v á2, pavel r o s t i n s k y 3, gabriella b a r ta 4, ágnes n o v o t h n y 4, diána c s o n k a 4, istván v i c z i án 1, erzsébet h o rv át h 4 and tamás v ég h 4 abstract diffuse reflectance spectroscopy (drs) is a rapid, relatively new method in quaternary research to analyse sediments and paleosols. this method takes into account clay mineral content, amount of fe-bearing minerals and grain size composition of samples, simultaneously. different quaternary sediment samples were chosen for characterization and comparison their reflectance curves to detect the essential spectral properties of different paleosols and parent materials. samples of different sediment types and paleosol variants were investigated from a loess-paleosol sequence from malá nad hronom (slovakia) and from a fluvial-aeolian sediment complex from pilismarót (hungary). five investigated curve sections were separated as the best indicators of reflectance properties of drs curves. spectral properties of samples were compared by using the length of investigated curve sections. this investigation showed quantifiable differences between the units of pleistocene sediment successions, based on the reflectance properties. the influence of pedogenic processes was properly detectable. significant discrepancies were observed between reflectance curves of well-developed paleosols and parent material samples in the visible and near-infrared range. differences between the weak developed paleosol layers and their parent materials were only observed in the visible range. fine sand, sandy silt and loess materials could be separated from each other based on the intensity of entire reflectance curves. keywords: diffuse reflectance spectroscopy, pleistocene, loess, aeolian, alluvial, paleosol szeberényi, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 3–15.4 luminated sample (baumgardner, m.f. et al. 1985). drs detects the electronic transitions of atoms in the visible spectrum (vis), while the vibration deriving from the stretching and bonding of molecules and from the alterations of the bond angle is obtained in the near-infrared (nir) range (shepherd, k.d. and walsh, m.g. 2002). the instrumental colour determination eliminates the subjectivity of the munsell colour scale (post, d. et al. 1993); therefore, the different sequences will be comparable. lithostratigraphic subdivision of sediment series can be achieved by using the so-called colourimetric indices. different indices were calculated to interpret diffuse reflectance spectra (vis range) of quaternary sediments (especially concerning loess-paleosol sequences). these were different colourimetric indices or hematite/ goethite (h/g) ratios. brightness values were calculated from the visible band primarily to identify the carbonate content of marine sediments (balsam, w.l. et al. 1999). this proxy is equivalent to lightness (goddard, e.n. et al. 1948) and greyscale (herbert, t.d. and fischer, a.g. 1986). ji, j.f. et al. (2001) used brightness as colourimetric index for investigation of loess-paleosol sequences for the first time. a strong relationship was observed between brightness and magnetic susceptibility (kappa low field, klf) values, similarly to lightness (zhou, l.p. and shackleton, n.j. 1998; wang, q. et al. 2016) and greyscale (porter, s. 2000) proxies. ji, j.f. et al. (2001) draws attention to the modifying effect of non-magnetic light and dark minerals, which may change the values of the colourimetric index and thus the strength of the correlation. the redness index (ri) was calculated from the red band of drs curve for the first time by zhang, y.g. et al. (2007) to identify the colourimetric parameters of marine sediments of south china sea and were connected to hematite and goethite content – following the main assumption suggested by barrón, v. and torrent, j. (1986). ri used to replace the rr (redness rating: calculated from munsell colour chart) values (buntley, g. and westin, f. 1965) and rilab (redness index: calculated from cie colour system; cie 1978) values (e.g. barrón, v. and torrent, j. 1986; viscarra rossel, r.a. et al. 2006). ri is a widely used colourimetric index for investigation of loess-paleosol sequences (e.g. guo, z.t. et al. 2009; sun, y. et al. 2011; buggle, b. et al. 2014). ri and klf values are in strong positive correlation (e.g. buggle, b. et al. 2014), but it is always essential to take into account the possible colour-modifying effects of the organic matter and carbonate content (sun, y. et al. 2011). goethite and hematite can be transformed into each other due to changing climatic conditions (schwertmann, u. 1971). scheinost, a.c. et al. (1998) calculated the so-called h/g ratio based on the relevant sections of the drs curve to detect the transformation. hematite and goethite both have a vital role during the investigation of loess-paleosol sequences. torrent, j. et al. (2007) improved the method for the study of loess-paleosol sequences of the chinese loess plateau: hematite concentration showed a strong positive correlation with the values of frequencydependent magnetic susceptibility. based on previous investigations (e.g. balsam, w.l. et al. 2004; vidic, n.a. et al. 2004) it was stated, that h/g ratios are good paleoclimatic indicators – although specific questions are still open. h/g ratios do not show good correlation with klf values in each case (wang, q. et al. 2016), and hematite concentrations measured in a given range can be influenced by the presence of other materials (liu, q. et al. 2011). particular indices were calculated from drs measurement data during the investigation of terrestrial sediments. these indices were added to multiproxy investigations and thus were used for more detailed description of profiles (zhang, y.g. et al. 2007; krauss, l. et al. 2016; vlaminck, s. et al. 2016; zeeden, c. et al. 2018) in order to reveal the intensity of pedogenesis (bábek, o. et al. 2011) and to reconstruct paleoclimate and paleoenvironment (guo, z.t. et al. 2009; sun, y. et al. 2011; buggle, b. et al. 2014; wang, q. et al. 2016; wu, y. et al. 2018). 5szeberényi, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 3–15. compound loess-paleosol sequences can be divided into different groups and interpreted as stratigraphic units of loess-paleosol successions by applying cluster analysis of drs data. this is a new approach introduced in loess research by szeberényi, j. et al. (2020, in press). three important frequency ranges were identified, which are the most critical sections in the entire measurement range: (1) the reflectance intensity of a sample in the 400–825 nm frequency range was modified by hematite and goethite, illite, montmorillonite, muscovite and calcite. (2) mainly montmorillonite and kaolinite played important roles in modifying the reflectance curve of a sample in the 900–1,100 nm frequency range. fe-bearing minerals had only a minimal influence in this range. (3) the reflectance curve was only modified by montmorillonite in the 1,445–1,460 nm range. this approach proved that the reflectance properties of drs curves are suitable for the differentiation of paleosols and their parent materials (e.g. loess). although the question is raised, whether it is easier to identify curve sections, that indicate apparent differences between reflectance properties of paleosol and parent material samples. as a continuation of our previous studies, this paper reveals the relationship between the drs curves of paleosols and their parent material. the basis of recent research was the most important curve sections (between 400–1,460 nm wavelength range) of the entire measurement range. the goal of the actual study was to quantify the significant differences between the original reflectance curves of paleosols and their parent materials in the case of different quaternary sediment successions. site and sampling loess, alluvial sandy aleurite and fluvial sand are widespread pleistocene sediment types in the carpathian basin. they generally serve as parent materials for soil development. two successions were investigated in the present study: a loess-paleosol sequence and a fluvial-aeolian sediment complex. the loess-paleosol sequence is located in the vicinity of malá nad hronom, slovakia (130–155 m a.s.l.; n47°49’46.0” and e19°02’33.6”). the abandoned brickyard is found in the western side of a dissected fluvial terrace of the hron river, which is a tributary of the danube river. the fluvialaeolian sediment complex is located in the region of pilismarót, hungary (103–107 m a.s.l.; n47°48’6.44” and e18°52’31.45”). the abandoned gravel mine is on the lowest terrace of the danube river (figure 1). one profile (mnh) was excavated in the loess-paleosol sequence at malá nad hronom (figure 2). seven different stratigraphical units were identified, which can be summarized from the top to the bottom as follows: – unit l1 (0–160 cm): greyish yellow, wellcemented, homogeneous, non-layered loess with low fine sand content. 16 samples were measured from this unit. – unit t1 (160–220 cm): a light brownish intermediate layer was detected between l1 and p1. the silty material was loose, nonlayered, without any sediment structure. – unit p1 (220–320 cm): light reddishbrown, weakly developed paleosol with granular ped structure. 8 samples were taken from this layer. – unit t2 (320–390 cm): a yellowish/light brownish intermediate layer was observed between the two paleosols. the transition zone consisted of loose, non-layered silty material. – unit p2 (390–490 cm): the paleosol of unit p2 was characterized by two pedogenic horizons. the uppermost pedogenic horizon (390–420 cm) was clayey with dark brown colour and was described by welldeveloped blocky structure. a 50–60 cm thick, reddish-brown, weakly developed soil horizon was observed in the lower part of this unit (between 420–490 cm). 8 samples were measured from p2 paleosol unit. – unit lca (490–520 cm): well-compacted carbonate accumulation zone of the p2 paleosol. szeberényi, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 3–15.6 fig. 2. the investigated successions. l1, l2 = loess units; t1, t2 = intermediate layers; lp1, lp2 = paleosol layers; lca = carbonate accumulation horizon; aes1, aes2, aes3, aes4 = aeolian sand layers; aesp1, aesp2, aesp3 = paleosol horizons in aeolian sand; asp = paleosol layer on alluvial sand unit; as = alluvial sand unit; fs = fluvial sand unit. fig. 1. the geographical location of the investigated successions 7szeberényi, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 3–15. – unit l2 (520–1,010 cm): the base of the sequence was a grey/greyish-yellow loess layer with at least 5 m thickness. this unit was porous, loose, non-layered, and homogeneous. secondary carbonates were observed in the field. 36 l2 samples were taken for reflectance measurements. one profile (hpm) was investigated in the fluvial-aeolian sediment complex at pilismarót (see figure 2). five different stratigraphical units were identified, which were described from the top to the bottom as follows: – units aes and aesp (0–150 cm): an aeolian sand-paleosol complex was identified in the upper part of the sequence, which consisted of several layers. 4 light grey/ greyish-yellow, loose, homogeneous/ finely laminated fine aeolian sand layers (aes) were detected between 0–20, 30–70, 80–90 and 120–150 cm depth. 9 samples were taken from parent material unit. 3 grey/greyish yellow coloured, weakly developed paleosol horizons (aesp) with granular ped structure were observed between 20–30, 70–80 and 90–120 cm depth. 6 paleosol samples were measured from these horizons. – unit asp (150–210 cm): a well-developed, clayey reddish-brown paleosol was identified in the middle of the sequence. the angular blocky ped structure included clay coatings and slick and slide phenomenon. 6 asp samples were taken for measurements. – unit as (210–280 cm): fine-grained alluvial silty sand was detected as parent material of the asp paleosol. this stratum was divided into different sublayers. the lowermost part of the layer was a 30 cm thick, fine laminated, grey coloured material with limonite dots. this part was overlain by a 40 cm thick yellowish-grey, homogenous, non-laminated sandy silt layer. 5 samples were measured from this layer. – unit fs (280–360 cm): the base of the sequence was thick cross-bedded fluvial sand, which was grey, coarse-grained and contained fine pebbles and a thin gravel layer (320–330 cm). methods the samples were air-dried and dry sieved trough a 250 µm sieve, as preparation for reflectance measurements. the samples were proceeded with a shimadzu uv-3600 spectrophotometer (geographical institute, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences, hungary) in hellma precision cells made of quartz suprasil 300 and were optimized in the uv-vis-nir range (figure 3). the test samples were very noisy in the most extended wavelength section of the nir range (2,000–2,500 nm); therefore, the samples of the present study were measured only between 240 and 2,000 nm. scan speed was 0.54 sec in 1 nm sampling interval. optimal slit with was 20 nm. change in the wavelength of the detector (pbs/pm) was at 830 nm, while light source (d2 deuterium/wl halogen) change wavelength was at 310 nm and grating change wavelength was at 710 nm (green points on figure 3), which were identified as uncertain measurement points. the diffuse reflectance was recorded by the lisr-3100 integrating sphere. each sample spectra were corrected for background absorption by the division of the reflectance spectrum of standardized white baso4 panel. the reflectance intensity was expressed in percentage (r%) of the measurement range (240–2,000 nm). one drs curve contains 1,760 data points (given in r%), which refer to the quantity of light reflected per nm. the entire reflectance spectra of samples could be displayed on a diagram (blue curve on figure 3). all paleosol and parent material samples were analysed using the intensity of their entire reflectance curves, which helps to recognize the fundamental differences in their reflectance properties. several curve sections were identified to characterize and quantify the reflectance properties of samples. the most variable wavelength ranges (between 400–825, 90– 1,000 and 1,445–1,460 nm) were separated from the full measurement range based on our earlier results (szeberényi, j. et al. 2020, in press). within these wavelength ranges five szeberényi, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 3–15.8 investigated curve sections were identified for this study that generally rises or drops monotonically toward longer wavelengths (1), and not contains any uncertain measurement points such as detector, grating and light source change points (2). two frequency ranges were identified in the visible band (vis 1 and vis 2) and three in the nearinfrared range (nir 1, nir 2 and nir 3). these investigated frequency ranges are the best indicators of reflectance properties of the drs curves (see table 1 and figure 3). the five investigated sections of reflectance curves of paleosol and parent material samples were compared to each other in this study. the investigated curve sections could be characterized by an increase or a decrease of r% value in the investigated frequency range. the minimum and maximum r% values could be measured at the endpoints of the investigated curve section (red on figure 3). δr% gives the difference of maximum and minimum r% values in the investigated frequency range. if r% value increased in the investigated frequency range, the δr% value is positive. in contrast, a negative δr% value signifies a decreasing tendency between the endpoints of the investigated curve section. steeper curve section could be characterized by higher δr% value. results in general, the r% values showed an increasing tendency between 240 and 2,000 nm wavelength range. minimum r% values were detected between 290–300 nm, whereas the maximum values were present between 1,950–1,955 nm. the sediment types could be characterized by different amplitudes of their reflectance curve. the most considerable difference (min: 47.6r%, max: 87.2 r%) was observed for loess, while the smallest difference (min: 47.5 r%, max: 76.4 r%) was characteristic for aeolian sand (figure 4, a). the intensities of drs curves regarding paleosols were lower than those of their parent material in each case (figure 4, b, c, d). curve sections of unit l1 and l2 samples could be characterized by the highest δr% value in the vis 1 range (figure 5, a), concerning the samples of the loess-paleofig. 3. the most important parameters of the method are shown on the entire reflectance spectra of one representative sample 9szeberényi, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 3–15. sol sequence. loess samples had the same values. the r% values of samples increased by 10.1–11.5 per cent from the minimum to the maximum value. δr values of curve sections of paleosols were smaller than those of their parent materials. the r% value of p1 paleosol increased by 9.2–9.7 per cent between the endpoints of the curve section, whereas the p2 paleosol showed only 5.8–7.8 per cent increase. an opposite trend was observed in the case of the alluvial units (δr of as: 5.8–6.6% and δr of asp: 6.2–9.7%), and there was no significant difference between aeolian samples (δr of aes: 6.3–7.5% and δr of aesp: 6.8–7.0%) (figure 5, b, c). the r% values of paleosols had slightly higher δr% values in the vis 2 range than their parent material (figure 5, d, e, f). the most significant difference was observed for the samples of the loess-paleosol sequence (δr of l1 and l2: 3.6–4.5%; δr of p1: 4.5–4.8% and δr of p2: 5.2–5.7%). r% values of parent materials decreased in the nir 1 range by -0.9–0.6 per cent (δr) for loess, -1.3–1.1 per cent (δr) for as and -0.8–0.6 per cent (δr) for aes (figure 5, g, h, i). a slighter decrease (δr: -0.8–0.5%) was characteristic for the weakly developed p1 paleosol, whereas the r% value of the aesp paleosol remained constant (-0.6–0.1%) in relation to the parent materials of both units. the value of the well-developed paleosol of loess-paleosol sequence increased between the endpoints of nir 1 curve section (δr of p2: 0.2–0.6%). asp paleosol layer could be divided into two parts (aspa and b) in this frequency range. the r% values of the middle part of alluvial paleosol increased (δr of aspa: 0.1–0.5%), whereas the lower and upper part of alluvial paleosol could be characterized by a decreasing tendency (δr of aspb: -0.2– -0.7%) (figure 5, g, i). the r% values of alluvial sandy aleurite decreased in the nir 2, whereas loess and table 1. endpoints and uncertain points of investigated curve sections name of the frequency range light source change vis 1 grating change vis 2 nir 1 detector change nir 2 nir 3 end points of investigated frequency range, nm – 400 – 715 725 – 900 1,445 – 700 – 725 820 – 1,000 1,460 uncertain measurement point, nm 310 – 710 – – 830 – – fig. 4. entire reflectance curves of samples szeberényi, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 3–15.10 fig. 5. comparison of investigated curve sections in the investigated ranges aeolian sand could be characterized by an increasing tendency. only a slight difference was observed between the values of the weakly developed paleosols and their parent materials in the nir 2 frequency range (δr of l1 and l2: -0.08–0.47%; δr of p1: 0.1–0.6%; 11szeberényi, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 3–15. δr of aes: 0.0–0.1% and aesp: 0.00–0.18%) (figure 5, j, l). well-developed paleosols were characterized by steeper curve sections (δr of p2: 0.9–2.0%; δr of asp: 0.4–0.9%) (figure 5, j, k). in general, r% values decreased concerning the nir 3 frequency ranges. minimal differences could be observed between loesspaleosol samples (δr of l1 and l2: -0.4– -0.2%, p1: -0.36– -0.20%, p2: -0.30– -0.06%), the alluvial-paleosol samples (δr of as: -0.3– -0.1%, asp: -0.38– -0.20%) and the aeolian sand-paleosol samples (δr of aes: -0.3– -0.2%, aesp: -0.28– -0.24%) (figure 5, m, n, o). discussion drs measurements are useful for the differentiation between loess and sandy samples and for the recognition of possible differences between paleosols and their parent materials. sediment types can be separated from each other, based on the mean intensity of the complete drs curves. aeolian sands can be differentiated from alluvial silty sands and loesses based on the visible and nearinfrared bands (especially between 950–2,000 nm, see figure 4, a). the entire drs curves of paleosols were characterized by lower intensity than their parent materials. besides the mineral components, the reflectance intensity was influenced by the grain size composition as well (hunt, g.r. 1989; clark, r.n. 1999). drs curves of parent materials (fine sand, sandy silt, loess) and well-developed paleosol samples were definitely modified by these factors (especially concerning the presence of higher clay fraction). by the help of the five curve sections, it was possible to reveal and quantify the most important reflectance properties of drs curves. the most prominent changes were present in the vis 1, nir 1 and nir 2 frequency ranges, although certain tendencies appeared to be identifiable in the vis 2 and nir 3 frequency ranges too (figure 6). in general, significant differences could be shown between δr% values of well-developed paleosols (especially p2) and their parent materials. in contrast, only moderate or little differences were detected between weakly developed paleosols and their parent materials (see figure 6). changes of carbonate content, the formation of clay minerals and the transformation of fe-bearing minerals were the reason for abovementioned phenomena, and those parameters are very important in relation to pedogenic processes. generally, paleosols can be characterized by lower carbonate and goethite concentration, and higher hematite and clay mineral contents, which are all influenced by paleoclimatic and paleoenvironmental conditions. the involved minerals were very well detected components using diffuse reflectance spectroscopy. drs measurements are sensitive to the changes of the amount of fe-bearing minerals (torrent, j. et al. 1983; hunt, g.r. 1989; deaton, b.c. and balsam, w.l. 1991) and the carbonate content (balsam, w.l. et al. 1999) of the sediments in the visible band; and to the changes of clay mineral content (clark, r.n. 1999) in the near-infrared range. the investigated weakly developed paleosols (especially p1) differentiated from their parent materials only in the visible range. on the contrary, significant differences were detected between well-developed paleosols and their parent materials both in the visible and near-infrared bands. the changes of carbonate content and the amount of fe-bearing minerals is possibly connected to the earlier stage of pedogenic development, whereas the accumulation of clay minerals is related to longer time periods and/or to the presence of stronger pedogenic processes. furthermore, another interesting observation was that the reflectance properties of different sediment types (fine sand, sandy silt, loess) were comparable to each other, mainly in the visible range. as and aes samples could be characterized by the same values (δr in vis 1: 5.8–7.5%; δr in vis 2: 4.7–5.6%), whereas l1 and l2 samples had higher values (δr: 10.1–11.5%) in the vis 1 and lower values (δr: 3.6–4.5%) in the vis 2 band. szeberényi, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 3–15.12 the 715–820 nm were substantial frequency ranges in our study, based on which the alluvial paleosol layer could be divided into three horizons. i can be seen on figure 6 that (1) the lower part of asp layer was characterized by significantly lower δr% values in the vis 2 than the other samples of this layer, and (2) the middle part of asp had higher δr% values in the nir 1 range, than their uppermost and lowermost horizons. the spectral features of illite and hematite can be traced in these frequency ranges, therefore, in this case, these minerals played the most important role during the pedogenesis, based on our earlier study (szeberényi, j. et al. 2020, in press). generally, the alterations of curve sections are established mainly by different mineral groups and not by the individual minerals, except in the 1,445–1,460 nm frequency range based on our earlier results (szeberényi, j. et al. 2020, in press). this narrow range is modified only by montmorillonite. this fact can be regarded as very important as signififig. 6. changes of δr% of curve sections in the five investigated frequency ranges 13szeberényi, j. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (1) 3–15. cant discrepancies were observed between the reflectance curves of two well-developed paleosols in the nir 3 range. curve section of p2 paleosol samples (especially the upper part of this layer ) were steeper than those of their parent materials, which could be explained by montmorillonite enrichment. on the contrary, the curve section of asp paleosol layer could be characterized by lower δr% values than the alluvial sandy aleurite samples (figure 6). probably the asp paleosol can be characterized by low montmorillonite and high illite content (especially the middle part of this layer; figure 3, nir 1). illite forms in potassium-rich soils by the transformation of high-temperature micas, usually muscovite (e.g. jackson, m.l. 1964; ellis, s. and mellor, a. 1992; righi, d. and meunier, a. 1995). reinbach, h. and rich, c. (1975) indicated that the process of smectite/ illite transformation is intimately associated with silica-poor and potassium-rich environment. presumably, these processes are standing in the background of pedogenesis of asp paleosol. conclusions reflectance measurements of samples in different quaternary sediment successions were investigated and compared in order to reveal and quantify the most important reflectance properties. we found that (1) the assessment of drs curves from quaternary sediment successions indicated the presence and intensity of pedogenic processes; (2) the reflectance properties of drs curves could be identified by both the mean intensity of the whole reflectance curve and the length of the investigated curve sections. therefore, essential conclusions can be drawn from the investigation of curve sections regarding the intensity of pedogenic processes. the detectable differences of the length of investigated curve sections can be quantified by δr%. the method of this study took into account the changes of the mineral composition and the alterations of grain size at the same time. reflectance properties of drs curves were suitable for the recognition of the tracers of pedogenic processes in the case of quaternary terrestrial successions, although some unresolved questions remained. further investigations are needed to determine the degree of change, which influences the mineral and grain size compositions. it is an exciting topic to find the mineral (or minerals) that affect the alterations of the investigated curve sections using xrd measurements. acknowledgements: this research was carried out within the framework of the international visegrad fund (project number 11410020). the paper was also supported by a long-term conceptual development subvention available to research organizations rvo: 68145535 from the institute of geonics as cr, by the slovak research and development agency under contract no. apvv-0625-11 (project “a new synthesis of 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(2001), as well as young, c. and kaczmarek, s. (2008) point at three possible and potenpublic perception of urban identity in post-soviet city: the case of vinnytsia, ukraine anatoliy m e l n y c h u k 1 and oleksiy g n at i u k 1 abstract this study deals with urban identity in vinnytsia, one of the most economically vibrant ukrainian cities, arguably known as a fiefdom of key ukrainian power holders since the euromaidan. assuming that urban space may be treated simultaneously as a mirror and a factor of urban identity, the authors tried to look at urban identity under the lens of urban space transformations. the sociological survey conducted in 2016 and covering 168 respondents was focused on public representations about the city in whole and particular places in the city as well, including important recent changes of urban landscape. we came to conclusion that vinnytsia represents an inclusive model of urban identity growing from additional actualized strata of historical memory. however, there is a stable core of identity, requiring a great deal of effort to be changed. we confirmed our hypothesis that identity-related discussions in vinnytsia are centred on the issue of leadership, caused by current privileged position of the city and successful municipal reforms implemented by the local administration, and the issue of modernization, including aggressive commercialization, threating the historic urban landscape. the survey revealed the re-assessment of the role of industry as an element of local identity and demonstrated that the public requirements to the urban space experienced a strong shift towards human-friendliness, aesthetics, safety and diversity instead of political or ideological symbols. we observed pronounced shift to the local and regional values, although the connection with the national identity remains important. finally, we came to conclusion that the success of transformation is largely defined by the possibility to painlessly combine new senses and connotations of places with the already existing. thus, local identity may be considered as one of the key factors determining the perception of the urban space transformation, making urban landscape more resilient to the possible harmful impendences. keywords: urban identity, transformations, urban space, urban landscape, post-socialist city, vinnytsia, ukraine 1 department of economic and social geography, taras shevchenko national university of kyiv, vul. volodymyrska 60, kyiv, ukraine. e-mails: melan97@ukr.net, alexgnat22@ukr.net melnychuk, a. and gnatiuk, o. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 37–50.38 tially coexisting scenarios of modern identity building in different post-socialist cities, each shaped by different national contexts of the experience of socialism and post-socialism: they may (1) draw on pre-socialist “golden ages” as their key source of identity and seek to obscure the socialist period, or (2) draw on the history of the socialist period but utilize it more as a part of emphasizing their anti-communist credentials, or (3) may actively include some elements socialist past in highly contested ways in their contemporary identity formation. anyway, the idea to enhance the “europeanness” is in general use among post-socialist cities in different countries (mcneill, d. and tewdwr-jones, m. 2002; gospodini, a. 2004; young, c. and kaczmarek, s. 2008). urban identity building reflects also interaction between hierarchical levels of territorial identity, which often is well-accentuated in post-socialist societies. jansen, s. (2001) and zechenter, k. (2015) suggested that the symbolic success of post-socialist cities depends on aligning the city’s identity with the general prevalent understanding of national identity. however, there is evidence that in post-socialist countries local urban identity, due to some reason, may run counter to the national identity, as it happened in sevastopol before the annexation of crimea (qualls, k.d. 2009) and in post-milosevic belgrade (volcic, z. 2005). the representations of four ukrainian cities in fictional narratives by contemporary authors show underscored sense of belonging to the local territory, yet the sense of belonging to the nation and the world is not dismissed (rewakowicz, m.g. 2010). urban space may be treated simultaneously as a mirror of existing urban identity and as a factor of its development. this statement is widely supported in literature (karaman, a. 2001; stobart, j. 2004; baris, m.e. et al. 2009). urban landscape, seen by people every day, shapes their representations about the city and simultaneously reflects both spontaneous and deliberately constructed changes in identity, making visible the interactions (including contestation) of different actors and stakeholders. the public attitudes to the certain changes in urban landscape often display hidden or low-observable aspects of local identity development. the transformation of meaning, together with the use and attitude toward landscape, has become visible due to spatial and functional manifestations of post-socialist cities (czepczyński, m. and sooväli-sepping, h. 2016). diener, a.c. and hagen, j. (2013) argue that varied and often competing economic, cultural, and political forces are narrating the new national identity through urban space. this is especially true for historical urban space (azaryahu, m. and foote, k.e. 2008). political elites are engaged in a symbolic dialogue with each other and with the public through both physical transformations and “commemorative maintenance” of monuments having high symbolic value (forest, b. 2002; burch, s. and smith, d.j. 2007; adams, j.s. 2008). according to ter-ghazaryan, d.k. (2013), the transformation of prominent places represents the vision of elites but simultaneously often receives a critical voice from the local residents. moreover, the attempts to reconstruct important monuments of the past often can generate a contestation of the same past they are intended to cement (aleksandravičius, e. 2006; haskins, e.v. 2009). simultaneously, the socioeconomic changes reflected in housing stock, structure of land use, etc. also contribute to changing urban identity (bater, j.h. et al. 1998). however, we should take in mind that the landscape of post-socialist city often represents a mix of socialist urban fabric and capitalist forms fitted into it (dingsdale, a. 1999), which exacerbates conflicts between related senses of place. numerous studies (kavaratzis, m. and ashworth, g.j. 2005; insch, a. and florek, m. 2010; mohapatra, b. and razak, a. 2013; kavaratzis, m. and hatch, m.j. 2013; riusulldemolins, j. and jiménez, l.p. 2016; agboola, o.p. 2017) point out that strong identity makes urban community more consolidated and resilient to internal and external challenges and helps to create an attractive 39melnychuk, a. and gnatiuk, o. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 37–50. image of the city for tourists and investors. the stronger is local identity, the more actively residents participate in forming their surroundings, in maintaining the built cultural heritage and in negotiating the development of their city (pap, á. 2014). this is specifically true for post-socialist cities in their search for own unique character in order to increase the competitiveness (young, c. and kaczmarek, s. 2008; oktay, d. and bala, h.a. 2015). to extend our knowledge about the relationship between urban space and post-socialist identity formation, especially given the lack of relevant studies in post-soviet space, we decided to have a closer look on the ukrainian city having two essential characteristics. first, it should be typical and representative case in terms of historical heritage, industrial development, tourism potential, level of symbolical penetration of socialism into the urban landscape, etc. second, it should have sufficiently intense pace of both post-socialist identity building and transformation of urban space. having such a research subject, we focused on the following aspects: 1. applicability of previously known post socialist strategies and patterns of urban identity building in transition to the typical post-soviet city. 2. conflict between the new history-driven and globalization-driven elements of identity. 3. relationships between local, national and supra-national identities in post-soviet urban identity building. being convinced in the feasibility of a holistic approach to the study of urban identity (oktay, d. and bala, h.a. 2015), we performed pre-analysis of the urban environment of chosen case city followed by sociologic survey of the inhabitants. city of vinnytsia as a case in this study we focused on the city of vinnytsia, located in the south-western ukraine on the banks of the southern bug river, administrative capital of the homonymic region, the largest city (373,000) within the historical region of podolia, pretending to be its informal capital. since the first mention in written sources (1363), it belonged to the grand duchy of lithuania (until 1565), polish-lithuanian commonwealth (1565–1792), russian empire (1792–1917), ukrainian people’s republic (1917–1920), the soviet union (1920–1991), and independent ukraine (since 1991). such comprehensive history has determined heterogeneity of the urban landscape and historical memories that could be actualised in local identity. since the soviet union collapse, the city’s economy experiences transition from industrial to post-industrial one, characterized by decline in traditional industry (first of all precision machinery) and burst in tertiary sector (predominantly retail, but also it-sector and tourism). the current strategy 2020 for the city development contains numerous emphases on the regional leadership of vinnytsia in podolia and all central ukraine. since 2014, vinnytsia turned into an economic and political domain of key current ukrainian power holders. in particular, volodymyr groysman, ukrainian prime-minister since 2016, was a mayor of vinnytsia between 2006 and 2014; he managed to implement a series of successful municipal reforms, which brought vinnytsia to the top of ukrainian urban ratings. in particular, it was twice (in 2013 and 2015) recognized as the best city for life in ukraine. petro poroshenko, ukrainian president since 2014, several times was elected a parliamentarian precisely in the local electoral constituency and has business interests in the city, including two roshen confectionary factories. the roshen light-musical fountain, which started to give performances in 2011 and became the most famous local tourist attraction, was constructed at the expense of the poroshenko’s charity foundation. nowadays vinnytsia, being one of the most economically affluent ukrainian cities, experiences rapid changes of urban landscape, including renovation of historical architectural heritage, new housing construction; substitution of traditional markets and melnychuk, a. and gnatiuk, o. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 37–50.40 pop-up retail with modern shopping malls, boom of street-art, as well as modern forms of urban greening and landscape design. however, aggressive commercialization often threatens the historical legacy of the city, causing numerous urban planning conflicts. vinnytsia is a city where different actors are making clearly expressed attempts to promote local urban identity. in the soviet epoch, the city was associated primarily with two tourist attractions: the werwolf, hitler’s headquarters, and the museum-estate of the prominent surgeon nikolai pirogov. the city was also known as “small kyiv” (for similar hilly terrain along the riverside) and “capital of sugar donbas” (surrounding region was the main producer of sugar beet in the ussr). since the 2000s, numerous attempts have been made to restore memory of those historical epochs that were consciously silenced in soviet times. this is, first of all, so-called “silver age of optimism”, a period of rapid development of the city of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, when the ordinary district town quickly turned into a powerful regional centre. in particular, the last decade was marked by a mass campaign, started by local history experts and taken up by the city administration, popularizing the legacy of hryhoriy artynov, a chief city architect in 1900–1919, who had factually designed the architectural face of the modern city centre. another actualized historical period was the ukrainian struggle for the independence (1917–1922) when vinnytsia twice (in february and march of 1919 and in may and june of 1920) was the temporary capital of the ukrainian people’s republic. also, the city is increasingly mentioned as an important military-administrative centre of the cossack times. the memory and ideas of these historical epochs are widely used while celebrating the main annual city holidays – the city day and the europe day. this appeal to the history is reflected in the urban landscape by means of renaming the streets, establishment of monuments, opening thematic museums, etc. methodology the survey of inhabitants was conducted in april-may 2016 and embraced 168 respondents. only local residents permanently living in the city at least for the last 5 years were eligible. the sample was representative in terms of sex and age structure. a questionnaire contained a set of questions targeted at respondents’ opinion on the urban space transformation, as well as their ideas and representations about the city. the design of the questionnaire was based on the elaborations of gospodini, a. 2004, baris, m.e. et al. 2009, saban ökesli, d. and gürçinar, y. 2012, van der lugt, r. 2013, oktay, d. and bala, h.a. 2015, as well as on the previous experience of the authors in studying urban identity. also, we reckoned with some previous results (melnychuk, a. et al. 2013) describing key challenges of the selected city transformation. we used the following set of questions: 1. what are the symbols of your city? [open-ended; up to 3 options]. 2. how does the urban space have changed? [open-ended]. 3. how did the latest architectural and planning innovations change the face of the city? [4 answer options – see figure 1]. 4. what does the city need? [5 answer options – see figure 3] 5. how appropriate do you consider the following transformations of urban landscape? [14 answer options – see figure 4; the respondents had to rate each case using the following scale: +2 (very appropriate), +1 (quite appropriate), 0 (indifferent, has the right to exist), –1 (bad), –2 (unacceptable)]. 6. what does the city means for you? [10 answer options – see figure 5; the respondents had to set up priorities from the most (10 points) to the least (1 point) important]. 7. what is your attitude to the statement that vinnytsia is a provincial city? [5 answer options: a. negative: vinnytsia is really not quite a big city, but provincialism is measured rather by the way of thinking and living then the number of population; b. positive: vinnytsia 41melnychuk, a. and gnatiuk, o. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 37–50. is a relatively quiet, cosy, compact city with good environmental conditions; c. vinnytsia is quite a small but upcoming city, which, however, evolve to get rid of provincialism; d. negative: vinnytsia is a great progressive european city that cannot be called provincial; e. positive: vinnytsia is a grey and dirty city with a lack of opportunities but excessively high ambitions of local administration]. 8. who should be memorialized in the city (in the form of monuments, street names, etc.)? [5 answer options: a. prominent locals; b. prominent people related to vinnytsia; c. prominent ukrainians; d. fighters for freedom and independence of ukraine; e. outstanding figures of the world history and culture]. 9. how the following actors (neighbours, relatives and friends, local history experts, local authorities, ngos) have influenced your attitude to the city in recent times? [3 answer options for each of the actors: a. positively; b. neutrally; c. negatively]. 10. after the installation of roshen light-musical fountain, vinnytsia is: [2 answer options: a. city with a fountain; b. city near a fountain). ranges, medians and quartiles for questions with ranking and score evaluations were calculated using statistica 9.0 analytics software package. the answers to the openended question # 2 were processed to identify the main semantic ideas, which were visually represented using tag cloud technique. survey results and discussion respondents indicated 20 landmarks as urban symbols. the shortlist of 5 landmarks, mentioned by more than 10 per cent of respondents, includes 4 traditional symbols of the city belonging to different epochs (tower of vinnytsia – 73.5%; pirogov museum – 44.6%; park entrance arch – 38.6%; complex of monasteries and fortifications, known as “the murals of vinnytsia” – 14.5%) and only 1 modern symbol, roshen fountain (63.9%), which has rapidly burst into a cohort of leaders. we have not found any statistically significant effect of modern reconstruction and renovation: this indicates that a clear hierarchy of urban symbols has been shaped in the city, which is difficult to change, and only media-promoted megaprojects could interfere with it. respondents believe that urban space has become more modern and comfortable; the most of new facilities have harmoniously supplemented the historical environment. however, approximately every fourth respondent pointed at destruction of the city’s historical face spoiling local urban spirit; there is no public consensus regarding the profoundness of urban space changes (figure 1). respondents believe that the city experiences intensive changes consisting in construction, renewal and renovation. the general direction of these changes is considered to be positive and is defined through the terms of improvement, progress, development, and beautification. citizens believe urban space to become better, which means primarily – more modern, more attractive, more comfortable, and more european. the most often mentioned objects of changes were: urban infrastructure (in the context of modernization), historic buildings and monuments (in the context of renovation), and public spaces (in the context of beautification and improvement) (figure 2). the respondents have quite a consensus opinion about the overload of urban space with such post-socialist innovations as shopping malls. although the majority of respondents give the greatest importance to the creation of new industrial facilities, it is necessary to emphasise a very large range of estimates. rehabilitation and restoration of historic buildings and architectural monuments was recognized to be the second most important priority. not much less importance is attached to improvement of public spaces and landscaping: these options had strong public support despite the fact that over the last decade the city’s authorities have already done a great job in these areas (figure 3). the greatest public support was observed for the restoration of historical areas, monuments and public spaces without drastic changes to their visual appearance and funcmelnychuk, a. and gnatiuk, o. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 37–50.42 fig. 2. wordclouds reflecting frequency of ideas mentioned by the respondents fig. 1. how has the urban space changed? tionality, when the old senses and connotations of place are strengthened or combined with new ones without obvious contradiction in between (figure 4). on the other hand, changes leading to the destruction of the old senses and causing aesthetic and/or functional conflict with already shaped urban landscape received the most unfavourable evaluations. the first example of such a situation is construction of the cloud shopping 43melnychuk, a. and gnatiuk, o. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 37–50. mall in direct proximity to the holy virgin cathedral, an architectural monument, dated back to 1745: two buildings are completely incompatible in terms of function and design. the second example is protracted reconstruction of the gagarin square that led to the total destruction of its previous appearance and made it similar to many other squares with underground shopping malls in different cities throughout the country. however, we should admit that respondents have general critical attitude to the construction of new shopping malls regardless of their harmonisation with the surrounding environment. particularly comprehensive situation is observed when both old and new senses of place are historically legitimate and not imposed by administration or private business, but should compete with each other within the same place. basically, this leads to a split of public opinion, as happened in the case of the shevchenko monument at teatralna square. since the beginning of the 20th century, this place was informally known as “the paris of vinnytsia” and nowadays is used as a place for jazz and rock festivals. therefore, many citizens consider it incompatible with the figure of the ukrainian canonical poet and artist. on the other hand, the square was a place where locals gathered during the euromaidan, so the other part of respondents has strong assertion that shevchenko as a national prophet and visionary of public unrest has every right to be memorialized there. changes, associated with the development of urban industrial base and infrastructure (e.g. construction of a new tram line), have relatively good public ratings. however, a negative effect caused by the links with political figures can be traced. in particular, construction of the second roshen factory, linked to poroshenko, received relatively poor assessments although it is a big employer, providing citizens with additional workplaces. the public opinions on the city’s provinciality were divided almost into halves: while 55 per cent of respondents believe that vinnytsia is not a provincial city, the other 45 per cent fig. 3. what does vinnytsia need? melnychuk, a. and gnatiuk, o. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 37–50.44 fi g. 4 . a tt it ud es to th e co nc re te tr an sf or m at io ns o f t he u rb an la nd sc ap e 45melnychuk, a. and gnatiuk, o. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 37–50. hold the opposite. however, more than 70 per cent of respondents believe provincialism to be negative value disrespecting the city and its residents. for the relative majority of respondents, provincialism is determined rather by local culture then the size and status of the city. another large group of respondents believes provincialism to be advantage as it manifests itself through the calmness, quietness, compactness, and good environmental conditions. every fifth resident believe the provinciality to be objective reality for vinnytsia. however, nearly the same proportion of residents considers vinnytsia to be a progressive and european city. regarding the priority of meanings and connotations, associated with the city, the following regularities are observed (figure 5). first, senses reflecting local uniqueness (“city upon bug river”, “place where pirogov lived”, “kotsiubinsky motherland”) are more popular than those based on the similarity of vinnytsia to other cities (“the little kyiv”). second, it is important for the respondents to understand their city as advanced, leading and better over the others (“the best city in ukraine”, “the capital of podolia”); on the contrary, connotations, referring to the relative inferiority of the city, including provinciality, have low priority (“the little kyiv”, “the golden province”). third, direct or indirect relationship with modern political or commercial figures has negative connotations: ideas of “poroshenko’s motherland” and “ukrainian chocolate capital” are clear outsiders. public opinions about preferences in commemoration are very symptomatic: more than 86 per cent of respondents think that commemorated people should have some relation to the city (including 31% of respondents take the view that these should be locals born in vinnytsia). this obviously indicates a shift toward local identity and the desire to make the city’s landscape unique and different from the urban landscapes of other cities, dropping with the soviet practice, when every city had a similar set of street names and memorials commemorating people having nothing common with a local context. however, this shift does not mean neglectfig. 5. ranking of meanings and senses, associated with the city melnychuk, a. and gnatiuk, o. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 37–50.46 ing of national identity, as 36 per cent of respondents expressed in favour of fighters for ukrainian freedom and independence. activities of the local history experts and the local authorities have the most positive influence on the public attitudes to the city. interestingly, ngos have the worst balance of positive and negative influence. this suggests that, firstly, civil society in vinnytsia remains in the shadow of the local administration, which leads the process and finally win the laurels of reformers, and secondly, public willingness to distance from politics relates rather to state power holders than the local city administration, whose activities are perceived in a positive light. finally, absolute majority of respondents consider vinnytsia as a city with a fountain, and only 2 per cent think that the city is only an addition to this modern sightseeing. similar to the previous studies in field (oktay, d. 1998; bornberg, r. 2008; oktay, d. and bala, h.a. 2015), the survey confirmed the importance of locally characteristic and identifiable natural landscape in shaping urban identity, as it represents one of the most stable major elements of identity and substantially contributes to the perceived quality of life. simultaneously, new aesthetic of public spaces in the central part of the city, especially main squares, play special role in shaping new urban identity (stober, d. and cavrić, b. 2014) and, as boros, l. et al. (2016) emphasizes, their transformation often is accompanied by acute urban conflicts due to confrontation of different interests, ideologies and urban policies. like in other cases (young, c. and kaczmarek, s. 2008; saban ökesli, d. and gürçinar, y. 2012), the rediscovery, restoration and representation of the architectural heritage, as well as the regeneration of the cultural space, has been a key feature of post-socialist identity in vinnytsia. we can deem that in vinnytsia, like in the other cities in central and eastern europe, the identity transformation occurs under conditions of neo-liberalization, modernisation and globalisation, with specially pronounced role of so called “europeanization”, like it was in leipzig (coles, t. 2003), krakow (hughes, h. et al. 2003), warsaw (crowley, d. 2003), lodz (young, c. and kaczmarek, s. 1999, 2008); iași (roșu, l. 2015). this “europeanization” consists in promotion of european art, culture and values, including multiculturalism, by means of changing architectural appearance of the city and such public events as mass celebrations. the elements of the “unwanted socialist past” (see young, c. and kaczmarek, s. 2008) are preserved but obscured or, at least, not specially emphasised. there is also typical common reference to the idealized “golden age” of the city development, as in warsaw (czarniawska, b. 2002), lodz (young, c. and kaczmarek, s. 1999, 2008), leipzig (coles, t. 2003), mostar (grodach, c. 2002), novgorod (petro, n.n. 2005), banská bystrica (bitusikova, a. 1998), tallinn (hackmann, j. 2005), odessa (gubar, o. and herlihy, p. 2005), etc. like in many other post-socialist cities, in our case study the modern identity at large pushes traditional industry to the back and relies on postindustrial image stressing the development of the service sector (including leisure, tourism, and art) and high-tech industries (madsen, h. 1992; wilkinson, s. 1992; short, j.r. et al. 1993; paddison, r. 1993; noworol, a. 1997; waskiewicz, j. and bogacz, t. 1997; young, c. and lever, j. 1997; grifiths, r. 1998). nowadays, industry as such is no longer considered as evidence of the city’s economic power and is not a reason for pride: now it has a subordinated position in the hierarchy of values and should not interfere with the realization of the main value – a high quality of life. however, the survey reflects certain reassessment of the industry and its importance for both urban identity and economy, which stands in line with suggestions that some identity elements may resists forgetting, although are officially disregarded (adler, n. 2005; young, c. and kaczmarek, s. 2008). our study supports the conclusions of saban ökesli, d. and gürçinar, y. (2012) that high consciousness about the history and identity of the city really contributes to the high quality of the urban environment. since 47melnychuk, a. and gnatiuk, o. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 37–50. modern identity building in vinnytsia is drastically based on the senses associated with the historical urban architecture, residents of vinnytsia reckon the aggressive commercialization as the main threat to the integrity of the historical urban landscape and, accordingly, urban identity. this is probably an additional reason why new facilities for leisure and entertainment, like shopping malls, at the moment have not received important symbolical value, although they have substantially changed the visual appearance of the city and altered the way of public entertainment, which is similar to the findings from other national urban contexts (e.g. baris, m.e. et al. 2009). simultaneously, since the idea of development and progress has become one of the fundamentals of the new urban identity, constant new construction is perceived as a necessary condition for the existence of the city. it gives the administration and business the opportunity to manipulate with public opinion in the implementation of their own projects, appealing to meet this request for constant development. however, as we see from the attitudes to the concept of provinciality, the pathos of modernization, intrinsic for some part of population, is balanced by the aspirations of another part to preserve the existing urban landscape. the overwhelming majority of inhabitants appreciate much the status of the city as a developed and perspective, but everyone understands this progress in its own way; however, the priority is the development of local urban culture and the preservation of the optimal size of the city to ensure a high quality of life. the specific role of vinnytsia as a domain of current ukrainian chief power holders, as well as successful reforms implemented in the city, have affected the local urban identity in a dual fashion. on the one hand, citizens of vinnytsia have developed a kind of superiority over the others, as they have had been continuously taught that their city is better, more progressive and more successful than others, and now it is important for them to keep the same feeling (krylov, m.p. 2010). also, the city pretends to be a regional leader, trying to enter a cohort of a top of influential ukrainian cities. simultaneously, this attitude to the city is not automatically transferred to the locally originated politicians; on the contrary, we see a steady desire to distance from them as well as from the associated changes in the urban landscape. conclusions modern urban identity in vinnytsia has significantly transformed during post-soviet period. nowadays it is gradually shaping of many patches, representing different periods of urban history and constituting together a comprehensive mosaic (including senses associated with the soviet era that recede into the background but do not completely disappear). this gives grounds for talking about the inclusive model of urban identity formation. at the same time, the list of main urban symbols and representations about the city remains relatively constant, indicating a stable core of identity, which is based around basic things such as the city’s location in the historic region, key local physiographic and cultural landmarks, brand personalities, etc. this core of identity is inertial and requires a great deal of effort (e.g. long popularization campaign via the media) to be changed. we confirmed our hypothesis that identityrelated discussions in vinnytsia are centred on the issues of leadership, europeanization and modernization. current situation, when the city is appreciated for “been better than the others”, creates certain risks in the future due to the reduced resilience of the urban community to possible serious challenges, as the state of constant prosperity and leadership cannot last forever. therefore, if a city finds itself in a difficult economic situation and loses informal state support, the public euphoria may quickly disappear, which may in turn cause negative social and economic processes. however, the issue of modernization, including aggressive commercialization within the historical areas, is the most crucial and splitting public opinion right now. on melnychuk, a. and gnatiuk, o. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 37–50.48 the one hand, modernization of urban space receives public approvals, since it is consistent with the idea of progress; on the other, it destroys the uniqueness of urban space as a basis for traditional urban identity. the survey confirmed that industry is not any more considered as an essential element of urban identity, although is still treated as an important component of the local economy. inhabitants feel a strong need in comfortable urban environment rather than in political/ideological symbols, they seek for human-friendly, aesthetic, safe, both morphologically and functionally diversified urban space, providing high quality of life for the locals and attractiveness for the tourists. also, we observe pronounced shift to the local and regional values, although the connection with the national identity remains important. thus, local identity may be considered as one of the key factors determining the perception of the urban space transformation. this suggests that developed identity makes urban landscape more resilient to the possible aggressive changes. the success of identity transformation is largely defined by the possibility to painlessly combine new senses of place with the already existing. the public assessment of urban space transformation is also affected by coverage by local media, intensity and consistency of communication between urban administration, local cultural elites, public activists and the ordinary citizens, as well as by the moral and ethical assessment of the individuals involved in the particular transformation. acknowledgement: this research was carried out as a pre-study in the framework of international research project “tripar shifting paradigms – towards participatory urban planning”, financed by the volkswagen foundation. references adams, j.s. 2008. monumentality in urban design: the case of russia. eurasian geography and economics 49. 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(1–2): 141–156. ethnisches bewusstsein in der republik moldau im jahr 2004 / ethnic consciousness in the republic of moldova in 2004 79 l i t e r a t u r e hungarian geographical bulletin 61 (1) (2012) pp. 79–80. kahl, t., lozovanu, d., heuberger, v., jordan, p., ethnisches bewusstsein in der republik moldau im jahr 2004 / ethnic consciousness in the republic of moldova in 2004. institut für stadtund regionalforschung der österreichischen akademie der wissenschaft en, 2010, wien, 78 p. (series: atlas ostund südosteuropa / atlas of eastern and southeastern europe. 2.10 – md1) the volume titled ’ethnic consciousness in the republic of moldova in 2004’ corresponds with the traditional topics of the series ‘atlas of eastern and southeastern europe’. similarly to the previous volumes ‘ethnic structure of eastern europe and caucasia around 1990’, ’ethnic structure of southeastern europe around 1992’ and ’ethnic consciousness in central and southeast europe around 2000’, this publication also deals with the ethnic structure of a post-soviet region hardly known in the west. the volume consists of two parts: a map and the accompanying text (32 pages in german, 33 pages in english and a 10 pages long bibliography). the map depicts an extract of moldova and the surrounding territories. according to the title, the content of the map is based on 2004 data, but the title refers only to the date of the last census in the republic of moldova. the ukrainian and the romanian censuses were held earlier (in 2001 and 2002). the map focuses on the ethnic structure of the above mentioned territories using the ethnic data of the censuses. the publication has several new, scientifi c outcomes. maybe the most important one is the representation of the diverse ethnic structure of moldova (including transnistria and gagauzia) and southwest ukraine (e.g. the budzhak), which has been almost impossible due to the lack of accessible ethnic data so far. 80 knowing the diffi culties of gett ing detailed census data in these countries, it was a great challenge to collect all the needed data. the authors applied the diagram method (using circle diagrams) which provides precise information on the ethnic division of the basic units. the latt er ones are the basic administration units in each country. as for the colours, the map follows the tradition of the earlier ethnic maps of the atlas; the ethnic groups and nations are classifi ed on linguistic basis (e.g. the tones of the green colour belong to the russian and the ukrainian). the names are writt en in the offi cial language of the specifi c country, but in case of transnistria and gagauzia, the minority names are also represented. although the main information of the map refers to the ethnic consciousness, the administrative subdivision – borders are delineated as of 2004 – plays an important role as well. here the authors could not avoid the problems regarding the status of transnistria (also called ‘dniester republic’), namely, the map represents only the offi cial status. transnistria is part of the republic of moldova and its boundary is signed on the map, but in the legend this border is explained only as “administrative unit, upper regional level (ro: judeţ; ua: oblast’)” without any references to transnistria. the accompanying text consists of four parts. in the fi rst one peter jordan gives an overview on the methodologycal background of the ethnic maps. he analyzes the ethnic data of the censuses (e.g. their subjectivity, the method of their collection and the political infl uences on them), the possible cartographic methods applicable for ethnic maps and the connection between the person (the subjective) and the data represented on the map. the publication focuses not only on the ethnic structure of moldova, but it also presents general information on the country. the geographical outline of the republic of moldova writt en by thede kahl reports on location, nature, population and economy. this chapter gives useful supplementary information, but only the location and the population issues are in closer connection with the main topic. as the publication focuses primarily on the human peculiarities of moldova, it is surprising that ’nature’ (fauna and fl ora) are described in this volume as well. the third chapter deals with the history of moldova writt en by valeria heuberger. it gives a comprehensive historical overview (sometimes exaggerating the romanian point of view) from antiquity to the collapse of the soviet union. the fi nal part of the accompanying text writt en by peter jordan and dorin lozovanu presents the ethnic structure of moldova and the neighbouring territories of romania and ukraine. it off ers a short overview on the ethno-demographic history of the region by countries. the historic ethnic data presented at regional or national level are followed by a more detailed description of the present ethnic situation (by countries as well). unfortunately, it describes only the state visible on the map so one can fi nd only litt le analysis and a few att empts to reveal the connections. nevertheless, being only an accompanying text, detailed analysis is probably not an aim of this work. this part is illustrated with 19 tables so that the readers can understand all the numbers and proportions regarding the diff erent ethnic groups. the att empt to draw the ethnic map of moldova and the surrounding territories was a diffi cult task, but it was 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice wastl-walter, d. (ed.): the ashgate research companion to border studies 175 l i t e r a t u r e hungarian geographical bulletin 61 (2) (2012) pp. 175–179. wastl-walter, d. (ed.): the ashgate research companion to border studies. farnham– burlington, ashgate publishing ltd., 2011. 705 p. the ashgate research companion to border studies is a bible for border studies, an encyclopedia which is a real milestone in social and political geography! these are the fi rst thoughts coming to the reviewer’s mind when looking at the fantastic variety of the studies connecting to the main topic of the thick book. the wide range of authors (40 altogether) representing 21 countries of 6 continents guarantee a sophisticated and very detailed content of the volume. therefore, not surprisingly, this book has aroused great interest in the academic sphere and it can extend our knowledge on the complexity of problems connecting to border regions all over the world. that achievement is the result of a hard and well-coordinated editorial work of professor doris wastl-walter, university of bern, switz erland. the book consists of 8 major parts and contains 32 chapters. the first part of the book (theorizing borders: conceptual aspects of border studies) sets the theoretical framework of the topic providing an overview of the exciting and multidisciplinary fi eld of border studies. the reader can get various approaches on the discipline and the phenomenon of border. reading the fi rst part makes us realize that it is very diffi cult to give a real “border” defi nition. (is it a word, a belief or a simple mask?) the authors of that chapter also deal with the problems of the historical borders remained in the collective memory; the negative consequences of the political and social division represented by the former borders among peoples in the neighbouring countries and, last but not least, with the concept of the so-called ‘intersectionality’ which makes easier to understand the main diff erences between borderland areas as a methodological tool. 176 part two (geopolitics: state, nation and power relations) starts with a really interesting study in which the author (j. w. scott₎ demonstrates how the collapse of the iron curtain in 1989 and the enlargement of the european union in 2004 transformed the country borders in central europe. the further 4 chapters of that part of the book are case studies analyzing the situations along the most disputed borderlands of the world (e.g. the turkish–greek borderline in the heart of cyprus; the post soviet boundaries refl ecting new power relations between the newly independent baltic states and russia; the problems of the arctic and the antarctic border debates and fi nally the special situation along the borders between thailand and myanmar). initiating the synopsis of the third part (border enforcement in the 21st century), the editor draws the readers’ att ention to the fact that a lot of border sections of the developed countries have been reinforced since 9/11/2001 and the free permeability of the international borders are suspended from time to time. so the question of security and homeland protection does have actuality and it may contribute to the militarization of the borders, especially in case of the united states. that tendency encourages e.g. the regime of north korea and several further (autocratic regimes) in latin america to maintain and enforce the recent form of governing. the authors of that part of the book demonstrate the detailed results of the investigations made on militarized border sections in various forms. the chapters of part four (borders and territorial identities: the mechanisms of exclusion and inclusion) focuses on the minorities living in border regions. the questions of the territorial boundaries are explained through three special examples (the basque country inside spain, the province of trentino–alto adige in north italy and the slovakian-hungarian border region in south slovakia) in a remarkable study (j. d. markusse). in the author’s opinion, the internal territorial boundaries proved to be essential elements of minority rights and autonomy. in case of the hungarian–slovakian border region, the territorial incongruence between the common euroregions and the homeland of the hungarian minority in slovakia is a major obstacle in weakening political tensions. the content of the chapters in the fi fth part of the book (the role of borders in a seemingly borderless world) concentrates on the consequences of cross-border economic regimes among the diff erent social groups in border regions. case studies of that section describe the prosperous european, asian and us-mexican border regions playing increasing role in the global economy. the german–dutch border region, the greater pearl river delta in south china (especially the neighbourhood of hong kong including shenzhen) and singapore are mentioned and analyzed in details. part six with its short title (crossing borders) draws att ention to international and domestic migrations always involving crossing borders all over the world. readers can study three exciting chapters. the fi rst one is about the everyday practices of border crossing along the north korean state borders, the second one shows the characteristics of migration of asian women and the third one demonstrates the confused border realities in western sahara. last chapter is illustrated with two att ractive maps of the western sahara region which is divided into two parts. the larger territory is held by the moroccan government, the smaller one belongs to the polisario front and it is controlled by several nomad tribes by whom the whole region is considered to be borderless. (on the second map, it is diffi cult to recognize the main tribal travelling areas because of the missing legend.) three european studies are collected in the seventh part of the book (creating neighbourhoods). the fi rst chapter gives an overview on the diff erent forms of interactions and co-operations along the western and eastern borders of finland explaining their historical background. the most exciting segment of that chapter when the author (h. eskelinen) analyses the changes of the finnish-russian borderlands. the second study starts with 177 providing an outlook on general features of neighbourhood relationships in the carpathopannonian region. the authors (k. kocsis and m. m. váradi) emphasize the diff erences between the borderlands maintaining good relationships (austrian–hungarian) and the problematic ones (slovakian–hungarian, romanian–hungarian). the last mentioned relationships have been burdened with serious historical and ethnical confl icts for almost 100 years. it would be urgent to solve those long living problems to promote mutual relations in the fi elds of minority policy, cross border cultural and institutional connections and local spatial interactions. the third chapter focuses on the lower danube euroregion covering borderlands of three countries (romania, ukraine and moldova). its conclusion is that the institutionalization of the lower danube euroregion across the borders means an att empt to integrate the national borderlands into a supranational space. the fi nal part of the book is about environmental issues (nature and environment). the authors of that section try to explain why it is important to maintain natural areas along the borders and to extend transboundary nature conservation areas (south african examples). they also reveals why it is necessary to delimit the maritime boundaries on the continental shelves. the book starts with the lists of fi gures, maps and tables and contains the short scientifi c cv of the contributors. the chapters are followed by a detailed name and place index. (it’s a pity for us that the name of burgenland is missing from that list…) summing up the content of that encyclopedical work, i found the eight parts of the book highly informative and inspiring. i strongly recommend the book for all those academics and politicians of the governmental institutions who are interested in border studies and would like to know more about the complexity of that topic. tibor tiner mrak, i.: high mountain areas and their resilience to tourism development 260 mrak, i.: high mountain areas and their resilience to tourism development. geograff, ljubljana university press, 2011, ljubljana, 168 p. this is a monograph from the geograff series which present primary research achievements of the scientifi c work of staff at the department of geography, faculty of arts, university of ljubljana. in the geograff monographs, which are published at the university of ljubljana (slovenia), professional explanations of current spatial processes are revealed thoroughly and systematically by experts. the topic of this volume is substantial and upto-date directing att ention on the physical and human geographical conditions and tourism in high-mountain areas. the book outlines the characteristics and impacts of adventure tourism and recreation in mountain, especially high-mountain regions. the author is an assistant professor at the department of geography, faculty of arts, university of ljubljana, slovenia. in irena mrak’s research projects geographical fi eld works are favourably combined with pastime activities (mountaineering). by her own admission, her greatest passions are mountains and geography, accordingly promoting sustainable mountaineering practices is extremely signifi cant for her. she started to climb in 1995 and since then she has already reached several noteworthy summits of the alps, the andes and the karakoram and become a renowned mountaineer. her research projects mainly focus on human impacts on the vulnerable high-mountain areas and the resilience of mountain regions to the phenomenon of mountaineering. although, the role of mountains in the human societies has changed more than once in history, these geographical features have always been of great signifi cance. nowadays, about 12% of the world’s population live in these regions. mountains are the second most popular tourism destinations (following coasts and islands) generating 15–20% of annual global tourism. more and more visitors are att racted to mountain areas, the number of travels is increasing rapidly therefore, extensive researches on human impacts in these vulnerable environments are much required. the monograph is well-proportioned and consists of five main chapters. special international literature is adequately treated in the writing and the author is unambiguously aware of the last scientifi c achievements. in the preface she gives a short but thoughtful geographical defi nition of mountain and high-mountain areas on the basis of references. in the fi rst main chapter, an especially important statement is accentuated namely mountain tourism is mass tourism. what is more, mass ski and mountaineering tourism have reached 261 up to high-mountain areas. in spite of the fact that in the last decades travels to mountains has became more common in all seasons, seasonality is still a characteristic of these regions outside europe. in the chapter it is laid down that in several vulnerable mountainous areas tourism is the most important – oft en the only – source of income for inhabitants accordingly, priority must be given to those forms of tourism (sustainable ecotourism) which have the least damaging impacts on the natural environment and the local communities. then high mountain areas of the alps, africa, the americas and the himalayas are briefl y characterised together with the development of mountaineering and trekking. forms of tourism and recreation in high mountain areas are described in the second chapter. although there have been several approaches of this topic, the author tried to give a thorough overview of defi nitions, forms and characteristics in connection with ‘mountain tourism and recreation’, ‘mountain adventure tourism and recreation’ and ‘mountaineering’ on the score of special international literature. these categories are frequently intertwined since the boundaries between them have become blurred in the last few years. notwithstanding that, motives of visitors who travel to mountains is diverse, the author focuses on active pastime and adventure since mainly these appear in high mountain areas. one of her important and steady statements is that a mountain tourist is not defi nitely a “true mountaineer”, but may become that. another essential fi nding is that tourism trends originating from lifestyle changes have also a remarkable eff ect on high mountain areas adapting to the needs of modern tourists. finally, questions of ethics connected to environment, adventure tourism and recreation and mountaineering is laid down in this chapter. in the third chapter the environmental, social, cultural and economic impacts of tourism and recreation are shortly summarized with special respect on the high mountain areas. positive and negative impacts are supported by the own experiences and photos of the author. the fourth chapter is an exceedingly important part of the monograph introducing a noteworthy model for the sustainable development of tourism and recreation in high mountain areas. agreeing with the writer’s opinion, the primary goal of the sustainable development of tourism and recreation in high mountain areas should be to maintain the dynamic equilibrium between physical geographic conditions and human pressures. the author gives an adequately detailed description of each step of the model, namely: identifi cation of landscape ecological units (leu); functional valuation of environmental components and assessment of the carrying capacity of leus; analysis of anthropogenic infl uences and impacts on the high mountain landscape; assessment of vulnerability of the high mountain landscape; perception; planning and implementing the sustainable development of tourism and recreation in mountain areas. the appropriate management of protected territories has a very signifi cant role in this process. the last chapter brings forward a case study in which the above mentioned model was tested on a certain research spot. the author characterises high mountain areas and their resilience to tourism development on the example of baltoro glacier in the region of gilgit-baltistan (the karakoram). the reader can take pleasure in a number of the writer’s photos about the splendid landscape of the analysed mountain range. aft er a brief description of the geographical endowments of central karakoram the primary research achievements of studying the baltoro glacier area (one of the highest regions in the world) with the help of the above mentioned model are introduced. the most important results are based on a severe fi eld work consisting of numerous measures, observations and interviews with inhabitants who participate in tourism and data analysing with special respect on the impacts of tourism. although more and more experts and residents have been working on to release the negative impacts of tourism, a lot of problems have not been 262 solved yet. the ecological footprint of expeditions and trekking groups is still considerably large in the surroundings. since along with agriculture tourism represents a main source of income there, inhabitants wish to welcome as many tourists as possible. bett er tourism infrastructure, bett er educated employees and more marketing are all needed to achieve this goal. furthermore, it is a protected area (central karakoram national park) without a management that could guide the sustainable development of the area. the monograph is especially rich in illustrations among of which the numerous photos of the author are really fascinating. figures are of high value. with this publication she has established a complex and comprehensive ground for determining the main directions of sustainable tourism development in the baltoro glacier area. the author’s extensive knowledge and responsible thoughts about high mountain areas are unambiguously proven in the writing. katalin szalai 6_book reviews.indd 303book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 293–305.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.67.3.8 hungarian geographical bulletin 67 2018 (3) judson, p.: the habsburg empire: a new history. cambridge–london, the belknap press of harvard university press, 2016. 567 p. pieter judson’s history of the habsburg empire from the 18th century to the end of wwi offers a grand and potentially ground-breaking retelling of modern central and east central european history. starting with the administrative and institutional ‘experiments’ of maria theresa and her sons joseph ii and leopold ii in the 1700s, the study concludes with a critical discussion of the legacy of habsburg laws and imperial practices within the successor states created in 1919 and 1920. along the way, judson offers insightful and compelling reinterpretations of familiar periods and events like the metternich era, the revolutions of 1848–1849, the dualist settlement of 1867, and the other so-called ‘nationalist settlements’ after 1900. though clearly a work of history, judson’s study nevertheless has much to offer geographers, and in particular historical geographers whose research focuses not just on the geography of the region, but also on geographies of empire and the relationship between imperialism, identity formation, and knowledge production more generally. judson admits from the outset that the periodisation of his analysis is rather standard, and that the general outline of his narrative therefore follows a familiar pattern. what is new and novel about his presentation, however, lies in his efforts to examine how the empire itself was built and sustained not just from the top down, but also from the bottom up. focusing on the state-building initiatives of successive generations of habsburg leaders, judson shows that, far from being simply distant and sometimes despotic agents of imperial oppression, the royal architects of empire managed to engage their subjects in meaningful, productive, and even progressive ways. moreover, by opening up the various social, political, economic, cultural, and intellectual spaces necessary for the building of a modern state, imperial visionaries and technocrats created mechanisms – at times unintentionally – that allowed the people to engage directly and also critically with the structures, narratives, and practices of empire. the result of judson’s impressive scholarly undertaking is an original and provocative retelling of the history of the habsburg empire in central and east central europe. approaching the history of the habsburg empire “from the point of view of … shared institutions, practices, and cultures,” judson deliberately challenges “the nation-based narratives to which students of the habsburg empire are accustomed” (p. 4). by foregrounding what he identifies as “the common experiences of empire” (p. 14), he asks his readers to consider not only the centrality of imperial frames within the day-to-day workings of the habsburg state and its constituent parts (both local and regional), but also empire itself as a key organising principle in the lives of its citizens. though he does not deny that significant tensions existed within the empire, and that the state was willing to exercise its monopoly on violence and mobilise against its citizens on numerous occasions, judson nevertheless concludes that ‘empire’ itself never fully suppressed the initiatives of its various peoples, but rather served as both the locus of and vehicle for the development of modern ideas, institutions, practices, and identities, even in the most reactionary times. though some readers (myself included) might at first glance recoil from a revisionist narrative like judson’s that appears, on the surface at least, to treat imperialism in an arguably ‘positive’ light, it is important to note that judson is no apologist for empire, and is careful throughout the book to remind us that whatever progress was made under the guise of empire came at a cost. for example, reflecting on the bureaucratic and military ‘force’ that emperor francis joseph i required in order to impose his otherwise “forward thinking program of economic, social, and cultural renewal” after 1849, judson notes – quite 304 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 293–305. astutely – that “the price for this style of reform was the imposition of a police state” (pp. 218–219). observations like this are prominent throughout the book, and are a constant reminder that the creators of the habsburg empire often found themselves having to balance “dynamic transformation” with “authoritarian control” (p. 219). in stressing this trade-off between liberalism and authoritarianism within the habsburg modernistimperialist project, judson argues that the habsburg empire was not a unique case, but rather behaved like other modern and modernising states in europe. despite unique developments and cultural features, the habsburg state faced challenges similar to those of other european states, and found itself having to manage and sometimes respond forcefully to problems caused by the “increased social mobilization and increased social conflict” that came to define modernity and the modern era (p. 268). by drawing clear parallels with other state-building projects in europe, judson successfully challenges a set of stereotypes that have long persisted in studies on the habsburg empire and east central europe more generally, studies that all too often have taken claims about the region’s purported difference, backwardness, and inherent despotism as a point of departure. noting that these assumptions and associated narratives were solidified in the interwar period and further amplified during the cold war (especially by scholars focused on the nationalist histories of the successor states), judson advocates for a rethinking of the habsburg case, one that is free of the distortions that have coloured so much of the scholarship to date. from the point of view of geography, and especially historical geography, there is much to like in judson’s book. though geography itself is not an explicit category of analysis that judson employs, his study nevertheless covers some key themes and developments that would no doubt be familiar to historical geographers and students of geography more generally. for example, he does a particularly fine job throughout the text of describing the transformation of towns and urban landscapes since the 18th century, especially with the explosion of industrialisation and industrial centres in the wake of the napoleonic wars. he also charts the growth of transportation and communication networks that were developed by the imperial state during the 19th century, noting as he does so the specific ways in which these networks facilitated economic growth and connectivity throughout the empire, thus giving it a discernable and increasingly cohesive structure. as judson makes clear, the transformation of the habsburg empire’s material base was part of a much broader modernist project that manifested in various ways throughout europe, but which shared a common impulse to map the territorial expanse of the state and its various landscapes, to count populations, to number houses and catalogue their inhabitants, to learn more about the people’s living conditions, and to work to improve the lives of imperial subjects, if only to render them more useful to the state building projects that have characterised modern history since the enlightenment. this impulse arguably reached a pinnacle in late-nineteenth and early-twentieth-century projects such as the kronprinzenwerk (crown prince project, officially titled die österreichisch-ungarische monarchie in wort und bild, or the austro-hungarian monarchy in words and pictures). initiated under the patronage of crown prince rudolf, the kronprinzenwerk mobilised over 432 experts who, between 1885 and 1907, produced essays for a twenty-four-volume encyclopedia “on the flora, fauna, geological character, and ethnography of each crownland” (p. 328). drawing on deborah coen’s work on the development of the sciences within the context of empire (coen, d. 2010), judson suggests that the collective project of scholars working in multiple scientific and geographic fields reflected “imperial ways of thinking about space, climate, and weather patterns” (p. 328). the relationship between science, geography, and empire building became especially pronounced by the end of the 19th century, as the austro-hungarian monarchy pursued its colonial goals more and more aggressively on its eastern and especially southern borders. as judson argues, by the turn of the century, austria-hungary’s ‘liberal empire’ came to embody a civilisational mission in the east and the south. liberal empire builders, he claims, wrapped themselves “in the mantle of civilization,” and in so doing created and reinforced a popular orientalist or quasi-orientalist trope that “nationalists, religious activists, elite liberals, and the dynasty could all claim as their own” (p. 327). quoting an 1895 interview with benjamin von kállay, austria-hungary’s minister of finance and administrator of bosnia-herzegovina, “austria is a great occidental empire, charged with the mission of carrying civilization to oriental peoples” (p. 329). according to judson, the concerted efforts of the habsburg imperial state to connect and map its diverse territories and populations, and then to project these spatially-grounded notions of the civilised habsburg state against the empire’s eastern and southern ‘other’, brought habsburg citizens into new relationships with each other, as well as with the always-modernising imperial state. judson suggests that the different forms of knowledge and modern spaces created by empire builders opened up both actual and conceptual conduits of power that were by no means one-way streets. though developed as instruments of modernisation and colonisation, the tools, spaces, and discursive regimes developed by the architects of empire provided very real opportunities for individuals and communities to enter into dialogue and negotiation with the state. in 305book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 293–305. advocating for themselves, and by utilising the tools (maps and census data, for example), institutional structures, and educational practices introduced by imperial bureaucrats, people not only came to ‘know themselves’ according to the terms and categories created and imposed by the state, but also began to imagine themselves as part of a community, or more accurately a network of communities, that at its highest level was synonymous with the empire itself. perhaps the true value of judson’s book, then, is that it reminds us that empire was not a distant backdrop against which nation-building geographers, cartographers, and scientists did their work, but rather was an important framework, not just practically and politically, but also conceptually, and even ideologically. admittedly, geography, cartography, and related scientific disciplines are by no means the focus of his book. if anything, the impact of imperial structures on the development of science and geography within the habsburg empire is mentioned only briefly, or merely hinted at throughout his study. however, as he makes clear in the introduction, scholars would do well to consider his arguments when looking at the development and practices of numerous fields, “from meteorology to seismology to anthropology” (p. 8), not to mention scholarly disciplines which focused on the empire’s diverse geology and landscapes, as well as its flora and fauna, and human populations. as he notes, “the fundamental idea of a regularized and integrated imperial space shaped research questions and methodological approaches,” especially during the 19th century, when a wide range of disciplines and specialisations emerged to deal with the practical and conceptual problems of modern state building (p. 8). the scientific labour of a vast cadre of bureaucrats, scholars, and civic-minded bourgeois professionals did not merely come to “reflect” the empire as it expanded and was consolidated since the eighteenth century, but also “actively forged an explicit vision of a particularly habsburg empire, one that united different cultures as it promoted [both directly and indirectly] their autonomous development” (p. 8). despite the obvious achievements of judson’s ambitious study, there is undoubtedly not enough attention paid either to geography or to hungary itself to satisfy hungarian geographers and historians, though in all fairness the same could be said of the rest of the former empire’s constituent parts, including the regions that make up modern day austria. however, as important as it is to an understanding of modern central and east central europe, to complain of a lack of focus on national and even regional history and geography would be to miss the broader point of his work, namely the empire itself as a lens of analysis and understanding. ultimately, judson’s book does not dismiss the importance of nationalism and nation-building as central categories of understanding and inquiry in central and east central european history. what he opens up, therefore, is the possibility for more complicated approaches to, and nuanced questions about, this region’s road to modernity. as he convincingly argues, by the beginning of the 20th century, for a wide array of reasons, “many ideologists of empire harboured nationalist beliefs, and nationalists regularly sought political solutions within the legal framework of empire” (p. 10). historical geographers who have looked seriously at the careers and worldviews of key nationalist geographers trained in the habsburg empire at the end of the nineteenth century would likely agree with judson’s claim. as he stresses and attempts to illustrate throughout the book, “concepts of nationhood and ideas of empire depended on each other for their coherence. as intimately intertwined subjects, they developed in dialogue with each other, rather than as binary opposites” (pp. 9–10). in the end, judson’s compelling study reminds researchers to think outside of the nationalist ‘boxes’ that we all too often work in. to move forward as historical geographers of central and east central europe, and as historians of the geography of this region, we would do well to follow his lead, and to continue to press for new critical approaches that will help us see ‘outside’ the narrow and often parochial parameters of the nation. judson’s suggested frame may not be palatable to every researcher, and there is certainly much to be debated with regards to his approach and conclusions, but a work like this deserves careful consideration, and in my mind is certainly a step in the right direction. i have no doubt that judson’s book will prove to be an important work that scholars in many fields will consult and discuss for years to come. steven jobbitt1 r e f e r e n c e coen, d. 2010. climate and circulation in imperial austria. journal of modern history 82. (4): 839–875. 1 department of history, lakehead university, thunder bay, canada. e-mail: sjobbitt@lakeheadu.ca. the research has been supported by the national research, development and innovation office–nkfih, contract number k 125001. 231schmeller, g. et. al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 231–247.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.71.3.2 hungarian geographical bulletin 71 2022 (3) 231–247. introduction climate change is not only associated with higher temperatures but also involves the changes of the temporal and spatial pattern of precipitation and particularly the dynamics of severe weather phenomena, including extreme precipitation events (epe) (lovino, m. et al. 2014; grazzini, f. et al. 2019; jakab, g. et al. 2019; balatonyi, l. et al. 2022). epes, defined as daily precipitation totals higher than 20 mm by the hungarian meteorological services (omsz), are commonly associated with low pressure systems of either atlantic or mediterranean origin (maheras, p. et al. 2018). orographic and topographic barriers, as well as large inland water bodies often influence precipitation regimes and patterns (roe, g.h. et al. 2003; roe, g.h. 2005; pavelsky, t.m. et al. 2012; veals, p.g. et al. 2018; napoli, a. et al. 2019; schnek, t. et al. 2021). the dynamics as well as the microphysical and thermodynamical properties of convective clouds, combined with the trends in extreme precipitation events (sw hungary) based on a high-density monitoring network gabriella s c h m e l l e r 1, gábor n a g y 2, noémi s a r k a d i 1, anikó c s ép l ő1, ervin p i r k h o f f e r 1, istván g e r e s d i 1, richárd b a l o g h 1, levente r o n c z y k 1 and szabolcs c z i g án y 1 abstract climate change is commonly associated with extreme weather phenomena. extreme weather patterns may bring prolonged drought periods, more intense runoff and increased severity of floods. rainfall distribution is extremely erratic both in space and time, particularly in areas of rugged topography and heterogeneous land use. therefore, locating major rainfall events and predicting their hydrological consequences is challenging. hence, our study aimed at exploring the spatial and temporal patterns of daily rainfall totals of r ≥ 20 mm, r ≥ 30 mm and r ≥ 40 mm (extreme precipitation events, epe) in pécs (sw hungary) by a hydrometeorological network (phn) of 10 weather stations and the gridded database of the hungarian meteorological service (omsz). our results revealed that (a) omsz datasets indicated increasing frequencies of epes for the period of 1971–2020 in pécs, (b) the omsz dataset generally underestimated epe frequencies, particularly for r ≥ 40 mm epes, for the period of 2013 to 2020, and (c) phn indicated a slight orographic effect, demonstrating spatial differences of epes between the two datasets both annually and seasonally for 2013–2020. our results pointed out the adequacy of interpolated datasets for mesoscale detection of epe distribution. however, topographically representative monitoring networks provide more detailed microscale data for the hydrological management of urban areas. data from dense rain-gauge networks may complement interpolated datasets, facilitating complex environmental management actions and precautionary measures, particularly during weather-related calamities. keywords: rainfall pattern, extreme precipitation events, monitoring, rainfall frequency, pécs received march 2022, accepted september 2022. 1 institute of geography and earth sciences, faculty of sciences, university of pécs. ifjúság u. 6. h-7622 pécs, hungary. corresponding author’s e-mail: sarkadin@gamma.ttk.pte.hu 2 south transdanubian water management directorate. köztársaság tér 7. h-7623 pécs, hungary. e-mail: gabor.nagy.84@gmail.com mailto:sarkadin@gamma.ttk.pte.hu mailto:gabor.nagy.84@gmail.com schmeller, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 231–247.232 physical attributes of the surface (e.g., elevation, land use and aspect) distinctly influence the spatial distribution of rainfall totals and intensity (kunz, m. and kottmeier, c. 2006; malby, a.r. et al. 2007; houze, r.a. 2012; scaff, l. et al. 2017; geresdi, i. et al. 2017, 2020; kirshbaum, d. et al. 2018). knowledge on the spatial pattern of precipitation is critical in terms of many practical applications (minder, j.r. et al. 2008; houze, r.a. 2014). a strong correlation between erosion rate, morphological evolution and the spatial distribution of precipitation was revealed in the olympic mountains (state of washington, us). the geographical pattern of precipitation is particularly important when the hydrological consequences of extreme rainfall events are considered, e.g., in the case of intense runoff and flash floods (pirkhoffer, e. et al. 2009; czigány, sz. et al. 2010a; hanel, m. et al. 2012; karlsson, i.b. et al. 2016; kis, a. et al. 2020), soil erosion (pásztor, l. et al. 2016) and mass movements (kovács, i.p. et al. 2015, 2019a, b; józsa, e. et al. 2019). varied topography, combined with the dense stream networks and the large areas of silty loam, relatively low-coherence soils of south transdanubia of hungary, necessitates knowledge on rainfall patterns in this region with high erosion rates (waltner, i. et al. 2020). due to its topography, hungary is only moderately affected by surplus orographic precipitation. only the northern mountains, the bakony, the sopron and the kőszeg mountains as well as the mecsek hills in the south are affected by thunderstorms and epes of partly orographic origin (kovács, a. and kovács, p. 2007; kovács, e. et al. 2018; lakatos, m. et al. 2020). southern transdanubia is especially prone to extreme precipitation and its vulnerability is large because of multiple aspects (kovács, i.p. et al. 2015). where rugged topography is associated with a high percentage of impervious surfaces, like in the urban area of pécs and on the southern slopes of the mecsek hills, appropriate water management is crucial (ronczyk, l. et al. 2012). the intensity and frequency of observed epes have markedly changed over the past decades not only globally but also in the carpathian basin. observed data revealed increasing frequency of epes for the period of 1946 to 2001 while annual precipitation totals decreased over this time (bartholy, j. and pongrácz, r. 2007) and also since 1901 (kocsis, t. and anda, a. 2017). similarly, berényi, a. et al. (2021) found that during the period of 1951–2019 the frequency and the intensity of the extreme precipitation events has been increased, such as the extreme weather events. in accordance with the latter trend, but based on climate model simulations, drying of the climate of hungary, particularly for summer, was simulated for the 21st century with large uncertainties in rainfall pattern and seasonal distribution (pieczka, i. et al. 2011; kovács, a. and jakab, a. 2021). bartholy, j. and pongrácz, r. (2007) demonstrated the change of the seasonal pattern of precipitation. according to bötkös, t. (2006), who also used omsz dataset for pécs, from 1951 to 2005, no marked changes were observed in the frequency of epes in pécs-pogány but he found slightly increasing annual totals with a decreasing annual number of rainy days with < 10 mm daily totals. the return periods of epes demonstrated a decreasing trend in pécspogány, sw hungary by lakatos, m. and hoffmann, l. (2019). climate simulations projected diminishing return periods of epes by a factor of 1.2 to 2.0 by the end of the 21st century for hungary (pongrácz, r. et al. 2014; breuer, h. et al. 2017). cheval, s. et al. (2017) predicted steady aridification for se europe and specifically for the carpathian (pannonian) basin over the period of 1961 to 2050. for the better understanding of urban hydrodynamics, and the management of surplus water, or in contrast, the shortage of soil moisture, smart city concepts and dense hydrometeorological monitoring networks may prove adequate solutions. spatially dense rain-gauge networks do not only provide high-resolution data on the elements of the hydrological cycle but may also be useful for the verification of numeric models (e.g., 233schmeller, g. et. al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 231–247. sarkadi, n. et al. 2016) and, thus, may increase the accuracy of weather forecasts and improve nowcasting. hence, our study aimed at providing additional pieces of information on the spatial and temporal patterns of epes in pécs. our findings fill in a significant research gap, as in absence of a dense ground rain-gauge network, no spatial precipitation data of high resolution had been available for pécs until 2012. our specific objectives were threefold: (i) mapping of epes for the period of 2013 to 2020 and (ii) to validate the omsz interpolated data with the ground measured rainfall data; (iii) to analyse the temporal variability of the frequencies of epes compared to corresponding omsz data for the period of 1971 to 2020. materials and methods study site the city of pécs covers an area of 167 km2 and is located on the southern slopes of the mecsek hills, the pécs basin and the northern margin of the baranya hills. the highest point within the administrative border of the city is the tubes hill (612 m), while the lowest point is in the pécs basin (megyeri út, 103 m). the mecsek hills is a low-mountain range that spans for about 45 km in an ene-wsw direction and has a width of about 10 km (lovász, gy. 1977) (figure 1). the study area lies in the south-eastern transdanubian hills macroregion (dövényi, z. 2010). the region is located in the temperate climatic zone, fully humid with hot summers and mediterranean and arid continental influences (lovász, gy. 1977; péczely, gy. 1981). the long-term average annual temperature is 11.5 °c (1991–2020 in pécs-pogány) with markedly higher values in the past few years (12.66 °c at the ifjúság street campus of university of pécs for the period of 2009 to 2021). the mean temperature of the coldest month (january) is -0.39 °c, while the warmest month is july with a mean temperature of 22.06 °c for 1991–2020 at pécs-pogány. the average annual precipitation total is around 680 mm in the region. the 30-year average value is 672 mm in pécs (1991 to 2020 data, source: hungarian meteorological services). based on the 1991 to 2020 meteorological data in average january was the driest month (31 mm), while the highest 30-year averaged precipitation was recorded in june (83 mm). according to ács, f. et al. (2015) the climate of the transdanubian hills region can be characterized with the combination of four climatic types: moderately cool/ cool and moderately dry/moderately moist in the period of 1901–1930. these climatic zones shifted toward the moderately cool/ moderately dry category over the period of 1971–2000 (ács, f. et al. 2015). however, breuer, h. et al. (2017) demonstrated that the change of the climatic classification of this region was mainly manifested in drying with minimal or no alterations in categorical changes related to temperature. the hydrometeorological monitoring network in the current paper precipitation data from the 10 stations of the pécs hydrometeorological network (hereafter: phn) were analysed. eight stations of the phn were manufactured by boreas ltd. (érd, hungary) using bes-06 automated rain gauges of 0.1 mm resolution3. the network of the boreas stations has been jointly operated by the tettye forrásház ltd. (water supplying and water management company of pécs) and the institute of geography and earth sciences of the university of pécs since 2012. the weather station at the ifjúság street campus of the university of pécs, operated by the national weather network of the hungarian meteorological services, is equipped with a lambrecht 15188 rain gauge (lambrecht gmbh, göttingen, germany) as well as with a manual hellmann rain gauge. the latter provided data for this study. the 10th station of the manual hellmann rain gauge used in the analysis is 3 www.boreas.hu schmeller, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 231–247.234 located in jegenyés, central pécs. it was used to double-check the manually and automatically measured rainfall data and its data were also used in the analyses. missing data were either replaced by phn daily mean precipitation (usually non-precipitating days) or, if found substantial, the station or period was omitted from the calculations (see appendix for incorrect or missing data periods). due to the rugged topography and higher frequency of flash floods (czigány, sz. et al. 2013) more rain gauges were installed in the northern side of the city. a secondary aspect of the installation was the maintenance of appropriate operation (safety and access to power supply network) of the instruments whereas, thirdly, stations were installed according to the distribution of the sewage-sheds of the tettye forrásház ltd. a fourth aspect of the boreas rain gauge distribution was to detect the impact of topography on rainfall distribution within the administrative borders of pécs. fig. 1. location of the study area and the phn stations (black and blue triangles). the crossed circles show the omsz grid data points. the transparent squares indicate the area which we assumed to be representative for the omsz grid data points. 235schmeller, g. et. al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 231–247. temporal changes in the frequency of extreme rainfall events gridded climatological rainfall data of 0.1° resolution was downloaded from the website of the omsz4. the precipitation data for each grid point were calculated by the omsz by homogenizing and interpolating measured data using the mash (multiple analysis of series for homogenization) and mish (meteorological interpolation based on surface homogenized data basis) method (szentimrey, t. and bihari, z. 2007). we assumed that the omsz grid point values are representative for the grid box depicted in figure 1. although, this can result some biases on spatial investigations due to for instance the underrepresented terrain conditions. phn data of the rain gauges located within the boundaries of the specific omsz grid were compared to the gridded rainfall data (table 1). seven grids cover the entire administrative area of the city of pécs. however, rain gauges of the phn are only found in three grid points, numbered 340, 341 and 362 in the omsz database (see figure 1, and table 1). due to their spatial influence, grid points 320, 361, 363 and 383, partially covering the city of pécs, were also considered in our calculations. temporal changes of the annual frequency of the omsz epes were also determined for all omsz grid points for the period of 1971–2020. linear trends were calculated for each of these grid points. 4 https://odp.met.hu phn’s epe frequencies of mm daily rainfalls were also compared with the corresponding omsz grid point data for the period of 2013–2020 dataset. we also analysed the type of precipitation activity that generated the epes of the phn. climatological data of precipitation type were obtained from the hungarian meteorological service. the following categories are defined in the omsz dataset: drizzle, rain, sleet (freezing rain), shower, snow, snow shower, hail, thunderstorm, snowstorm, thunderstorm with hail, thunder. spatial distribution of annual and seasonal omsz and phn data for extreme precipitation events due to the relatively low number of weather stations available (10) to determine the spatial distribution of phn precipitation events for the period of 2013 to 2020, thiessen polygons were generated in arcgis 10.4 software environment. the general pattern of the gridded omsz data (ch. 2.4) and the thiessen polygons of the phn data set were compared for the comparative spatial analysis of the two datasets. the same spatial interpolation with thiessen polygons was performed for the r ≥ 20 mm events for winter (december to january), spring (march to may), summer ( june to august) and fall (september to november) and for the r ≥ 40 mm frequencies for summer and fall. spring and winter had negligibly low frequencies hence their data are not shown. results temporal changes of the omsz data the annual number of omsz-registered epes only slightly increased over the period of 1971 to 2020 with a mean slope of 0.0237, i.e., 2.37 epe events per 100 years (table 2, figures 2, 3 and 4). the r ≥ 20 mm epes of grid 340 demonstrated the highest increase with a slope of 0.04274 (4.274 events per 100 years). table 1. distribution of phn rain gages according to the o m s z grids grid name name of phn rain gages within the given hms grid nw grid (gp 341) szentkút, tubes, zoo, university, makár, damjanich, jegenyés, megyeri út ne grid (gp 362) somogy, meszes, rezgő út sw grid (gp 340) kertváros (garden city) schmeller, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 231–247.236 table 2. slopes of the changes of the annual frequencies of epe for omsz grids 340, 341 and 362 for the period of 1971 to 2020 daily precipitation, mm 340 341 362 mean r ≥ 20 r ≥ 30 r ≥ 40 0.04274 0.02699 0.01176 0.02468 0.02555 0.00797 0.04010 0.02463 0.00922 0.03580 0.02570 0.00960 fig. 2. temporal changes in the annual number of the r ≥ 20 mm omsz’s epe observed daily precipitation totals for the period of 1971 to 2020 at all omsz grid points (gp). in general, the lowest increase was observed for the r ≥ 40 mm epes with a mean slope of 0.0096 (0.96 events per 100 years). in terms of grid point location, the values of grid points 340 (sw grid) and 362 (ne grid) indicated similar increase with slopes of 2.72 and 2.47 events per 100 years, respectively, while grid point 341 showed markedly lower slope (1.94 events per 100 years) for the same period. spatial comparison of the phn and the omsz data for the period of 2013 to 2020 marked differences were revealed in the frequencies of the epes between omsz and phn datasets. typically, the annual number of extreme events recorded by the phn network was slightly higher than the annual numbers based on the omsz gridded dataset at most stations (figures 5, 6 and 7). when 237schmeller, g. et. al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 231–247. fig. 4. temporal changes in the annual number of the r ≥ 40 mm omsz’s epe observed daily precipitation totals for the period of 1971 to 2020 at all omsz grid points (gp). fig. 3. temporal changes in the annual number of the r ≥ 30 mm omsz’s epe observed daily precipitation totals for the period of 1971 to 2020 at all omsz grid points (gp). schmeller, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 231–247.238 fig. 5. difference between the annual number of events of r ≥ 20 mm epes compared to the omsz dataset (baseline) at each phn station for the period of 2013 to 2020. calculation basis: omsz – phn, hence blue columns show higher phn frequencies, red colours higher omsz frequencies; top: grid point 340, centre: grid point 341, bottom: grid point 362). fig. 6. difference between the annual number of events of r ≥ 30 mm epes compared to the omsz dataset (baseline) at each phn station for the period of 2013 to 2020. for further explanations see fig. 5. 239schmeller, g. et. al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 231–247. the total number of events was considered, marked differences were found among the three epe categories. due to their higher number, the largest differences were observed for the r ≥ 20 mm epes. however, the relative differences were higher for the annual frequency of r ≥ 40 mm events than for the other two epe frequencies. nonetheless, the difference for the r ≥ 20 mm events was not distinctive and showed a rather equivocal pattern. the highest discrepancy of the r ≥ 20 mm events was found for the damjanich station, while for the r ≥ 30 mm and the r ≥ 40 mm events the university station showed the greatest differences. omsz frequencies were typically, but nonuniformly lower than the phn frequencies at the studied grid points (see figures 5, 6 and 7). at grid point 340, the number of r ≥ 20 mm events in phn station, kertváros (garden city) were higher than the omsz dataset. in the years of 2013, 2014, 2017, 2018 and 2020, but were lower in the years of 2015, 2016 and 2018. the number of r ≥ 20 mm events of the phn stations was higher than the omsz dataset in the year of 2013 at damjanich and tubes; in the year of 2014 at damjanich, jegenyés, megyeri út and szentkút; in the years of 2018 and 2019 all phn stations registered higher number of events compared to the omsz data and in the year of 2020 at damjanich, jegenyés, szentkút and tubes. in the years of 2015, 2016 and 2017 all phn stations registered a lower or equal number of events as the omsz. at grid point 362, the number of r ≥ 20 mm events of the phn stations was higher than the omsz dataset in 2015 at meszes; in the year of 2017 at all stations; in the year of 2018 at meszes and somogy; in the years of 2019 and 2020 at all stations. in the years of 2013, 2014 and 2016 all phn stations registered a lower or equal number of events compared to the omsz. fig. 7. difference between the annual number of events of r ≥ 40 mm epes compared to the omsz dataset (baseline) at each phn station for the period of 2013 to 2020. for further explanations see fig. 5. schmeller, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 231–247.240 opposed to the r ≥ 20 mm and r ≥ 30 mm events, significantly higher phn frequencies were observed for the r ≥ 40 mm epes at all stations (figure 8). therefore, when the phn data were included in the temporal analysis, the increase of the frequency epes was even more pronounced than solely based on the omsz interpolated dataset. non-convective precipitation (rain, snow or sleet) and thunderstorms were found to be responsible for epes in pécs over the studied period, assuming that the precipitation type of the pécs-pogány omsz station is representative for all phn precipitation events. in some cases, however, the pécs-pogány station did not report any precipitation, whereas rainfall was detected by the phn. these cases are represented by the category called ‘not specified’ in figure 8. non-specified events were classified as convective cases based on the observed amount and intensity of precipitation for analysation of occurrence of frequency in different categories. the frequency of non-convective rainfall events were a few percent higher than that of the convective cases. a slight gradient with decreasing differences from north (62–38%) to south (50–50%) is observable in the studied area. minor differences were detected in an east-west direction with a slightly increasing gradient from west to east. fig. 8. relative frequencies of the type of extreme precipitation events (r ≥ 20 mm) at different locations, for the period of 2013-2020. red fonts highlight the events that occurred at the stations based on the reported type of precipitation at omsz pécs-pogány station. blue fonts highlight non-specified events (the occurrence of epe at phn station, but omsz data did not report precipitation on the same day). kertváros damjanich megyeri út szentkút tubes university jegenyés meszes somogy rezgő út dr izz le ra in sle et sh ow er sn ow no t s pe cifi ed th un de r sn ow sh . ha il th un de rst . sn ow st. ts wi th ha il 1.0 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0.0 re l. fr eq . dr izz le ra in sle et sh ow er sn ow no t s pe cifi ed th un de r sn ow sh . ha il th un de rst . sn ow st. ts wi th ha il 1.0 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0.0 re l. fr eq . dr izz le ra in sle et sh ow er sn ow no t s pe cifi ed th un de r sn ow sh . ha il th un de rst . sn ow st. ts wi th ha il 1.0 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0.0 re l. fr eq . dr izz le ra in sle et sh ow er sn ow no t s pe cifi ed th un de r sn ow sh . ha il th un de rst . sn ow st. ts wi th ha il 1.0 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0.0 re l. fr eq . dr izz le ra in sle et sh ow er sn ow no t s pe cifi ed th un de r sn ow sh . ha il th un de rst . sn ow st. ts wi th ha il 1.0 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0.0 re l. fr eq . dr izz le ra in sle et sh ow er sn ow no t s pe cifi ed th un de r sn ow sh . ha il th un de rst . sn ow st. ts wi th ha il 1.0 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0.0 re l. fr eq . dr izz le ra in sle et sh ow er sn ow no t s pe cifi ed th un de r sn ow sh . ha il th un de rst . sn ow st. ts wi th ha il 1.0 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0.0 re l. fr eq . dr izz le ra in sle et sh ow er sn ow no t s pe cifi ed th un de r sn ow sh . ha il th un de rst . sn ow st. ts wi th ha il 1.0 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0.0 re l. fr eq . dr izz le ra in sle et sh ow er sn ow no t s pe cifi ed th un de r sn ow sh . ha il th un de rst . sn ow st. ts wi th ha il 1.0 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0.0 re l. fr eq . dr izz le ra in sle et sh ow er sn ow no t s pe cifi ed th un de r sn ow sh . ha il th un de rst . sn ow st. ts wi th ha il 1.0 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0.0 re l. fr eq . 241schmeller, g. et. al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 231–247. spatial pattern of annual mean extreme rainfall events the spatial distribution of the r ≥ 20 mm epes markedly differed between the two datasets (figure 9). firstly, as it was already claimed in chapter 3.2, in general, the phn dataset indicated higher mean annual frequencies of epes than the omsz data for the period of 2013 to 2020. secondly, contrast to the higher frequencies in the western and northern part of the city and the omsz dataset, the phn dataset indicated the highest frequencies in the north-central part of pécs along a sw-ne axis with an annual frequency of 8 to 9 events (see figure 9, a and b). this frequency decreased to a minimum of 6.5 events yearly in the pécs basin (lowest fig. 9. spatial distribution of the annual mean frequencies of the r ≥ 20 mm (a), r ≥ 30 mm (c), and r ≥ 40 mm (e) epes of the phn stations and the corresponding values of the omsz grids (b, d and f) over the period of 2013 to 2020 in pécs. schmeller, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 231–247.242 part of the city) and the southern outskirts. the phn data revealed ever higher annual frequencies of the events with increasing elevation on the southern slopes of the mecsek hills; however, this pattern was more evident in the ne part of the city than in the nw. the mean annual frequencies of the r ≥ 30 mm and r ≥ 40 mm epes showed a more similar pattern between the two datasets compared to the distribution of r ≥ 20 mm epes (see figure 9, c and e). the omsz data revealed the highest frequencies in ne pécs (grid 363, ~ 2.5 events per year) with a second maximum in the sw (2.12 events per year), based on r ≥ 30 mm events. conversely, the phn data showed a more marked dominance of higher frequencies in the central-eastern part of the city (~ 2.5 events/year). the highest frequencies were found in the south-central part of the city (jegenyés) and in the north-eastern tip of pécs, where omsz data indicated the lower frequency. the spatial distribution of the r ≥ 40 mm epes of the phn again showed a sw-ne gradient in contrast to the mosaic pattern of the omsz data (for the r ≥ 20 mm and r ≥ 30 mm events). the omsz data indicated no topographic influence with a maximum of about 0.6 events per year for the southern corner of the city, showing no effect of orography. adversely, the phn dataset showed a marked orographic gradient with a second sw-ne gradient in northern pécs (see figure 9, e and f). spatial pattern of seasonal frequencies of the epes our findings revealed profound seasonal differences for both the r ≥ 20 mm and r ≥ 40 mm events (figure 10). due to the climatic characteristics of the study area (breuer, h. et al. 2017), the lowest frequencies of epes were found in winter (djf), while the highest frequencies prevailed in summer (jja) and fall (son). as long as mam, son and djf demonstrated higher frequencies in the northern neighbourhoods of pécs. jja presented a maximum in the centre of the city, separating lower frequency parts on the western and eastern locations while the omsz had a distinct maximum in the south (grid point 340). for the winter data, the phn and the omsz datasets were rather similar. the largest differences were found during summer and autumn between the two datasets. while the phn dataset showed a relatively centralized maximum in central pécs for the summer, the maximum of the omsz was found in the south. a marked difference was found in the distribution of epes in son where the omsz data was characterized with a distinct w-e separation in contrast to the ne dominance of epes in the phn. discussion corroborating the findings of kovács, a. and kovács, p. 2007, and kovács, e. et al. 2018 to a certain degree, the frequencies of epes were slightly higher on the southern slopes of the mecsek hills than in its southern foreground (pécs basin and baranya hills). the low orographic influence of the southern slopes of the mecsek hills, is in a partial accordance with the findings of jakab, g. et al. (2019), and lakatos, m. et al. (2020), who found higher frequencies of epes and maximum mean precipitation totals respectively for some of the hilly and mountainous areas of hungary. nonetheless, alongside with the higher annual rainfall totals, the orographygenerated surplus frequency of epes in the mecsek presumes the increasing likelihood of flash flood events, mass movements and intense soil erosion (fábián, sz. et al. 2006, 2009, 2016; kovács, i.p. et al. 2015). consequently, monitoring networks do not only provide scientific data on rainfall pattern but may also function as a tool for flood mitigation and prevention (czigány, sz. et al. 2010b), management of ecosystem services (syrbe, r.-u. and grunewald, k. 2017) and may also be indispensable for the protection of farmlands, urban areas and habitats of endangered species (nagy, g. et al. 2020). additionally, weather monitoring networks seem to be suitable to reveal the 243schmeller, g. et. al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 231–247. intensity, location and timing of epes, especially in developed areas, where hydrologic, erosional and geomorphic consequences of intense rainfall may threaten human lives and generate significant economic losses. fig. 10. spatial distribution of the seasonal mean frequencies of the r ≥ 20 mm phn epes (a, c, e and g) and the corresponding values of the omsz grids (b, d, f and h) over the period of 2013 to 2020 in pécs, from spring (a and b) to winter (g and h), from top to bottom. we found gridded omsz data suitable for the characterization of short-term mesoclimatic conditions of pécs. however, compared to the phn, some epes were absent in the omsz due to the different locations of the points of obserschmeller, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 231–247.244 vation in the two datasets. additionally, due to the blurring of the interpolation algorithm significant differences were generated between the two analysed datasets. whereas the city of pécs only covers a land area of 164 km2, still, its rugged topography may contribute to the sporadic nature and large spatial heterogeneity of intense rainfalls especially in summer. our results pointed out the adequacy of interpolated datasets for mesoscale detection of epe distribution. nonetheless, topographically representative monitoring networks provide more detailed microscale data for the hydrological management of urban areas. additionally, data of dense rain gauge networks may complement interpolated datasets, facilitating the feasibility of complex environmental management strategies and precautionary measures, particularly during weather related catastrophes. conclusions the following conclusions have been drawn from the present study: i. the spatial pattern of the epes revealed differences between the omsz and the phn datasets; on mesoclimatic scale omsz data is suitable for spatial analysis, however, particularly in summer, measured data are indispensable for flood forecasting. the phn stations demonstrate a rather heterogeneous environment in respect of elevation, aspect and land use class among others. nonetheless, the value of the grid point is not necessarily representative for the entire grid box, as precipitation values may be altered by various environmental factors (such as topography, land use type, vegetation, etc.). given synoptic situations may be corrected in terms of the differences when the two datasets are compared, provided that the situations are correctly identified, and the comparative analysis is sufficiently long and contains a large number of epes. therefore, the phn can be used for the enhancement of the spatial pattern and resolution of the omsz dataset. ground monitoring will also point out the spatial heterogeneity of climate in relatively small urban areas with rugged topography. ii. in partial accordance with the omsz gridded dataset, the spatial pattern of the phn-based epes in pécs demonstrated a slight effect of topography and elevation; 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(2008) argues, geography should unfold 1 university of sopron, alexandre lámfalussy faculty of economics, h9400 sopron, erzsébet u. 9. e-mails: frk.geo@ gmail.com, bertalan.laura@uni-sopron.hu, hoschek.monika@uni-sopron.hu, nemeth.nikoletta@uni-sopron.hu 2 elisabeth educational hospital of sopron, h-9400 sopron, győri u. 15. e-mail: komornoki.karolina@upcmail.hu 3 gyula roth technical school of forestry and wood industry, h-9400 sopron, szent györgy u. 9. e-mail: vancsojudit@gmail.com perception, understanding, and action: attitudes of climate change in the hungarian population ferenc jankó1, laura bertalan1, mónika hoschek1, karolina komornoki2, nikoletta németh1 and judit papp-vancsó3 abstract this study is based on a non-representative, national level survey sample whose main purpose is to interpret the general population’s understanding of climate change. the study also provides an examination of correlations between climate change concerns and the taking of individual action as well as the relationship between pro-environmental thinking and climate change scepticism. our results show a moderate correlation between the general population’s concerns and the professional views on the subject, known in the literature as the new environmental paradigm scale and scepticism scale, but a significantly weaker correlation when it comes to taking action against climate change. factors relating to the respondents, such as residence settlement type, education level, gender, age, personal and social values, or casual attributions in relation to climate change heavily influence this weaker correlation. most respondents assessed climate change as a current (urgent), but geographically remote phenomenon. this is a clear indication of problems associated with cognitive conceptualization and the localization of climate change in communication. the target audience must be taken into account when designing climate change communications because interpretations of climate change can vary widely and cover a broad range attitudes ranging from concern about to issue all the way to climate change scepticism. this also applies to views concerning responsibility for climate change with some believing it is a political responsibility and others believing it is a scientific responsibility. keywords: climate change, perception, responsibility, climate adaptation, climate change denial, hungary jankó, f. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 159–171.160 the social meanings of climate and the effect of geographical scales i.e. localization in the understanding of climate change. our study aims to develop our knowledge in this direction. the following questions guided our investigation: what kind of relationships are there between the concerns about and experiences of climate change and green actions? which factors tend to influence people’s readiness to act? is there any correlation between the place of residence and the experiences and evaluation of climate change? what kind of role does the proximity or, conversely, the remoteness of the phenomenon in terms of geography and time play in the perception of the problem? how vital is the topic of climate change? who or what is the primary cause of the problem and, in the opinion of the people questioned in our survey, whose responsibility is to find the solution? in line with the questions we raised, we assumed that concern and experience are strongly correlated to actions; moreover, we assumed that the level of concern is inversely proportionate to the intensity of actions (‘it’s all the same anyhow’ attitude) (searle, k. and gow, k. 2010). additionally, we hypothesized that opinions on the topic will most probably be divided even though respondents believe climate change to be a significant problem, and that the issue of climate change will be identified as something remote from hungary from a geographical point of view (contrary to the scientific forecasts). literature review a wide range of various social sciences is currently interested in climate change research. from our study’s point of view, the analyses focusing on the questions of perception, the formation of attitudes and communication have relevance and determine public action, inaction and engagement. therefore, we emphasize the fields of sociology and psychology (lorenzoni, i. and pidgeon, n.f. 2006; formádi, k. 2013), working real close to geography here. in addition, as the result of successful integrating efforts of anglosaxon social geography, an independent field of research is slowly shaping around the social understanding of climate change (demeritt, d. 2001; hulme, m. 2008, 2009), however, this approach is still marginal in hungary (jankó, f. et al. 2010). in the usa, a whole series of studies focus on the opposing views of climate change that exists between the high level of consensus within the scientific community and the balanced or otherwise polarized opinions of the civil society, or of those presented in the media (farmer, g.t. and cook, j. 2013). the related problems and the reasons for such contradictions are identified, on the one hand, as the cognitive bias towards climate change (whitmarsh, l. 2011; stoknes, p.e. 2014), the limits of perception and visibility (hulme, m. 2014), the processing of risks and direct concern, and the differences between personal values (weber, e.u. and stern, p.c. 2011; donner, s.d. 2011). on the other hand, the complex and politicized nature of the topic and the successful operation of well-organized, climate change sceptic ‘denial machine’ are emphasized (dunlap, r.e. and mccright, a.m. 2011; farmer, g.t. and cook, j. 2013). upon the examination of five factors (extreme weather events, public access to accurate scientific information, media coverage, elite (political) cues and the movement and countermovement advocacy), brulle, r.j. et al. (2012) established that changes in concerns about climate change are primarily influenced by elite political cues and related economic factors as well as by the media. not surprisingly, climate scepticism and the relations thereof to values and experiences are also in the focus of several studies (whitmarsh, l. 2011). the research papers that concentrate on the relationship between personal experience and the reality of climate change clearly indicate the profundity of the experience and perception theme. the studies of egan, p.j. and mullin, m. (2012), akerlof, k. et al. (2013), hamilton, l.c. and stampone, m.d. (2013) compare the experiences of respondents to actual climate data, while myers, t.a. et al. (2013) demonstrate both learning-by-expe161jankó, f. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 159–171. rience (where personal exposure leads to an increasing belief in climate change) and motivated reasoning (where the prior, firm conviction manipulates perception and experience). several studies emphasize the correlation between personal experience and motivation to act (lorenzoni, i. and pidgeon, n.f. 2006; broomell, s.b. et al. 2015), while socialgeographic approaches also underscore the role of locality and temporality in this respect (brace, c. and georghegan, h. 2010). communication must also be emphasized, as various governmental and non-governmental campaigns aspire to influence the engagement towards and actions related to climate change. the core question of communication is how can attention be raised authentically by transmitting a consistent, valid, and true interpretation of climate change. (we should only think about the catastrophe-focused language of our colonial attitudes related to developing countries in the communication panels.) in addition, how can we, through the internet primarily, give precise information and instructions to people concerning the complex problem of climate change (manzo, k. 2010, 2012; moser, s.c. 2010; nerlich, b. et al. 2010; schäfer, m.s. 2012; stoknes, p.e. 2014; jankó, f. 2015). methodology our survey took place between february 2013 and october 2015. the questionnaires were distributed in hard copies and electronic form via e-mail using the snowball sampling method; as a result, we attained a non-representative ‘convenience’ sample of the national coverage comprising 545 respondents. of the respondents, 58 per cent was female, while in the age structure, young adults and persons of tertiary-level education were overrepresented (the questionnaire targeted the 14-year-old and above age group) compared to the hungarian population. due to the geographic origin points of the snowball, the majority of respondents were residents of western hungary; however, the sample represented all counties to a greater or lesser extent. resident distribution according to settlement size turned out to be statistically adequate as budapest represented a 16.9 per cent share and the distribution of further population clusters conforms to the national data. otherwise, due mainly to sampling through the internet, families with kids, households with above average net incomes, persons of tertiary-level education (nearly 68%, while national data is 15%) and, thereby, people belonging to labour market groups requiring higher education levels were overrepresented in the sample. hence, our questionnaire is unsuitable for describing the general approach of the entire country concerning environmental awareness, but it is satisfactory for the examination of correlations between the factors mentioned in the title. the questionnaire was divided into six parts. nine questions in the introductory section focused on the personal data of the respondents (gender, age, level of education, residence, household type and income per capita, labour market position). in the second block, respondents had decided which one of seven cartoons most fits their perceived conception of climate change (figure 1). some of the pictures are presented in manzo, k. (2012) and they analyse the geopolitical aspects of climate communication as part of a cartoon competition organized by ken sprague foundation. in addition, we collected more cartoons from the internet that matched our conception. our aim was to examine observations on climate change in the mirror of visuality, to explore which interpretations are most effective at catching the attention of respondents, and to make the questionnaire interesting for respondents. these cartoons provided a sophisticated reference to the question of the perception, and the understanding of and responsibility for climate change; we positioned them at the beginning of the questionnaire to avoid any biasing of the evaluation through upcoming questions. cartoons represented seven different ways of interpretation, and the study enabled the testing of the correctness of these associations. jankó, f. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 159–171.162 climate change as a scientific problem (a), a geopolitical issue (b), a climate-catastrophe (c), a conflict of renewable energies (d), wasting (e), a conflict of nature and humanity (f) and sustainable development (g). the following block of questions are related to problem perception addressing its psychological, geographical and temporal factors: we asked first the respondents to prioritize global problems; after that, they had to do the same with environmental issues. by using the likert scale, we formulated a series consisting of six questions focusing on concern (3–3 in positive and negative tone – e.g. “i am afraid of the future climate catastrophes” or “i do not care what happens to the earth and mankind after me”), the aggregation of what provided us with a concern-index, the values of which varied on a scale between 5 and 30 (the average score was 23.23). in further questions, we tested different sectors from the aspect of their level of exposure to climate change; we also raised several questions regarding the evaluation of distance from climate change. one of these questions concentrates on the subject in terms of time: respondents had to evaluate the effects of climate change in the past, in the present, and in the future. two questions were formulated to examine the issue of geographic distances: based on the imagined-believed climate threat, respondents were asked to rank the listed territories of different climatic conditions and continental regions. the fourth block focuses on the issue of responsibility: through different approaches, the questions targeted the origins of climate change and the identification of those origins as well as who should be primarily responsible for finding a solution. the fifth block includes two likert scale-based groups of fig. 1. cartoons in the questionnaire. – a–g = for explanation see the text. sources: http://www.transitionpenwith. org.uk (a); http://www.sfchronicle.com (b); www.kenspraguefund.org (c, d, e, f); www.caglecartoons.com (g) 163jankó, f. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 159–171. questions, one comprising 15, the other 17 points. the former new ecological paradigm index (“nep index”) aimed to evaluate the level of relations between nature and humanity, i.e. pro-environmentalist thinking (on a scale ranging from 15 and 75, where the average value was 55.59), while the latter (“scepticism index”) examined the degree of scepticism (on a scale ranging from 17 and 85, where the average was 42.92). the first group of questions is known in the international scientific literature as new ecological paradigm (nep) and was developed by dunlap, r.e. et al. (2000). more precisely, dunlap updated the scale from 1978, replacing the ecologiceconomic termini technici, which were widely known to the public in the usa back then but became obsolete in the meantime, similar to terms like steady-state economics, limits of growth, spaceship earth (dunlap, r.e. and van liere, k.d. 1978 – see the lists there). the scepticism scale was developed by whitmarsh, l. (2011) and was supplemented by corner, a. et al. (2012). we adapted the hungarian translation of both scales to the aims of the current research. according to international precedents, these scales are suitable to serve as the basis of development of a consistent aggregate index, though there are several issues we must acknowledge in connection with the application of the initial version of nep (dunlap, r.e. et al. 2000). we dedicated the final block to actions intended to measure the level of readiness for action and activity volume. the scale included twelve partially positive and partially negative statements, from which we developed an index using the aggregation method (on a scale ranging between 12 and 60, where the average was 43.12). results and discussion perception of the problem among global problems, respondents ranked environmental issues as the most important (regarding the average of ranking points [2.8], and the absolute first place as well). here we must mention the eurobarometer surveys that focus on the same topic and are prepared occasionally in the european union. within the frames of these investigations, members of the european population are requested to rank global problems. the problems identified as the most important have remained unchanged since the very beginning of these surveys (though their respective scores show a decreasing trend): these issues are poverty, lack of food, and potable water. with respect to the second and third positions, we notice a bit more motion: after 2009, climate change was forced from second into third place by the global financial crisis while international terrorism climbed into second place in 2015. the data measured in hungary fit into this trend more or less; however, climate-related issues are less significant in general (tns 2009, 2011, 2014, 2017). our methodology and the way of we formulated our questions were partially different from that of the eurobarometer survey as we ‘weighed environmental problems against other global issues’: differences in results may arise partly from this fact and partly from the different sample we used. on our scale, therefore, poverty, and lack of food and potable water reached second place in the aggregate (av. ranking points: 3.2), showing a curve sloping downwards to the right; the same applies to the problem of increasing global population (3.9). the functions of three of the listed global issues – the depletion of fossil fuel dependent energy resources (4.4), armed conflicts (4.7), and the financial crisis (5.1) – form an inverted u curve. worldwide epidemics (5.6) and international migration (6.3) show a curve sloping downwards to the left; most probably, results would be completely different if the survey were completed today (figure 2). the question aimed at differentiation between environmental problems allowed the specific weighing of climate change – and came up with a surprising result. first place was divided between the issues of waste (4.4) and climate (4.9), but, on average, the highest jankó, f. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 159–171.164 number of ranking points were awarded to water pollution (3.7). according to the visual demonstration of results, the problems of waste and water pollution show asymmetric inverted u curves (the former slightly, while the latter significantly sloping to the right); the issue of climate change draws a u curve demonstrating a strongly polarized evaluation of this topic in the sample(figure 3)4. thus, on average, the issue of climate change is surpassed by deforestation and forest degradation (4.5 – inverted u curve) (in this respect, the questionnaire refers to tropical areas and the flora of taiga) by destruction of the ozone layer (4.7 – waving curve) and by the problems of soil contamination and soil destruction (4.9 – inverted u curve) as well. in this hierarchy, three issues with curves sloping to the left follow climate change: scarcity of natural resources (5.5), biodiversity loss (5.6), and acid rain (6.8 – the latter is practically excluded from environmental discourses today). we questioned the respondents about the expectable positive and adverse effects of climate change on different sectors by using a likert scale. with respect to agriculture, 78.5 per cent of respondents answered that the expected outcome of climate change is rather 4 we should note that no similar result is presented with respect to any of the other problems measured by the survey. negative; the same answer was given by 78 per cent of respondents in connection with natural environment, and by 74 per cent in connection with the standard of living; however, regarding the industry sector, the most frequent response was „i don’t know”. several studies have already demonstrated the high level of perception of signs of climate change within the hungarian population (tárki 2007; baranyai, n. and varjú, v. 2015). we measured the experiences in and the distance of climate change in terms of time with an absolute multiple-choice question. almost 47 per cent of respondents answered that the effects of climate change are already directly perceivable and visible, while 40 per cent chose the following among the possible answers: ‘climate change has been and is still affecting humanity and this is not expected to change in the future either.’ the number of votes cast for the other options is insignificant: 9 per cent of respondents think the climate change effects will only be perceivable in the lives of their children or grandchildren; 3 per cent voted for the option of ‘perceivable only in the distant future’; and 3 respondents opted for the absolute sceptical answer (there are no, and there will be no significant effects). these results correspond entirely to the statistics of tárki (2007). the answers to the questions measuring the geographical distance of the climate change problem justified our preliminary assumptions. media influence on the ideas about climate change is clearly demonstrated in the fig. 2. ranking of global problems fig. 3. ranking of environmental problems 165jankó, f. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 159–171. case of questions approaching the problem from a climate point of view. in questions like these, respondents ranked polar regions almost unanimously in the first position (average ranking point: 2.1); islands are listed as second (3.8), while coastal countries are in third place (3.8). when applying the approach to continental regions, the first ranked territories were australia and oceania (3.4 – most probably because of the latter), while south and east asia (3.8), africa and the middle east (4.0) were listed as second and third. areas of continental climate (6.4) and eastern europe (5.7) are ranked last from the aspect of average ranking points (figures 4 and 5). the causes of climate change and the responsibility for action the first approach led us to the conclusion that more than half of the respondents (54%) thinks that consumer society is responsible for climate change. this was followed by globalization (20%), failure of environmental policies, and the progress of science and technology. from a rather sectoral approach, industry and the industrial revolution were ranked first (34%), followed by the change in the land use and the reduction natural habitat territories (27% ≈agriculture), and fossil fuel based energy production (26%). transport and oil-industry were chosen by 6–6 per cent of the respondents. (compared to international data we see that industry is over-, transport is underestimated here.) however, if we create an aggregate score from the votes cast for fossil fuel based energy production and the companies interested in the oil industry, their share in responsibility is almost 33 per cent. a third approach offered the possibility to choose between developed and developing countries: two-thirds of respondents cited the responsibility of the former, while one-third were for that of the latter. however, the respondents were presumably unclear about the group to which hungary belongs. our next question was: ‘in your opinion, which entity is primarily responsible for the solving of problems arising from climate change?’ we applied three different approaches here as well. according to the results, respondents would shift the responsibility to developed countries, economy and politics. regarding the latter, international negotiations turned out to be more critical than national governments, but in between the two, there is the opinion considering individuals as key factors. baranyai, n. and varjú, v. (2015) came to a different conclusion: in response to their question, which was similar to ours, science ranked first; however, they included the similar options into one question and used the liker scale for evaluation. when we involved the cartoons into the examination, we got a bit more complex view of the problem of perception (table 1). those fig. 5. ranking of continental regions from the point of view of their exposedness to climate change fig. 4. ranking of geographic-climatic regions from the point of view of their exposedness to climate change jankó, f. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 159–171.166 ta bl e 1. r el at io ns hi p be tw ee n ca rt oo ns a nd r es po ns es o n th e ca us es a nd r es po ns ib ili ty , % g ro up s c au se s an d r es po ns ib le fa ct or s ‘s ci en ce ’ n = 1 15 ‘p ol it ic s’ n = 1 35 ‘c lim at e ca ta st ro ph e’ n = 5 9 ‘b io -f ue l’ n = 3 5 ‘w as ti ng ’ n = 1 16 ‘n at ur e an d m an ki nd ’n = 62 ‘s us ta in ab le d ev el op m en t’ n = 2 3 w ha t i s th e ca us e of c lim at e ch an ge ? – in th re e gr ou ps g ro up 1 c on su m er s oc ie ty a nd th e w el lbe in g of th e d ev el op ed , w es te rn w or ld t he p ro ce ss o f g lo ba liz at io n t he fa ilu re o f e nv ir on m en ta l p ol ic y t he p ro gr es s of s ci en ce a nd te ch no lo gy 43 .5 30 .4 14 .8 11 .3 57 .8 13 .3 22 .2 6. 7 47 .5 28 .8 13 .6 10 .2 48 .6 31 .4 8. 6 11 .4 63 .8 17 .2 13 .8 5. 2 56 .5 14 .5 16 .1 12 .9 60 .9 8. 7 21 .7 8. 7 g ro up 2 fo ss ilfu el d ep en d en t e ne rg y pr od uc ti on l an d u se c ha ng e, n at ur al h ab it at lo ss m ot or iz ed tr affi c in d us tr y an d in d us tr ia l r ev ol ut io n o il in d us tr y co m pa ni es 20 .9 35 .7 9. 6 27 .0 7. 0 31 .1 22 .2 4. 4 37 .8 4. 4 23 .7 27 .1 11 .9 33 .9 3. 4 17 .1 37 .1 11 .4 22 .9 11 .4 35 .3 19 .0 3. 4 36 .2 6. 0 21 .0 25 .8 1. 6 40 .3 11 .3 17 .4 39 .1 13 .0 30 .4 0. 0 g ro up 3 t he d ev el op ed , w es te rn c ou nt ri es t he d ev el op in g co un tr ie s 61 .7 38 .3 73 .3 26 .7 64 .4 35 .6 65 .7 34 .3 69 .8 30 .2 72 .6 27 .4 78 .3 21 .7 w ho a re p ri m ar ily r es po ns ib le fo r th e so lu ti on o f t he p ro bl em ? – in tw o gr ou ps g ro up 1 n at io na l g ov er nm en ts p ol it ic ia ns in vo lv ed in in te rn at io na l ne go ti at io ns l oc al m un ic ip al it ie s t he in d iv id ua ls 37 .4 39 .1 5. 2 18 .3 25 .2 40 .7 0. 0 34 .1 28 .8 45 .8 6. 8 18 .6 17 .1 60 .0 0. 0 22 .9 21 .6 31 .9 1. 7 44 .8 29 .0 37 .1 1. 6 32 .3 4. 3 60 .9 4. 3 30 .4 g ro up 2 e nv ir on m en ta l o rg an iz at io ns a nd in st itu ti on s m ar ke t m ec ha ni sm s, m ar ke t o pe ra ti on , ec on om y p ol it ic s so ci et y, c iv il m ov em en ts t he p ro gr es s of te ch no lo gy sc ie nc e 7. 8 20 .9 29 .6 11 .3 14 .8 15 .7 3. 7 23 .7 36 .3 8. 9 16 .3 11 .1 11 .9 20 .3 27 .1 8. 5 18 .6 13 .6 17 .1 37 .1 20 .0 11 .4 2. 9 11 .4 3. 4 27 .6 30 .2 13 .8 16 .4 8. 6 8. 1 25 .8 24 .2 3. 2 22 .6 16 .1 4. 3 21 .7 30 .4 21 .7 8. 7 13 .0 n ot e: c ol um n d at a of g ro up s m ak e 10 0 pe r ce nt , n um be rs in it al ic s in d ic at e ch ar ac te ri zi ng d at a. 167jankó, f. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 159–171. respondents who chose the picture implying the role and duties of science tended to think that science and technological progress are the reasons behind and are responsible for the solution of climate change. nevertheless, even more surprisingly, they were represented in the highest rate among those who identified the developing countries as the cause of the problem. a considerable proportion of students chose this cartoon. those respondents (mainly people of tertiary-level education living in budapest working as white-collar executives) who decided to select the politics-related picture marked the failure of environmental policy as the reason for the problems and (accordingly) politics as the key to problem solving. those who blame industry and traffic for climate change chose the cartoon ‘climate catastrophe in the desert,’ a decision that is traceable to the basic antagonism between the environment and humanity. on the other hand, a significant number of these respondents marked national governments and local municipalities as key factors to finding a solution for a phenomenon that has no such clean-cut explanation. respondents identified technological progress and science, land use changes, traffic, and oil companies as the main causes of climate change in the cartoon concerning the problems associated with biofuels. this cartoon indirectly visualizes the conflict between developed and developing countries and the choices the respondents made properly fit into the visual and contextual world of this cartoon. the respondents who chose this cartoon emphasized the role of international politics, environmental organizations, and the market in problem solving. a higher number of older respondents (those above 60 years) chose this cartoon. the ‘wasting’ cartoon was the most popular among people who live in budapest, have relatively lower salaries, and work in offices or in the trade industry. these respondents identified consumer society and fossil fuel based energy resources as the leading causes of climate change, while, in their opinion, the primary responsibility for solving this problem lies with individuals. the choice of the cartoon visualizing the battle between nature and humanity involved the determination of scientific and technological progress, industry and oil companies as leading causes, and national governments, science and technology as those responsible for finding a solution to climate change (students were overrepresented in this group). the cartoon about sustainable development (though it was rarely chosen, was picked mainly by respondents of higher education level) also fits into the idea of consumer society. the failure of environmental policy, land use change, natural habitat loss, traffic and developed countries were identified as main cause, and international politics and non-governmental, civil movements were identified as key factors of solving the problem of climate change. in summary, we think cartoons were useful tools in the survey: they gave a proper synthesis of different readings of climate change from which conclusions regarding actions could be drawn as well (see details below). concern, environmental awareness, action hereunder we examine the factors influencing actions, the mode of action and correlations between the level of concern, pro-environmental thinking and climate scepticism. we used four indicators for these analyses. after having the indexes correlated, we first received medium and weak correlations: correlation coefficients between index of concern, nep and scepticism were 0.50, –0.57 and –0.53. the correlation coefficients between the indicator of actions and the three mentioned factors were 0.24, 0.31 and –0.26 (as for scepticism, correlations were ordinarily negative). that is to say that there is a medium-level relation among concern about climate change, pro-environmental thinking, and scepticism, but these factors rarely explain the differences of action indicator values. paralleled, the respondents who chose jankó, f. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 159–171.168 ‘wasting’ and ‘battle between nature and humanity’ cartoons demonstrated a higher level of concern, pro-environmental thinking, and readiness to act. as a further approach, we clustered the respondents depending on the rank they gave to climate change among environmental problems as well as on the level of their concern. in the former case, we observed the same correlations and trends as described hereinabove, while in the latter case the correlation between the higher level of concern and the higher level of willingness to act was more obvious. nevertheless, there are no signs that would demonstrate a paralyzed condition (inability to act) at an outstanding level of concern; namely, we could not verify our preliminary assumption in this regard. what factors influence the actions and the values of other indicators? with respect to gender, women are more active in the field of actions, and they are more inclined to concern (the same result: tárki 2007; searle, k. and gow, k. 2010) than men; in parallel, they have a more developed environmental thinking, and they are less sceptic. the harmonic change in indicators is also traceable among the values of age groups: the youngest and the oldest respondents are the less concerned, the less active, the less environment-friendly and the most sceptic, which is quite understandable. nevertheless, the examined four dimensions are more influenced by the type/size of the settlement and the level of education. regarding the former, the nep index shows a u-shape; while in the latter case, higher education level entrained, to a certain extent, higher average values (the scores were lower regarding scepticism) (figure 6. – cf. baranyai, n. and varjú, v. 2015). furthermore, we should mention the fact of living in a ‘standard family model’ (parents with kids) also seemed to have determinant power on the above-mentioned indicators. we could not demonstrate an obvious correlation between the indicators and the income per capita: the respondents in the second and fifth income clusters were the most concerned and the readiest to act. neither could we identify a correlation between the indicators and labour market clusters: respondents employed in executive and white collar jobs, the largeand medium-size entrepreneurs, qualified office workers, trade industry employees and service providers were more typified by stronger concerns, a higher level of pro-environmental thinking and readiness to act, and less climate scepticism. furthermore, it is a valuable sign that the index of concern and the index of activity was the highest among those respondents, who chose the cartoons ‘waste’ and ‘battle between nature and humanity’, and climate scepticism was the lowest among those who chose the cartoon visualizing the climate catastrophe. certain correlations in the fields of experience and responsibility seem to be quite obvious. those who have direct knowledge of the problem are more concerned, more aware of environmental issues, less sceptic, and more ready to act; the same applies to those who identified the individual people as responsible for solving climate change. the midline is more or less represented by those respondents (diverting, however, downwards from the median in each case) who considered climate change as a factor influencing the past and the future as well. that is to say, the choice of the above answer also showed a certain level of scepticism in the sample. we also examined the daily logs of extreme weather events to check if those persons who filled out the questionnaire after such an extremity (within a one-week period) are more concerned about climate change or not. according to the results, there was no sign of any evidence (except that on the level of average values); however, on this scale, at least the direction of the correlation was the expected. we examined the place of residence of respondents also, both in the relation of experience and the above four indicators. as for the direct experience of climate change, the average scores of respondents from northern hungary (észak-magyarország), rim of the alps (alpokalja), and budapest were the highest (they directly experience climate change). 169jankó, f. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 159–171. this result contradicts our preliminary assumption: we expected a higher level of sensitivity in the region of the great hungarian plain (alföld). this finding suggests that direct experience is a stronger influencing factor in areas where people are unaccustomed to extremities. however, this is only one segment of correlations within the four examined dimensions. the index of concern reflects more or less the same results as the above correlation, but concerning the other indicators, rim of the alps provides the only outstanding scores while great hungarian plain and little plain (kisalföld) regions are presented more significantly instead of northern hungary. summary and conclusions a core conclusion of our examinations is that climate change is a very complex issue with several possibilities of interpretation and differentiated understanding: the topic divides people. this is the reason for the argument that climate change is not the proper issue to activate people (stoknes, p.e. 2014) we offered several approaches in our study, but some of our questions remained open or were only partially verified. our results reflect a moderate correlation between concerns and thoughts about climate change (pro-environmental thinking and climate scepticism), and a significantly weaker one between concerns and the intensity and consciousness of our actions. this is because the latter are more exposed to the influence of many other factors like settlement type, education level, gender, age, life values, or casual attributions in relation to climate change. another valuable result of the study is the demonstration that most of the respondents evaluated climate change as a phenomenon that is near in time, but geographically remote (cf. hulme, m. 2008; stoknes, p.e. 2014). this is a clear indication of cognitive fig. 6. correlations between the category of settlement size and the four dimensions jankó, f. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 159–171.170 conceptualization and problems with the localization of climate change in communication. the answers we received to our questionnaire also verified the existence of climate scepticism in hungarian society, beyond temporality and geography it is also a fact that should be taken into consideration in the course of climate communication planning. furthermore, we managed to identify 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(4): 315–328. whitmarsh, l. 2011. scepticism and uncertainty about climate change: dimensions, determinants and change over time. global environmental change 21. 690–700. jankó, f. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 159–171.172 sako musterd and zoltán kovács: place-making and policies for competitive cities 413 sako musterd and zoltán kovács: place-making and policies for competitive cities. oxford, wiley-blackwell, 2013. 340 p. creativity, competition of cities, path-dependent development, networks, policy: they are my arbitrarily chosen keywords for the book which shall attract the attention of many. its main value is making people think about policy-related issues and it encourages us to consider what could possibly go wrong in the city we live in or, on the contrary, what events favour the emergence of a creative milieu. the book departs from a critical attitude towards richard florida’s celebrated 3t model in which talent, technology and tolerance are defined as critical factors for urban development. based on us metropolitan regions, florida argues that companies settle their high-valueadded activities in vibrant, stimulating locations where creative employees feel inspired. put it differently, jobs go to places creative people like in this way of conceptualization. however, as musterd and kovács point out in their introduction correctly, the 3t model suffers from major theoretical shortcomings and european policy-makers should not follow that guidance without special precaution because european urban development differs from the us path. for example, european employees are less mobile than us employees; the previous pathways of urban development in europe are more important. the creative class reasoning seems to be very elitist in nature and it assumes an automatic spill-over effect from that highly-educated group of people to the whole society, which might differ across countries. last but most importantly, according to many critics towards the 3t model, economic and industrial structure (and not only human workforce) might remain the primary determinant of urban development. therefore, there is no universal receipt working in all places; it is not enough to copy policy initiatives from elsewhere. we can learn that tailoring policies is needed in order to address local challenges; the authors also provide us with some crutches for that. the work upon the book is built was carried out in the frame of acre project (accommodating creative knowledge) collecting cases from 13 european metropolitan regions: amsterdam, barcelona, budapest, birmingham, dublin, helsinki, leipzig, milan, munich, poznań, riga, sofia, toulouse. the research focused on the question of what factors attract or retain creative and talented employees in the city. it is a central question for policy makers but i have to note that it fails to provide a holistic view on human capital development. for instance, it remains unclear whether a city should invest in freshly designed buildings or it should develop the education instead. main findings of 414 the research were published in a previous volume (musterd, s. and murie, a.: making competitive cities. oxford, blackwell, 2010), whereas the present book gives an overview of policy implications organized along three keywords: path, place and people. contributions within the path chapter concentrate on special circumstances determining city policies. a strong argument is made tclaiming that the past development of cities strongly influences what officials can do in present initiatives. a very interesting section elaborates on the post-socialist challenges for urban development. the authors premise these locations differ from the western european ones in many regards. for example, capital cities usually have a stronger dominance in the city structure than in western europe; therefore capitals might be targeted relatively stronger in these countries, which might have a direct effect on local living conditions and creative class attraction. also, the section suggests that strong local debates rise frequently whether to support new private projects or the state-controlled cultural sector currently suffering from budget cuts. i would give a further argument to the section: we observe growing social and regional inequalities in these countries and florida’s ideas are really elitist here because there might be very limited spill-over effects from internationally mobile and competitive creative to other locals. for instance, while the centre of budapest attracts more and more foreigners and creative projects are mushrooming, the outskirts of the city lag behind with an increasing gap. iin my opinion, researches should pay an extra attention to the aforementioned issues. the place chapter addresses place-making, marketing and branding as key tasks of local policymakers and municipalities simply because the reputation of a city is crucial in order to attract talented people. i believe that in spite of the fierce intercity competition, the role of the above mentioned factors is still unclear. therefore, a well-framed and policy mix should synthesise local housing, social environment, and economic development in a way in which a city brand is created as well. related sections offer a helpful summary. the last chapter called people contains excellent contributions from the broad area of network studies. transnational networks are mainly discussed from the viewpoint of immigrants: “are they embedded into local environment or not?” the integration might depend on the cultural and institutional constraints of the city population and it should be supported by knowledge-based policy. i found that the section on university-industry networks provided the most substantial overview. it contains an outstanding typology of personal connections between university employees and other local actors (figure on page 274). the last section provides a nice reflection on previous propositions from the viewpoint of professional and social networks complementing each other and providing different spaces of learning and innovation in a city. from the network chapter, one can get the impression that policymakers should pay an extra attention to the support of (new) platforms and the creation of infrastructure. the networks of creatives will probably establish a vibrant atmosphere on that basis. three types of people will certainly benefit from reading the book. researchers conducting qualitative work in planning studies will surely find areas in the volume they can relate themselves to. people working in quantitative fields will most probably find the book thought provoking and they can easily get the feeling that it is worth focusing on knowledge-based urban development. nevertheless, the book is a must for urban planners too. although creatives always find the way to survive, create and express themselves, major policy failures can ruin and a right policy mix can speed up the shaping process of a creative milieu. the major takeaway is that policies should not be automatically/simply adopted from somewhere else, but they should be always tailored to special circumstances. balázs l e n g y e l socio-economic and political responses to regional polarisation and socio-spatial peripheralisation in central and eastern europe: a research agenda 171lang, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 171–185. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.64.3.2 hungarian geographical bulletin 64 2015 (3) 171–185. introduction in the past 10–15 years new forms of disparities have emerged in central and eastern europe (cee) but remained largely unnoticed by both the public and scientists in geography and regional studies: a strong socio-economic spatial polarisation between metropolised core regions and the remaining parts of the cee countries (krätke, s. 2007; dubois, a. et al. 2007; lang, t. 2011). such disparities have not only become a striking feature of the current sett lement system but in the face of the ongoing economic, fi nancial and national debt crisis have fuelled concerns about further polarisation and the peripheralisation of non-metropolitan regions. it is striking that we can observe these processes and discourses although balancing spatial development to achieve territorial cohesion has been a major goal of european regional policy in the past years (eu 2011). as such, patt erns of increasing socio-economic disparities combined with regional polarisation do not remain restricted to cee, but rather can be found throughout the european union and beyond, albeit at diff erent degrees. against this background, there is a clear need to: (1) bett er understand the social, economic, discursive and political processes constituting regional polarisation and interrelated policymaking processes in different contexts, socio-economic and political responses to regional polarisation and socio-spatial peripheralisation in central and eastern europe: a research agenda thilo lang1 abstract in the past years, new patt erns of regional disparities between metropolised core regions and the remaining parts of central and eastern european countries (cee) have emerged. such spatial disparities have lately fuelled concerns about further regional polarisation and the peripheralisation of non-metropolitan regions in particular. this is the case although balancing spatial development has been a major goal of european regional policy. the paper argues that there is a clear need to bett er understand the social, economic, discursive and political processes constituting regional polarisation and to conduct further research on approaches to deal with and respond to peripheralisation. the proposed research agenda focuses on a multi-scalar relation between core and peripheral regions and applies a process based dynamic understanding of peripherality and centrality. following this, peripheralised regions bear agency capacities and cannot be seen as powerless victims of some overarching processes associated with the globalising economy. applying the notions of polarisation and peripheralisation to guide further research, off ers multi-dimensional, multi-scalar and process based conceptualisations of regional development research. with the proposed research agenda, i would like to open up the discussion on new interpretations of the terms peripherality and centrality, rurality and urbanity, border and rural areas, core and peripheral regions, and contribute to the development of new approaches in multi-level governance and ultimately in regional policy. keywords: territorial cohesion, regional policy, spatial disparities, uneven development, peripheralisation, polarisation 1 leibniz-institut für länderkunde, schongauerstr. 9, 04328 leipzig, germany. e-mail: t_lang@ifl -leipzig.de lang, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 171–185.172 (2) produce bett er knowledge on diff erent disciplinary and cultural planning and policy traditions in the eu, (3) communicate relevant information and improve multi-agent decision making for regional policy under uncertain framework conditions. to achieve this, this paper proposes to enhance research on socio-economic forms of and processes interlinked with regional polarisation and perpiheralisation, their wider impacts on society and everyday living as well as the (intentional and unintentional) responses and strategies conveyed by social, economic and political actors as well as ‘ordinary people’ in order to bett er deal with these phenomena. this includes research on (discursive and material) practices of the production and reproduction of peripherality and centrality as well as the logics of responses at multiple scales. with such a research agenda, a network of regional development experts throughout europe suggests to respond to new patt erns of regional disparities in cee and beyond.2 following this introduction, i briefl y outline some empirical observations about socio-spatial polarisation in cee and depict four main gaps in research on socio-spatial polarisation and issues of regional policy in europe. section two introduces polarisation and peripheralisation as analytical concepts. the following three sections are outlining propositions for further research in three interconnected fi elds: evolution, reproduction and persistence of centrality and peripherality, governance of core-periphery relations and adaptation, strategies and potentials. 2 the research leading to these results was conducted in the frame of the project “socio-economic and political responses to regional polarisation in central and eastern europe” (regpol²), coordinated by the leibniz institute for regional geography, leipzig/germany. the project received funding from the people programme (marie curie actions) of the european union’s seventh framework programme fp7/2007–2013/ under rea grant agreement no. 607022. – – – some empirical observations and current shortcomings in polarisation research cee countries currently show strong evidence for three main spatial development characteristics (komornicki, t. and czapiewski, k. 2006): first, there are profound diff erences in development between urban core regions and peripheral rural regions with the urban regions performing much bett er. second, these countries demonstrate strong trends towards polarisation between their main metropolitan area (usually the national capital) and the rest of the country, and third, an east-west-gradient can oft en be found within the countries with the western parts performing bett er than their eastern regions. as a consequence of these developments, today only one or a few strong economic ‘engines’ stand out against a growing number of regions with low economic dynamics which become perceived as less att ractive locations for people and business. thereby the sharp increase of regional disparities stands against the diminishing socio-economic diff erences between old and new member states on the national level (finka, m. 2007; monfort, p. 2009; chilla, t. and neufeld, m. 2015). as a result, already existent patt erns of regional polarisation have experienced a strong intensifi cation in recent years (gorzelak, g. and goh, c. 2010), resulting in disproportionally high increases of regional disparities in the cee countries compared to the eu15 states, measured e.g. in gdp-data (figure 1) or in unemployment data (see dubois, a. et al. 2007; artelaris, p. et al. 2010; lang, t. 2016; for the critics see openshaw, s. 1984; for alternative measurements see e.g. perrons, d. 2012; oecd 2014). parallel with the growing concentration of economic activities in metropolitan areas current demographic developments further exacerbate problems of deepening polarisation (filipov, d. and dorbritz, j. 2003; steinführer, a. and haase, a. 2007). cee population is increasingly concentrated in a diminishing number of prosperous areas, particularly the capital regions, in contrast 173lang, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 171–185. to a growing number of regions suffering population decline. thereby intraand inter-regional migration patterns overlap with international migration on the basis of age-selectivity, stratifi ed labour mobility and an overall decline of birth rates which is particularly sharp in cee. the decrease in population has been particularly pronounced in structurally disadvantaged rural and deindustrialised regions as well as many inner-city and high-rise, edge of city areas (tsenkova, s. 2006; steinführer, a. and haase, a. 2007). these demographic developments combine with other processes of social diff erentiation to produce highly uneven social geographies at regional, sub-regional, intra-urban, and micro-geographic scales that intersect but do not necessarily overlap (see also poscopp 2015). looking at forms of peripheralisation at a global scale, it is notable that cee regions play a negligible role when world city hierarchies are analysed, such as by the ‘globalisation and world cities research network’ (gawc) focussing on financial services and a number of specifi c globalisation indicators (only moscow and warsaw are recognised as command and control centers and as alpha world cities (csomós, g. and derudder, b. 2014; parnreiter, c. 2014). following friedmann’s and sassen’s work on the world or global city (friedmann, j. 1986; sassen, s. 1991), a number of authors have argued that worldwide economic activities have become concentrated in a small number of city-regions. in the globalised economy, only a few global cities and metropolitan regions are said to be the ‘control points of the global economic system’ (beaverstock, j.v. et al. 2000). one could argue that cee cities and their functional regions are being peripheralised fig. 1. increase of regional polarisation in gdp per capita, nuts-3 regions 2000 and 2009 (calculated by tomas hanell and stefan haunstein, data source: eurostat) lang, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 171–185.174 by the dominance of world cities in the global economy. european and national policies add a further dimension to this, as they frequently copy the model of the global city in regional policies by focusing on the promotion of growth in metropolitan areas (brenner, n. 2009). so far, also european regional policy programmes and the introduction of new forms of regional governance did not help to achieve more balanced spatial development and to distribute development impetus more evenly across cee regions. this has been witnessed particularly in the aft ermath of the most recent fi nancial and economic crisis, as decision makers have been led to concentrate scarce resources on supporting development in larger cities, hoping that disadvantaged areas will profi t from core-periphery spillover eff ects. such policies, however, carry a major risk of further increasing socio-spatial polarisations and the peripheralisation of disadvantaged areas (for example due to disinvestment in transport infrastructures or centralisation of service provision). in addition, in cee prevailing negative experiences from the period of centrally planned economies have led to a sceptical perception of public sector interventions and to a general turn towards neoliberal policies during the transition period (bohle, d. 2006; aligica, p.d. and evans, a. 2009). this has to be seen in relation to both, uneven power relations in the context of supra-nationally imposed institutional reforms and the active involvement of east european reformers who were adherents of neo-liberalism even before 1989. reviewing very recent changes in european policy debates, some authors have claimed that regional policy in the eu has become more neoliberal to the extent of distributive and cohesion aspects of regional policy (avdikos, v. and chardas, a. 2015) making a reduction of disparities in the next years less likely. despite the long research tradition in geography, regional economy, political science and urban planning, and even though coreperiphery relations have been studied at global, national, regional and urban levels, the research on regional polarisation processes up to now has been characterised by four major shortcomings: so far the main focus has been on quantitative, regionally limited studies. only to some extent they do raise issues of interdependencies with phenomena and institutional contexts outside the respective regions, and by trend sparsely question regional socio-economic and policy responses and their normative dimensions. further, most quantitative studies on polarisation work with gdp and population development indicators which cannot capture the multi-dimensional complexity of the phenomena under consideration. the social construction of core-periphery relations has been reviewed only to a small degree, especially in the cee context (e.g. timár, j. et al. 2012; ehrlich, k. et al. 2012). there is a clear need for a bett er knowledge about predominant discourses and paradigmatic backgrounds of european, national and regional policies in particular. most polarisation and cohesion research ignores the overlapping nature of core-periphery relations at regional, national, european and global levels (sellers, j.m. 2002a). researching the multi-level characteristics of socio-spatial development is in particular relevant for cee countries which underwent a rapid exposure to processes of globalisation and internationalisation aft er the political changes in the early 1990s and even more so aft er their accession to the eu. moreover, the formation of regional policies at the national level in cee is still in its early stage (finka, m. 2011) and there is too litt le known about the ways, how regional policy responses and new forms of governance have emerged in cee during the last years and how they inter-relate with other forms of local and regional response. polarisation and peripheralisation as analytical concepts the observations summarised above show that various processes lead to and interlink with socio-spatial polarisation at diff erent in– – – – 175lang, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 171–185. tersecting scales. also apparent, however, is the need to look critically at our approaches to researching these phenomena and processes and to consider how and why diff erent insights are produced from diff erent perspectives. thus, while helpful for the identifi cation and assessment of the scope and reach of socio-economic regional polarisation, conventional indicators3 rarely capture the wide range of causes and dimensions of polarisation as a process that intersects with other aspects of inequality, uneven development and power breaching conventional territorial boundaries (see also perrons, d. 2012). i suggest understanding polarisation and peripheralisation as analytical concepts that facilitate process-based relational understandings of spatial diff erentiation and supplement structural research approaches (see also massey, d. 2009; varró, k. and lagendij k, a. 2013). although our focus lies on the regional scale i suggest a multi-level conceptualisation of the phenomena under observation. as the relation of core and periphery is immanent to the concept, peripheralisation implies processes of centralisation and thus forms of socio-spatial polarisation at various scales. such forms of polarisation are intrinsically connected to the discourse which places higher value on particular regions and developments and thereby devalues others. some authors defi ne regional peripheralisation as the growing dependence of disadvantaged regions on the centre (e.g. komlosy, a. 1988); hence, it is not only the simultaneity of a number of features constituting the formation of peripheries such as distance, economic weakness and lack of political power (cf. blowers, a. and leroy, p. 1994). it is oft en also the dynamic formation of core and peripheral regions overlapping at diff erent spatial scales (regional, national, european and global). this multi-faceted, multi-level understanding of polarisation has the potential to identify novel starting points 3 such as rates of inward investment, gdp growth, availability of key infrastructures and services, d i s t a n c e f r o m m e t r o p o l i t a n c o r e s , o r p o o r accessibility. for research on current regional development issues. applying these conceptual notions off ers opportunities for spatial research circumventing dichotomous ideas of urban and rural, of central and peripheral, of ‘leading’ and ‘lagging’ or growing and declining which tend to determine our methodological, theoretical and normative approaches to regional studies. in central and eastern europe, focusing on processes of polarisation provides an important starting point for critical analyses of the assumptions on which the washington consensus of the early 1990s was built, such as the claim that radical privatisation and the swift introduction of unimpeded marketeconomies would right the wrongs of statesocialism most eff ectively and would (eventually) deliver prosperity to, if not all, then at least a majority of people. what we have witnessed since is a much more diverse and problematic picture: whilst in terms of gdp growth, many parts of the macro region – in particular the capital regions − have indeed embarked on an upward trajectory aft er the initial crisis of the early 1990s, the success of market reforms to improve living standards and to ensure a more even spread of wealth amongst wider populations has been limited (smith, a. et al. 2008; smith, a. and timár, j. 2010; stenning, a. et al. 2010). up until recently, spatial development in cee has mainly been researched through the lenses of post-socialist transformation and modernisation tending to perceive all processes in cee as being quite particular and closing up comparative perspectives in relation to similar processes outside of cee. this has also led to a limited research interest in inter-scalar relations and tended to favour internal reasons and innate properties as explanations for problems in social, economic and spatial development. acknowledging socialism and post-socialism as being part of cee history but adding alternative approaches (such as those being based on the notions of peripheralisation and polarisation) enables new comparative perspectives to similar phenomena in other parts of europe and the lang, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 171–185.176 world and also helps to bett er conceptualise the role of super-ordinate processes and forces with impacts on cee regions. this is particularly true since the 2007–2008 economic, fi nancial and national debt crisis has shown similar economic, social and spatial impacts as well as political forms of response across europe as a whole. following the outlined understanding of peripheralisation and polarisation, it is suggested to build up a research agenda based on fi ve axioms: (1) socio-spatial polarisation should be seen as a multi-level, multi-dimensional process which is an intrinsic part of current capitalism and dominant market-logics. however, there is more and more empirically based research claiming that a socially and spatially more even society would also produce more growth (e.g. piketty, t. 2013; oecd 2014 and 2015), adding an economic to the social argument for state intervention and regulation as well as a form of regional policy that maintains the distribution goal. nevertheless, problematising particular forms and impacts of socio-spatial polarisation and defi ning urban and regional development keeps to be a social process (cf. pike, a. et al. 2007) and depends on what is seen as normal, acceptable or achievable in a societal discourse. (2) peripheries are made through material and immaterial processes and practices of peripheralisation and centralisation. it is these processes and practices which should be given more focus in social science based spatial research. all sorts of actors have their (implicit and explicit) shares in these processes, hence peripheralised regions cannot be seen as victims of some overarching processes beyond their control without any agency to them. neither peripheries nor centres can be seen as static concepts with naturally given features and boundaries. peripheralisation and centralisation are dynamic processes which can be reversed, rejected or redirected in the long run. hence, when researching regional polarisation, we should direct our interest to these dynamic processes instead of static concepts of core and periphery. (3) urban and regional policy is always normative (even if its arguments are based on empirical data) and framed by individual and collective values linked to specifi c understandings and conceptualisations of development, desired policy outcomes and funding priorities. such understandings, conceptualisations and priorities can be seen as the results of discourses linked to particular governance arrangements which are only partly state-led. the perceptions of acceptable and achievable forms of socio-spatial development are socially constructed and can only to a small extent be seen as the outcome of a rational process. exactly for this reason, decision making and governance are constrained and shaped through specifi c institutional environments privileging and devaluing certain forms of action – certainly limiting the local and regional room for manoeuvre. (4) there are similar – oft en overlooked – constraints in economic development and with regard to activities of economic agents: the economy is a social construct and can only partially be explained in terms of rational decision making; economic decisions are social decisions and refl ect wider institutional and discursive constraints. (5) studying migration and mobility in the context of polarisation research is incomplete if it only captures quantitative processes without going deeper to conceptualise relations, motives and the circumstances of migration decisions. migration should be seen as a (oft en temporary) result of subjective decisions in a household, family or social context based on personal and collective environments linked to particular place-specifi c values (in some cases we can talk about emigration cultures or a particular modus agendi inscribed to the institutional environment, see lang, t. 2012a,b). following this conceptual argumentation, i suggest to focus future polarisation research on three objectives: to bett er understand the evolution, (re-) production and persistence of core-periphery relations using a dynamic conceptualisation of these relations, – 177lang, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 171–185. to identify and compare policy responses (and subsequent governance arrangements) to regional polarisation at diff erent scales and understand how they emerged, to identify patt erns of adaptation and resistance as well as strategies and potentials to overcome peripheralisation. evolution, reproduction and persistence of centrality and peripherality the evolution of core and peripheral regions does not follow any ‘natural’ order. instead, centrality, peripherality and their interrelation are produced and constantly reproduced by social interaction, territorial mobility, political and economic decisions (blowers, a. and leroy, p. 1994; nagy, e. et al. 2015). although regional polarisation in this respect can change over time, the underlying structures are very persistent and tend to reproduce themselves (giddens, a. 1993) – changes are thus rather an issue of generations and less likely to occur in short terms. further research should consider how the perception of location (dis)advantages, migration and demographic developments as well as particular policies have contributed to the evolution, reproduction and persistence of centrality and peripherality and regional polarisation. we could learn a lot about the formation of regional disparities and in particular about the emergence and persistence of peripheralities by looking at processes of centralisation and how the intentional and unintentional concentration of resources in and positive ascriptions to particular privileged places is to the disadvantage of other places. research on the evolution, reproduction and persistence of disparities should also deal with the question of how core and peripheral areas are socially constructed in a multi-scalar way. a number of studies explore the discursive relationships between economic centres and peripheries and argue that peripheralisation is a process which is strongly linked to how some spaces are represented by economic – – centres (massey, d. 1993; jansson, d. 2003; eriksson, m. 2008; willett, j. 2010) but also from within peripheralised places themselves (miggelbrink, j. and meyer, f. 2015). here, peripheries can fi nd themselves described in ways that reinforce dependency through being characterised as ‘stagnant’, ‘backward’, ‘rural’ and agents of their own economic misfortune. such dominant discourses can lead to collective orientations hindering local economic development e.g. by increasing emigration (beetz, s. 2009; lang, t. 2012b) or through a reluctance of ‘core’ businesses to work with peripheral organisations (bosworth, g. and willett, j. 2011). it is in particular individual and collective perceptions, ideas and values that shape spatial policies, economic and household decisions – all of which contribute (by means of their material consequences) to the production and persistence of centrality and peripherality. perceptions, ideas and values about and ascribed to a thing (or region) are constructed through formations of power. such ‘knowledge’ is replicated through discourse by individuals, organisations and institutions. these aff ect how a place is perceived by others, placing limitations (or expectations) on what people and organisations are imagined capable of (eriksson, m. 2008; bosworth, g. and willett, j. 2011). this is an ‘othering’ process, whereby one region is presented as qualitatively ‘diff erent’ to another, and which mirrors contemporary regional development, whereby regions are encouraged to distinguish themselves from others in order to bett er compete in the global market (keating, m. 2008). as despite all policy eff orts, regional polarisation increased during the past years, we cannot be sure, if current sectoral and spatial policies help to reduce or rather reproduce peripheralisation and polarisation. to what extent do these policies reduce, reproduce or even reinforce existing centralities and peripheralities and to what extent can this be traced in new spatial instruments (such as metropolitan regions, cf. allmendinger, p. et al. 2015; see also raagmaa, g. 2015; finka, lang, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 171–185.178 m. et al. 2015). in particular economic policy in europe is said to have followed neoliberal logics, thereby concentrating resources to a smaller number of places and furthering polarisation (e.g. avdikos, v. and chardas, a. 2015). thus, it is relevant to raise the question to what extent this holds true for european, national and sub-national policies. moreover, how broad is the current toolbox for regional economic policy within the eu and how are alternative ideas of development contested? and fi nally, how do locally active decision makers, economic agents and ordinary people contribute to the emergence, persistence and reproduction of centralities and peripheralities? in particular with regard to economic and migration decisions, there is a need to bett er understand how the interactions of ‘peripheral’ agents with ‘core’ actors and their embeddedness into various local and non-local networks refl ect, reproduce or counteract centrality and peripherality. what kind of spatial perceptions and relations do infl uence regional mobility and investment decisions? and to what extent do these decisions constitute and reproduce such perceptions and relations? governance of core–periphery relations for many authors, processes of and responses to peripheralisation are linked to issues of governance (e.g. raagmaa, g. 2015). following the above outlined conceptualisation, governance research with regard to the development of peripheralised regions bears three major shortcomings: (1) instead of looking at territorially limited governance networks, a multi-directional perspective on core-periphery relations should be included; (2) the role of normative frames for the ways regional and economic policies are implemented is under-researched; (3) within governance-research, the role of single charismatic leaders is oft en overlooked. in general, however, the role of governance is oft en overestimated compared to other factors infl uencing local and regional development. although, with the territorial agenda 2020, the eu has been following the concept of territorial cohesion since 2010, there has been litt le research about the (national, regional, local) implementation of policy responses to intensifying regional polarisation. further, regional development and planning policy in the new member states also refl ects a particular turn towards neoliberal policies. “in these countries, the fragility of the planning systems following the breakdown of socialistinfl uenced structures led to a particular willingness to accept market economy and rather neoliberal tendencies” (reimer, m. et al. 2014. p. 8). this coincides with a more general neoliberal shift in public service provision, public government and policies being catalysed through processes of “europeanisation” (waterhout, b. et al. 2013). there is a tendency at eu-level, that issues of balanced spatial development and territorial cohesion are de-prioritised and replaced by the logic of competitiveness, place-based development and growth-based concentration (avdikos, v. and chardas, a. 2015). we could argue with servillo that through discursive chains, these strategic concepts become hegemonic, making other ways of thinking, other ‘rationales’ and policy options marginal (servillo, l. 2010; see also waterhout, b. et al. 2013. p. 144) and leading to particular ways and forms of how coreperiphery relations are governed. in this context, policies favouring the concentration of resources are on the rise at national and supranational level in europe and beyond. some authors would see this as being linked to a process of europeanisation through transnational learning and policy transfer (dolowitz, d.p. and marsh, d. 2002; bulmer, s. and padgett, s. 2005). it is suggested to perceive this process as being part of a more general shift towards neoliberal development concepts in the fate of the globalisation debate and a general global trend favouring the big cities as economic engines and att ractive places to work and live in as a specifi c preference of the current capitalist society (see also krätke, s. 2007; waterhout, 179lang, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 171–185. b. et al. 2013). it is in this context that we should analyse next to the emergence, the institutionalisation and implementation of regional policies and various forms of public interventions applying concepts of governance, path renewal and leadership. the term ‘governance’ bears normative, theoretical and methodological dimensions (stoker, g. 1998). this makes it necessary to entangle the diff erent discourses around the concept of governance and to develop sound theoretical foundations to improve transnational comparative research on the governance of core-periphery relations. it is proposed to understand governance as a heterarchical, cross-sectoral, multi-level arena for decision making which works in specifi c, relatively stable network-type arrangements. when researching policy responses to polarisation and peripheralisation we should be cautious not to overlook the role of normative frames in formulating policies. to what kind of frameworks do actors refer to when they argue for particular forms of policy intervention? which concrete planning instruments are used to achieve a more balanced development at regional level and what are the preconditions for successful collaboration within fragmented regions? up to now only litt le is known about the conditions which allow for successful cooperation between actors from core and peripheralised areas that aim at balancing out regional disparities. as diff erences in the economic structure of regions are oft en seen as one reason for increasing spatial polarisation, i suggest a particular research focus on the governance of economic development. although there has been a lot of research on the problems of old industrial regions, still litt le is known about how urban and regional economies change and how this change can be governed in a positive way. what can we learn from governance att empts in successful new economy locations? how big (or minor) is the role of economic governance at all? originating in institutional and evolutionary economics, the concept of path dependence has also been transferred to political sciences (pierson, p. 2000) and provides an important theoretical starting point for such types of research. it creates an opportunity to understand factors shaping urban and regional policy responses in old and new economy locations and to identify the actions and practices that may alter the current path and set the regions on new development trajectories (path renewal, coenen, l. et al. 2015). one att empt to explain diff erences in how localities and regions with very similar socio-economic challenges manage to regenerate is to analyse the role public leaders play (sotarauta, m. et al. 2012). we know, how specifi c institutional environments limit the local room for manoeuvre (lang, t. 2009). nevertheless, we know litt le about to what extent charismatic leaders can promote institutional change and develop adaptive capacities (north, d.c. 1990) to open up new development trajectories in localities with severe social and economic problems. the impact of leadership on these forms of change so far is clearly under-researched. adaptation, strategies and potentials in peripheralised non-metropolitan areas although oft en receiving only marginal attention in national development strategies, non-metropolitan, rural and peripheral areas are home to almost half of the european population, bear major spatial functions and in many cases play a decisive role in political, social and economic innovation processes (mccann, e.j. 2004; mccarthy, j. 2005). questioning current paradigms which regard the city (and in particular the metropolis) as the major centre for social, economic and political innovation, non-metropolitan areas should also be considered as arenas within which future development perspectives arise (shearmur, r. 2012). however, peripheralised places are oft en conceptualised as powerless and passive victims of some superordinate processes beyond their control. this position oft en makes us overlook the varied dimensions of agency and strategic lang, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 171–185.180 action linked to ‘peripheral’ actors. these forms of agency can range from social interaction reproducing existing core-periphery relations to specifi c forms of adaptation or even resistance to dominant representations. with a focus on adaptation, strategies and potentials, it is suggested to conduct more research on (the sometimes hidden) phenomena relying on local resources. laclau’s and mouffe’s reworking of hegemony explores how the ‘powerless’ can propagate alternative forms of knowledge through networks and cooperation, challenging dominant representations (laclau, e. and mouffe, c. 1985). when applied to regional development, this indicates that the ‘knowledge’ within representations of place has particular eff ects, and that this knowledge undergoes processes of change and rearticulation. instead of perceiving uneven power-relationships as something fi xed, a more satisfactory analysis would explore the multi-dimensional aspects of power through mechanisms such as hegemony. here, peripheries are not passive recipients of damaging ‘backward’ and ‘stagnant’ types of representation, but play an active role in the discursive process. this leads to questions about ‘peripheral’ strategies of reworking or resisting dominant representations (eriksson, m. 2008) and opens up possibilities for a multiscale conception of centrality and peripherality (sellers, j.m. 2002a,b; mccann, e.j. 2004; hudson, r. 2004, 2005). against this background, household practices as well as innovative activities from civil society and businesses in peripheralised spatial sett ings could be analysed regarding their potential for new forms of regional development and bott om-up social, economic and policy change. to what extent do ‘ordinary’ people organise their life under the conditions of peripheralisation? in what way do they rework, reproduce or resist dominant processes of peripheralisation? what kind of (alternative) futures do they aim for through every day practices? key tasks could be to analyse households’ changing experiences and perceptions of socio-spatial polarisation, and to explore how they overcome existing core-periphery disparities. we should also link a number of alternative economic approaches to the household scale which stress locally rooted and embedded forms of economic activity. one example for such an approach discussed as a source for alternative economic development in rural areas is the renewable energies sector (biomass, wind, solar energy). although in general there is a considerable job eff ect of renewable energy activities (and other ‘alternative’ and ‘new’ forms of economic activities) throughout europe, it is quite unclear to what extent local communities can benefi t from such activities. hence, i suggest to diff erentiate community driven from externally driven initiatives. in so doing, we could conceptualise these activities acknowledging their direct local and social impact. locally owned projects would guarantee that revenues stay in the region and also that key entrepreneurial aspects could be negotiated locally. research could, thus, focus on the role of local potentials and resources and the ways policy makers aim at boosting life satisfaction, the living standard and to promote local and regional development. for regions with severe social problems, also the social economy has oft en been seen as a normative solution. however, empirical research has concluded that the economic impact of social economy activities has mainly been symbolic (amin, a. et al. 2002. p. 116, 125). in particular when it comes to newer forms of social innovation and more recent att empts to re-invent the social economy, there is scope for more research on the role of social economy initiatives in non-metropolitan regions (ehrlich, k. and lang, t. 2012). there are two main themes for future research in this respect: fi rst, there should be a focus on the individual and collective drivers of a new generation of social enterprises working more and more independent from state benefi ts, and second, the role of the state should be carefully examined as supporting the social economy has also become a state strategy to compensate for its 181lang, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 171–185. withdrawal from public service provision in peripheralised areas. researching innovation in the formal economy in non-metropolitan regions, should start with reviewing the more recent literature on knowledge and innovation (bathelt, h. and glückler, j. 2011), on diff erent types of knowledge transfer (e.g. boschma, r. 2005) as well as on critical network theory perspectives (glückler, j. 2013). the inclusion in global networks of information fl ows and production chains as well as the various ways to generate innovations are completely under-researched when it comes to entrepreneurial activities in peripheral regions (as exceptions: virkkala, s. 2007; lagendij k, a. and lorentzen, a. 2007), but these aspects bear the potential to challenge dominant perceptions of the relation between the economy and space. this is all the more important since innovation can contribute to both an increased regional polarisation and a balance between core and peripheral regions. with a less normative perspective on the relation between innovation and space, policy makers will be bett er able to identify and utilise the economic potentials and opportunities of their regions and to promote change from an entrepreneurial bott om-up perspective. conclusions although the european union has been following regional and cohesion policies for years and stressed the objective to achieve balanced spatial development and territorial cohesion with the territorial agenda, regional socio-spatial polarisation increased in the past years. in particular in central and eastern europe (cee), there is a risk that spatial development further concentrates in a smaller number of (metropolitan) regions whereas more and more other regions might be aff ected by processes of peripheralisation. in this context, i believe it is timely to conduct further research on the relevant issues of regional polarisation and peripheralisation with a strong focus on cee. so far, regional development research has been interested either in ‘winning’ core regions, or in shrinking, declining or peripheralised rural, non-metropolitan or old industrial regions. by contrast, the proposed research agenda focuses on the relation between cores and peripheries (respectively processes of centralisation and peripheralisation), a process based conceptualisation of the issues to be researched and an understanding of peripheralised regions with agency capacities instead of being perceived as powerless victims of some overarching processes beyond control. peripherality and centrality should be perceived as revisable characteristics and as socially, culturally or discursively constructed. applying the notions of polarisation and peripheralisation off ers multi-dimensional, multi-scalar and process based conceptualisations of regional development research which are under-represented in european urban and regional studies. with the proposed research agenda, i would like to open up the discussion on new interpretations of the terms peripherality and centrality, rurality and urbanity, border and rural areas, core and peripheral regions, and contribute to the development of new approaches in multi-level governance and ultimately in regional policy. while research on polarisation up to now has focused on a specifi c spatial level (mostly the region itself), i suggest to approach spatial relations from a multi-level perspective by looking at the interplay of local, regional, national and international contexts, structures and processes which aff ect socio-spatial polarisation. thereby, i stress the need to tackle these issues in a multi-method and multi-disciplinary approach open to diverse conceptual backgrounds of all researchers in urban and regional studies following this agenda. i strongly believe that each disciplinary and methodological perspective has its contribution in this fi eld. there is no ultimate truth which can be proven by any kind of (quantitative or qualitative) data. hence, the proposed research agenda is meant to add to existing studies and should be seen as an lang, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 171–185.182 invitation to think diff erently about the phenomena each of us is going to research. we do hope, the proposed research agenda will produce a more complete picture of perceptions, processes and understandings of regional polarisation and socio-spatial peripheralisation in cee and beyond. i have highlighted so far under-researched issues of the evolution, reproduction and persistence of centrality and peripherality, issues linked to the governance of core-periphery relations and some aspects which might bear potentials for alternative forms of development and de-peripheralisation. this might also invite others to tackle research questions linked to achieving bett er futures for peripheralised regions and improving the information base for political decision making under the conditions of polarisation and peripheralisation as complex, multi-dimensional and multi-scalar socio-spatial phenomena. acknowledgements: the author thanks the following colleagues who have contributed to the underlying thoughts and discussions and for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of this paper: józsef benedek, maros finka, tomas hanell, sebastian henn, kathrin hörschelmann, zoltán kovács, judith miggelbrink, erika nagy, garri raagmaa and judit timár. references aligica, p.d. and evans, a. 2009. the neoliberal revolution in eastern europe. economic ideas in the transition from communism. cheltenham, edward elgar publishing limited. allmendinger, p., haughton, g., knieling, j. and othengrafen, f. 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[online] exeter, university of exeter. available from: htt ps://ore. exeter.ac.uk/repository/handle/10036/104835 [accessed 9 june 2015]. lang, t. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 171–185.186 minsk and budapest, the two capital cities edited by lászló jeney and dávid karácsonyi department of economic geography and futures studies, corvinus university of budapest; geographical institute rcaes has; faculty of geography, belarusian state university; institute for nature management, national academy of sciences of belarus budapest, 2015. 194 p. while budapest used to be the bridge between the west and east in central europe, minsk seems to be in a similar role between the russian and the eu–polish infl uence zones. it means that both capitals are situated on the frontiers between the euro-atlantic and the euro-asian macro regions. besides their situations, their similarity in size renders the comparison and the cooperation obvious to proceed. this book is based on the mutual co-operation of hungarian and belarussian geographers and gives a scientifi c outlook not only on the socioeconomic development of the two cities but on the urban climate, environment and ecology as well. hungarian authors of the book introduce budapest as a central european metropolis with its historical trajectories and the results of the post-socialist transformation. they also demonstrate the main features of large housing estates and the results of their rehabilitation. authors from belarus show the major issues of spatial structure planning of minsk in a similar context, describing the past and the present changes taking place in the spatial structure of the metropolis. the integrated assessment of the state of urban environment in minsk is examined also focusing on the ecological frame of the environmental planning in urban agglomerations. the volume serves as a good starting point of a fruitful co-operation between belarussian and hungarian geographers dealing with a social and physical urban environment, the state of which deserves extra att ention especially in east central and eastern europe. copies are available: library, geographical institute of rcaes has, h-1112 budapest, budaörsi u. 44. e-mail: magyar.arpad@ csfk .mta.hu << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.3 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /detectcurves 0.0000 /colorconversionstrategy /leavecolorunchanged /dothumbnails false /embedallfonts true /embedopentype false /parseiccprofilesincomments true /embedjoboptions true /dscreportinglevel 0 /emitdscwarnings false /endpage -1 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice an application of a spatial simulated annealing sampling optimization algorithm to support digital soil mapping szatmári, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 35–48. 35 an application of a spatial simulated annealing sampling optimization algorithm to support digital soil mapping gábor szatmári1, károly barta1 and lászló pásztor2 1 department of physical geography and geoinfor-matics, faculty of science and informatics, university of szeged. h-6722 szeged, egyetem u. 2., e-mails: szatmari.gabor.88@gmail.com, barta@geo.u-szeged.hu 2 institute for soil science and agricultural chemistry, centre for agricultural research, hungarian academy of sciences. h-1022 budapest, herman ott ó u. 15. e-mail: pasztor@rissac.hu doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.64.1.4 hungarian geographical bulletin 64 2015 (1) 35–48. abstract spatial simulated annealing (ssa) was applied to optimize the sampling confi guration for soil organic matt er mapping through various sampling scenarios in a hungarian study site. prediction-error variance of regression kriging was applied as quality measure in the optimization procedures. requisites of ssa come from a legacy soil dataset and from spatial auxiliary information. four scenarios were set to represent the major capabilities of ssa. scenario 1 and 2 represented completely new sampling designs to optimize with predefi ned constraints. in scenario 1, number of new observations was the constraint, whilst in scenario 2, it was the value of the quality measure. in both scenarios, areas inaccessible for sampling (roads, farms etc.) were also taken into account. scenario 3 and 4 represented complementary sampling confi gurations to optimize taking the previously collected samples into consideration. in scenario 3, the constraint was the number of new observations, whilst in scenario 4, it was the value of the quality measure. in both cases, two types of previously collected sampling design were simulated, a regular and a clustered confi guration. the resulted designs were evaluated by kolmogorov–smirnov test, nearest neighbour distribution function and empty space function. in cases of scenario 1 and 3, the results showed that, all of the optimized sampling confi gurations cover properly both geographic and feature space, respectively. in cases of scenario 2 and 4, the resulted calibration curves can be used to determine the sample size for a given quality measure value. furthermore, we could determine the minimal sample size for a given scenario, which has to be collected to represent properly both geographic and feature space. in conclusion, ssa is a valuable tool to optimize the sampling design considering a lot of constraints. keywords: spatial simulated annealing, sampling optimization, geostatistics, regression kriging predictionerror variance, digital soil mapping introduction digital soil mapping (dsm) aims at spatial prediction of soil properties by combining soil observation at points with auxiliary information, such as contained in digital elevation models, remote sensing images and climate data records (mcbratney, a.b. et al. 2003; heuvelink, g.b.m. et al. 2007). hence, the direct observations of the soil are imszatmári, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 35–48.36 set to represent the major capabilities of ssa and to cover a major part of soil sampling issues. in all scenarios, the goal was to optimize the sampling design for soil organic matt er (som) mapping considering some constraints (e.g. number of new observations, inaccessible areas for sampling, previously collected samples). the resulted sampling confi gurations were evaluated by various statistical and point patt ern analysis tools, in order to examine how they cover both the geographic and feature space. theoretical backgrounds some thoughts on (spatial) soil sampling for digital mapping sampling concerns selection of a subset of individuals from a population to estimate the characteristics of the whole population; where these characteristics could be the total or mean parameter value for a random fi eld, values at unvisited sites or location of target(s) (wang, j.-f. et al. 2012). in case of dsm, the main aim for a given pedological variable is to estimate its values at unsampled locations. for this purpose, various statistical models (i.e. spatial prediction methods) have been widely used, where we assume that the models and the “real world” are compatible. furthermore, this implies that the sampling is representative for the whole population. according to bárdossy, gy. (1997), the sampling is said to be representative (from a statistical viewpoint) for a population, if it refl ects the characteristics of the population the best. on other hand, we do not know exhaustively the whole population, just only a small part of it (provided by the samples). how can we decide that, the sampling is representative for the whole population? if we know the components of the given statistical model, we can set a “quasi optimal state” through the sampling strategy, where we can assume that, the collected samples are representative for the whole population. portant for two main reasons (heuvelink, g.b.m. et al. 2007): they are used to characterize the relationship between the soil property of interest and the auxiliary information, they are used to improve the predictions based on the auxiliary information, by spatial interpolation of the diff erences between the observations and predictions. regression kriging (rk) (also termed universal kriging or kriging with external drift , see hengl, t. et al. 2007) illustrates well that twofold application of the soil observations. spatial prediction method of rk combines a regression of the target pedological variable on covariates with kriging of the regression residuals. nevertheless rk assumes that, the sampling points represent properly both geographic and feature space (hengl, t. 2009), where the latt er is defi ned by the covariates. extensive work has been done on sampling strategy optimization for dsm over the past decades to satisfy the topical demands, which were suggested by soil surveyors, pedometricans, end-users, and so forth. these demands can be e.g. the expectation of the accuracy and/or uncertainty of the prediction(s), taking auxiliary information into account, optimization of the sampling design for more than one soil variable, taking previously collected samples into account, consideration of any kind of constraints, such as the number of the new observations, inaccessible areas for sampling, budget and/or accuracy constraints. one of the optimization algorithms is spatial simulated annealing (ssa) (van groenigen, j.w. and stein, a. 1998) that has been frequently applied in soil surveys to optimize the sampling design using the rk predictionerror variance (rkv) as optimization criterion (brus, d.j. and heuvelink, g.b.m. 2007; heuvelink, g.b.m. et al. 2007; baume, o.p. et al. 2011; melles, s.j. et al. 2011; szatmári, g. 2014). ssa with rkv is sporadically able to satisfy the above mentioned demands. the main aim of this paper is to present and test the ssa sampling optimization algorithm through various sampling scenarios in a hungarian study site. the scenarios were – – szatmári, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 35–48. 37 therefore, the statistical inferences are compatible with the “real world”. the sett ing of the sampling strategy can be regarded as an optimization problem. as we will see in the next subsection, the rk spatial prediction method assumes that, the variation of the soil property of interest can be modelled as a sum of a deterministic (which is based on the covariates) and a stochastic (which is based on the variogram or covariance function) components. therefore, if we describe properly, through the sampling design, both the feature (which is defi ned by the covariates) and geographic space, we can assume that, the statistical inference (i.e. map of the soil property of interest) represent the real situation. it can be regarded as an optimization problem, where we need an optimization algorithm and an optimization criterion. as we will see in the next subsections, ssa will be this algorithm and rkv will be this criterion. regression kriging (rk) spatial prediction method in the last decade, rk has been more and more popular in dsm (hengl, t. et al. 2004; dobos, e. et al. 2007; hengl, t. et al. 2007; minasny, b. and mcbratney, a.b. 2007; illés, g. et al. 2011; szatmári, g. and barta, k. 2013; pásztor, l. et al. 2014), as well as in ssa sampling optimization procedure using its prediction-error variance as optimization criterion (brus, d.j. and heuvelink, g.b.m. 2007; heuvelink, g.b.m. et al. 2007; baume, o.p. et al. 2011; melles, s.j. et al. 2011; szatmári, g. 2014). rk assumes that, the deterministic component of the target soil variable is accounted for by the regression model, whilst the model residuals represent the spatially varying but dependent stochastic component, as well as both components can be modelled separately and simultaneously. the estimation for z variable at an unvisited location s0 is given by z(s0) = q0 t · β + λ0 t · (z–q ·β), (1) where β is the vector of the regression coeffi cients, q0 is the vector of the covariates at the unvisited location, λ0 is the vector of the kriging weights, z is the vector of the observations and q is the matrix of covariates at the sampling locations. its prediction-error variance at s0 is given by σ2 (s0) = c (0) – c0 t · c–1 · c0 + (q0 – q t · c–1 · c0) t · · (qt · c–1 · q)–1 ·(q0 – q t · c–1 · c0), (2) where c(0) is the variance of the residuals, c0 is the vector of covariances between the residuals at the observed and unvisited locations and c is the variance-covariance matrix of the residuals. rkv is independent from the observed values (see eq. [2]), so it can be calculated before the actual sampling takes place, which can be considered as a benefi cial property in point of costs and time. furthermore, it incorporates both the prediction error variance of the residuals (fi rst two terms on the right-hand side of eq. [2]) and the estimation error variance of the trend (third term on the right-hand side of eq. [2]), which endeavour ssa algorithm to optimize the sampling design both in geographic and feature space (heuvelink, g.b.m. et al. 2007). however, it mainly depends on, how the two types of error variance contribute to rkv. spatial simulated annealing (ssa) sampling optimization algorithm in brief, ssa is an iterative, combinatorial, model-based sampling optimization algorithm in which a sequence of combinations is generated by deriving a new combination from slightly and randomly changing the previous combination (van groenigen, j.w. et al. 1999). when a new combination is generated, the quality measure (in this study the spatially averaged rkv) is calculated and compared with the quality measure value of the previous combination (van groenigen, j.w. et al. 1999; brus, d.j. and heuvelink, g.b.m. 2007). the metropolis criterion defi nes the probability that, either accepts the new combination as a basis for the further computation, or rejects it and the previous combination stays as a basis further (van groenigen, j.w. et al. 1999): szatmári, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 35–48.38 where ci and ci+1 are the previous and the new combination, c is the positive control parameter (so-called “system temperature”, which is lowered as optimization progresses) and φ(·) is the quality measure (so-called “fi tness or objective function”). for a given soil variable, ssa (using rkv as optimization criterion) requires that the structure of the regression model and the variogram or covariance function of the residuals are known (heuvelink, g.b.m. et al. 2007), which is one of the main drawbacks of the method. on other hand, the algorithm is able to take inaccessible areas and/or previously collected samples into account. material and methods study site and legacy soil data the study site (approx. 17 km2) is located in the central part of hungary, in the mezőföld region, near village előszállás (figure 1). the area of interest is mainly covered by haplic chernozems and kastanozems with signifi cant secondary carbonates. calcisols and regosols are found on the eroded steeper slopes, where the top-horizon is too thin for mollic or it is completely missing. colluvic material can be found at the bott om of the slopes, where phaeozems or regosols were formed. the study site can be characterized mainly by arable lands sown with winter wheat, maize and sunfl ower. the available legacy soil data was collected at the end of the 1980s in the framework of the national land evaluation programme. the dataset incorporates 117 topsoil (0–30 cm) observations from the area of interest. various pedological variables were quantifi ed during the fi eldwork and laboratory analyses. in this study, the soil organic matt er (som) was chosen as target pedological variable to optimize the sampling design for various scenarios. exploratory data analysis was performed on som data to remove the outliers, to calculate summary statistics and to test the normality of the som probability distribution. the analysis has shown that, the probability distribution of som is close to normal. the summary statistics of som are presented in table 1. fig. 1. the location of the study area in hungary and its land use map p (ci → ci+1) = 1, if ф (ci+1) ≤ ф (ci) (3) p (ci → ci+1) = exp ( ф (ci) – ф (ci+1) ), if ф (ci+1) > ф (ci)c szatmári, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 35–48. 39 auxiliary information from the study site spatially exhaustive auxiliary information were derived from digital elevation model (dem) (with 20 meters resolution) and from land use (lu) map of the study area, since szatmári, g. and barta, k. (2012, 2013) pointed out that the spatial distribution/variability of som mainly depends on the topography and the lu at the area of interest. the following morphometric parameters were derived from dem: altitude, slope (in percent), slope length, aspect, profi le and planar curvature, ls factor (wischmeier, w.h. and smith, d.d. 1978), topographic wetness index, vertical distance to channel network and potential incoming solar radiation (direct and diff use). lu map was derived from the products of the offi cial aerial photography campaign of hungary, taken in 2005. in contrast with the morphometric parameters, lu type is a categorical variable. for the sake of the application of rk each lu type was converted into indicator variables. raster maps were generated for each lu types with value domain showing 1 at the locations of the given lu type and showing 0 for all other locations. these raster maps were resampled for 20 meters. principal component (pc) analysis was performed on the auxiliary data and the resulted pcs were used as covariates in the further analysis. it is a crucial step, since the pcs are orthogonal and independent; hence they satisfy the requirements of the multiple linear regression analysis and their application decreases the multi-collinearity eff ect. sett ings of spatial simulated annealing and sampling scenarios the requirements of ssa (using rkv as optimization criterion) are the structure of the regression model and the variogram or covariance function of residuals of the model. these requisites were generated from the legacy soil dataset and from the covariates, respectively. multiple linear regression analysis was performed to characterize the relationship between som and covariate data, using a “stepwise” selection method and a signifi cance level of 0.05. in the next step, the residuals were derived from the resulted regression model and exploratory variography was performed on them. the experimental variograms were calculated and the spatial structure was modelled with a theoretical variogram model. the fi tt ed variogram and regression model were used along the optimization process provided by ssa to calculate (using eq. [2]) the quality measure (i.e. spatially averaged rkv). there are some land use types (swamp, lake, farm and road), which are out of the scope of soil mapping, so we excluded them from the optimization process as inaccessible areas for sampling. the initial “system temperature” for ssa was chosen such that the average increase acceptance probability was 0.8 and the “system cooling” was exponentially. furthermore, a stopping criterion was defi ned to rein up the simulation when the quality measure did not improve in many tries. the stopping criterion value was set 200. the sampling scenarios were set to represent the major capabilities of ssa and to cover a major part of soil sampling issues. the following four scenarios were set to optimize the sampling design for som mapping: scenario 1 (sc1): completely new sampling strategy with fi xed number of new observations, scenario 2 (sc2): completely new sampling strategy to achieve a predefi ned quality measure value, – – table 1. summary statistics of soil organic matt er (som) computed from the legacy soil dataset without outliers variable mean median minimum maximum standard deviation skewnessvalue som, % 2.90 2.95 1.51 4.44 0.56 –0.28 szatmári, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 35–48.40 scenario 3 (sc3): complementary sampling with fi xed number of new observations to supplement the previously collected samples, scenario 4 (sc4): complementary sampling to supplement the previously collected samples and to achieve a predefi ned quality measure value. two types of previously collected sampling confi guration were applied as complementary sampling scenarios (sc3 and sc4): regular design, where the sampling points located at the nodes of a square grid, clustered design, where the sampling points showed a clustered patt ern in the geographic space. in case of sc1, the number of new observations was set 120, which is commensurable with the sample size of the legacy soil dataset. in sc3 and sc4, the previously collected sample size was set 35, which were following regular and clustered design, respectively. in case of sc3, the fi xed number of new observation was set 50. in cases of sc2 and sc4, the main aim was to create a so-called calibration curve. this calibration curve can be used to determine the sample size for a given quality measure value and vice versa. to calculate this curve, the sample size was systematically increased and the quality measure value of the optimized confi guration was calculated. in next step, the quality measure values were plott ed as a function of the sample size. evaluation of the optimized sampling designs the optimized sampling designs were evaluated by various statistical and point patt ern analysis tools. kolmogorov–smirnov (k–s) test was applied to examine for a given covariate, if its distribution from the optimized design is equal to the distribution from the complete area of interest. based on the test – – – – results we can examine how the sampling confi gurations cover the feature space created by the covariates. the nearest neighbour distances distribution functions g(r) and the empty space functions f(r) were calculated, based on the sampling designs, to explore the type of interaction between the sampling points and to examine how they cover the geographic space. the g(r) function measures the distribution of the distances from an arbitrary sampling point to its nearest sampling point, while the f(r) function measures the distribution of all distances from an arbitrary point of the plane to its nearest sampling point (bivand, r.s. et al. 2008). in case of f(r), the grid nodes of the planned prediction locations were applied to measure the so-called empty space distances. it gives direct information on the kriging neighbourhood. results and discussion regression and variogram models the determination coeffi cient of the resulted regression model was 0.41, which means that the model explains more than 40 percent of the total variability of som and the remaining approx. 60 percent have to be modelled stochastically. five covariates were selected into the model by the “stepwise” method. the observed signifi cance level, which was calculated for the model, was practically zero. the regression residuals were derived and the experimental variograms (directional and omnidirectional) were calculated to model their spatial continuity. the directional variograms showed an isotropic spatial structure, which structure was approached by a spherical variogram model type. table 2 summarizes the parameters of the fi tt ed isotropic variogram model. table 2. parameters of the fi tt ed isotropic variogram model for soil organic matt er (som) residuals variable model type nugget partial sill sill nugget/sill, % range, m som residuals spherical 0.04 0.12 0.16 25.00 1,420 szatmári, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 35–48. 41 optimized sampling designs for sc1–sc2 and their performance the optimized sampling confi guration for sc1 is presented in figure 2, which sampling design shows a “quasi” regular point pattern. figure 3 presents the calibration curve for sc2 (denoted with solid line), as well as the nugget variance of som residuals (denoted with dashed line), where the latt er is constant, because this part of variance cannot be modelled (webster, r. and oliver, m.a. 2007). the so-called “nugget eff ect” arises from measurement errors and/or small-scale heterogeneity (goovaerts, p. 1999; geiger, j. 2006; webster, r. and oliver, m.a. 2007). it also means that the value of the spatially averaged rkv cannot be less than this nugget variance (see eq. [2]). hence, the calibration curve converges to the nugget variance, if the sample size is infi nitely large (see figure 3). the calculated calibration curve for sc2 can be used to determine the sample size for a given spatially averaged rkv value expected to be achieved for the som map. in a practical point of view, this kind of calibration curve is a useful tool to estimate the sample size considering the predefi ned rkv value (expected to be achieved for the map) and/or the sampling budget’s constraints. for example, if the soil surveyors want to achieve 0.08 [%]2 value of spatially averaged rkv for the som map, then the sample size, using this calibration curve (figure 3) is 98. on other hand, if the budget allows to collect 42 number of soil samples and the question is “what is the expectation of the spatially averaged rkv for the som map?”, then, using the calibration curve (figure 3), the expectation is 0.1 [%]2. the observed signifi cance levels of k–s test for sc1 and sc2 are presented by table 3. the null hypothesis was that, the two distributions were drawn from the same distribution. fig. 3. the calibration curve for scenario 2 and the nugget variance. rkv = regression kriging prediction-error variance fig. 2. the optimized sampling design for scenario 1 szatmári, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 35–48.42 the applied signifi cance level was 0.05. in table 3 the values of the observed signifi cance level were bolded, where the null hypothesis was accepted. in case of sc1, the null hypothesis was accepted for all covariates, which means that, the optimized sampling design for sc1 covers properly the feature space. in case of sc2, we examined for a given sample size that, how the optimized sampling confi guration covers the feature space. as we can see, 60 is the minimal sample size, which is needed to cover properly the feature space (see table 3). based on this, samples with less than 60 observations are not suitable to describe the trend function, as well as the spatial distribution of som. the observed f(r) and g(r) functions gave almost the same results for sc1 and sc2, thanks to the relatively large range of the variogram (see table 2). we can, however, state that, the optimized sampling confi gurations covered properly the geographic space, because the r value for f(r) = 1 was lower than the variogram range, respectively. as a consequence, there was no any planned prediction location, which did not have any kriging neighbours. furthermore, there is an inhibition (i.e. competition) between the sampling points, which follows from that, the gobs(r) function is below the theoretical distribution of complete spatial randomness (e.g. in figure 4, a), whilst the fobs(r) function is above the theoretical distribution of complete spatial randomness (e.g. in figure 4, b). as a consequence, it causes a quasi-regular point patt ern, respectively (as we can also see in figure 2). figure 4 presents the observed g(r) and f(r) functions of the optimized sampling design for sc1 (the calculated g(r) and f(r) functions for sc2 were omitt ed, because they gave a similar results as in case of sc1, due to the large range of the variogram). optimized sampling designs for sc3–sc4 and their performance the optimized sampling confi gurations for sc3 regular and sc3 clustered are presented in figure 5. figure 6 presents the calculated calibration curves for sc4 regular (denoted with solid line) and sc4 clustered (denoted with dashed line), as well as the nugget variance of the fi tt ed variogram model (denoted with dott ed line). both calibration curves converge to the nugget variance, if the sample size is infi nitely large (see figure 6). the calculated calibration curves for sc4 regular and sc4 clustered can be used to determine the sample size for a given spatially averaged rkv value and vice versa. for example, if the soil surveyors want to achieve table 3. the values of the observed signifi cance level of kolmogorov-smirnov test calculated for scenario 1 and 2. sample size covariates* spc1 spc2 spc3 spc4 spc5 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 110 120 150 200 0.017 0.240 0.240 0.454 0.454 0.454 0.734 0.734 0.734 0.454 0.954 0.954 0.734 0.734 0.000 0.013 0.035 0.172 0.035 0.082 0.329 0.173 0.329 0.173 0.329 0.560 0.560 0.560 0.060 0.021 0.153 0.617 0.617 0.617 0.617 0.905 0.617 0.617 0.905 0.905 0.617 0.617 0.006 0.042 0.006 0.017 0.095 0.194 0.194 0.358 0.194 0.358 0.194 0.358 0.193 0.841 0.035 0.173 0.013 0.173 0.172 0.082 0.173 0.082 0.560 0.329 0.329 0.082 0.173 0.173 *the observed signifi cance levels are in italics, where the null hypothesis was accepted at 0.05 signifi cance level szatmári, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 35–48. 43 0.08 [%]2 value of spatially averaged rkv for the som map, when the previously collected sampling design is regular, then the number of new observations, using the calibration curve (figure 6), is 64. on other hand, when the previously collected sampling design is clustered the number of new observations, using the corresponding calibration curve (figure 6) is 84. the large diff erence between them can be att ributed to the follows: when the previously collected sampling design was clustered, the existing samples concentrated only on a small part of the complete area of interest (see figure 5, b), which yielded higher rkv values, as well as caused a poor coverage both in geographic and feature space. on other hand, the existing regular sampling design covered more properly the geographic space (see figure 5, a). the observed signifi cance levels of k–s tests for sc3 regular and sc4 regular are presented in table 4, whilst the observed signifi cance levels for sc3 clustered and sc4 clustered are presented in table 5. the null hypothesis and the applied signifi cance level were the same as in case of sc1 and sc2. in table 4 and 5, the values of the observed signifi cance level were bolded, where the null hypothesis was accepted. in both cases of sc3 regular and sc3 clustered, the null hypothesis was accepted for all covariates, which means that, the optimized sampling designs for sc3 regular and sc3 clustered cover properly the feature space. in cases of sc4 regular and sc4 clustered, we examined for a given sample size, how the optimized sampling confi guration covers the feature space. as we can see in table 4 and 5, 40 is the minimal sample size, which is needed to cover properly the feature space. based on this, samples with less than 40 observations are not suitable to describe the trend function, as well as the spatial distribution of som. the observed f(r) and g(r) functions for the previously collected sampling designs are presented in figure 7. in case of clustered design, the r value for f(r) = 1 is higher than the variogram range (which means that, there are some planned prediction locations, which do not have any kriging neighbours), whilst in case of regular design, this r value is lower than the variogram range. they support the ascertainment, the clustered design does not cover properly the geographic space, whilst the regular design does (see figure 7). in cases of sc3 regular and sc4 regular, the f(r) and g(r) functions gave “quasi” the same fig. 4. the observed gobs(r) nearest neighbour distances distribution (a) and fobs(r) empty space function (b) for scenario 1. abbreviations inside the legend: theo = theoretical distribution of complete spatial randomness; hi = upper envelope of theo; lo = lower envelope of theo szatmári, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 35–48.44 fig. 5. the optimized sampling designs for scenario 3 regular (a), and scenario 3 clustered (b) results, thanks to the relatively large range of the variogram model. however, we can state that, the optimized sampling confi gurations for sc3 regular and sc4 regular covered properly the geographic space, so there was no any planned prediction location, which did not have any kriging neighbours. there is an inhibition (i.e. competition) between the sampling points, which causes a quasi-regular point patt ern. in case of sc3 clustered, the optimized sampling design covers properly the geographic space. on other hand, the calculated f(r) and g(r) functions show a transition between the regular and clustered point patt ern types. szatmári, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 35–48. 45 fig. 6. the calibration curves for scenario 4 regular, scenario 4 clustered and the nugget variance. rkv = regression kriging prediction-error variance table 4. the values of the observed signifi cance level of kolmogorov-smirnov test calculated for scenario 3 regular and scenario 4 regular complementary sample size covariates* spc1 spc2 spc3 spc4 spc5 0 < 0.05 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 115 165 0.454 0.734 0.954 0.734 0.734 0.954 0.734 0.954 0.954 0.734 0.035 0.035 0.035 0.173 0.173 0.329 0.329 0.329 0.560 0.560 0.617 0.617 0.617 0.617 0.334 0.617 0.617 0.905 0.905 0.617 0.095 0.358 0.194 0.095 0.358 0.095 0.358 0.591 0.358 0.841 0.013 0.082 0.329 0.173 0.173 0.329 0.560 0.329 0.560 0.173 *the observed signifi cance levels are in italics, where the null hypothesis was accepted at 0.05 signifi cance level table 5. the values of the observed signifi cance level of kolmogorov-smirnov test calculated for scenario 3 clustered and scenario 4 clustered complementary sample size covariates* spc1 spc2 spc3 spc4 spc5 0 < 0.05 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 115 165 0.046 0.240 0.240 0.954 0.954 0.734 0.954 0.734 0.954 0.734 0.000 0.005 0.035 0.329 0.173 0.329 0.329 0.173 0.329 0.560 0.153 0.617 0.334 0.617 0.617 0.905 0.905 0.617 0.905 0.617 0.017 0.095 0.006 0.095 0.095 0.194 0.194 0.358 0.591 0.841 0.082 0.082 0.082 0.560 0.173 0.560 0.560 0.173 0.329 0.173 *the observed signifi cance levels are in italics, where the null hypothesis was accepted at 0.05 signifi cance level szatmári, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 35–48.46 fig. 7. the observed nearest neighbour distances distribution gobs(r) and empty space fobs(r) function for the previously collected samples in clustered (a–b) and regular (c–d) designs. abbreviations inside the legend: see fig. 4. some thoughts on rkv and ssa about rkv, we have to notice that, its value(s) mainly characterizes the spatial prediction model rather than the local accuracy of the prediction(s); since it is independent from the observed values (deutsch, c.v. and journel, a.g. 1998; goovaerts, p. 1999; geiger, j. 2006). we have to consider this fact when we want to use directly its values. however, rkv is a fully suitable measure to compare alternative sampling confi guration and to optimize the sampling design for dsm, which follows from its defi nition (see eq. [2]). as we mentioned, the optimized sampling designs for sc1, sc2, sc3 regular and sc4 regular showed a quasi-regular point patt ern. it means that, the variogram model had the dominant infl uence along these optimization procedures rather than the structure of the regression model, according to heuvelink, g.b.m. et al. (2007). it can be explained by that, the area of interest is fairly homogeneous in point of topography and land use, in other words it has a small “niche” in the feature space, according to hengl, t. et al. (2003). the study site belongs to the sárbogárd loess plateau and only two loess-valleys slice up the area of interest. on szatmári, g. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (1) 35–48. 47 other hand, approx. 85% of the total area is arable (szatmári, g. and barta, k. 2012). there are some limits of ssa using rkv as optimization criterion, e.g. the optimization of sampling design for more than one soil variable. however, it seems to be solved by szatmári, g. (2014). another drawback of ssa algorithm is the calculation time, which is lingering. in this study, the elapsed time for a sampling design simulation can take a few hours up to a day. it depends on the sett ings of the ssa algorithm (initial “system temperature”, number of iterations, “cooling” scheme, stopping criterion, etc.), the number of new observations, the size and complexity of the area of interest, the resolution of auxiliary data, the size of matrices for the quality measure calculation (see eq. [2]), and so forth. we found that, if the maximum of the kriging neighbourhood is restricted to a fi nite number of observations (according to webster, r. and oliver, m.a. 2007, it was set 25, which number of observations is reasonable in point of kriging), then the calculation time decreased signifi cantly. conclusions as it was illustrated by the scenarios, ssa (using rkv as optimization criterion) is a valuable algorithm to optimize soil sampling strategy considering a lot of constraints and demands, which were suggested by soil surveyors, pedometricans and end-users (e.g. the number of new observations, predefi ned quality measure value (i.e. rkv), as well as taking auxiliary information, previously collected samples and inaccessible areas into account). rkv is a suitable optimization criterion, because it incorporates the error variance of the trend, as well as the estimation error variance of the residuals, which endeavour ssa to optimize the sampling design both in geographic and feature space. as a consequence, the optimized design absolutely accommodates to the requirements of the rk spatial prediction technique. therefore, we can assume that the statistical inference (i.e. map of the soil property of interest) is compatible with “the real world”. another benefi cial property of rkv is that, it can be calculated before the actual sampling takes place, which can be important in a viewpoint of costs and time. nevertheless we have to keep in mind that, rkv is independent from the observed values. the so-called calibration curve can be used to determine the sample size for a given quality measure value and vice versa. as a consequence, this kind of calibration curve is a useful tool to estimate the sample size considering the predefi ned quality measure value (which is expected to be achieved for the map) and/or the sampling budget’s constraints. acknowledgements: our work has been supported by the hungarian national scientifi c research foundation (otka, grant no. k105167) and by the támop4.1.1.c-12/1/konv-2012-0012 project (zenfe). rerefences baume, o.p., gebhardt, a., gebhardt, c., heuvelink, g.b.m. and pilz, j. 2011. network optimization algorithms and scenarios in the context of automatic mapping. computers and geosciences 37. 289–294. bárdossy, gy. 1997. geomatematikai kérdések geológus szemmel (questions of geomathematics from the point of view of a geologist). magyar geofi zika 38. 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice 301book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 301–308. b o o k r e v i e w s e c t i o n doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.71.3.6 hungarian geographical bulletin 71 2022 (3) leslie kern is an associate professor of geography and women’s and gender studies at mount allison university, canada, and she writes about gender, gentrification, and feminism and teaches urban, social, and feminist geography. in her recent book feminist city, published in 2020, she explores the man-made city drawing on her own experiences as a woman living in different urban contexts (including toronto, london, and new york). she reflects on her experience as a girl, a woman, a friend, and a mother, utilising the growing and diverse knowledge accumulated by feminist and critical urban researchers and geographers. the present book review takes the opportunity to go beyond summarising this extraordinary book, and it aims to highlight the rejection (or at least lack of engagement with) feminism and feminist theories in the context of hungary in the field of geography and outside. anti-feminist and anti-gender sentiments are embedded in popular and political discourses internationally, in central and eastern europe, and in hungary in particular (grzebalska, w. and pető, a. 2018). this is especially relevant in countries like hungary, where feminist movements were never as strong as the rhetoric that claimed their threat to traditional national values. feminism critiques the patriarchal structure of society (thus, the fact that men dominate decision-making and traditionally masculine characteristics enable one to hold power), and it highlights what’s wrong with patriarchy and how it leads to gendered and other forms of inequalities. gender has become an important concept for feminists to be able to discuss inequalities that are the result of socialisation and social (power) relations. within feminism, there are many trends and approaches that are often in conflict with each other. however, feminism is by no means limited to the critique of gender inequality, but it is concerned with racism, classism, ableism, and other forms of inequalities as well. feminist urban research or feminist geography still barely made it to hungary. judit timár (1993, 2019) has written about feminist geography and women in geography in 1993 first and since then, she has incorporated a feminist perspective into her research. nevertheless, feminism and feminist theory are still greatly missing from geography in hungary (sági, m. 2018; timár, j. 2018). therefore, this review also hopes to highlight the variety of research areas which could benefit from feminist approaches. kern is not only concerned with gendered inequalities, but by drawing on intersectional feminist ontology, she is able to highlight inequalities that are produced in cities, predominantly, designed by a very narrow segment of society: white, able-bodied, affluent men. while this book engages with feminist epistemology, it is not a traditional academic book presenting research articles in a traditional manner, but it is structured around the personal experiences of the author as a woman in the city and utilises popular culture. therefore, the feminist city is accessible to a wide audience and able to engage not only academic readers interested in gender and urban studies but anyone open to reflecting on the everyday urban experience of women and other marginalised groups from a critical perspective. the introduction: city of men starts with establishing the relevance of women’s experience as a distinctive experience of the city. kern starts with a personal reflection on moving to toronto from the suburbs to start university just like her brother did, highlighting kern, l.: feminist city: claiming space in a man-made world. london and new york, verso, 2020. 204 p. 302 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 301–308. the inherent differences in city life for the two: “our experiences of city life have been vastly different. i doubt josh has ever had to walk home with his keys sticking out from his fist or been shoved for taking up too much space with a baby stroller. since we share the same skin colour, religion, ability, class background, and a good chunk of our dna, i have to conclude that gender is the difference that matters.” (p. 2). following the introduction, kern structured the book into five chapters each focusing on a perspective of women experiencing the city: city of moms, city of friends, city of one, city of protest, city of fear. city of moms discusses the struggles women face from pregnancy through child rearing while living in the city. discussing changes in the way one perceives their own body as well as the way that body navigates the wider environment. “if you’ve ever been pregnant, the ‘geography closest in’ gets real strange, fast. suddenly, you’re someone else’s environment.” (p. 22). pregnancy contributes to the lack of anonymity and invisibility women experience in the city; it makes women’s bodies public property that can be touched and discussed even by complete strangers. the chapter summarises the existing literature on feminist urban research concerned with the long-discussed public/private, suburbia/city centre divide that has defined women’s and men’s places and activities in the context of us and uk middle classes (e.g., jane jacobs, linda mcdowell, susan saegart), the gentrification led by middle-class families moving back to the city choosing and/or forced into two-earner family model. it discusses the everyday experiences of breastfeeding, walking, and commuting around the city with pushchairs and small children on narrow, wobbly sidewalks and so on. the chapter, however, is not stuck with the experiences of white, middle-class women, but emphasises the importance of intersectional approaches, reinforcing that a feminist approach to the city must always be concerned with any forms of oppression, including race, class and ability, considering the distinctive circumstance of mothers. kern argues that in order to achieve a feminist city, it “must be care-centred not because women should remain largely responsible for care work, but because the city has the potential to spread care work more evenly” (p. 54). city of friends starts with the image of the four friends of the sex and city tv series. the then-revolutionary set is centred around female friendship. the tv show presents the idea that the city (new york) is actually not just a location, but the fifth friend. as kern refers to wunker, e. (2016), focusing on female friendship has revolutionary potential as it depicts an alternative to the nuclear family, to gendered roles and “defies patriarchal logic”. it takes the focus away from traditional female reproductive roles and reimagines love outside of heteronormative (or even homonormative) relations as a primary organiser of everyday life and motivations. kern highlights the increasing depiction of female friendship in popular culture that goes beyond the floppy friendship overpowered by love interests and jealousy, enclosed in the bedrooms of white-middleclass girls. recent portrayals are more likely to be placed in a public urban environment. these stories are also more likely to allow girls (with diverse socio-economic, and racial backgrounds) to take up and claim their space in the city. as kern writes “[p]erhaps imagining the city centred on friendship seems impossible simply because of this: if women dedicated even a little bit more of their love, labour, and emotional support to their friend networks, the system – as men know it – would come crashing down. it’s a radical prospect to consider, and one that profoundly decentres both the family and the state” (p. 86). city of one is concerned with the personal lived experience of the city as women by themselves negotiate their everyday lives. elizabeth wilson (1995) refers back to victorian london where moral panic surrounding women’s increased visibility on the street can be best highlighted referring to sex workers as “public women”. thus, the idea was that women alone on the streets would be mistaken for being poor or being a sex worker. kern warns the reader about the easy trap of romanticisation of past public spaces without new technologies where allegedly people were more sociable with each other. she argues that – like popular discourses around anti-social children and the destruction caused to “bonds of civility and sociability that hold human societies together” (p. 87) – urban researchers also subscribe to this sentiment. while blaming smartphones and headphones for the lack of participation in public life and hostile cities, such equipment is in fact enabling more comfortable access to the urban space for many. as kern writes: “i love having my headphones and music with me in the city too, but for me and many other women, they provide more than a form of entertainment. they may be small, but they create a social barrier against the all-too regular and almost always unwanted intrusions of men. it’s impossible to know how many unwelcome conversations and incidents of street harassment i’ve avoided or been unaware of because of my headphones” (p. 88). being alone under such circumstances is a privilege. women often feel made to feel like “guests” in their own city, people of colour as trespassers or criminals, and disabled people often experience well-meaning, but unwanted physical contact from strangers persisting to helping without consent (e.g., by taking the hand of a visually impaired person). city of protest draws on the idea of “the right to the city”. for kern, like many, participation in protests brings a “sense of belonging in the city”, while confirming a “righteous indignation at the widespread injustices” that affect one personally, but also the “lives of millions of others”. she argues that activism is at the core of achieving the feminist city, as marginalised groups are unlikely just to be presented with – “freedom, rights, recognition, resources – without a struggle” (p. 118). 303book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 301–308. examples throughout history and across geographies have highlighted that in most cases women’s life in cities (and otherwise) got better through activist movements: “for me – [kern writes] – activist spaces are my greatest teachers. i wouldn’t be able to articulate what a feminist city aspires to without those experiences. i’ve learned a lot about how to protest over the years, but more importantly, i’ve learned that a feminist city is one you have to be willing to fight for” (p. 141). the fifth chapter, city of fear, is the most relevant to my own research (sági, m. 2022) and perhaps this has been one of the most discussed topics in academia when it comes to women and the city. the idea of “female fear” is so embedded in socialisation that it has been often mistaken for being an innate trait of girls and women. understanding and mapping fear of crime has been a focus for many social scientists for many decades, where surveys have piled data on where, when, and from whom women fear. “study after study produced similar patterns: women identified cities, night-time, and strangers as primary sources of threat” (p. 145). nevertheless, the concern over women’s fear (and safety) in the city has brought a paradox that was already clear by the 1990s: data has suggested that while women are significantly more likely to be abused and harassed by people they know (including home and workplace) than in public space, men are more likely to experience crimes in public spaces (assault and mugging). at the same time, studies have consistently reported that women are more afraid of strangers in public spaces. this has been conceptualised as the “paradox of women’s fear”, often characterising women’s feelings as “irrational” and “unexplained” (p. 145). kern, drawing on existing literature, collects the multiple arguments that dissolve this alleged paradox and irrationality and highlights that the paradox exists only when gendered power structures are ignored. one of these arguments is that “the crime women most fear is rape. the crime men most fear is robbery. robbery is a bad thing to have happen to you. rape is worse” (p. 146). socialisation from early childhood throughout women’s life course has a major effect on fear in public. warnings from significant others, teachers and peers are further reinforced by media representation (both fiction and news reporting), implying that stranger danger is always around. meanwhile, domestic violence and abuse by acquaintances are tabooised and receive much less public attention, in media coverage, educational environment and from significant others. as kern writes, the feminist explanation for this phenomenon is that women’s fear is being directed outward strengthens the patriarchal power structure and women’s dependence on the nuclear family and the reinforcement of the image of home as the space of security. in the chapter it is emphasised that fear limits women’s everyday experiences of the city, accumulating a variety of hidden costs. this includes time and energyconsuming measures, such as getting off the subway earlier, taking longer routes, avoiding shortcuts through parks, pretending to be on the phone, and squeezing keys in our fists. the combination of these self-imposed measures adds up to exhausting everyday routines. fear also affects financial decisions, including paying more for cabs to get home safely or paying more for housing in order to live in a more secure area or building. where (else) does space come into this? – kern asks the question to further reinforce the important role of geography. – drawing on gill valentine, she writes that geography in fact provides potential control over fear. it is impossible to control whom we encounter on the streets; it is also unlikely that we can control when we go from one place to another. however, we have some control over what routes we take, consequently, we (dis)place our fears onto specific locations within the city, such as alleys and underpasses. therefore, women’s fear in public space is far from irrational,“we’re accurately reflecting the messages society has drilled into us” (p. 149). it is an important message of this chapter that fear cannot be just “designed out” of the city; the physical environment and social power relations are tightly connected. the chapter is closed with the statement that there is no perfect recipe for the feminist city that is safe and comforting. nevertheless, kern argues that it won’t require private or governmental safety measures and it definitely won’t be achieved by sacrificing marginalised groups (e.g., homeless people) for the needs of more privileged women. kern concludes with the chapter titled city of possibility and closes the book with the following thoughts: “the feminist city is an aspirational project, one without a “master” plan that in fact resists the lure of mastery. the feminist city is an ongoing experiment in living differently, living better, and living more justly in an urban world” (p. 167). i highly recommend leslie kern’s book, the feminist city, to everyone interested in feminist urbanism and geography, and even more so to those who are not interested in it, to those who believe it is not relevant to our realities, to those who think negatively about feminism – in academia and otherwise. this book should not be dismissed in the context of hungary on the grounds that it is not relevant to the central and eastern european context. keeping in mind the diversity of women’s experiences, i hope that this book review was able to highlight some of the topics that make it clear that the feminist city has great explanatory potential for urban life in the context of hungary and, more broadly, in central and eastern europe. mirjam sági1 1 institute for regional studies, centre for economic and regional studies, eötvös loránd research network, békéscsaba, hungary. e-mail: sagi.mirjam@krtk.hu 304 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 71 (2022) (3) 301–308. r e f e r e n c e s grzebalska, w. and pető, a. 2018. the gendered modus operandi of the illiberal transformation in hungary and poland. women’s studies international forum 68. (3): 164–172. longhurst, r. 1994. the geography closest in – the body… the politics of pregnability. australian geographical studies 32. (2): 214–223. sági, m. 2018. test és tér: patriarchális viszonyok újratermelése városi köztereken (body and space: reproduction of patriarchal relations in urban public spaces). in kortárs térelméletek kelet-közép-európai kontextusban. ed.: faragó, l., budapest, dialóg campus, 205–218. sági, m. 2022. the geographical scales of fear: spatiality of emotions, emotional spatialities. hungarian geographical bulletin 71. (1): 55–65. timár, j. 1993. a nők tanulmányozása a földrajzban, avagy: van-e létjogosultsága a feminista geográfiának magyarországon? (studying women in geography, or: does feminist geography have grounds in hungary?). tér és társadalom 7. (1–2): 1–18. timár, j. 2018. a feminista és a marxista földrajz kapcsolata: összekötő és elválasztó diskurzusok a térről (connection of feminist and marxist geography: connecting and dividing discourses about the space). in kortárs térelméletek kelet-közép-európai kontextusban. ed.: faragó, l., budapest, dialóg campus, 187–203. timár, j. 2019. hungarian feminist geography in a curved space? gender, place and culture 26. (7–9): 1094–1102. wilson, e. 1995. the rhetoric of urban space. new left review 209. 146–160. wunker, e. 2016. notes from a feminist killjoy: essays on everyday life. toronto, bookthug. international student mobility to non-traditional destination countries: evidence from a host country 133apsite-berina, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 133–146.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.72.2.3 hungarian geographical bulletin 72 2023 (2) 133–146. introduction since the early 1990s, latvia has experienced high levels of emigration. at the same time, the most recent dynamics reveal net migration close to zero and an increasing proportion of the emergent immigrant populations originating from non-european countries. the globalisation and internationalisation of higher education and international student mobility are key drivers for a significant portion of recent immigration. international student mobility (ism) has raised public awareness of various topics in recent decades, such as the export of higher education, highskilled migration, global talent. attracting potential residents is crucial from the perspective of the receiving nations. this is especially appealing to nations experiencing negative demographic changes. the degree to which a migrant can integrate into the different local systems will also determine how much of an impact they have on their local community. a significant portion of migration research is influenced by the neoclassical viewpoint, which posits that push and pull factors are crucial in shaping student decisions regarding international student mobility (ism) (raghuram, p. 2013). the neoclassical perspective suggests that students are driven to international student mobility to non-traditional destination countries: evidence from a host country elina apsite-berina1, liga daniela robate1, maris berzins1, girts burgmanis1 and zaiga krisjane1 abstract since the early 1990s, latvia has experienced high levels of emigration. still, current dynamics show that net migration has nearly ceased and that a growing share of new immigrant populations are from non-european countries. one of the leading causes of a sizable share of recent immigration is the globalisation of higher education and the mobility of international students. however, in recent decades, international student mobility (ism) has brought attention to various aspects of higher education, educational export, and migration trends. this has captured the interest of academics and practitioners worldwide. receiving countries recognise the importance of attracting international students as potential residents, especially as they undergo unfavourable demographic changes. the paper aims to present empirical evidence on ism in latvia by assessing international student daily life and study experiences. the focus is on examining the perspective of a host country. the study utilises statistical data, survey data and a case study of the university of latvia to analyse the link between the origin of the student and their choosing latvia as a non-traditional destination for quality higher education. the findings indicate that latvia is an attractive destination for young migrants from diverse geographies, including europe and southeast asia and consistent flows of students from former soviet countries. one of the main factors that draw international students to latvia is the affordability of education offered in english, providing a “second chance” for achieving success and specific clusters of degree students from european countries studying medicine. keywords: international student mobility, mobile students, destination choice, latvia received january 2023, accepted june 2023. 1 university of latvia, department of human geography. jelgavas iela 1, riga, latvia, lv–1004. corresponding authors’ e-mail: elina.apsite-berina@lu.lv apsite-berina, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 133–146.134 study abroad due to the push factors in their home countries, such as limited educational opportunities or economic challenges, as well as the pull factors of better educational prospects and improved living conditions in the destination country (raghuram, p. 2013). while analysing push and pull factors has a legitimate role in understanding student mobility, it is vital to approach it cautiously. wells, a. highlights the need to handle push and pull factors in ism research carefully. cultural, social, and personal aspects can also significantly influence student decisions, and an exclusive focus on economic and educational factors may oversimplify the complexity of student mobility choices (wells, a. 2014). according to institutionally centred analytical frameworks, university systems and other institutions of higher learning have a significant role in influencing and securing student mobility. available conceptual frameworks frequently consider how a person decides to pursue higher education abroad, their reasons for doing so, and their experiences as international students (findlay, a.m. 2011; van mol, c. and timmerman, c. 2013; findlay, a. et al. 2018). examining how universities attract international students, provide resources and support services, and offer educational programmes that appeal to international students are examples (findlay, a.m. 2011; van mol, c. and timmerman, c. 2013). overall, student mobility abroad can give them worthwhile experiences and long-term advantages. as a result, institutions must value student mobility and help individuals who want to take advantage of overseas study opportunities. all factors are the desire to go abroad, learn a new culture, and improve language abilities. the desire to receive an outstanding education, increased employment chances, and the availability of more courses are all examples of pull forces. after deciding to study abroad, the student should consider the chosen location’s numerous aspects, including the cost of living, the ease of obtaining a visa, the standard of instruction, and safety. in the decision-making process, both student-centred and institution-centred approach is vital. the decision-making process, motives, and experiences of the person as an overseas student are considered from a student-centred approach. after carefully considering these elements, the student can choose particular options, such as a university and course. students are attracted to study abroad by external forces from their home countries (mazzarol, t. and soutar, g. 2002). greater educational possibilities and quality compared to their home country, a better opportunity to learn a foreign language, the desire to live abroad and experience a new culture, access to better work chances, and exposure to other cultures is the main draw factors for international students. the reputation and acceptance of a nation on the global stage, as well as the accessibility of social services and support for students, are other factors that drive students to a foreign country. with this experience, students may have a rare chance to explore a foreign culture, expand their worldwide network, and gain an essential global perspective while studying abroad (lulle, a. and buzinska, l. 2017). studying abroad can be an excellent opportunity to gain new skills and experiences, however, it is vital to consider the financial, cultural and emotional costs of studying abroad. global citizenship and enhanced cross-cultural understanding are only two of the countless advantages of international student mobility. additionally, mobile students are exposed to many educational techniques and have access to beneficial resources and research opportunities, so they are more likely to succeed academically (bryła, p. 2019). more student mobility can result in better personal growth since it exposes students to other cultures, helps them establish friends, and boosts their confidence (rye, s.a. 2014). the cost of studying abroad, which includes tuition fees, housing costs, and living expenditures, must be considered by students. exchange rates and foreign money might increase studying abroad costs (lulle, 135apsite-berina, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 133–146. a. and buzinska, l. 2017). this might be a significant barrier for students who need more resources to pay for the expenses of studying abroad. language and cultural difficulties can also be significant obstacles for overseas students. getting used to new languages, cultures, and surroundings can be challenging (lulle, a. and buzinska, l. 2017). the emotional cost of studying abroad and any stress from being so distant from home must also be considered. the paper aims to present empirical evidence on ism in latvia by assessing international student daily life and study experiences. the paper’s first section reviews recent literature on ism by outlining the theoretical framework, followed by current ism dynamics in latvia. the result section outlines the decision-making preferences of latvia as a study destination in europe among geographically various student groups. finally, it exemplifies the case study of the university of latvia. literature review most studies on international student mobility (ism) have predominantly used quantitative methods to explore its drivers and impacts. however, recent research has started to employ qualitative methods to uncover the complexities of student mobility, such as the lived experiences of international students and the development of transnational networks (findlay, a.m. et al. 2012). the research on ism has identified various push and pull factors, including personal, societal, and economic influences on the decision to pursue a degree overseas. previous studies have emphasised the role of institutional and political policies in shaping the internationalisation of higher education and the potential effects of ism on sending and receiving nations. yang, p. (2022) highlights the importance of these factors. the perspectives of different organisations, institutions, and individuals involved in the institutional structure of ism have made it challenging for academics and policymakers to understand student mobility. wells, a. (2014) and gümüş, s. et al. (2020) discuss the difficulties arising from these diverse perspectives. the push and pull theory help to understand study abroad decisions by considering socioeconomic, cultural, and political environments in both the home and destination countries. the social-demand theory emphasises push factors like escaping poverty and violence and seeking better educational opportunities. in contrast, the supply-side theory focuses on pull factors like the quality of host institutions, research facilities, and the chance to gain international exposure and experience. cultural considerations, such as the desire for cultural exchange and language acquisition, also influence the decision to study abroad (findlay, a.m. 2011). regarding individual and broader societal factors, findlay, a.m. (2011) presents a comprehensive methodology for comprehending the complexities of international student mobility. this approach has been applied in numerous empirical investigations, proving valuable in understanding international students’ diverse motivations and decisions (jiani, m.a. 2017). li, m. and bray, m. (2007) further explore the concept of “reverse push and pull variables”, which suggests that students engaged in internationalisation may experience a form of “push” from their home countries. examples of such variables include pressure from family or friends to return home and a lack of support while travelling abroad. despite the attractive factors of the host country, these variables can induce feelings of homesickness and increase the likelihood of students returning to their home countries. consequently, it is imperative to consider both push and pull factors when attempting to comprehend the motivations and experiences of international students (wells, a. 2014). pull factors predominantly revolve around the favourable aspects of a destination, such as its academic prestige or quality of life. examples of pull factors in international student migration include the opportunity to pursue higher education overseas, apsite-berina, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 133–146.136 access to a superior educational system, employment prospects, and exposure to a different culture and language. pull factors are associated with the desirability of the host country (mazzarol, t. and soutar, g. 2002). the primary pull factors encompass the quality of higher education, the potential for enhanced employment prospects, the opportunity to acquire valuable skills and knowledge, the potential for higher salaries, and the experience of residing in a novel cultural setting. studying abroad affords individuals access to esteemed universities and advanced research facilities, a more diverse student population, and other opportunities unavailable to those who remain in their home country. furthermore, it allows students to develop a global perspective, acquire proficiency in a second language, and immerse themselves in a new culture (reddy, j.k. et al. 2017). on the other hand, push factors entail limited employment opportunities, insufficient access to education, inadequate infrastructure, and political instability. other push factors may encompass the aspiration to evade oppressive social and political systems or to seek economic prospects abroad. in recent years, scholarly investigations concerning international student migration have advanced to encompass a more nuanced comprehension of the phenomenon, acknowledging the intricate interplay between push and pull factors. research has revealed that migration motivations often originate from multiple sources and are influenced by various individual, social, and economic factors. the choice of destination is a complex decision involving multiple considerations, including potential educational opportunities, economic and social considerations, cost of living, social connections, and geographic proximity (findlay, a.m. 2011; hu, c. et al. 2016; jiani, m.a. 2017; findlay, a. et al. 2018). access to quality education, economic security, and availability of social networks are among the key factors influencing destination choice (hu, c. et al. 2016). cost of living, language proficiency, and cultural familiarity are essential considerations (findlay, a.m. 2011). geographic proximity may also play a role in destination choice, as individuals may be more likely to select destinations close to home or that share similar cultural backgrounds (jiani, m.a. 2017). ultimately, the choice of destination is a highly individualised decision based on various factors and considerations. when looking at international student destinations, it is also important to consider how this migration affects local urban change. with the increasing number of international students, the ongoing modernization of higher education infrastructure, and the expansion of university campuses, additional research should focus on phenomena such as studentification. the manifestations and spatial patterns of studentification in central and eastern european cities have not been extensively studied (see, for example, fabula, sz. et al. 2017). furthermore, the desired lifestyle and cultural environment also play a significant role in decision-making. other factors, such as cultural and language barriers, immigration policies, and safety considerations, also influence the choice of destination. finally, the decision to migrate is often influenced by personal and family networks. for example, family members or friends who have already migrated to a particular country may provide helpful information and assistance in the decision-making process. a migrant network in a foreign country can also act as an incentive to migrate, providing a sense of social support and familiarity in the new environment (lu, z. et al. 2019). studying abroad can be a rewarding experience, but it is vital to consider the financial, practical, and emotional implications before deciding to study abroad. studying abroad can also be expensive and difficult to manage financially (lulle, a. and buzinska, l. 2017). while financial support from family and personal savings is a primary source of funding for study abroad, students are increasingly opting for scholarships, student loans and work placements to fund their studies (findlay, a.m. et al. 2012; riaño, y. et al. 2018). 137apsite-berina, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 133–146. in addition to the economic and social benefits, youth mobility also has a positive effect on the development of individuals, as it provides them with the opportunity to learn new skills, develop their knowledge and gain new perspectives (baird, s. et al. 2021). another benefit of studying abroad is the opportunity to experience different cultures, which can benefit the student personally and professionally. studying abroad also allows students to learn from different educational systems, which can lead to better academic success. additionally, it allows students to gain a global perspective, learn a second language, and experience a new culture (reddy, j.k. et al. 2017). furthermore, it allows young adults to make international friends, discover new cultures, and develop a global outlook (kanungo, s. 2015). as a result, youth mobility can be beneficial in terms of personal development and social and cultural enrichment (baird, s. et al. 2021). international students are also attracted to universities abroad because of the cultural diversity, the opportunity to learn a new language, and the chance to experience a different culture and way of life. this is especially true for students from non-western countries who are eager to explore different cultures and lifestyles (doerr, n.m. 2013). one of the primary motivations for youth mobility is the pursuit of economic growth, career opportunities and better education abroad (baird, s. et al. 2021). the competition in the job market has also driven students to pursue higher education abroad to get better job opportunities (brown, p. 2013). additionally, studying abroad can help students become more independent, resourceful and confident in their abilities, which can benefit their future career prospects (holloway, s.l. et al. 2012). in addition, young adults are more likely to take risks and explore the world beyond the borders of their homelands (kanungo, s. 2015). moreover, young adults often study abroad to gain new experiences. however, abroad students may experience homesickness, loneliness, and culture shock (reddy, j.k. et al. 2017) even before external shocks such as the covid-19 pandemic. therefore, the main drivers of youth mobility are the desire for better job opportunities, the desire to explore different cultures and the need for self-development (kanungo, s. 2015). during the covid-19 pandemic, international students were heavily affected in terms of mental state, social situation, financial situation, academic achievement, and learning (gallagher, h.l. 2020; yang, p. 2022). students were forced to switch to distance learning when schools and institutions closed, and many took a gap year or their examinations online. the added hardship of returning home, frequently with little assurance of being able to do so, was encountered by international students (elmer, t. et al. 2020). the pandemic has impacted international students’ mobility and access to education in ways that are still developing and will persist for some time. nevertheless, higher education institutions have met the challenge by developing strategies and programs to aid international students in adjusting to the new reality (sahu, p. 2020). in order to give international students a forum to interact with peers, obtain resources and assistance, and share their experiences, several universities have developed online communities for them. additionally, several universities have established academic and non-academic support services for international students, including online counselling, language lessons, and workshops on anything from cultural acculturation to job-hunting tactics. these programs show how higher education institutions are dedicated to helping overseas students and actively assisting in their adaptation and integration. to aid international students in maintaining connections with one another and their host countries while receiving practical support, several universities have also planned virtual activities, including cultural celebrations, music performances, and debating groups. universities will continue to be essential to effectively integrate international students as the globe slowly recovers from the pandemic. apsite-berina, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 133–146.138 few studies have examined the internationalisation of higher education and the mobility of international students to latvia (rivza, b. and teichler, u. 2007; auers, d. and gubins, s. 2016; lulle, a. and buzinska, l. 2017; prazeres, l. et al. 2017; chankseliani, m. and wells, a. 2019; apsite-berina, e. et al. 2023). interestingly, research investigating network perspectives concludes that ism patterns are shifting, and the study also recognises latvia as a new independent non-traditional destination (hou, c. and du, d. 2022). in a study published by chankseliani, m. and wells, a. (2019), it was found that in the small country of latvia, the movement of international students is seen as an industry that generates substantial sums of foreign revenue. in addition, several universities worry that the inflow of international students poses a danger to their culture (chankseliani, m. and wells, a. 2019). in addition, several ancillary factors can influence international students’ decisions to study in a foreign country. these include the availability of housing and accommodation, a good social and cultural environment, strong safety and security, access to public transportation, and access to quality health care (auers, d. and gubins, s. 2016). finally, a strong alum network in the host country can also be a pull factor for international students. this can include the availability of alum events, job opportunities, and mentoring programs. these activities can help students build relationships with other international students, alums, and faculty members, which can provide support and guidance during their study abroad experience (auers, d. and gubins, s. 2016). further research is needed to assess the potential impact of international students and ensure their well-being in the host country. methodology the report on higher education in latvia, released in 2018 by the ministry of education and science of the republic of latvia (izm, 2018), is a valuable source of information on data regarding international students in latvia. the examination of survey and official statistics data served as the foundation for this mixed-methods study. the first stage of the mixed methods approach uses statistical information from the statistics office and the ministry of education and science to show the actual situation in latvia regarding the total number of local and international or mobile students (international students are referred to as such in national statistics). the central statistical bureau (csb) of the republic of latvia’s database, which shows the number of international students enrolled in latvian higher education institutions at the beginning of each academic year from 2004 to 2018, also reveals general trends on changes in the number of foreign and overall students in latvia. part of the second step of the mixed-methods approach was a survey of international students in latvia. the survey’s primary objective was to find out why international students choose to study in latvia full-time. the survey utilised 521 questionnaires from various latvian higher education institutions and was conducted throughout the spring and fall semesters 2019. a data template was prepared in excel to construct the analysis. the sample consists of 521 full-time international students in latvia who represent 52 different countries geographically. most respondents (37%) came from the private institution – turiba university studying business and management and tourism; around one-third represent students from the university of latvia majoring in business and management and medicine, and around 20 percent from riga stradins university. the remaining respondents represent students from regional institutions and engineering students from riga technical university. geographically one-third of respondents are from india, 16 percent are from germany, 9 percent are from uzbekistan, 7 percent are from finland, and 4 percent are from russia. for data analysis, the study identified four primary geographic profiles: 1. european countries (n = 188); 2. south asian coun139apsite-berina, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 133–146. tries, including india, pakistan, and sri lanka (n = 177); 3. post-soviet countries (n = 97); 4. other countries such as canada and the usa. pasw statistics 18 software was employed for survey data array analysis in this research. data analysis involved using two econometric methods: 1. pearson chisquare test; and 2. analysis of variance (oneway anova). the final stage of the data used in this study was case study data at the institutional level – the case study from the university of latvia. in the fall of 2021, the university of latvia academic department (lu) surveyed international students who started their studies in 2021. the purpose of the survey was to find out the students’ motivation for choosing a university and study program and, in their opinion, the essential sources of obtaining information, as well as to receive an assessment of the application and registration process. the target group was full-time international students in the first year of primary studies (college and bachelor’s) and higherlevel studies (master’s). a total of 172 international students started their studies at the university of latvia in the autumn of 2021, of which 134 students participated in the survey (78% of those studying in the first year). dynamics of international students in latvia the number of mobile students in latvia has increased almost six times since 2004 – from 1,677 students in 2004 to 9,810 students in 2021 – making up almost 13 percent of the total students (csb, 2014, 2022a) (figure 1). the number of mobile students has been increasing since 2005, however, in 2020 and 2021, the number has decreased (izm, 2021). in the 2021/2022 academic year, 3,800 mobile students have enrolled, which is by a quarter less than at the beginning of the 2019/2020 academic year. however, for the second consecutive year, the total number of mobile students, which had been on a significant upward trend before the covid-19 pandemic, has slightly decreased (csb, 2022b). up until the outbreak of the pandemic, international students in latvia were on the rise yearly (figure 2). most were students from fig. 1. dynamics of total number of students and mobile students in latvia, 2004–2021. source: author’s own elaboration based on data from the central statistical bureau of latvia. apsite-berina, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 133–146.140 fi g. 2 . n um be r of in te rn at io na l s tu d en ts in l at vi a by c ou nt ri es o f o ri gi n, 2 01 9– 20 21 . s ou rc e: a ut ho r’ s ow n el ab or at io n ba se d o n d at a fr om th e c en tr al s ta ti st ic al b ur ea u of l at vi a. 141apsite-berina, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 133–146. three parts of the world: europe, the former soviet union’s republics, and southeast asia. the former soviet union republics of russia, ukraine, belarus, and kazakhstan are home to many international students in latvia. they accounted for 47 percent of all international students in 2020. southeast asian students, who comprised 28 percent of all international students in latvia, were the second-largest group. with 25 percent of all international students in latvia, the third-largest group was from europe. according to data from the ministry of education and science, the number of international students has climbed by 82 percent over the previous three years, reaching 10,000 at the start of last year, which was 20 percent more than in 2019 and a half as much as in 2014. most mobile students (70.4%) have received their previous education in countries outside the european union, and almost two-thirds are males. in recent years, it can be consistently observed that about half of the total number of mobile students are students who received their previous education in india, uzbekistan and germany (41.8% of the total number ). more than half (58.2%) of the students from germany studying in latvian higher education institutions are females. in comparison, most students from india and uzbekistan who have come to study in latvia are males (82.7% and 81.0%, respectively). more than 2,000 mobile students who received their previous education in india are currently studying in latvian higher education institutions. compared to 2014, when statistics on mobile students were first collected, this number has increased more than ten times (csb, 2022b). in 2021, 116 different nations’ citizens attended higher education institutions in latvia (csb, 2022a). the most common fields of study for mobile students are social sciences, business, and law (41.2%), health and welfare (29.3%), and natural sciences, mathematics, and information technologies (11.6%) (figure 3). almost half (49.2%) of the mobile student study at the master’s level, while 45.8 percent study at the bachelor’s level. of the mobile students with prior education in eu countries, 85.6 percent study at the master’s level. most mobile stufig. 3. share of international students in latvia by thematic education group, 2019–2021. source: author’s own elaboration based on data from the central statistical bureau of latvia. apsite-berina, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 133–146.142 dents with previous education in eu countries study health and social welfare programmes (78.1%) (csb 2022b). in terms of total numbers, most mobile students (2,500) study at riga stradins university, almost 80 percent of whom have completed their studies in an eu country. this compares with 52.6 percent at the university of latvia, and only 3.2 percent at riga technical university of mobile students with previous education in eu countries. these three universities have 5,000 students, or 51.5 percent of the total mobile student population (csb 2022b). why choosing latvia as a study destination country: geography as a precondition for study destination choice survey results from the year 2019 show that students from india, germany, uzbekistan, and kazakhstan are the countries that most frequently choose latvia as their studyabroad location. more in-depth statistical analysis of the data presented in table 1 indicates a statistically significant relationship among the four groups of students. specifically, the findings demonstrate that latvia is more likely to be the primary choice for students from south asian countries but less likely to be the preferred destination for students from europe and post-soviet countries. these results suggest that latvia serves as a secondary option for students from countries with limited study opportunities, either due to a restricted number of students in specific study programs (e.g., medicine in germany, france) or the overall availability of educational resources in their home country (e.g., uzbekistan). the motivations of these students vary, although they all share the same goal, obtaining a quality education in latvia. while students from india select latvia on purpose as a location to obtain a european certificate, students from european nations travel to latvia to study if, for some reason, they are unable to complete the needed education in their own countries. ta bl e 1. a na ly si s of fa ct or s si gn ifi ca nt in th e ho st c ou nt ry m ea su re /r eg io n e ur op e so ut he as t a si a p os tso vi et o th er f( 3. 49 2) m sd m sd m sd m sd q ua lit y of s tu d ie s b al ti c re gi on st ud ie s in e ng lis h fr ie nd s in l at vi a fa m ily in l at vi a e m pl oy m en t c os t o f l iv in g c ul tu re a nd tr ad it io ns c ap it al r ig a r us si an la ng ua ge 3. 69 2. 14 4. 08 1. 66 1. 34 1. 61 2. 70 2. 69 3. 15 1. 47 1. 14 1. 22 1. 09 1. 11 0. 98 1. 09 1. 16 1. 20 1. 39 1. 09 4. 02 3. 38 4. 13 2. 13 1. 62 2. 94 3. 77 3. 77 3. 57 2. 44 1. 15 1. 29 1. 18 1. 35 1. 16 1. 39 1. 25 1. 25 1. 30 1. 31 4. 16 2. 60 4. 44 1. 86 1. 48 3. 04 3. 54 3. 14 2. 96 2. 55 0. 88 1. 28 0. 93 1. 20 1. 02 1. 32 1. 07 1. 36 1. 50 1, 56 4. 04 2. 14 3. 96 1. 48 1. 28 2. 88 3. 21 2. 93 3. 00 1. 63 1. 37 1. 38 1. 48 1. 05 0. 89 1. 48 1. 40 1. 41 1. 59 1. 20 4. 72 ** 29 .7 1* * 2. 78 * 5. 04 ** 2. 29 * 42 .1 1* * 25 .2 9* * 21 .1 6* * 4. 99 ** 19 .3 8* * *p < 0 .0 5, * *p < 0 .0 01 . 143apsite-berina, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 133–146. riga as a destination was rated relatively high, as studied in the baltic region. german students had given lower ratings for these factors. the possibility of studying in english was acknowledged in latvia as one of the most significant considerations in favour of studying this area in a recognised quality. students from germany primarily travel to latvia to study medicine. the study also explained the geographical locations that international students find most concerning while relocating to latvia. concerns regarding access to social services and medical care throughout their studies are shared among international students. geographically three sourcing regions are highlighted: europe, former soviet union countries, and southeast asian countries. analysis also shows different initial motives and plans among respondents. for example, european students most often study medicine, and latvia is usually a low priority when choosing a destination. students from former soviet union countries often come to latvia to study technical programs like engineering, computer sciences, and economics. southeast asian students often choose latvia to study business and finance. a detailed analysis of the decision-making process regarding studying in latvia reveals several vital factors. firstly, the importance of studying english and the quality of education emerged as crucial considerations. this factor received the highest overall mean rating (4.44) among students from post-soviet countries, followed by south asian respondents (4.13) and european students (4.80). conversely, the lowest factor across all groups in considering latvia as a destination choice was the level of engagement with friends and relatives from latvia. additionally, the desire for employment opportunities ranked modestly, with a mean value of 3.04 among students from post-soviet countries, 2.94 among southeast asian students, and the lowest among europeans, with a mean value of 1.61. the increasing number of international students engaging in the local labour market across various economic fields raises concerns. however, it prompts the question of whether international students’ knowledge and skills align with latvia’s economic development priorities. latvia is a popular destination for international students due to its low tuition fees and living costs compared to other european countries. the quality of education is also high, and the country is politically stable. furthermore, latvia is part of the european union, which allows students to easily access the labour market and travel to other eu countries. due to its affordable tuition and generally high educational standards, latvia is one of the most alluring nations for overseas students from southeast asia. according to only one-third of respondents from eu nations, studying in latvia was their first option. students from southeast asia comprise a quarter of this group. they are more likely than students from post-soviet countries – over half of the respondents – to choose latvia as their top study destination. the availability of high-quality education, affordable tuition, and the chance to study abroad were the critical factors in choosing. latvia is a study-abroad location. latvia is a popular location for students from southeast asia since it is one of the safest nations in europe. in addition, latvia provides a variety of scholarships, as well as cultural and other events, for overseas students. when choosing a destination country, it was crucial for them to study in english and to have high-calibre education, according to a thorough review of the decision-making process. the overall mean value rating for this indicator is rated highest by students from postsoviet nations (4.44), followed by respondents from southeast asia (4.13), and students from europe (4.80) study-abroad. furthermore, the research findings indicate that southeast asian students value latvia’s affordable living expenses. conversely, students from wealthier european nations, such as finland, sweden, france, and germany, consider living expenses less significant. on the other hand, students from post-soviet nations, including russia, uzbekistan, and belarus, apsite-berina, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 133–146.144 prefer the higher chances of finding work in latvia and the opportunity to socialise in the russian language. this preference aligns with the prevailing trend of students from post-soviet countries engaging in part-time employment while pursuing their studies. a significant russian-speaking population in latvia, particularly in the capital city of riga, makes it easier for students from post-soviet nations to connect with others and explore potential career opportunities. as a result, they tend to secure employment in latvia more readily than students from other student groups. the findings further confirm that latvia is often regarded as a “second choice” among european students as a study destination. their level of importance in obtaining a european diploma is relatively lower than students from other regions. this discrepancy could be attributed to the students’ geographic origin, as studying within europe is often seen as more accessible and expected for european students. in contrast, individuals from more distant regions may perceive a european diploma as a significant achievement. additionally, european students tend to rate most motivational factors lower than students from other groups, except for the desire to live in a city. this suggests that the appeal of riga as a study location and the chosen study program hold considerable value for european students, compensating for other motivational aspects. experience from the university of latvia the findings of the survey conducted by the university of latvia, encompassing a majority of international students, revealed the program preferences of the participants. out of the total 172 international students surveyed, the majority chose to pursue healthcare programs (56%), followed by information technology (12%), management, administration, and real estate management (10%), and language and cultural studies (9%). among the respondents, 81 percent were studying at the undergraduate level, while 19 percent were enrolled in higher-level programs. moreover, regarding geography, 46 percent are citizens of the european union (eu), including 16 percent from finland, and 12 percent from germany, while 54 percent are citizens of other countries, including 13 percent from india, and 7 percent from russia. 18 percent of respondents’ mother tongue is russian, 12 percent german, 8 percent english, and 62 percent another language. the majority (92%) of students, rated their knowledge of the english language as good or excellent. the main reasons that influenced the choice of the study program were the ambition to gain knowledge about this field, the opportunity to study in english, the industry’s perspective in the future, and the subjects of this field that were good at school. the most significant differences between groups of countries can be observed: fulltime job opportunities in latvia after graduation (marked by 30% of citizens of eu countries and 57% of citizens of other countries). the main reasons that influenced the choice to study directly at the university of latvia among students from eu countries were the desire to learn new knowledge or deepen existing knowledge (97%), the desire to obtain a university diploma to prove oneself and one’s abilities (95%), the study programs offered by the university of latvia (92%), as well as the opportunity to obtain quality education (90%). in addition to these factors, students from other countries also highly valued the visibility of the university of latvia (85%, of which students from the eu 72%). students rated the opportunity to get a state scholarship the lowest. according to the university of latvia, international students cluster in medicine from finland and germany, followed by degree students from uzbekistan and india. among those specific geographic and study field choices, studies at the university of latvia have been a priority choice. these results contradict when considering results from all universities and study fields in latvia. studies in medicine are well known for their quality at the european level and elsewhere. 145apsite-berina, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 133–146. conclusions this article presents evidence on trends of international student mobility to latvia by linking the geography of the source country. it discusses the perspective of latvia as a nontraditional destination country. the research findings highlight the student’s country of origin’s significant role in choosing latvia as a study destination. while students from southeast asia prioritise latvia over other potential destinations due to its affordability and availability of english-language education, students from the former soviet union do not consider it as their first choice. however, it remains a prominent study location for european students. the results indicate that factors such as low tuition fees, the attractiveness of the city, and the appeal of the chosen study program play a crucial role in influencing european students to select latvia as their destination country. the findings imply that the european diploma’s value is lower among european students and that the student’s place of origin heavily influences the decision-making process. additionally, the findings imply that choosing to study in latvia is likely influenced by the allure of the nation’s culture and way of life and the possibility of obtaining a job there. however, due to language barriers and lack of job opportunities, most international students need to be better integrated into the local labour market. latvian higher education institutions can use the results of this study to develop enticing programmes and marketing materials that emphasise the benefits of studying there. the main reasons for choosing latvia as a destination country are its low cost of living, low tuition fees, and good quality of education. international students in latvia appreciate the multilingual environment. the findings can also guide marketing plans for student groups interested in studying in latvia. finally, the findings of this study may be utilised to guide national and local governments in making decisions on how to promote higher education in latvia and recruit international students effectively. acknowledgements: this work was supported by the national research program project grant demomigpro (‘new research solutions on demographic and migration processes for the development of the latvian and european knowledge society’); number vppletonika-2021/4-0002. r e f e r e n c e s apsite-berina, e., robate, l.d., berzins, m. and krisjane, z. 2023. experiences of international students in latvia: the case of india and germany. discourse and communication for sustainable education 14. 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(suppl. 1): 20–33. https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0236337 https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0236337 https://www.izm.gov.lv/lv/media/2137/download?attachment https://www.izm.gov.lv/lv/media/2137/download?attachment https://www.izm.gov.lv/lv/media/12842/download?attachment https://www.izm.gov.lv/lv/media/12842/download?attachment hungarian geographical bulletin vol 72 issue 2 133-146 (2023) elina apsite-berina, liga daniela robate, maris berzins, girts burgmanis, zaiga krisjane: international student mobility to non-traditional destination countries: evidence from a host country unique or universal? mechanisms and processes of social change in post-socialist warsaw 255 hungarian geographical bulletin 63 (3) (2014) 255–270. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.63.3.2 unique or universal? mechanisms and processes of social change in post-socialist warsaw magdalena górczyńska1 abstract this paper aims at providing new knowledge about the processes and dynamics of socio-spatial changes in post-socialist cities through the example of warsaw. as reference cities for comparison we use two other post-socialist capital cities, budapest and prague. dynamics in urban space are investigated through (1) the socio-spatial diff erentiation of neighbourhoods; (2) the regeneration of old housing stock in the inner-city, as well as (3) diff erentiation of actors contributing to new housing construction. these processes infl uence residential mobility and shape signifi cantly the spatial distribution of diff erent social groups. their impact on warsaw has been assessed based on quantitative data. according to our research fi ndings the process of property restitution, accompanied by privatisation and a growing mix of ownership structure, induced a unique process of fragmentation and social segregation at a micro-scale in the inner city of warsaw, while the socio-spatial consequences of suburbanisation have been more similar to other post-socialist cities. keywords: social change, post-socialist city, urban regeneration, restitution, suburbanisation, ownership change, warsaw introduction at the beginning of the 1980s, iván szelényi (1983) turned the att ention to differences in the socio-spatial patt erns of north american, as well as western and eastern european cities. at that time, the east european model was considered to be in between the american and western european ones, admitt ing that the latt er models were highly diversifi ed. also, the term of ‘eastern europe’ refers to a sort of uniformity, even though this region has always been highly diversifi ed (węcławowicz, g. 1990). although the socialist ideology based on the egalitarian principles of the distribution of goods, services and housing, 1 institute of geography and spatial organization, polish academy of sciences. twarda 51/55, 00-818 warsaw, poland. e-mail: mgor@twarda.pan.pl 256 was in favour of eliminating the extremities, the political and economic elite (even if not rich) enjoyed a lot of non-monetary advantages and privileges such as free car use, second homes, vacations, etc. (enyedi, gy. 1992). in addition, central european countries represented diff erent variants of state socialism within the region (e.g. seleny, a. 2006), which have also resulted in diff erent paths of transformation since the demise of the socialist regime. in the 1990s, the political and economic transformation opened new directions of social changes, including an increase in the level of socio-spatial disparities and income inequalities (enyedi, gy. 1992), contributing to a more visible residential segregation (węcławowicz, g. 1998). for example, in the case of czech republic, segregation and spatial separation mainly concern the extreme groups: socially excluded roma and well-off population living in gated communities (sýkora, l. 2009). the question arises if the contemporary processes and mechanisms of change are universal enough to explain the wide spectrum of phenomena occurring in diff erent central european cities. bearing in mind the existing divergences between these cities, we can therefore ask to what extent these processes and mechanisms are alike. in this paper, the primary att ention is paid to processes and mechanisms of social change in warsaw in comparison with two other central european capital cities: budapest and prague. these processes will be analysed primarily through quantitative data. we use statistics for districts and communities collected yearly by the central statistical offi ce (local data bank) as well as data of the population censuses 1988 and 2002 for enumeration units. the fi rst source of data allowed us to analyse the spatial distribution of newly constructed dwellings, whereas census data could be used for the investigation of the spatial distribution of socio-professional groups in 1988 and in 2002 (according to enumeration units with more than 50 inhabitants). the ward’s minimum variance method was used to merge the clusters with the minimum between-cluster distance. additional information concerning the number and the distribution of claims that set up the right of usufruct were obtained from the offi ce of real estate management (biuro gospodarki nieruchomości) in warsaw. these quantitative data allowed us to grasp the social changes having taken place over the last twenty years and to provide some explanations about socio-spatial restructuring in warsaw. transformation of the post-socialist cities aft er 1990 aft er the collapse of state-socialism, cities of central and eastern europe have become the laboratories of changes, where the mechanisms and process of social change diff er when compared to the western cities. socialist legacy can be perceived as a major factor that contributes to changes in the socio-spatial 257 structures of the post-socialist cities. the national context, the consecutive stages of transformation and the pace of change vary between these countries, though the pathways of evolution are more or less dissimilar. it is not only the post-socialist heritage that infl uences changes, however, but also contemporary drivers. thus, the current forces as well as the legacy of state-socialism trigger together processes of social change and contribute to the creation of new socio-spatial structures. many common elements contribute to the ‘socialist heritage’. the extensively built up areas over the socialist period and vacant grounds mainly in the peripheral districts allow densifi cation nowadays and the construction of new types of housing within the city limits. the former industrial zones provide also good opportunity for redevelopment nowadays. the future of the large housing estates remains an open question as their quality diff ers among the cities and countries. the central and eastern european countries which were uniformly affected by nationalisation of private property aft er world war ii have adopted diff erent kinds of privatisation strategy aft er 1990 which in turn left its imprint on the socio-spatial processes. for instance in hungary, restitution itself was rejected as a general solution in favour of fi nancial compensation and direct sale of fl ats to sitt ing tenants (blacksell, m. and born, k.m. 2002). in the czech republic, restitution began in early 1991 and by 1993 most of the property transfers were completed (lux, m. and mikeszova, m. 2012). in addition, the rights of the sitting tenants were unaltered and rent regulation preserved during the restitution process, while free market rents were allowed only for fl ats that had been vacated (lux, m. and mikeszova 2012; lux, m. et al. 2012). however, in other countries, the restitution process led to shift ing power relations and new polarization on the housing market, especially between tenants and landlords (reimann, b. 1997). the majority of central and eastern european countries have adopted the low-price strategy of sale of the public housing stock that contributed to the diff erentiation of owners in terms of their income (clapham, d. 1995). as it was envisaged in the mid 1990s, the public housing sector shrank in size, became restricted to marginal households (clapham, d. 1995) and concentrated in traditionally low-status areas (kovács, z. 2012). indeed, the privatisation of the public housing stock was considered as the most distinguishing feature of the transition, despite various mechanisms and regulations adopted in diff erent post-socialist countries (baross, p. and struyk, r. 1993). as a consequence, the private rental segment started to grow especially in east germany and in the czech republic, whereas in other countries of central and eastern europe, owner occupation expanded (kovács, z. 1999). the number of home-owners not only started to grow but also became quite diversifi ed. through the privatisation of public housing the share of homeowners with modest incomes was steadily growing which became another 258 dimension of social diff erentiation. it is expected that many of this new poor owners in inner-city areas would be fi nally forced to move elsewhere when facing the problem of urban rehabilitation (pichler-milanović, n. 1994). one of the most powerful processes that have evolved since the beginning of the 1990s, was suburbanisation. even though, the move of people from central neighbourhoods to the peripheral estates existed even before and was labelled as a form of ‘socialist’ suburbanisation (kok, h. 1999), aft er 1990 the process took new dimensions. the suburban zone of prague att racted masses of bett er educated population with high income, which produced a dual social composition: rich newcomers and lower income, less educated indigenous inhabitants (sýkora, l. 1999). in the metropolitan region of budapest, similar processes of social upgrading and rejuvenation were observed, particularly in the 1990s (kovács, z. 2012). at the same time suburbanisation aff ected mainly the already bett er off and more att ractive municipalities (kok, h. 1999; kovács, z. 2012) and, as a consequence, intensifi ed socio-spatial diff erences in the metropolitan region. private companies including foreign developers became soon the leading actors of new housing developments (sýkora, l. 1999; bodnar, j. and molnar, v. 2010), as well as urban regeneration in the inner-city (kovács, z. et al. 2013). one the one hand, the diversifi cation of housing developers increased the housing off er for sale, but on the other hand, the group of clients with appropriate incomes has shrunk. the reinvestment and regeneration of inner city areas remained belated. first, the commercialisation of the historical core started both in budapest (kovács, z. 1994) and prague (sýkora, l. 1999) in the early 1990s. in prague, it involved the conversion of old tenement housing to offi ces and upmarket dwellings, generating gentrifi cation and a socio-spatial change. however, gentrifi cation as neighbourhood change did not exist in the early 1990s (sýkora, l. 1996) as this type of residential and social upgrading concentrated to small islands in the city centre (sýkora, l. 1999). residential gentrifi cation started in prague as a property-development business fostered by foreign companies and targeted at a specifi c group of customers: mainly western foreigners (sýkora, l. 1999). in budapest, physical and social upgrading (i.e. gentrifi cation) also evolved in selected enclaves already in the 1990s, but it was generated mainly by local regeneration programmes and new housing developments (kovács, z. et al. 2013). simultaneously, due to the dominance of the owner-occupied sector, a massive displacement of residents so typical in the west did not occur. having adopted the examples of prague and budapest, it may be claimed that these two cities, although labelled ‘post-socialist’, have undergone slightly diff erent development since the early 1990s. as the existence of a single model for the post-socialist urban transformation has been challenged (kovács, z. 2012), the question to be addressed here is: what kind of unique or universal processes have appeared in warsaw since the political changes? 259 changes in the socio-spatial structure of warsaw since 1989 to begin with it is important to underline that central european cities underwent diff erent levels of destruction during world war ii which allowed greater or less opportunities for the socialist housing policy. warsaw is exceptional in this fi eld, with around 65% of its buildings destroyed (including the old town), particularly on the left bank of the vistula river. the whole material losses incurred by the city and residents were estimated at 18.2 billion plz (polish zloty) according to its value in august 1939, which is calculated approximately 45.3 billion usd today (raport o stratach wojennych... 2004). the most signifi cant destruction concerned buildings (8.4 billion plz) and equipment of private dwellings (5.3 billion plz). the reconstruction of the city followed the socialist ideology based on the egalitarian principles together with centrally planned economy. the city also continuously expanded and between 1921 and 2006, its area quadrupled from 124.7 km² to 517.2 km² through the incorporation of surrounding areas (czerwińska-jędrusiak, b. 2009). however, the spatial expansion of the city was not in harmony and peripheral districts were built-up extensively. over the years, the scarce resources dedicated to the renovation and modernisation of the housing stock together with the slowing down of housing construction led to serious shortage of dwellings. under the socialist regime, the role of land rent was almost completely eliminated, which resulted in a strong functional mix2. nowadays, in terms of housing, warsaw is characterised by a mixture of buildings constructed in various periods which in turn provides diff erentiated housing conditions, and as a consequence, infl uences the spatial distribution of diff erent socio-demographic groups. the old and deteriorated public buildings in the city centre (mainly on the right bank of the vistula), the diff erent generations of state-socialist housing estates as well as new gated and guarded estates scatt ered in the urban space, provide great variations in terms of their social composition. simultaneously, the central business district (cbd) sprawls slowly from śródmieście district towards the neighbouring district of wola to the west (śleszyński, p. 2004), a former industrial area, oft en labelled as ‘wild west’. till the 1990s this area had been characterised by poorly developed and sometimes abandoned plots. nowadays, due to new private (e.g. offi ce, housing) and public investments the area undergoes massive redevelopment. at the end of the socialist period the central districts of warsaw already faced the problem of gradual depopulation together with a more accentuated division of social socio-economic groups (węcławowicz, g. 1998). oneand two-person households were more concentrated in the city centre 2 nevertheless, certain areas in warsaw retained their signifi cant land prices e.g. the inner city (tasan, t. 1999). 260 while the share of larger households grew in the peripheral districts and in the suburbs. at the same time, residential mobility of the elderly continued to decline, which resulted in a more pronounced division of ‘young’ and ’old’ (węcławowicz, g. 2002). at the beginning of the 21st century, the socio-spatial structure of warsaw still retains its mosaic features, shaped during the socialist regime. yet, the concentric and sectoral models tend to become more pronounced, thereby bringing the socio-spatial structure of the city more similar to other european cities (smętkowski, p. 2009). a recent study based on principal component analysis revealed that there are fi ve major meta-features explaining the socio-spatial structure of warsaw: demographic and family structure, socio-professional position, social marginalisation, population immigrated aft er 1988 as well as youngsters and students (smętkowski, p. 2009). the concentric distribution of the fi rst feature is a continuation of socio-spatial patt erns which had already developed during state-socialism. the socio-professional position corresponds rather to sectoral distribution, which is similar to the patt erns detected in the classic studies of socio-spatial structures in cities. the ‘social marginalisation’ feature takes mixed patt erns of distribution with a couple of enclaves of poverty in the core city. newcomers are usually overrepresented in the newly constructed housing estates while students are concentrated mainly in the vicinity of the higher education institutions. the stability of the socio-spatial patt ern in warsaw might be striking, as perhaps more revolutionary changes could have been expected aft er the demise of the socialist regime. although the level of social segregation in the post-socialist cities has always been lower than in western europe, in the case of warsaw growing social polarisation, and housing diff erentiation induced sharpening social segregation (węcławowicz, g. 1998). in the meantime, studies on the level of social segregation in polish cities revealed that the indices had hardly changed between 1988 and 2002 (marcińczak, s. et al. 2012), or, they even showed a downward trend since 1978 (marcińczak, s. et al. 2013). despite the low values of the segregation indices, the increase of social separation has become more visible in the social and material space (węcławowicz, g. 1998). thus, it may be assumed that social segregation strengthened at the very micro scale. the aforementioned studies on social segregation concentrated mainly on the level of education which correlates with socio-professional position. however, it does not always correspond to the material wealth of the new social strata emerging aft er the demise of state-socialism. for instance, members of the ‘intelligentsia’ may fall into three diff erent social categories: elite, middle class or poverty (węcławowicz, g. 1998). i would be, therefore, cautious if indices of educational att ainment are still reliable to measure social segregation in postsocialist cities. these doubts particularly concern the group with tertiary edu261 cation level which may form middle class or upper class and in extreme cases also poverty group (young unemployed people with university degree). in other words, the indicators based solely on the level of education blur the picture of social segregation and probably refl ect fewer dimensions than actually exist. a signifi cant change regarding the socio-spatial structure of warsaw is clearly visible on the maps presenting the outcomes of hierarchical classifi cation using the socio-professional categories in 1988 and in 20023. as the socio-professional categories underwent modifi cations over this period, seven aggregated groups were used in order to assure comparability between 1988 and 2002. these included: (1) legislators, senior offi cials and managers, (2) specialists, (3) offi ce workers, technicians and junior managers, (4) personal service workers and shop and sales personnel, (5) farmers, (6) blue-collars, plant and machine operators, and (7) unskilled manual workers. in the cluster analysis six clusters were created (figure 1). as a second step the spatial distribution of the diff erent clusters was analysed. first of all, it should be emphasised that only three out of the six clusters set up in the classifi cation, appear both in 1988 and in 2002 (figure 2). secondly, while the cluster of “socially mixed areas with the overrepresentation of blue-collars” dominated in 1988 they appeared only as a few enclaves in the peripheral districts in 2002. 3 wesoła district was omitt ed as this area was only incorporated to warsaw in 2002. fig. 1. composition of clusters with regard to average. source: national census 1988, 2002, central statistical offi ce 262 at the same time, the cluster of “socially mixed areas with overrepresentation of specialists” which spread over the central districts of warsaw from north to the south in 1988 almost disappeared by 2002 (only two areas left ). finally, the cluster with overrepresentation of upper categories appeared only in a very few statistical units in 1988, while in 2002 it almost completely replaced the cluster of “socially mixed areas with overrepresentation of specialists” in the central part of the city. these two maps illustrate exactly the profound changes that occurred in terms of cohabitation of diff erent socio-professional categories, which contributed to stronger fragmentation at the micro scale than before. in addition, our analysis revealed the increase of the middle categories and their diverse residential strategies in the city. on the one hand, this category occupied areas formerly dominated by blue-collars; on the other hand, the share of this group grew in the proximity of upper classes and areas with overrepresentation of specialists in 1988. eventually, the spatial patt ern of socio-professional clusters corresponds to the distribution of dwellings by their period of construction (stępniak, m. et al. 2009). therefore, the interdependencies between the age of dwellings and the socio-demographic features of their inhabitants continued to grow in warsaw since the collapse of the socialist regime, not only at an urban scale (smętkowski, m. 2009) but also at a micro-scale of quarters and statistical units (górczyńska, m. 2012b). fig. 2. hierarchical classifi cation by socio-professional categories in warsaw in 1988 (a) and in 2002 (b). source: national census 1988, 2002, central statistical offi ce 263 regarding the changes of the proportions of upper categories4 and workers categories5 in 1988 and in 2002, the growing dominance of the former group is particularly visible in the central part of the city, which could be interpreted as gentrifi cation of the central districts (górczyńska, m. 2012a). indeed, in certain areas the process corresponds to the gentrifi cation (and its restrictive defi nition) described as invasion and succession of a neighbourhood inhabited originally by working-class households (bourne, l.s. 1993), associated with rehabilitation and investment in the old buildings. however, data indicate that actually three distinct processes operate simultaneously: gentrifi cation in the case of certain old buildings, embourgeoisement6 in the traditionally affl uent areas and redevelopment linked to newly built residential buildings and gated communities (górczyńska, m. 2012a). these changes in the social composition of warsaw took place mainly in the 1990s. nowadays, we witness their continuation; however, the spatial outcomes of current changes are rather intuitive due to the lack of accurate statistical data. nonetheless, with respect to the processes at work linked to the housing sector, a few conclusions may be drawn in order to assess the uniqueness or universality of mechanisms of social change that took place in warsaw. regeneration of the built environment: towards social upgrading? the processes of urban renewal and regeneration leading to social change occurred in warsaw with some delay. according to the main actors of these actions, they may be divided into public and privately-led interventions. apart from the reconstruction of the capital city aft er world war ii, publicly organised urban rehabilitation had not been planned before 2004 when the pilot programme of urban renewal was launched in four central districts7. in may 2008, the city hall adopted the local programme for revitalisation 2005–2013 (pl. lokalny program rewitalizacji m.st. warszawy). it comprised a variety of actions and operations taking place in almost all districts which prepared their micro-programmes of urban renewal. those covered, among others, a wide range of actions towards socio-economic revival, development of tourism and culture on the basis of the existing cultural heritage and resources, improvements of security and communication possibilities within housing estates as well as integration of inhabitants and social inclusion. 4 legislators, senior offi cials and managers and specialists. 5 blue-collars, plant and machine operators and unskilled manual workers. 6 the process known in french scientifi c literature as an increase in the number of upper social categories in the districts or communes traditionally characterised by a signifi cant share of these categories (e.g. pinçon, m. and pinçon-charlot, m. 1989). 7 these pilot actions were co-funded by the european regional development fund (within the integrated regional operational programme) and central budget. 264 concerning the built environment, the most visible actions of the public sector concentrated in certain old, municipal buildings of praga północ district. however, these operations were oft en criticised as being only ‘façade renovation’, while social problems of the local population remained unsolved. in the following years, praga północ district benefi ted from subsequent actions dedicated specifi cally to social issues in the framework of social revitalisation (e.g. the programme entitled: block, backyard, tenant houses – revitalised neighbourhoods) and was also selected as one of the priority areas for urban and social revitalisation under the currently elaborated integrated programme for revitalisation in warsaw 2014–2020. the second group of actions towards regeneration is initiated by private actors. first of all, oft en owners of single family houses undertake the renovation. this procedure is particularly visible in the old districts traditionally inhabited by more affl uent population, e.g. żoliborz, mokotów (see also bouloc, c. 2013). secondly, another type of actions also slowly develops linked to the renovation of old buildings nationalised in 1945. aft er world war ii nearly 40,000 properties were nationalised which made up around 94% of existing buildings and land in the city in 1939. then, the decree on the public management of dwellings and rent control (1945), introduced two other important tools: defi ned the rules concerning the average fl oor space per person in a dwelling, introduced “rent under special regime” (in polish szczególny tryb najmu) and pinpointed particular professional groups (needed in the city) that might have acquired a dwelling. the rent control was introduced and the criteria of population in dwellings adopted. all these actions limited the right to dispose of private property and strongly infl uenced the social composition of the pre-war buildings as well as the housing conditions of the population that time (górczyńska, m. 2014). the process of restitution of public properties commenced slowly already under the socialist regime, nevertheless, the number of claims accepted at that time remained very low. the process has quickly accelerated aft er the change of regime (figure 3 and 4). according to the offi ce of real estate management in the city hall, the number of returned properties has been growing steadily and the process is particularly robust in the central districts. fig. 4. the share of districts in the restitution process (1990–2012). source: biuro gospodarki nieruchomościami, urząd miasta stołecznego warszawy fig. 3. the number of properties in warsaw affected by restitution (1990–2012). source: biuro gospodarki nieruchomościami, urząd miasta stołecznego warszawy 265 not only do private owners recapture their properties, but they oft en sell them to private developers who possess suffi cient fi nancial resources in order to renovate these old and usually deteriorated pre-war buildings. there already exist examples of restituted buildings that have been completely renovated and transformed into luxury apartments for upper classes. generally, high quality apartments in old buildings in warsaw are rare and investors make use of this niche on the housing market. thus, the demand for “apartments with a soul” grows despite the fact that their prices are among the highest in the city. new actors on the housing market the collapse of state-socialism has also infl uenced the group of actors providing new dwellings on the housing market. till the end of the 1980s, housing cooperatives were the main housing developers but the situation has changed as they no longer benefi ted from favourable conditions as they did under poland’s planned economy (herbst, i. and muzioł-węcławowicz, a. 1993). in general, housing construction at the beginning of the 1990s was very low. then, since the middle of the 1990s foreign (scandinavian, canadian, israeli, american, and also italian and german) housing developers have entered the housing market and diversifi ed the housing off er, providing luxury apartments as well as quite large housing estates, more aff ordable, particularly in the peripheral districts (mainly in białołęka). since then, the share of dwellings constructed by housing cooperatives has further dropped in warsaw: from 35.7% of newly constructed dwellings in 2002, to only 9.6% in 2012 (local data bank, central statistical offi ce, 2014). at the same time municipal housing construction remained limited: only 2.8% of the newly constructed dwellings were built by public institutions in 2012 (local data bank, central statistical offi ce, 2014). the number of newly constructed dwellings steadily grows in the peripheral districts of warsaw (figure 5), as well as in the close suburban areas (figure 6). regarding new housing construction housing developers dominate in the central and the densely built peripheral districts of warsaw. whereas the share of individuals is higher in the districts situated on the right bank of the vistula river (in the south-eastern part of warsaw) where land rent is relatively lower and the availability of vacant grounds is still higher when compared to the western districts. concerning suburbanisation, migration towards the suburban zone of warsaw increased already between 1990 and 1993, but att ained higher values between 1994 and 1998. this process concerned especially the towns and communes neighbouring warsaw (potrykowska, a. and śleszyński, p. 1999). 266 in 1995 the outflow of people from warsaw to other neighbouring communes constituted already 64% of all migrations in warsaw; around 60% of this outfl ow was towards towns and communes situated on the left bank of the vistula river (potrykowska, a. and śleszyński, p. 1999). in the following years (2000–2010), the positive migration rates were still in favour of close suburban communes (scientifi c report best metropolises 2012). fig. 5. the share of dwellings constructed between 2002 and 2012 in warsaw by districts. source: local data bank, central statistical offi ce, 2014 fig. 6. the share of dwellings constructed between 2002 and 2012 in the functional urban area of warsaw by municipalities. source: local data bank, central statistical offi ce, 2014 267 the current structure of actors providing new dwellings on the housing market impacts considerably residential mobility. not only poor households but also those having average income are trapped in their actual place of residence, as dwellings off ered by private developers dominate contemporary housing market in warsaw. under these circumstances residential moves become more and more diffi cult. for instance, young households with average income, whose parents are home-owners, are forced to develop their own residential strategy in order to acquire a dwelling. it may require both a change of hitherto inhabited district or moving out to a suburban area and lowering requirements in terms of quality and size of a dwelling. in many cases, parents fi nancially support their children in purchasing a dwelling or building a new house. the process of suburbanisation also generates changes in the social composition in the neighbouring municipalities, with growing concentration of middle and upper categories in the areas already having higher status during the socialist period. however, residential strategies diff er among these two groups. the upper-class families who moved to bett er off suburban areas usually keep their apartments in the city in order to have a place of temporary accommodation in case they need to stay for a few days in the city (bouloc, c. 2013). conclusions in this paper changes in the social composition and socio-spatial patt ern of warsaw was analysed and compared to other central european cities. to this end, particular att ention was paid to the diff erentiation of new housing providers together with the process of suburbanisation, the regeneration of old housing through projects of rehabilitation and the process of property restitution. in general, certain similarities between the processes occurring in warsaw and in other post-socialist cities were distinguished. nevertheless, the thesis about diff erentiation among cities and countries in central and eastern europe was confi rmed (węcławowicz, g. 1990). although one may notice the growth of middle and upper social groups and their spatial concentration in the city, the mechanisms lying behind these processes are sometimes diff erent in warsaw when compared with other cities. the increasing number of dwellings in suburban locations and the concentration of bett er off people in particular suburban neighbourhoods are similar to the processes occurring in other central european cities. undoubtedly, the process of suburbanisation will continue, but hardly any spectacular changes in the distribution of social groups can be expected as the socio-economic profi le of municipalities in the close suburban zone has 268 already been well established over the last 25 years. it seems that developers are more interested in quantity rather than quality, and in many cases the infrastructure accompanying new housing developments is inadequate to the number of households who arrive. this concerns also the transport infrastructure. considering these inconveniences, more affl uent households may decide to keep an apartment in the city centre rather than to move out to the suburban zone. the process of ‘socialist suburbanisation’ still occurs within city limits, especially in the peripheral districts with the lowest density, while other districts undergo densifi cation. both processes may result in the process labelled as redevelopment (bourne, l.s. 1993) or ’new-build gentrifi cation’ as one of the mutations of gentrifi cation (davidson, m. and lees, l. 2005) but certainly, not all of these newly constructed dwellings directly invoke this process. due to property restitution and privatisation of municipal dwellings, the social and economic status of owner-occupiers in warsaw is quite diversifi ed producing mixed ownership structures. what is more important, the ownership of a dwelling does not necessarily indicate higher economic status of a household. on the contrary, many buildings inhabited by owners suff er from gradual physical degradation. the process of restitution of public buildings was delayed in warsaw, mainly due to lack of legal framework. lack of any specifi c measures and tools that would protect the sitt ing tenants (like it happened in other central european countries) entails tensions and displacement and may also result in social upgrading of these areas. it seems that the impact of the restitution of private properties in warsaw is underestimated, probably because of the lack of detailed statistical data. however, the consequences, both spatial and social might be important for the socio-spatial restructuring of the central districts of warsaw. as renovation of old buildings takes place in several diff erent pockets of the city this might increase their att 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice hungary as receiving country for circulars 197 hungarian geographical bulletin 61 (3) (2012) 197–218. hungary as receiving country for circulars1 sándor illés2 and áron kincses3 abstract the paper presents fi ndings of research on long-term international circular migration. there is scarce information on migratory phenomena interlinked by serial numbers (parity) in literature, so we would like to provide empirical evidences on international circular migrants based on the registered-type of data. the paper draws on a conceptual framework for a sort of defi nition of international circular migration. we deal with the phenomenon of circulation as one of the systems of the international migration and concentrate on hungary as a receiving country. the main aim of the paper is to transform the notion of circulation highly theorised to the practice. the paper seeks to gain further insight into the demographic composition and territorial preferences of international circular immigrants in hungary. conclusions about circulars indicate the need for future investigations. keywords: circulation, international migration, migration system, spatial distribution, parity analysis introduction international migration studies have traditionally focused on residence based assumptions, but the primacy of the concept of usual place of residence is eroding. migration means a change of usual place of residence. it is a single non-recurring movement from statistical angle. from spatial aspects, migration has a character of processes in order to connect diff erent terrains: sending, transit and receiving areas. circulation is one of the newly emerging phenomena in which recurring moves are fl ooding among multiple residences. based on this research we proposed proto-defi nitions from spatial angle in order to create macro level statistics. in general, circulation is a spatial mobility system which contains at least three 1 the research paper is co-fi nanced by the european integration fund of the european union. 2 eötvös loránd university, department of social and economic geography, h-1117 budapest, pázmány péter sétány 1/c. e-mail: illes@caesar.elte.hu 3 hungarian central statistical office, h-1024 budapest, keleti károly u. 5. e-mail: aron.kincses@ksh.hu 198 interlinked and recurring individual moves. in particular, international circular migration would be conceptualized as an international migration system. it contains at least two or more nation-states and three or more interlinked and recurring international migrations between countries involved. the paper presents some fi ndings of a quantitative empirical research on long-term international circular migration. circulation is one of the newly emerging phenomena in the era of globalisation in which recurring moves are fl ooding among multiple residences (mcloughlin, s. et al. 2011). unfortunately, there is scarce information on migratory phenomena interlinked by serial numbers, which become system of migration (constant, a. and zimmermann, k. 2011). we would like to fi ll this gap. we suggest introducing the old-new notion to migration studies – circulation. circulation refers to a system of multiple, recurring spatial movements of individuals while the characteristic of multiplicity is as signifi cant as the spatial moves and the system itself. the main aim of this study is to transform the notion of circulation highly theorised to the geographic, statistic and demographic practice. we address the central concern of this study on the international return migration multiplied to a destination country, namely hungary. so we concentrate on hungary as a receiving country. in the next chapters the paper provides empirical evidence based on the registered-type of data of international migrants arising from the hungarian offi ce of immigration and nationality. firstly, the paper draws on a conceptual framework for a defi nition proposed of international circular migration. we point to the fact that three interlinked and recurring migration steps are necessary for the creation of circulation process. secondly, we present the data and method utilised. thirdly, we examine the demographic composition of circulars by gender, age and family status. fourthly, considering the territorial patt erns in hungary, we analyse the spatial distribution of the residence of circular immigrants on county level. in other words, we put special emphasis on their spatial preferences within the country. theoretical framework according to the conception of the old-fashioned, international migration touched upon at least two independent states. the international migrants are separated from the sending countries and they are connected with the receiving countries. but technical and logistical developments in transport and telecommunications have signifi cantly changed the speed and trajectories of spatial movements of goods, people, information and ideas. as one of the symptoms of integration and globalisation, the volume and average distance of international migration are increasing (michalkó, g. and vizi, i. 2005) and 199 transnational communities are organised with peculiar activities (bauböck, r. 2003; hardill, i. 2004; nell, l.m. 2004). previously, the members of these above mentioned transnational communities had multiple citizenships and they slightly joined with any other states. it is possible to interconnect the economic, social, cultural and political activities between the sending and receiving countries. another problem was that the transnational migrants might join with the countries involved. the analysis of transnational migrants’ activities from historical perspective proved that transnationalism was not a brand new phenomenon emerged at the end of the twentieth century (castles, s. and miller, m. 1993; soysal, y.n. 1994; sík, e. and tóth, j. eds. 1999; gellér-lukács, é 2004;). ravenstein claimed that every single signifi cant migration fl ow – aft er a certain period of time – creates its refl ection, the counter-fl ow (illés, s. 2001; illés, s. and kincses, á. 2009). in the early twentieth century travelling to the home country and sending remittances back was sporadic practice. it was only a matt er of time that travelling to the country of origin as tourist and the remitt ances became monthly and weekly routine (wickramasekara, p. 2003; rédei, m. 2007). communication without physical contact made it possible for people to change information through smaller and smaller time gaps (messages via persons, sending postcards, sending telegrams, making phone calls, writing e-mails etc.). as consequences of mass infl ux to america, transnational phenomena have been developing since the 20th century with the symptoms below: in the course of the assimilation process to the host society, the link of migrant to the receiving society was not disrupted completely; migration networks developed (buchanan, m. 2003; barabási, a.l. 2008); due to gaining citizenship of country of destination, large amount of double citizens developed/appeared but it was inessential for both the sending and receiving sides and the migrants themselves to make any advantages from their multiple legal status; diff erent sorts of migrant organisations could be founded in the receiving countries; some groups specialised in peculiar economic activities (it was also erected from the home country) did not create interconnection between the two countries. the end of obligatory military service, the prohibition of multiple tax legislation in international relations, the supranational rules of economic integrations broke the absolute sovereignty of nation states before the epoch of recognition of transnational activities. the last logical argument of the political community of receiving country against the multiple connections would be the break of the rule of “one person has one vote”. the immigrants may enjoy the consequences of their wise political decisions without barriers, but in case of – – – – – 200 negative consequences, they could emigrate easier than the natives (sutcliffe, b. 2001; viszt, e. et al. 2001; ostergaard-nielsen, e. 2003). transnationalism can get to a new level aft er the rapid development of communication technology and transportation (papademetriou, d.g. 2001; bernek, á. ed. 2002; szentes, t. 2002; tiner, t. 2009). the phenomenon of transnational migration has the largest amount of literature in this respect. according to the so called ‘old-fashioned’ conception refl ected the last epoch, international migration touched upon two independent states with one way ticket. the international migrants were separated from the sending countries and connected with the receiving countries. in the new era the migrants don’t lose their relations completely with the country of origin. nowadays, they partly att ached to the country of destination via their work, their properties, their family relations and other activities. (salt, j. 2001; waldinger, r. 2008). migrants could adopt dual or multiple residence strategy. in practice, it meant a strategy of moving back and forth (klinthäll, m. 2006; tannenbaum, m. 2007). in the epoch of globalisation, the migratory movements are developing as a sort of events repeated with multiple displacements from one place to another. the transitional nature of migration processes is in growth. many fi rst time international migrants stayed in the receiving country, but many former emigrants returned aft er years of wandering or became circular migrants dividing their time and activity between the origin and the destination countries. an increasing number of circulations occupy a system of places rather than a single place of residence. national statistics and data of international organisations are generally poor to catch the movement of people moving together (mobility units), especially in case of multiple moves (for instance circulation) (borrel, b. 2004; lukács, é. 2011). all in all, the notion of transnational migration has the largest amount of literature in this respect. finally, we depict some research questions relevant in this context. one of the core questions is what the content of transnational status is and how to extend the transnational status. the main problem is how long the transnational status exists during an individual life course? an open question remains whether the multiple belongings of two or more nations will be a transitional phase of the immigrant life or we can expect their permanence across generations. which conditions are necessary to maintain the transnational status of immigrants? defi nitions the links between moves att racted the att ention of scientists even as early as in the 19th century (for instance, see the vast majority of contributions on nomads, 201 traders, seasonal labourers). the concept of return migration developed as the very fi rst idea in the second half of the twentieth century (king, r. 1986) and it can be more or less transformed to the concept of serial migration was just linked to it. it is also necessary to mention that the next step on the way towards the recognition of the phenomenon of circulation was the sporadic application of the concept of repeat migration. the notion of seasonal migration had close relationship with international moves of workers (borjas, g.j. 1996). seasonal migrants were employed mainly by the agriculture, construction and the services of mass tourism. international commuting, in other words pendulum migration, is the most frequent in state border zones, but it means not only the movement of workers, but also the daily and weekly periodic movement of service providers. the phenomena connected with international tourist travels without periodicity (tourism of professionals and shopping tourism) were encompassed in the notion of international vacation. in other words, if economic incentives are involved, we get to the notion of long-distance commuting; and if the migration has a recreational purpose, we get to tourism (williams, a.m. and hall, m.c. 2002). infl ow and return are the two sorts of spatial moves. particularly, fi nal return means the end of migration cycle (king, r. 2002). if the att raction force of sending area is not so strong and the receiving area pushes the immigrants away, a third area develops as the next destination. in case of unsuccessful decision, the immigrants search a fourth area if they exclude coming back to the previous places. ossman utilized the term ‘serial migration’ to indicate non-recurring migrants who undertook a series of migration rather than a simple event of migration (ossman, s. 2004) with that migration patt ern, the series do not break and the serial migration system emerges without no return. although the serial of remigration happen (multiple moves) and the elements of the moves are three or more but we can not interpret it as circulation because it is not a return to any previous places. in this contribution we adopted kritz and zlotnik’s view of system approach (kritz, m. and zlotnik, h. 1992). their international migration system comprised groups of countries fl owing signifi cant absolute numbers of international migrants within them. castles and miller’s (1993) study (cited below) supported that sort of conceptualisation. international migration system linked the sending and receiving areas with fairly regular and relatively permanent structures and fl ows. increasing number of circulations occupy a system of places rather than a usual place of residence. national statistics and data of international organisations are generally poor to catch the moment of people moving together (mobility units), especially in case of multiple moves (for instance circulation). 202 from spatial aspects, migration has a character of processes instead of events in order to connect diff erent terrains: sending, transit and receiving areas. the migration system is nothing else that the sum of migration processes, in other words a set of non-independent moves one another. utilise the specifi c classifi cation of regional sciences on the conditions of over time and across space (nemes nagy, j. 2009) whereas migration is not a mono-space process. however, as noted above, it was a hetero-space process. if we interconnect the hetero-space character with the simplest duality of time relation, we can get two possible solutions (hetero-space and one-time processes, hetero-space and discrete-time processes). the hetero-space and one-time international migration systems are separated by the centres of att raction. at global scale, only three gravity centres can be distinguished: north america, european economic area and australia. the att raction power of continental scale has many sub-gravity centres, for instance the international migration systems of south africa, middle east and singapore with heterospace and one-time character of the system. the simple sum of moves characterises these kinds of relations with the prevalence of one gravity centre. the interconnection of separate fl ows with discrete-time character is not illustrative of that system. the hetero-space and discrete-time international migration systems have at least two att raction centres. the simplest example is the twocentre system and the fl ows happen between them. infl ow and return are the two sorts of spatial moves. particularly, fi nal return means the end of migration cycle (king, r. 2002). if the att raction force of sending area is not so strong and the receiving area pushes the immigrants away, a third area develops as the next destination. in case of unsuccessful decision, the immigrants search a fourth area if they exclude coming back to the previous places. the introduction of repeated and serial migration is described as the prototype of migration system. ossman (2004) utilized the term ‘serial migration’ to indicate non-recurring migrants who undertook a series of migration rather than a simple event of migration. with that migration patt ern, the series do not break and serial migration system emerges without any return. although the serial of remigration happen (multiple moves) and the elements of the moves are three or more but we can not interpret it as circulation because it is not a return to any previous places. first parity return is enough for circulation in the receiving country if the number of residences is at least three. (in case of two residences, the fi rst parity back move is nothing else that a return migration.) according to the arguments pro and con listed above, we can conclude that at least three interlinked and recurring migration steps are necessary between two places for the creation of circulation. all in all, our proposal for the exact defi nition of circulation from the spatial angle within the context of human moves is as follows: circulation is a hetero-space and discrete-time spatial mobility system containing at least three inter203 linked individual moves in which two have return character. we utilise consciously the broadest concepts related to human moves just as “spatial mobility system” and “move” in order to conceptualise easier the notion of circulation connoted tourism, commuting, residential mobility and migration as well. it usually involves return and repetition. in other words, international circular migration constitutes multiple return moves within the same spatial system. data and methods one of the inevitable problems of the statistical measure of international migration is the under-registration of emigrants (borrel, c. 2004). in the absence of obligatory reporting of emigration in the sending country sources (registration, population census, survey), we cannot gain reliable data of emigration (tóth, j. 2004; kovacsics-nagy, k. 2006). registration of receiving country could be used as “mirror statistics” for the country of origin. this is the fi rst solution, but it could function in an appropriate way if numerous bilateral agreements are entered into force among the bodies involved. it seems to be a more eff ective solution if an international organization collects migration data harmonised from its member states. aft er that the data produced on unifi ed principles and methods will be published by international organization with any possible dimensions. both methods are used by the hungarian central statistical offi ce, but the common shortcoming is that the quality of the data compiled echoes the level of the least quality national statistics. another problem of the data of emigration is that it is not possible to make a sophisticated analysis for instance of gender and age specifi c analysis, not to mention the other dimensions. the present study aims to enrich our knowledge of circulation within international migration context focusing on hungary as a receiving country. one of the main shortcomings of research of circulation is the lack of reliable data. few circular movements are documented quantitatively so data gathering is essential (newland, k. et al. 2008). naturally, hungary is an individual (maybe exceptional) case, however, its statistical system provides us to create unique database on international circular migrants. the database consists of individual data fi les on immigrants for each year between 2001 and 2008. according to the offi cial statistical defi nition, immigrant means a foreign citizen who entered hungary in the given year and obtained a permanent residence or sett lement permit for a year or more. the database originated from the continuous registration system of offi ce of immigration and nationality. the database was at the disposal of the researchers on identifi able manner. the individual data fi les contain the immigrants’ surnames, forenames, genders, dates of birth and places of birth, marital status, citizenship, the exact 204 addresses of usual place of residence in hungary and any important information for administrative purposes. we compared one of the three years under investigation with the previous years started with 2006 (2006 with 2001–2005, 2007 with 2001–2006 and 2008 with 2001–2007). with the help of this data sets, we created a special computer programme for multi-level identifi cation system to fi t for distinguish individuals between diff erent time periods. all in all, we examined three enumerations separately and the number of total immigrants entered hungary during three calendar years, 2006–2008; the number of immigrants already registered by the immigration offi ce in previous years; diff erences between circulating migrants and single-moved international immigrants by gender, age, family status, citizenship. in other words, we compared circular international migrants with those who had got the immigrant status for the fi rst occasion (parity). in the following empirical section we deal with the phenomenon of circulation as one of the systems of the international migration. we concentrate on hungary as a receiving country. we examine the demographic composition of circulars by gender, age, family status and the country of citizenship. considering the territorial patt erns in hungary, we analyse the spatial distribution of the county of residence. results of research in this section of paper we deal with the phenomenon of circulation as one of the parts of the international migration as a multi-layered phenomenon. the empirical analysis below on international circular migrants is limited to the hungarian immigration data. that choice has several advantages. the data set come from full-scope register. the data gathering, processing and methods of analysis are unifi ed to fi t for international recommendations. we don’t deal with emigrants from hungary directly. in this study we concentrate on the immigration side of multiple movers with non-hungarian citizenship. as reference group, of course, we can distinguish the fi rst parity immigrants from international circular immigrants. here we employ micro-fi les, a unique data source consisting of those foreign citizens’ data. we utilise fl ow type of data due to net migration fi gures disguise the multiple movements in which circulation, as well. between 2006 and 2008 77,521 foreign immigrants entered hungary, from among 10,907 people had already stayed in hungary in immigrant status. this means that more than 14 percent of circulars had personal experiences of the country (that share could be even higher; but we had access only to data since 2001). based on the results, 57.3 percent of the total number of immigrants were men and 42.7 percent were women between 2006 and 2008. among circu205 lar migrants that percentage was the following: men 55.4 percent; women 44.6 percent. we can conclude that male surplus exists among circular migrants, too. but the probability that an international migrant woman can become a circular is higher than a man all years investigated. from gender perspective, the higher probability for females to become circular migrants is one of the symptoms of the feminisation process within international migration. examining the circular migrants according to the parity of entering hungary (table 2), it can be ascertained that parallel with the increasing parity, the circular subpopulation’s age structure is growing older. this statement is valid for mainly people age 20–39 years old, economically active population. labour mobility would be the overwhelming part of cycles of repeated migration and many of migrants are involved in one or more steps of emigration and return. in the hungarian labour market the circular immigrants might feel marginalized from the host society and they simultaneously retained links to sending country through remitt ances, dual entrepreneurial activities (rédei, m. 2007) and back and forth movement, refl ecting att achment to both sending and receiving countries, too. circular migration is facilitated by changes in transport technology which have contributed to the integration of countries and continents. from the point of view of parity, the highest share of fi rstly immigrated population has the age group 20–24 (15.7 percent), but the parallel value of circular migrants, the age group of 25–29 marks the zenith (2.7 percent). in this respect we can conclude that university students and young elders arrived in hungary fi rst time have no previous migratory experiences (l. rédei, m. 2009). the relative absence of international retired migrants table 1. numbers of international immigrants and international circular immigrants by gender in hungary from 2006 to 2008 year all immigrant circular immigrant share of circular, % male 2006 2007 2008 total 10,684 12,753 20,972 44,409 1,820 1,904 2,321 6,045 17.0 14.9 11.1 13.6 female 2006 2007 2008 total 8,683 9,854 14,575 33,112 1,536 1,560 1,766 4,862 17.7 15.8 12.1 14.7 together 2006 2007 2008 total 19,367 22,607 35,547 77,521 3,356 3,464 4,087 10,907 17.3 15.3 11.5 14.1 206 table 2. age distribution of international non-circular (1) and circular (2–x) immigrants by entering in parity of hungary between 2006 and 2008, percent male age groups numbers of entering total 1 2 3 4 together(2–x) 0–4 5–9 10–14 15–19 20–24 25–29 30–34 35–39 40–44 45–49 50–54 55–59 60–64 65–69 70–74 75–79 80–84 85–x total 4.4 1.9 1.7 7.2 15.1 13.0 9.9 7.9 6.2 5.2 4.2 3.1 2.7 2.3 0.9 0.5 0.1 0.1 86.4 0.5 0.3 0.2 0.4 1.2 1.9 1.6 1.2 0.8 0.7 0.6 0.4 0.2 0.2 0.1 0.1 0.0 0.0 10.3 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.4 0.5 0.5 0.4 0.3 0.2 0.2 0.1 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 3.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.4 0.6 0.4 0.3 0.5 1.7 2.4 2.1 1.6 1.1 1.0 0.7 0.5 0.3 0.2 0.1 0.1 0.0 0.0 13.6 4.9 2.3 2.0 7.7 16.8 15.4 12.0 9.5 7.2 6.2 5.0 3.6 3.0 2.4 1.0 0.6 0.2 0.1 100.0 female 0–4 5–9 10–14 15–19 20–24 25–29 30–34 35–39 40–44 45–49 50–54 55–59 60–64 65–69 70–74 75–79 80–84 85–x total 5.5 2.5 2.2 7.9 16.4 12.6 7.7 5.9 4.5 4.1 3.8 4.0 3.2 2.3 1.3 0.6 0.5 0.2 85.3 0.6 0.4 0.3 0.5 1.9 2.2 1.5 1.0 0.6 0.6 0.5 0.4 0.3 0.2 0.1 0.1 0.0 0.0 11.3 0.1 0.2 0.1 0.2 0.6 0.6 0.4 0.2 0.2 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.0 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 3.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.3 0.7 0.6 0.4 0.7 2.7 3.0 1.9 1.2 0.8 0.7 0.6 0.5 0.4 0.2 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.0 14.7 6.1 3.1 2.6 8.6 19.1 15.6 9.6 7.1 5.3 4.9 4.4 4.5 3.5 2.5 1.5 0.7 0.5 0.3 100.0 207 within circulars may be partly associated with the return migration of former hungarian emigrants in the socialist epoch. the return migration might be combined with the increasing trend of amenity seeking migration with previous tourism experiences (illés, s. and kincses, á. 2008; michalkó, g. 2010). the distribution of average age by parity refl ects unexpected demographic patt erns of international circular migrants (table 3). the average ages do not increase in parallel with the growing number of entering. for instance, the average age of three and four times immigrants is lower than once and twice immigrants. this regularity is stronger for women than men. in addition, the average age of female international circular migrants is lower (younger) by parity than male counterparts. we can hypothesise with grand probabilities that women started their immigration careers to hungary earlier than men and the emergence of the circulatory patt erns of international migration is not a long-lasting phenomenon. we suppose that economic reasons dominate but beyond economic motives people also circulate as members of migration units (mainly children and other dependents) to seek bett er educational opportunities (student migration), to be closer to families among other particular reasons (for instance retirement). table 2. continue together age groups numbers of entering total 1 2 3 4 together(2–x) 0–4 5–9 10–14 15–19 20–24 25–29 30–34 35–39 40–44 45–49 50–54 55–59 60–64 65–69 70–74 75–79 80–84 85–x totall 4.8 2.2 1.9 7.5 15.7 12.8 9.0 7.0 5.4 4.8 4.1 3.5 2.9 2.3 1.1 0.6 0.3 0.1 85.9 0.5 0.3 0.2 0.5 1.5 2.0 1.5 1.1 0.7 0.7 0.5 0.4 0.3 0.2 0.1 0.1 0.0 0.0 10.7 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.5 0.5 0.5 0.3 0.2 0.2 0.2 0.1 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 3.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.3 0.6 0.5 0.3 0.6 2.1 2.7 2.0 1.5 1.0 0.9 0.7 0.5 0.3 0.2 0.1 0.1 0.0 0.0 14.1 5.5 2.7 2.2 8.1 17.8 15.5 11.0 8.5 6.4 5.6 4.7 4.0 3.2 2.5 1.2 0.6 0.3 0.2 100.0 208 as the next step of data analysis, we examine the demographic structure regarding the family status (table 4). perhaps, the most interesting fi nding is that the share of single people (53.6 percent) among the circular migrants is higher than in case of others (47.4 percent). it suggests us that this “mobile way of life” is not typical for those who have formal partnerships with or without children. but we can not state that the probability of circulation is higher among people without formal partnership than among people with partners due to the lower share of widowed and divorced circulars. such fi ndings feed arguments related the erosion of traditional family concept and the creation of new types of community. the analysis of spatial distribution of all immigrants shows that they are concentrated in two typical areas in hungary (table 5). firstly, 60.1 percent of them live in budapest and its surroundings. budapest and pest county are the general dynamic migration centres of hungary. we can suppose that the group of highly-skilled and/or creative foreigners is an overrepresented group amongst circulars in this region (williams, a.m. and balaz, v. 2008; egedy, t. et al. 2009; egedy, t. and kovács, z. 2011). the proximity of the border is an important geographic motive, which is not a barrier but a contact zone from the aspect of migration fl ows. secondly, migrants from neighbouring countries prefer to sett le down on the hungarian side of the border and become frequently commuters or self-employed/entrepreneurs. border counties are traditionally considered as disadvantageous table 3. average age of international non-circular (1) and circular (2–x) immigrants by parity of entering in hungary from 2006 to 2008, percent year numbers of entering total 1 2 3 4 together (2–x) male 2006 2007 2008 2006–2008 31.4 32.2 33.0 32.4 33.6 29.4 34.2 33.1 30.1 32.5 35.7 32.7 38.4 34.4 34.9 34.6 33.3 31.4 34.3 33.1 31.7 32.0 33.2 32.5 female 2006 2007 2008 2006–2008 30.5 32.6 32.3 31.9 31.0 28.7 33.7 31.8 28.7 29.6 31.2 29.8 29.5 27.6 29.2 28.0 30.9 29.1 33.5 31.2 30.5 32.0 32.4 31.8 together 2006 2007 2008 2006–2008 31.0 32.4 32.7 32.2 32.4 29.0 34.0 32.5 29.5 31.3 33.8 31.4 33.7 31.7 32.3 31.9 32.2 30.3 33.9 32.3 31.2 32.0 32.9 32.2 209 territories according to location theories and because of the barriers in international trade and the threats of military invasions. the alteration of this unfavourable image could generate a new increase in traffi c in the border counties through deeper international economic integration – with lower trade barriers mainly ethnic hungarians (kocsis, k. et al. 2006). these counties (csongrád, hajdú-bihar and szabolcs-szatmár-bereg) have characteristics by which they can be defi ned as active contact regions. the residence of international circular migrants is highly concentrated in the capital, budapest (51.2 percent) and its surrounding area, namely in pest county (12.1 percent). the capital is the main receiving areas of hungary. the circulation is more or less typical for border regions of neighbouring countries (romania, ukraine and serbia) as well, but the level was below the average. according to table 5, we can explore an extreme territorial patt ern among the fourth parity circular immigrants. their shares are relatively high in the border counties of serbia (csongrád), romania (hajdú-bihar, szabolcs-szatmárbereg) and austria (vas). we can presume that this phenomenon is strongly correlated with the growing importance of cross border activities. a signifi cant hungarian minority live in slovakia with a low share of international circular migrants (1.6 percent) to hungary. but this phenomenon focused in the western part of the border area. table 4. family status distribution of international non-circular (1) and circular (2–x) immigrants by parity of entering in hungary between 2006 and 2008, percent male family status numbers of entering total 1 2 3 4 together(2–x) single married widowed divorced total 49.4 43.9 1.9 4.9 100.0 52.5 42.6 1.0 3.9 100.0 52.0 42.9 1.9 3.3 100.0 48.7 46.2 1.3 3.8 100.0 52.3 42.8 1.2 3.8 100.0 49.8 43.7 1.8 4.7 100.0 female single married widowed divorced total 44.7 44.7 5.0 5.6 100.0 52.8 36.6 4.9 5.7 100.0 62.6 30.3 3.2 3.9 100.0 70.9 23.6 3.6 1.8 100.0 55.2 35.0 4.5 5.2 100.0 46.2 43.3 4.9 5.6 100.0 together single married widowed divorced total 47.4 44.2 3.2 5.2 100.0 52.6 39.9 2.8 4.7 100.0 56.6 37.4 2.5 3.6 100.0 57.8 36.9 2.2 3.0 100.0 53.6 39.3 2.7 4.4 100.0 48.3 43.5 3.1 5.1 100.0 210 we could shade the county-level analysis of the territorial distribution of international circular migrants if we depict the small-region level share of circular migrants within all immigrants. but any att empt to identify the emergent spatial characteristics in international circular migration over a period of investigated must be inevitably full of caveats, to some degree speculative, certainly debatable. however, it is out of the scope of the current study. another interesting aspect of international circular migration concerned spatiality is the latest choice of residence of international circular migrants. in this context two questions arise: 1. which regions were preferred by circulars? 2. did the international circular migrants return to their previous county of residence and to what extent? regarding the territorial preferences, we examine if there are att ractive areas for circular migrants. it is also an interesting question whether those who return to hungary decide to stay in their previous county of residence or they choose a new one. our insight is limited by virtue of our exclusive focus on counties (figures 1–3). based on the territorial distribution, we conclude that the county of residence of the international circular migrants changed in high extent. the table 5. territorial distribution of international non-circular(1) and circular (2–x) immigrants by county (nuts 3 level) and parity of entering in hungary between 2006 and 2008, percent county numbers of entering total 1 2 3 4 together(2–x) budapest baranya bács-kiskun békés borsod-abaúj-zemplén csongrád fejér győr-moson-sopron hajdú-bihar heves komárom-esztergom nógrád pest somogy szabolcs-szatmár-bereg jász-nagykun-szolnok tolna vas veszprém zala total 47.4 1.7 2.3 0.9 2.2 5.4 2.0 5.9 3.8 1.5 2.1 0.7 12.1 1.7 2.8 1.1 1.0 1.3 1.3 2.9 100.0 51.1 1.7 2.5 1.4 1.7 4.8 2.0 3.7 4.1 1.2 2.3 0.6 12.6 1.1 2.6 1.1 0.7 1.6 1.8 1.4 100.0 53.8 2.7 2.7 1.1 0.8 12.6 1.1 1.9 5.3 1.1 0.8 0.4 6.1 2.3 2.3 0.4 0.4 3.4 0.8 0.0 100.0 13.3 0.0 6.7 0.0 0.0 26.7 0.0 6.7 13.3 0.0 6.7 0.0 13.3 0.0 6.7 0.0 0.0 6.7 0.0 0.0 100.0 51.2 1.8 2.5 1.4 1.6 5.5 1.9 3.5 4.2 1.2 2.2 0.5 12.1 1.2 2.6 1.0 0.7 1.7 1.7 1.3 100.0 48.0 1.7 2.3 1.0 2.1 5.4 2.0 5.5 3.8 1.4 2.1 0.7 12.1 1.6 2.8 1.1 1.0 1.4 1.4 2.6 100.0 211 fig. 1. the proportion of the same county of residence of circular migrants last entering in hungary as their previous (2001–2005) county of residence in 2006, percent fig. 2. the proportion of the same county of residence of circular migrants last entering in hungary as their previous (2001–2006) county of residence in 2007, percent 212 share of the resett lement of the same county was above 81.9 percent among all hungarian counties in 2006 but varied highly later, in 2007 (44.4 percent) and in 2008 (68.6 percent). in 2006 vas county (95.6 percent), the capital, budapest (94.4 percent) and hajdú-bihar county (93.7 percent) had the highest att racting force for circulars. in contrast, the lowest pulling force characterised pest county (81.9 percent), békés county (82.4 percent) and nógrád county (84.2 percent). the weak force of return could be explained by the fact of the relative underdevelopment in case of békés and nógrád counties, but the situation of pest county was peculiar in this context so as to its non-returnees arrived mainly in budapest (15.1 percent) and the 3 percent residuum dispersed even in hungary. the highest share of non-returnees of békés (7.8 percent) and nógrád (5.3 percent) counties also chose the capital as their next residence, but a larger extent of residuum was concentrated in the neighbour counties, as well. if the previous county of residence were pest, fejér, békés, baranya, bács-kiskun, komárom-esztergom, csongrád and győr-moson-sopron counties, the nonreturnees tended mainly towards the capital. this relationship was not valid for vas, tolna, hajdú-bihar, borsod-abaúj-zemplén, veszpém, zala, somogy, heves and szabolcs-szatmár-bereg counties where the main county of return was not budapest, except for themselves. fig. 3. the proportion of the same county of residence of circular migrants last entering in hungary as their previous (2001–2007) county of residence in 2008, percent 213 the circular international migrants who previously lived in budapest were att racted secondly by pest county, surrounding the capital. they fuelled the suburbanization processes, just as internal migrants in hungary, but to smaller extent (2.4 percent). the so called counter-fl ow from pest county to budapest increased much more than the general concentration trend. in 2007 all circulars who previously lived in the county of győr-mosonsopron, heves, somogy, vas and zala returned to the same county. békés county (44.4 percent), fejér county (57.1 percent), tolna and jász-nagykunszolnok counties (both 66.7 percent) had the lowest att racting force. that year the weak force of return could not be explained by the fact of the relative underdevelopment in case of fejér and tolna counties. pest county was peculiar again so as to its non-returnees arrived mainly in budapest (17.2 percent) and the 6.8 percent residuum concentrated in two counties only in hungary. with the exception of pest county, the highest share of non-returnees of békés (33.3 percent), bács-kiskun (33.3 percent), jász-nagykun-szolnok (33.3 percent), fejér (28.6 percent), csongrád (12.2 percent) and komárom-esztergom counties selected mainly the capital as their next residence, but a larger extent of residuum was concentrated in the neighbour or non-neighbour counties. in contrast, if the previous county of residence was baranya, borsod-abaújzemplén, győr-moson-sopron, heves, nógrád, somogy, szabolcs-szatmárbereg, tolna, vas, veszprém and zala counties for international circular migrants, they did not move to budapest. the circular international migrants who previously lived in budapest were att racted secondly by pest county (6.5 percent). they fuelled strongly the suburbanization processes that year just as internal migrants in hungary. the counter-fl ow from pest county to budapest was much stronger (17.2 percent) and demonstrated the general concentration trend again. in 2008, which was the last year under investigation, győr-mosonsopron county (96.8 percent), heves (96.0 percent), zala (95.6 percent), somogy (93.8 percent) and the capital, budapest (91.5 percent) had the highest att racting force. at the same time jász-nagykun-szolnok (68.6 percent), békés (75.6 percent), fejér (76.5 percent) baranya (79.4 percent) and bács-kiskun (80.9 percent) had the lowest pulling force. the weak force of return could be explained by the fact of the relative underdevelopment in case of jász-nagykunszolnok, békés and bács-kiskun counties, but baranya and fejér counties were in relatively strong developmental position in hungary. pest county was a peculiar case again so due to its non-returnees who arrived mainly in budapest (11.9 percent) and the 3.8 percent residuum who dispersed more or less evenly in hungary. with the highest shares, most of the non-returnees of jász-nagykun-szolnok (28.7 percent), fejér (16.3 percent), békés (13.7 percent) and bács-kiskun (13.0 percent) counties also chose the capital as their next residence. 214 that relationship was not valid for vas, tolna, zala, borsod-abaújzemplén, somogy and heves counties where the main county of return was not budapest, except for themselves. the circular international migrants who previously lived in budapest were att racted secondly by pest county. they enhanced the suburbanization processes, just as /similarly to internal migrants in hungary, but to a smaller extent (3.6 percent). the residuum was dispersed among other counties. the streams from pest county to budapest were much more stronger (11.9 percent) than the so called counter-streams and this part of circulars fuelled the general concentration trend without exception. conclusions in our study we put special emphasis on the spatial aspects of the hungarian appearance of the newly emerging phenomenon, namely circulation, which return moves are fl ooding among multiple residences. circulation is one of the interesting and rarely studied patt erns of migration not only in hungary but also worldwide. what is perhaps most symptomatic but has not been well documented yet is the increase of circulatory movements within migration systems. the interest of this research lies in long-term, spontaneous international circular migration where the governments of receiving countries did not take any att empts to encourage it. based on that research, we proposed a proto-defi nition of international circular migration: international circular migration is a hetero-space and discrete-time system. it contains at least two or more destinations and three or more interlinked and repeating international spatial moves between countries involved. the database originated from the continuous registration system of offi ce of immigration and nationality and contained individual data fi les on immigrants each year between 2001 and 2008. the full scope and comprehensive administrative database indicates that multiple immigration (circulation) of foreigners to hungary as the host country is a mass phenomenon, so we provides empirical evidences of international circular migrants. the contribution relates to the common patt erns and central issues of international circular migration. between 2006 and 2008 more than 14 percent of all immigrants who arrived in hungary were circular migrants having experience of living conditions in the host country due to their previous stay as the status of immigrants. the gender composition of international circulars corresponds to general sex ratio of immigrants for the period investigated. it means that men dominate among international circular migrants as well as among all international migrants but to a smaller extent. we pointed out that international migrant women become circulars with higher probability than corresponding men 215 value. the most characteristic age group is the age group of 25–54 which comprises people who have received immigrant status more than once. we assume that labour mobility would be the overwhelming type of repeated migration and many of migrants are involved in one or more parts of emigration and return. the female age composition is younger than that of male counterpart. in other words, the average age of female international circular migrants is lower by parity than that of males. we suppose with grand probabilities that women started immigrate to hungary earlier than men. the vast majority of circular migrants are single people (53.6 percent). this is the main vigorous demographic result of our research. the hungarian county of residence of long-term international circular migrants highly concentrates in the capital, budapest (51.2 percent) and in its surrounding area, namely in pest county (12.1 percent). the circulation is more or less typical for border regions of neighbouring countries (romania, ukraine and serbia) as well. the high concentration of the elements of demographic composition and the destination choice in hungary mirrored that the international circular immigrant subpopulation was regarded as multiply selected group. with their fi rst immigration to hungary, they left from the internationally immobile group of people. with their second parity immigration, they rose above the crowd of foreign citizens with immigrant status who emigrated fi rstly from hungary and they became international circular immigrants. the circular migrants transformed smaller and smaller groups via the increase of parity. as the results of their multiple metamorphoses, they became more and more self-resembling subpopulation. the multiple selection mechanisms caused the peak of the economically active singles and budapest just the main destination. we explore att ractive areas for international circular migrants. one who returns to hungary may decide to stay in his previous county or they choose a new one. based on the research, we conclude that the county of residence of the international circular migrants changed in huge extent. the share of the resett lement of the same county oscillated between 44.4–81.9 percent in the hungarian counties during the studied period. it means that returners went back to their hungarian county of emigration. we conclude that the demographic data of long-term international circulars and the territorial patt erns of circulation could change a lot year by year in particular, in general from time to time. our research also underlined that a highly changeable character of circulation was the only common feature concluded studies, worldwide (cassarino, j-p. 2008; newland, k. et al. 2008). through the process of circulation thousands of return migrants fl owed to hungary year by year who had had former positive experiences on the country. the results that emerged from this study raised several ques216 tions for the future research. finally, we can draw a framework for our future research steps planned. we can explore the circulars’ individual motivational systems, social networks and social capitals with the series of ground works with a large variety of adequate methods. the sampling and the choice of the places of surveys rely on the data and the research results of administrative registers (for instance, see this contribution) and 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice 0_tartalom.indd 3 guest editorial address this special issue of the hungarian geographical bulletin is devoted to the international conference on “changing world, changing society, changing knowledge acquisition, the role of renewable energies in regional development”, held in eger in the central building of the eszterházy károly college, 10–12 october 2013. the conference was organised within the framework of the támop-4.2.2.a-11/1/konv-2012-0016 project. the project title is as follows: “complex analysis of the potential applicability of renewable natural resources in the mirror of climate change, in order to develop a sustainable model region, under german hungarian cooperation”. the special issue contains seven selected papers refl ecting the broad spectrum of the conference where altogether 55 papers were presented on the following topics: 1. global and regional environmental challenges; 2. renewable energies and regional planning; 3. regional studies; 4. challenges of earth sciences in public and higher education. this is the second conference on “changing world, changing society, changing knowledge acquisition” at the eszterházy károly college organised by the department of geography. the fi rst conference took place in 2009 when the department of geography celebrated its sixtieth anniversary. during the last decade the department of geography has widened its research and education activities. as a result of this, the agria innoregion knowledge centre was established in 2011. the department of geography organised several conferences recently. in 2010 the annual meeting of the hungarian meteorological society was held in eger. in 2012 the department of geography and the hungarian geological society set up the igcp 572 closing conference. the xi. hungeo conference, the meeting of hungarian earth scientists took place also in the city in 2012. after the opening of the conference by the rector of the college, professor kálmán liptai and by zsolt v. németh, minister of state for rural development, seven papers were presented at the plenary session. ilona pajtók-tari, vice rector of the college gave a talk on the eger model-region focusing on sustainability, followed by the keynote speech of gabriele gorzka (universität kassel) about the role of the east–west co-operation in technology transfer. professor ulf hahne (kassel university) gave an interesting paper about the resilience of regions and about solving spatial problems for the post-fossil society. professor jürgen aring (dortmund technical university) focused on the eger region introducing the concept and action plan for the development of the eger region. 4 three panel presentations are included in this issue. judit bartholy et al. gave an overview on the expected characteristics of climate change in hungary. maria szabó, m. and ádám kiss reported on the eff ects of renewable energies on the landscape and on regional development. methodical aspects, i.e. the application of gis technology were dealt with in the paper of jános unger et al. the papers published in this issue are grouped according to the topics of the last three keynote speeches. the fi rst day was fi nished by a fantastic concert and a gala dinner. three sessions were organised in the morning of the second day. the fi rst session focused on global and environmental challenges, the second, parallel session on renewable energies and regional planning and the third, parallel session on the challenges of earth sciences in public and higher education. aft er lunch the papers were given in three parallel sessions (global and regional environmental challenges, renewable energies and regional development, regional studies). a half-day scientifi c excursion was organised on the third day of the conference to the bükkalja region, in the vicinity of eger. interesting natural features like a fossil tundra soil profi le, thermal springs and a thermal spa as well as travertine terraces, beehive stones (rhyolite cones, formed by selective erosion) and cliff dwellings were shown during the excursion. ádám kertész the urban climate of budapest: past, present and future 69 hungarian geographical bulletin 63 (1) (2014) 69–79. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.63.1.6 the urban climate of budapest: past, present and future ferenc probáld1 abstract since the groundbreaking survey of budapest’s urban climate in 1974, litt le has been done to reveal how the summer heat island of the city has changed. during the last couple of decades, the impact of the anthropogenic heat release due to the spectacular expansion of automobile traffi c and the widespread use of air conditioners may have added an estimated 1–1.5 °c to the temperature surplus of the city. as an evidence of the large-scale climate change, the homogenized temperature record of budapest shows a strongly growing frequency and persistence of severe heat waves plaguing city dwellers. regional models predict rising temperatures with more pronounced summer warming until 2100 in the carpathian basin. therefore, the cooler local climates of the danube islands and the budai hills should be appreciated as valuable environmental assets to be saved by more reasonable land use policies and stricter property development regulations. keywords: budapest, urban climate, heat island, climate change, urban land use the background: physiography and structure of the city budapest with its more than 1.7 million inhabitants is one of the largest and economically most dynamic cities in east central europe and stands out as the indisputable political, administrative and cultural centre of hungary. it is situated on the banks of the danube river, which crosses the city in a northsouth direction, and divides it into a western (buda) and eastern (pest) part. the eastern side is fl at, and the unimpeded spread of the built-up area has resulted in a quite regular morphological patt ern, which can easily be described by the well-known urban model of concentric zones. the city centre (cbd) is surrounded by a densely built-up inner residential belt consisting of mostly dilapidated housing stock from the late 19th and early 20th centuries interspersed with neighbourhoods at diff erent stages of renewal. the transi1 professor emeritus, department. of regional science, eötvös loránd university, h-1112 budapest, pázmány p. sétány 1. e-mail: probald@caesar.elte.hu 70 tional zone embraces large derelict industrial areas: a rust belt at various stages of transition toward tertiary and residential functions, as well as some huge, monotonous housing estates with prefabricated high-rise buildings from the socialist era. in the outer residential belt of former suburbs, joined to the capital in 1950 giant housing estates also appear. this belt is dominated by detached family houses surrounded with small gardens. on the west (buda) side of the danube river the somewhat delayed development and the emerging irregular patt ern of the city have been due to the complicated orography. the budai hills rise to an altitude of more than 500 m (that is about 400 m above the level of the danube river). the hilltops and the upper parts of the slopes are still covered by recreational forests forming a protected area, while most of the slopes were built up during the last century with good quality 4–5-storey houses surrounded by more or less green areas. high-density residential areas and large housing estates barely appear on the slopes; they are mostly restricted to the foothills and the minor plains adjacent to the danube river. despite the heavy loss of vegetation due to extensive housing construction, the slopes of the budai hills are still sources of a frequently occurring night-time mountain breeze, which can mitigate the summer heat of the city by conveying cleaner and cooler air towards the densely built up areas. the tectonically preformed, nw–se directed valleys are in good accordance with the prevailing wind direction and they serve, together with the danube valley, as natural ventilation channels. the relief and the morphology of the city result in a great complexity of local climates, where the characteristic features of an urban temperature regime can be best detected and studied on the fl at, densely built up eastern part of budapest. climatological data: sources and constraints systematic meteorological measurements started in 1779 in buda which was the southeastern outpost of the observatory network organised by the palatine meteorological society of mannheim. thus, by now we have air temperature measurement records embracing more than 230 years with reliable data, which were homogenised by the scientists of the national meteorological service in order to eliminate errors and minor alterations that could be ascribed to repeated relocations and changes in the instrumentation of the station, as well as to the growth of the surrounding city that had taken place in the meantime. these data were fi rst thoroughly evaluated by réthly, a. (1947) in a pioneering work, which provided a fi ne assessment of all major macro-climatic features of the capital city of hungary. the fi rst network for the purpose of measuring air pollution in budapest was established by the national institute for public health in 1958. the scope of its programme has been steadily broadened and its instrumentation improved sev71 eral times accordingly. at present the national air pollution monitoring network operates stations equipped with automatic instruments at 12 points of budapest, complemented by manual sampling at regular intervals on 15 additional sites. the task of the network comprises monitoring the concentration of so2, no2, nox, co, ozone and particulate matt er, thus providing an overall perspective on the actual and average state of ambient air quality in diff erent parts of the city. in the 20th century regular meteorological observations and instrumental measurements were started and continued for a shorter or longer period at 24 diff erent sites within the present borders of budapest. the data obtained at these stations could be used to throw light on local diff erences in the climate of the city. however, among these stations only one was located in the proper core of the city, within the large, grass-covered courtyard of the city council building (madách square). measurements at this site were performed between 1965 and 1969, thus providing a database appropriate to reveal the properties of urban climate and to compare these with the natural background climate represented by the pestlőrinc observatory of the hungarian meteorological service, located at the remote south-eastern rim of the old suburban belt. by taking advantage of all the available, mostly unpublished datasets of the hungarian meteorological service, the local diff erences and the particular urban features of the climate were fi rst described and analysed in budapest by probáld, f. (1974). owing to fi nancial diffi culties the scope of meteorological measurements in budapest has witnessed a sharp reduction since 1970 with only four stations remaining from the former network, none in the city centre. hence, urban climate research has practically been abandoned in budapest except for some att empts to utilise satellite imagery for studying the heat island (bartholy, j. et al. 2005). satellite measurements, however, cannot produce continuous data records and they provide information merely about the temperature of the surface instead of the ambient air at a height of 2 m. since these fi gures can be quite diff erent from each other, remote sensing is not a feasible substitute for fi eld observations. therefore, in describing the intensity and temporal changes of the urban heat island in the next section, we have to rely on the hourly breakdown of thermograph records taken in the 1960s at the station located in the city centre and from the pestlőrinc observatory. nevertheless, recent changes in the macro-scale climate of budapest allow us to draw some conclusions concerning the actual state and the future of the urban environment, too. the heat island of budapest in retrospect ever since its fi rst scientifi c demonstration by l. howard in london in the early 19th century, the urban heat island has received keen att ention from cli72 matologists realising the signifi cance of this phenomenon from both theoretical and practical points of view. the spatial patt ern and temporal changes of the heat island are determined by a great variety of factors, such as location, background climate and weather conditions, size of the city, the fabric of roads, buildings, parks, and their geographical distribution over the urbanized area. consequently, the thermal regime of each city is more or less unique, thus it deserves careful study. in budapest, key features of the heat island, represented by the temperature surplus of the urban core compared to surrounding areas, can be summarised as follows. the annual mean temperature in budapest downtown is 1.2 °c higher than outside the city. the annual cycle of urban-rural temperature diff erence reaches a peak in january (1.5 °c) and a second one in july (1.3 °c). march, which is usually quite windy and cloudy, is characterised by a minimum in the temperature surplus of the city (1.0 °c). by establishing the monthly means of its components, early enquiries about the surface energy balance in budapest revealed the physical background of the urban heat island (probáld, f. 1971). the summer warming of the city can be explained mainly by a higher direct turbulent heat transfer to the air, which is due to the decrease in evaporation and, consequently, in latent heat transfer as well. in winter the heat released by human activities can be regarded as the key factor shaping the temperature diff erence between the city and its surroundings. while city dwellers are certainly not displeased with a warmer environment in winter, they may feel quite diff erent in the hot season when human comfort is adversely infl uenced by the diurnal variation of heat island intensity. the rugged urban surface made up of massive concrete and stone structures is able to absorb large amounts of solar radiation during the day, store this energy and release it to the atmosphere at night. this process leads to a substantial delay of the diurnal temperature cycle and results in a characteristic variation in the intensity of the urban heat island: the minimum diff erence in urban-rural temperatures is observed late in the morning and the peak of about 2 °c in the evening, a diff erence that remains for most of the night (figure 1). for the same reasons, similar daily temperature regimes were detected by measurements performed in other cities, too. fig. 1. diurnal cycle of the diff erence in temperature between the downtown (city council) and suburban outskirts (pestlőrinc) in july (1965– 1967). source: probáld, f. 1974. 73 cloudy and windy weather conditions slightly weaken the urban heat island, whereas on clear, sunny days it gets stronger and the urban-rural temperature diff erence may exceed the average fi gures by several tenths of a degree with a tendency of further growth during periods of lasting heat waves. there are also remarkable micro-climatic diff erences within the densely built up area of the city. this has been demonstrated for example by measurements which were performed on three consecutive clear and hot days in july 1966 at a height of 2 metres above a safety island in the middle of madách square, located in downtown budapest. the air of the large square lacking any greens and permanently exposed to sunshine was found to be warmer by roughly 1 °c than the nearby grassy courtyard of the city council throughout the aft ernoon and the evening. in comparison with rural areas the diff erence amounted to 3 °c. the human comfort in such urban spaces is adversely aff ected, and the stress is increased also by thermal radiation emitt ed by the pavement and the walls of the buildings, which are even warmer than the adjacent air. the calm and clear anticyclonic weather, characteristic for lasting heat periods, is oft en coupled with the accumulation of various pollutants in the ambient air of the city. the bulk of these pollutants, such as no2, the wellknown precursor of ozone, as well as co and particulate matt er of various sizes come from heavy car traffi c. concentration of ozone exceeding the alert level in summer, similarly to dangerous levels of fi ne particulate matt er in winter, occurred several times during the last couple of years. heat alerts became even more frequent. the prospect: rising heat stress in the city aft er a steady decline for more than two decades, the population of budapest today is not larger than it was fi ft y years ago. during its last period of growth in the 1970s and early 1980s, however, large housing estates were built in the former industrial and suburban belts of the city. these constructions certainly had some impact on the microclimate of their surroundings, but they could hardly bring about signifi cant changes in the intensity and meso-scale patt ern of the heat island. meanwhile, the city witnessed the emergence of at least three new factors that are likely to aff ect the present and future features of the urban climate: the spread of vehicle traffi c, the use of air conditioners and the impact of changes in the regional climate. tremendous changes have taken place in the quality of the fuel used in the city, too. until the early 1960s the heating of the dwellings were largely based on coal, which caused frequent winter smog due to the accumulation of sulphur dioxide and soot particles in the air. in the subsequent decade, however, coal burning was quickly and almost totally replaced by natural gas. 74 this was done for pure economic reasons, but as a favourable side eff ect, air quality greatly improved. nevertheless, this success was largely off set by the spectacular expansion of automobile traffi c over the last decades that probably peaked recently, at least in the inner city, where more measures have been implemented to reduce traffi c congestion. thus, transportation as a whole has become the major source of air pollution and it is heavily contributing to anthropogenic heat release concentrated along the main traffi c routes. the last one or two decades have also witnessed the increased use of air conditioners in budapest, responsible for a new summer peak of electricity consumption. this process is mainly due to technical development and higher living standards, but the urge to mitigate the indoor impact of the more frequently occurring heat waves cannot be disregarded either. at the same time, air conditioning systems produce a positive feedback that may strengthen the heat stress of outdoor urban climate, particularly on the hott est summer days and in the most densely built up areas. during the last couple of decades numerous att empts were made to quantify the anthropogenic heat emission of transportation and of the buildings in several cities (e.g. in tokyo and philadelphia). the methods and conclusions of these surveys have recently been reviewed by sailor, d.j. (2011). according to the building model calculations of seprődi-egeresi, m. and zöld, a. (2011), the summer daily heat output of the houses in the densely built up inner city of budapest would amount to a territorial average of 45 w/m2. another starting point is off ered by the electricity consumption data of the utility company mavir. the national consumption fi gures for the heat wave in june 2013 were higher by 20,000 mwh/day than on an average weekday in may. the diff erence can largely be att ributed to the use of air conditioners. since about 10% of the increase may appear in the inner city of budapest (30 km2), our estimate suggests a heat output amounting there to 25–30 w/m2 from this source alone. both of the above estimates ignore, however, the heat emission of the traffi c which falls in most cities considerably behind the energy consumption of the buildings (sailor, d.j. 2011). based on the inquiries in cities with a climate more or less similar to budapest, we can assume that the combined meso-scale impact of the vehicle traffi c and the air conditioning systems have resulted in an additional urban summer air temperature rise of 1.0–1.5 °c since the 1960s. though this diff erence itself is certainly not negligible, the threat coming from recent changes in macro-scale climate and weather conditions put the issue of urban heat stress in an even more sinister perspective (stone, b. 2012). these changes have manifested themselves in the growing frequency (figure 2) and longer persistence (figure 3) of heat waves (vincze, e. et al. 2013). the fi gures reveal rather worrying trends in the homogenised temperature record of budapest. however, the station of the hungarian meteorological service, which is located on the buda side in a densely built up neighbour75 hood, shows about 0.5 °c lower temperature than the city centre. the daily mean exceeding here 27 °c on three consecutive days indicates the threshold of the most serious 3rd grade heat alert in the city. according to the most likely scenarios of regional model estimates, temperatures in the carpathian basin are bound to rise in accordance with the medium projection of the ipcc (2007). however, warming will be more distinct in the summer with an expected temperature increase of at least 4 °c until 2071–2100 against the reference period at the end of the 20th century (bartholy, j. et al. 2007, 2011). this change will be coupled with a dramatic increase in the fig. 2. annual number of days in heat periods (daily mean temperatures higher than 27 °c on three consecutive days). source: vincze e., lakatos, m. and tóth z. 2013. fig. 3. persistence (in days) of the most lasting heat waves in the given years (daily mean above 27 °c) source: vincze, e., lakatos , m. and tóth, z. 2013. 76 frequency of heat waves. the annual number of hot days (tmax≥30 °c) will triple during the 21st century, thus gett ing 34-38 days higher than the average of 18 days registered in the last 30 years of the millennium. (bartholy, j. et al. 2011; vincze, e. and szépszó, g. 2012). these are merely average fi gures, which do not take into account the additional warming eff ect of the city. climatic assets to be saved it is hard to admit, but except for some measures with micro-scale impacts only, in a city with an inherited rigid structure like budapest, precious litt le can be done to change the general characteristics of urban climate in order to cope with the trend of global warming and to relieve the growing thermal stress that people will suff er from in summer. therefore, one has to pay special att ention to those areas where natural conditions are more or less able to counterbalance the discomfort caused by the typical urban climate. within the confi nes of budapest one can fi nd two areas with particularly favourable atmospheric conditions, namely the banks and small islands of the danube river and the budai hills with their great variety of microclimates. the remarkable diff erences compared to the downtown were refl ected even by monthly mean temperatures in the 1960s (table 1) and they must have substantially grown since that time. in calm, sunny anticyclonic weather one can measure aft ernoon and evening temperature diff erences between margaret island and large downtown squares more than 2 times higher than monthly means (figure 4). table 1. deviations of the monthly mean temperatures between 1954 and 1968 on szabadság hill* and margaret island** from those of the city centre/city council*** in 0c site april may june july august september year margaret island szabadság hill -1.0 -2.9 -1.3 -3.2 -1.6 -3.2 -1.7 -3.1 -1.6 -2.8 -1.7 -2.7 -1.2 -2.9 height: *470 m a.s.l., **103 m a.s.l., ***105 m a.s.l. source: probáld, f. 1974. fig. 4. diurnal change of the air temperature on the safety island of madách square (1), and the park of margaret island (2); average of fi eld measurements on three consecutive summer days in 1966. source: probáld, f. 1974. 77 under similar conditions surface temperature diff erences reaching 8–10 °c between the downtown and margaret island as well as between the downtown and the budai hills are quite usual as it has been demonstrated by satellite measurements (bartholy, j. et al. 2005). this is of course also linked with less frequency and shorter persistence of heat periods when daily peaks exceed 30 °c and night-time lows are higher than 20 °c. thus, the population dwelling in the hilly districts of buda suff ers much less from summer heat, while it can enjoy more sunshine and snow in winter. due to prevailing west winds, the air is much cleaner on the buda side, and severe air pollution is restricted to the key traffi c routes that follow the main valleys. there is abundant evidence provided by recent polls and actual real estate prices that districts in buda have the highest prestige and stand out among the favourite target locations of those intending to move, while there are only few people willing to leave buda for the sake of a new dwelling in pest. the equally easy access to nature and to the city centre, the various amenities provided by the budai hills are remarkable assets for the hungarian capital even in the international competition of cities, since supply of quality dwellings and environmental issues rank high among the priorities of postmodern societies. regrett ably enough, the development of land use during the second half of the 20th century largely disregarded the limited extent and particular value of the natural endowment of this area. the orchards, vineyards and nice gardens of the 19th century have receded and the rest of the forests have been encroached upon by construction with functions that simply do not fi t to this environment, but are now diffi cult to remove. in the 1970s and 1980s large prefabricated housing estates appeared and high-rise buildings were erected on the slopes. as most obvious examples of the misuse of environmental assets, military barracks, institutions of higher education and training of the police and the army, as well as nuclear research facilities still occupy considerable areas in the budai hills, which should have been saved for more reasonable purposes. from the islands of the danube river, margaret island with an area of 96.5 hectares is the closest to the city centre. the whole island is a beautiful park suitable for walking, jogging, and other leisure time activities. beyond several sports facilities one can also fi nd a wellness hotel there taking advantage of the thermal water from local wells for medical purposes. thus, the island has become a favourite public place and its amenities are properly utilised, sometimes even crowded with a great number of visitors. while margaret island is threatened by eventual overuse, the advantages off ered by two similar islands situated a bit further northwards (óbuda island, nép island) seem to be located almost idle in lack of reasonable management and development strategies which would serve public interests. this can be most 78 clearly exemplifi ed by the southern half of óbuda island, which has been sold to a foreign-owned development company wanting to build there a high-rise hotel, casinos and a large-scale entertainment centre. this highly controversial project, however, has been pending for about ten years already. the banks of the main branch of the danube river have a total length of 58 km within the confi nes of budapest. in a survey conducted in 2007 by using both fi eld trips and aerial photos we have found that the total length of densely built up areas amounted to 18.6 km (izsák, é., probáld, f. and uzzoli, a. 2008). the embankments serve here as the main n–s directed arterial traffi c roads and they are bordered by a dense row of tall buildings that blocks any air exchange between the water surface and the nearby streets. opening direct access to the cool and nice riverside for pedestrians has been envisaged several times, but the problem is still to be solved. derelict and entirely abandoned industrial establishments of the brownfi eld belt occupy 16 km (27.6%) of the banks, while sections of altogether 12.4 km (21.4%) length seem to be void of any reasonable human use, though even here the willow and poplar groves of the fl oodplain fulfi l a valuable ecological function as wildlife corridors. at some places on csepel island the potential use of the riverside is restricted because of the vicinity of wells providing piped water for the city. in most cases, however, the key obstacle of utilisation is the lack of fl ood control levees or the heavy pollution of the soil. to overcome these diffi culties considerable investments would be required from property developers. nevertheless, the brownfi eld belt and other idle sections of the riverside still off er great perspectives for future development. at the turn of the century the opportunities of profi table investments also aroused the interest of some large foreign-owned real estate companies, which started to construct gated communities with luxury apartment houses at the river, taking advantage of the favourable environment and the magnifi cent vista to be enjoyed at the sites selected for development. however, the drive to make as much profi t as possible is manifested in the extreme density of buildings, the shortage of greens, and sometimes the quite dull architecture of these projects (kauko, t. 2012). the realization of further grandiose development plans were brought to a temporary halt in 2008 by the economic crisis and its disastrous impact on the real estate market. conclusion metropolitan growth and climate change have brought about new global ecologic conditions (sassen, s. 2013). thus, monitoring future changes in urban climate and adaptation to the trends has become more necessary than ever. 79 references bartholy, j., bozó, l. and haszpra, l. eds. 2011. klímaváltozás. klímaszcenáriók a kárpátmedence térségére (climate change. scenarios for the carpathian basin). budapest, mta–elte meteorológiai tanszék, 281 p. bartholy, j., dezső, zs. and pongrácz, r. 2005. satellite-based analysis of the urban heat island eff ect. időjárás 109. 217–232. bartholy, j., pongrácz, r. and gelybó, gy. 2007. regional climate change expected in hungary for 2071–2100. applied ecology and environmental research 5. (1): 1–17. ipcc 2007: climate change 2007. synthesis report. geneva, ipcc. izsák, é., probáld, f. and uzzoli, a. 2008. természeti adott ságok és életminőség budapesten (natural endowments and quality of life in budapest). debrecen, iv. magyar földrajzi konferencia, 265–270. kauko, t. 2012. an institutional analysis of property development, good governance and urban sustainability. european planning studies 20. (12): 1–19. mavir 2013: www.mavir.hu/web/mavir/adatpublikacio. retrieved on the 30. 7. 2013. probáld, f. 1971. the energy balance as the basis of the urban climate of budapest. annales u. sc. eötvös sectio geographica vii. 51–68. probáld, f. 1974. budapest városklímája (the urban climate of budapest). budapest, akadémiai kiadó, 127 p. réthly, a. 1947. budapest éghajlata (the climate of budapest). budapest, rheumaés fürdőkutató intézet, 147 p. sailor, d.j. 2011. a review of methods for estimating anthropogenic heat and moisture emissions in the urban environment. international journal of climatology 31. 189–199. sassen, s. 2013. bridging the ecologies of cities and nature. htt p://portal.unesco.org/en/fi les46764. retrieved on 7. 7. 2013. seprődi-egeresi, m. and zöld, a. 2011. buildings’ heat output and urban climate. acta climatologica and chorologica univ. szegediensis 44–45. 103–110. stone, b. 2012. the city and the coming climate. climate change in the cities we live. cambridge, cambridge univ. press, 198 p. vincze, e. and szépszó, g. 2012. az elmúlt nyár értékelése a mérési adatok és a jövőben várható változások tükrében (evaluation of the measurement records of this summer and the changes expected to come in the future). htt p://klimabarat.hu/node/489. retrieved on 11. 11. 2012. vincze, e., lakatos, m. and tóth, z. 2013. 2013 nyarának éghajlati átt ekintése (climatological overview of the summer 2013). htt p:// klimabarat.hu/node/591. retrieved on 3. 11. 2013. much more responsibility would be required also in preparing decisions with regard to the values of environment. in budapest the ultra-liberal mayor and council leading the city between 1990 and 2010 adopted a laissez-faire att itude, thus allowing private development companies to get through their interests at the expense of those of the whole urban community. in order to save the environmental assets of budapest and to achieve a turn toward sustainability, reasonable property development, bett er governance, comprehensive planning, appropriate regulation measures as well as their rigorous implementation are needed. 80 since the disintegration of the ussr, the western world has shown an ever-growing interest in ukraine, its people and its economy. as the second-largest country in europe, ukraine has a strategic geographical position at the crossroads between europe and asia. it is a key country for the transit of energy resources from russia and central asia to the european union, which is one reason why ukraine has become a priority partner in the neighbourhood policy of the eu. ukraine has pursued a path towards the democratic consolidation of statehood, which encompasses vigorous economic changes, the development of institutions and integration into european and global political and economic structures. in a complex and controversial world, ukraine is building collaboration with other countries upon the principles of mutual understanding and trust, and is establishing initiatives aimed at the creation of a system that bestows international security. this recognition has prompted the institute of geography of the national academy of sciences of ukraine (kyiv) and the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences (budapest) to initiate cooperation, and the volume entitled “ukraine in maps” is the outcome of their joint eff ort. the intention of this publication is to make available the results of research conducted by ukrainian and hungarian geographers, to the english-speaking public. this atlas follows in the footsteps of previous publications from the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences. similar to the work entitled south eastern europe in maps (2005, 2007), it includes 64 maps, dozens of fi gures and tables accompanied by an explanatory text, writt en in a popular, scientifi c manner. the book is an att empt to outline the geographical sett ing and geopolitical context of ukraine, as well as its history, natural environment, population, sett lements and economy. the authors greatly hope that this joint venture will bring ukraine closer to the reader and make this neighbouring country to the european union more familiar, and consequently, more appealing. ukraine in maps edited by: kocsis, k., rudenko, l. and schweitzer, f. institute of geography national academy of sciences of ukraine geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences. kyiv–budapest, 2008, 148 p. -----------------------------------------price: eur 35.00 order: geographical institute rcaes has library h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mail: magyar.arpad@csfk .mta.hu << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.3 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice the impact of the covid-19 pandemic on cross-border shopping tourism: the case of hungary 147tömöri, m. and staniscia, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 147–161.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.72.2.4 hungarian geographical bulletin 72 2023 (2) 147–161. introduction during the past decades, tourism had to face numerous global and regional crisis events and challenges (hall, c.m. 2010), such as natural disasters (sharpley, r. 2005), anthropogenic environmental problems (scott, d. et al. 2012), economic and financial crises (papatheodorou, a. et al. 2010), political crises, instabilities and terrorist attacks (hanon, w. and wang, e. 2020), as well as pandemics and the spread of diseases (zeng, b. et al. 2005). many of the crisis events affecting tourism have been an integral part of human history for thousands of years; however, in today’s world they are receiving ever greater attention. one of the reasons behind this is the dramatic growth in the scale of human mobility, the other is that due to growing global integration and interconnectedness local crises can spread quickly and cause global disruptions. 1 institute of tourism and geography, university of nyíregyháza. sóstói út 31/b, h-4400 nyíregyháza, hungary. e-mail: tomori.mihaly@nye.hu 2 department of european, american and intercultural studies, sapienza university of rome. piazzale aldo moro, 5, 00185 rome, italy. e-mail: barbara.staniscia@uniroma1.it the impact of the covid-19 pandemic on cross-border shopping tourism: the case of hungary mihály tömöri1 and barbara staniscia2 abstract by today the smooth functioning of the global economy has been highly dependent on the uninterrupted flow of factors across borders. the free flow of tourists is also inevitable for the proper functioning of the global tourism industry. however, tourism and various forms of cross-border (tourism) activities were put under unprecedented pressure due to the covid-19 pandemic, since most countries, including hungary, introduced serious restrictions on mobility to slow down the spread of the virus. this paper focuses on a relatively under-researched topic, cross-border shopping tourism in the context of the covid-19 pandemic. before the outbreak of the pandemic, shopping tourism was deemed to be an increasingly important component of the tourism value chain. several studies have demonstrated that shopping has become one of the most favourable activities among tourists and one of the major categories of tourists’ expenditure. based on the review of the relevant literature, the paper introduces the notion and forms of shopping tourism and discusses the major research topics with special regard to the effects of the pandemic and other types of crisis events. the impact of the pandemic on shopping tourism is observed through the example of hungary, whereby the effects of restrictions, exchange rate fluctuations, and price-level differences on the number of inand outbound shopping trips, and the related expenditures, are evaluated. results show that re-bordering processes due to the pandemic have not only resulted in an unprecedented decline in cross-border shopping tourism, but they also contributed to the spatial restructuring of shopping (tourism) and retailing. the pandemic not only sustained cross-border differentials vital to shopping tourism but sometimes even created new forms of them; these differences, however, could not counter the negative effects of restricted international mobility. the paper aims to contribute to the literature on cross-border tourism by reviewing the effects and consequences of covid-19 and related restrictions on shopping tourism. keywords: shopping tourism, cross-border shopping, covid-19, pandemic, crisis, hungary received january 2023, accepted may 2023. tömöri, m. and staniscia, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 147–161.148 in 2020 global tourism had to face an unprecedented external shock in the shape of the covid-19 pandemic (hall, c.m. et al. 2020a). since no vaccines and/or effective medical treatments were available at the beginning of the pandemic, most countries applied non-pharmaceutical interventions (gössling, s. et al. 2020; fotiadis, a. et al. 2021) such as travel restrictions, lockdowns, closure of non-essential businesses. restrictions introduced by governments on non-essential mobility had an immediate impact on tourism causing a sudden transformation from overtourism to non-tourism. the pandemic has resulted, among other things, in a fundamental change in travel behaviour (neuburger, l. and egger, r. 2021), and in a disruption of the accommodation sector, including the airbnb market as well (boros, l. et al. 2020). the pandemic also fundamentally changed tourism destination communication (pachucki, c. et al. 2022), it heavily affected tourist travel risk and management perceptions (rahman, m.k. et al. 2021), forced tourism firms to re-evaluate their business models (fotiadis, a. et al. 2021), and made governments develop strategies for the recovery of tourism (collinskreiner, n. and ram, y. 2020). besides these changes, several researchers think that the covid-19 pandemic could also bring a paradigm shift in the tourism industry which could lead to a greener, more resilient, inclusive, equal, and sustainable tourism in the future (hall, c.m. et al. 2020a; ioannides, d. and gyimóthy, s. 2020; rastegar, r. et al. 2021; więckowski, m. 2022). shopping is one of the most favoured leisure activities during a holiday, and for more and more tourists it is the primary or even sole motivation for travel (timothy, d.j. and butler, r.w. 1995; timothy, d.j. 2005; wto, 2014). cross-border shopping is the most common type of borderlands tourism (timothy, d.j. 1999). research on shopping tourism has focused on a wide range of topics (choi, m.j. et al. 2016), such as tourist shoppers’ satisfaction (lee, j.s. and choi, m. 2020), behaviour (hobson, j.p. and christensen, m. 2001), motivations (sundström, m. et al. 2011), shopper typologies (josiam, b.m. et al. 2005), perception of risks (yüksel, a. and yüksel, f. 2007), service quality (yeung, s. et al. 2004), the significance of souvenirs (swanson, k.k. and timothy, d.j. 2012), and the role of shopping in tourism development (jansen-verbeke, m. 1991; getz, d. 1993). researchers on shopping tourism have devoted limited attention to crisis events, papers in this context have focused on the financial crisis of 2007–2008 (michalkó, g. et al. 2014) and the ukrainian crisis of 2013–2014 (smętkowski, m. et al. 2017; stepanova, s.v. and shlapeko, e.a. 2018). results have shown that financial, economic and/or geopolitical crises may have a significant impact on the exchange rates of national currencies which may result in price differences along international borders that are large enough to support cross-border shopping tourism. however, results also demonstrate that the impact of price-level differences generated by exchange rate fluctuations is usually temporary, volatile, and short-lived (timothy, d.j. 2005; michalkó, g. et al. 2014). despite the widespread interest in covid-19 related tourism research the effects of the pandemic on shopping tourism have remained relatively under-researched. therefore, based on the review of the literature and on statistical data analysis this paper aims to identify the changes that the covid-19 pandemic in 2020–2021 has caused in cross-border shopping tourism with special reference to hungary and examine what long-term consequences may arise from this crisis. since the permeability of borders is a crucial factor in cross-border shopping tourism, we argue that re-bordering processes in response to the covid-19 pandemic resulted in a serious decline in this activity. the study extends the shopping tourism literature by showing the transformations of this tourism product due to the covid-19 pandemic. the next section introduces the notion and basic forms of shopping tourism. this is followed by the presentation of the impact of the pandemic on shopping tourism by reviewing 149tömöri, m. and staniscia, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 147–161. the international literature. after introducing the data and methods used, the results are presented. first the general conditions of shopping tourism to and from hungary are discussed whereby we evaluate the stringency level of anti-c o v i d -19 measures in hungary and its neighbouring countries and examine the changes in the exchange rate of the hungarian forint (huf). this is followed by an examination of the number of shopping trips to and from hungary and the related expenditures during the pandemic based on the analysis of the database of the hungarian central statistical office (hcso) on international trips. we conclude this paper by outlining the implications for the future of shopping tourism in the last section. notion and forms of shopping tourism in the broadest sense shopping tourism is an activity involving the purchase of goods and services when visiting various places (choi, m.j. et al. 2016). the world tourism organization (wto) defines shopping tourism as a contemporary form of tourism fostered by individuals for whom purchasing goods outside of their usual environment is a determining factor in their decision to travel (wto, 2014). shopping can either be the primary (sometimes sole) or the secondary (complementary) motivation behind tourist trips. if a tourist trip is primarily motivated by shopping (timothy, d.j. 2005), and the traveller’s primary tourism activity is shopping, we speak about shopping tourism. on the other hand, when shopping is a secondary or complementary activity during a tourist trip it is termed as tourist shopping (timothy, d.j. 2005). in this case, shopping primarily serves as an activity which provides pleasure and memorable moments for tourists, and which contributes to higher tourist spending and to the diversification of the tourist experience. a unique type of shopping tourism is shopping in border areas – also known as crossborder shopping (michalkó, g. and timothy, d. 2001), which takes place near international boundaries usually due to economic, legal, and social differences (spierings, b. and van der velde, m. 2013; szytniewski, b.b. et al. 2017; michalkó, g. et al. 2022). crossborder shopping tourism is a prominent field of research in border studies. although borders are usually seen as barriers to tourism, they can still create economic and/or legal contrasts (e.g., tax and price differentials) that provide favourable conditions for cross-border activities such as shopping, gambling or medical tourism (więckowski, m. and timothy, d.j. 2021). cross-border shopping tourism is present virtually all over the world; however, due to the social, economic, and political transformations, as well as the changes in the role and character of borders, it has received particular attention in central and eastern europe (kolosov, v. and więckowski, m. 2018). the eu’s eastern enlargement and the inclusion of most cee countries in the schengen area resulted in reand de-bordering processes at the same time. the opening of the internal borders of the eu enabled higher levels of cross-border mobility, including crossborder shopping (szytniewski, b.b. et al. 2017). on the other hand, a significant drop occurred in cross-border shopping tourism at the belarusian, russian, and ukrainian borders as these countries found themselves at the external borders of the enlarged eu and later of the schengen area (bar-kołelis, d. and wendt, j.a. 2018). nevertheless, the local border traffic zone experiment – whereby visa-free traffic was introduced for citizens living in neighbouring polish and russian regions between 2012 and 2016 – has proved that there are effective tools to improve crossborder trade and support the economy even at the external borders of the eu (sagan, i. et al. 2018). the covid-19 pandemic in 2020–2021 is another recent example of re-bordering (więckowski, m. and timothy, d.j. 2021) since many governments decided to close state borders in response to the spread of the virus which had severe negative impacts on cross-border shopping (makkonen, t. 2022). tömöri, m. and staniscia, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 147–161.150 the impact of the pandemic on shopping tourism in line with other tourism products, shopping tourism suffered significant decline due to the re-bordering processes during the covid-19 pandemic in 2020–2021. shopping was deemed to be a risky activity with respect to the spread of the virus, and therefore many countries restricted the opening hours of shops, set rules for the maximum number of customers on a square metre basis and temporarily closed non-essential retail units. as a result, there was a fundamental shift in the nature of shopping (tourism) during the years of the pandemic. first, there was a decline in leisure-oriented shopping which was coupled with a rise in more utilitarian motivations. second, international and cross-border shopping tourism lost ground and domestic destinations were preferred instead, since travelling within a country was subject to less stringent regulations. third, the new circumstances urged customers to turn to alternative channels, such as (cross-border) online shopping. even in periods when stores were allowed to be open, compulsory face coverings, limitations on the number of customers, and the fear of getting infected made shopping less enjoyable, causing discomfort to tourists (cornell, d.a.v. et al. 2022) and discouraging them from shopping (at least in-person). in extreme cases, such as in baarle hertog (belgium) and baarle nassau (netherlands), where shops lie astride an international boundary, customers were even prohibited from crossing the borderline at the microscale inside individual shops (więckowski, m. and timothy, d.j. 2021). the first weeks of the pandemic were characterized by panic buying and stockpiling. through the example of new zealand, hall, c.m. et al. (2020b) found that, due to increased media coverage and growing public awareness of the crisis, groceries spending increased significantly in mid-march 2020. the housewares, hardware and electrical sectors also experienced a spike in consumer spending as shoppers obtained electrical goods (e.g., bread makers) deemed to be necessary for an extended lockdown. the demand for medical protective products (such as face masks, alcohol, protective suit, disinfectants, medical gloves and goggles, etc.) also skyrocketed leading to product shortages (zhang, j. et al. 2021). several studies on (cross-border) shopping tourism in the context of the covid-19 highlight the negative (economic) consequences of the crisis. retailers and service providers who built their businesses on the demand from cross-border and tourist shoppers have found themselves in a particularly difficult situation. studying the polish-german borderland, malkowski, a. and mazur, r. (2020) argue that polish entrepreneurs suffered significant revenue losses, since the border closure halted the flow of shopping tourists from germany to poland. tilaki, m.j.m. et al. (2021) investigated vendors’ attitudes and their receptiveness towards international tourists during the covid-19 pandemic in malaysia’s night markets and found that most of them had to face serious challenges, since they had no income during the lockdown period. in addition, most vendors are involved in the informal economy characterized by low income levels, thus, it is not surprising that most of them supported the reopening of international borders to tourists as soon as possible to gain income from tourist shoppers. several studies claim that the pandemic has had an especially devastating effect on luxury shopping tourism. one reason for this is that china, which represented 90 percent of the growth of the global luxury market in 2019 (del valle, a.s. 2020), implemented serious restrictions on international mobility causing a serious drop in luxury tourism. the other reason behind the decline in luxury sales is that during the pandemic customers were either not able to or were reluctant to visit luxury retail stores (klaus, p. and manthiou, a. 2020). these problems were further intensified by the fact that the luxury retail industry relies heavily on visitors and shopping tourism. based on a qualitative survey, syed, a. and haq, f. (2021) found that the demand by tourists for luxury goods not only decreased because of restricted mobil151tömöri, m. and staniscia, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 147–161. ity but also because consumers started shopping more consciously focusing on their basic needs. moreover, uncertainties related to the pandemic, declining levels of income (due to working from home), and changes in consumers’ priorities (preferring items necessary to survive the pandemic) also had a negative impact on luxury goods buying intentions. the spatial restructuring of shopping (tourism) and retailing was another consequence of the pandemic. for instance, notable geographical redistributions of alcohol sales and consumption in europe were detectable during the pandemic. leifman, h. et al. (2022) argue that europe saw significant changes in alcohol availability due to the closing of bars, restaurants, and international borders resulting in an increase in domestic sales in countries with high cross-border inflow of alcohol. nevertheless, results also show a general decrease in the total amount of alcohol consumed per capita in inflow countries as not all cross-border purchases were replaced by domestic sales. by analysing card payments to the retail sector in switzerland during the covid-19 crisis kraenzlin, s. et al. (2020) revealed substantial payment shifts from urban to suburban and rural areas, as well as notable rearrangements among cantons. they argue that one plausible explanation for this shift lies in the fact that urban cantons are more likely to suffer from the absence of tourism and business travel. they also claim that the impossibility of shopping tourism caused an increase in excess retail payments in switzerland, since residents in the country were ‘forced’ to spend their money at home due to border closures. similar ‘positive’ effects of the pandemic on domestic retail sales are explored by baggs, j. et al. (2022) who calculated that, on average, the usa-canada border closure generated a 1.49 percent offsetting gain in revenues for small canadian retailers located within 150 kilometres of the border. this was primarily due to the fact that the border policy prohibiting canadians from crossing the border for non-essential travel shifted some revenue from cross-border purchases to canadian retailers. these extra revenues were able to partially counter the losses that retailers experienced during lockdowns. the drop in cross-border shopping not only had a serious impact on the geographical distribution of spending, but also on the structure and organization of the retail sector, being already under change caused by the dynamically evolving e-commerce. these processes have also generated transformations in urban spaces. based on a case study in barcelona, frago, l. (2021) found that the collapse of global tourist/consumer flows (together with the spread of online shopping) accelerated the commercial desertification of the traditional city centre and led to the temporary or permanent closure of retail establishments. the impossibility of (cross-border) shopping tourism during the pandemic undoubtedly increased the role of online shopping. e-commerce had been on the rise well before the outbreak of the pandemic; however, this external shock has accelerated the already ongoing transformation process of the retail sector (beckers, j. et al. 2021). nevertheless, according to hall, c.m. et al. (2020b) online purchases during the pandemic primarily targeted domestic e-tailers instead of international ones, as covid-19 resulted in diminishing confidence in the reliability of international shipping and postal services. the geographical disparities in the distribution of and access to covid-19 vaccines also resulted in the emergence of a unique phenomenon: vaccine tourism, which can be regarded as a special form and combination of medical and shopping tourism. the essence of this phenomenon is that vaccine tourists travel to locations where they can access vaccines ahead of others or get the type of vaccine unavailable in their home countries (kaewkitipong, l. et al. 2021). a significant proportion of vaccine tourists originated from the global south and targeted the global north; however, due to temporary shortages, vaccine tourism also occurred among countries with similar level of development or even among states in the usa (korstanje, m.e. 2022). tömöri, m. and staniscia, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 147–161.152 data and methods first the general conditions of hungary’s shopping tourism were examined, whereby we evaluated the stringency level of anticovid-19 measures in hungary and its neighbouring countries and analysed the changes in the exchange rate of the huf. the assessment of the stringency of anti covid-19 measures was based on the stringency index calculated by the oxford coronavirus government response tracker (oxcgrt) project3. this index (using nine metrics4) records the strictness of government policies on a scale from 0 to 100, where 0 means the least stringent and 100 represents the most stringent response level (hale, t. et al. 2021). in this study the average yearly and quarterly stringency index values were calculated for hungary and its seven neighbouring countries for 2020 and 2021. the changes in the exchange rates of the huf were assessed by using the database of the hungarian national bank. first the mean exchange rates of the currencies of the neighbouring countries expressed in huf were calculated for 2019, 2020 and 2021. then base indices (2019 = 100%) were calculated for 2020 and 2021. the selection of these indicators is justified by the evidence presented in the literature review section of this paper where we have shown that both policy responses to covid-19 and exchange rate fluctuations may have a strong impact on cross-border shopping tourism. the rest of the results section presents the analysis of the changes in the number and share of shopping trips to and from hungary and the related expenditures in 2020 and 2021 compared to 2019 data. the analysis is 3 data available at: https://github.com/oxcgrt/ covid-policy-tracker/tree/master/data 4 school closures; workplace closures; cancellation of public events; restrictions on public gatherings; closures of public transport; stay-at-home requirements; public information campaigns; restrictions on internal movements; and international travel controls. based on the database of the hcso on international travels5. the hcso collects data on inand outbound trips through questionnaire surveys in the form of personal interviews which are conducted at land and air border crossing points (in the case of schengen borders interviews are conducted nearby the former border checkpoints) with the help of trained interviewers6. as the hcso publishes data according to the main travel motivations as well, it is possible to analyse the characteristics of shopping trips, which can provide an overall picture of hungary’s inand outbound shopping tourism7. data are processed through descriptive statistics, through time series, base indices calculation, and part-to-whole ratios. stringency of anti-c o v i d -19 measures in hungary and its neighbours most countries in the region started introducing anti-covid-19 measures at the end of january 2020, however, stringency indices started increasing rapidly only in march as the first cases were detected. as a result, the first quarter of 2020 was characterized by relatively low levels of restrictions. the most stringent measures were in force in april 2020, which was followed by the gradual easing of restrictions in may. during the summer of 2020 less stringent regulations were in force, thus, the third quarter of the year saw a significant drop in stringency indices. however, as the second wave of covid-19 5 data available at: https://www.ksh.hu/stadat_ eng?lang=en&theme=tur 6 the detailed methodology of data production is available at: https://www.ksh.hu/apps/meta. objektum?p_lang=en&p_menu_id=110&p_almenu_id=104&p_ot_id=100&p_obj_id=bdgd https://www.ksh.hu/apps/meta.objektum?p_ lang=en&p_menu_id=110&p_almenu_id=194&p_ ot_id=100&p_obj_id=bdgd 7 since the target populations of the hcso surveys are hungarian travellers leaving hungary and foreign travellers entering hungary we use the terms ‘hungarians’ and ‘foreigners’ instead of ‘residents’ and ‘non-residents’ throughout this paper. https://github.com/oxcgrt/covid-policy-tracker/tree/master/data https://github.com/oxcgrt/covid-policy-tracker/tree/master/data https://www.ksh.hu/stadat_eng?lang=en&theme=tur https://www.ksh.hu/stadat_eng?lang=en&theme=tur https://www.ksh.hu/apps/meta.objektum?p_lang=en&p_menu_id=110&p_almenu_id=104&p_ot_id=100&p_obj_id=bdgd https://www.ksh.hu/apps/meta.objektum?p_lang=en&p_menu_id=110&p_almenu_id=104&p_ot_id=100&p_obj_id=bdgd https://www.ksh.hu/apps/meta.objektum?p_lang=en&p_menu_id=110&p_almenu_id=104&p_ot_id=100&p_obj_id=bdgd https://www.ksh.hu/apps/meta.objektum?p_lang=en&p_menu_id=110&p_almenu_id=194&p_ot_id=100&p_obj_id=bdgd https://www.ksh.hu/apps/meta.objektum?p_lang=en&p_menu_id=110&p_almenu_id=194&p_ot_id=100&p_obj_id=bdgd https://www.ksh.hu/apps/meta.objektum?p_lang=en&p_menu_id=110&p_almenu_id=194&p_ot_id=100&p_obj_id=bdgd 153tömöri, m. and staniscia, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 147–161. arrived, countries started tightening measures again; this was accompanied by a rise in stringency indices, although the severity of measures (on average) did not exceed the level of the second quarter of the year. due to the third wave of covid-19 most countries introduced additional restrictions resulting in increasing stringency indices during the first quarter of 2021. the hungarian government followed an especially strict policy at that time, which is represented by the fact that the country’s stringency index was higher in the first quarter of 2021 than in the second quarter of 2020 and hungary had the second highest value in the region. with the rising level of vaccinations and decreasing cases, governments started to ease restrictions from may causing a drop in stringency indices in the third quarter of 2021. due to rising cases the last quarter of 2021 saw a modest increase in stringency levels again (figure 1). a detailed look at anti-covid-19 measures in hungary (figure 2) shows that the government introduced restrictions, such as the closure of borders and certain shops, as well as limiting the opening hours and capacity of non-essential businesses, that were similar to other countries and caused serious disruptions to shopping tourism. in sum, especially in the first period of the pandemic, government responses in the region showed similarities, nevertheless some spatial and temporal differences could also be detected. these differences created new aspects of cross-border asymmetries that are vital to the existence of cross-border activities, such as shopping tourism. nevertheless, severe and often quickly changing restrictions on the international mobility of tourists largely hindered the exploitation of crossborder differences. responses introduced by the hungarian government and their timing were roughly in line with the measures taken by the governments of neighbouring countries until mid-2021. however, from the third quarter of 2021 the hungarian government focused on vaccinations instead of restrictions, thus, a gradual abolition of anti covid-19 measures started, and the country’s stringency index became the lowest in the region (see figure 1, a). changes in the exchange rates of the huf except for the ukrainian hryvnia (uah), the huf significantly declined against the currencies of the neighbouring countries (figure 3) during the examined period. the largest devaluation (more than 10%) was detectable against the eur and the serbian dinar (rsd), but substantial weakening took place against the croatian kuna (hrk) (almost 9%) and the romanian leu (rol) (app. 6%) too. the uah to huf exchange rate was subject to larger fluctuations; the first half of 2020 was characterized by the strengthening of the uah, then the huf became slightly stronger. in sum, foreigners visiting hungary during the pandemic could buy more products and fig. 1. quarterly averages of stringency indices in hungary and its neighbouring countries (a), and hungary’s stringency index in comparison to the average of neighbouring countries (b). source: edited by the authors based on data from oxcgrt. (a) (b) tömöri, m. and staniscia, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 147–161.154 changes in the number of (shopping) trips to and from hungary and in the related expenditures during the pandemic (2020–2021) the number of inbound trips to hungary in 2020 was down by 48 percent compared to the previous year, and the decline was roughly the same in the case of shopping trips as well, thus, the share of shopping trips within the total number of inbound trips hardly changed. the following year (2021) saw some recovery, as inbound trips increased by 16 percent from the previous year; nevertheless, this figure was still almost 40 percent below the pre-pandemic level. on the other hand, inbound shopping trips were down by more than 20 percent compared to 2020 and by 60 percent to 2019, thus, shopping trips only accounted for 12 percent of all inbound trips in 2021 (figure 4, a). outbound trips by hungarians were also characterized by a significant (almost 50%) decline in 2020 from the previous year and an even more severe decline was detectable fig. 2. covid-19 stringency index in hungary and selected restrictions related to shopping tourism (2020–2021). source: edited by the authors based on data from oxcgrt. fig. 3. base indices of the mean exchange rates of the currencies of the neighbouring countries expressed in hungarian forint (huf) (the same quarter of 2019 = 100%). source: edited by the authors based on data from the hungarian national bank. services for the same amount of money, while hungarians travelling abroad had to face increasing prices. thus, changes in the exchange rates of the huf favoured shopping tourism to hungary and created less favourable conditions for outbound shopping tourism. 155tömöri, m. and staniscia, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 147–161. in the case of outbound shopping trips being almost 60 percent down compared to 2019. thus, the share of shopping trips fell to 18 percent of all outbound trips in 2020. the next year saw a gradual recovery as outbound trips were up by 4 percent compared to 2020, but still almost 50 percent down compared to 2019. on the other hand, outbound shopping trips in 2021 dropped by 9 percent from the previous year, and they were down by more than 60 percent compared to 2019. thus, the share of shopping trips fell to 15.6 percent of all outbound trips in 2021 (figure 4, b). expenditures (at current prices) related to inbound trips in 2020 were down by 54 percent compared to 2019, meanwhile expenditures related to inbound shopping trips dropped by 45 percent. as spending related to shopping trips decreased to a lesser extent than the total spending, the share of expenditures related to shopping trips increased by almost 2 percentage points to 11.4 percent from the previous year. although expenditures related to inbound trips in 2021 increased by 28 percent from the previous year, but they were still 42 percent down compared to 2019. meanwhile, the spending of shopping tourists to hungary in 2021 fell by 6 percent from the previous year and it was down by 48 percent compared to 2019. thus, expenditures related to inbound shopping trips accounted for 8.4 percent of the total spending in 2021 (figure 5, a). expenditures related to outbound trips by hungarians in 2020 were down by 58 percent compared to 2019, while hungarian shopping tourists’ spending fell by 50 percent. thus, the share of expenditures related to outbound shopping trips rose to 19 percent. in 2021 expenditures related to outbound trips by hungarians increased by 27 percent from 2020, however, they were still 47 percent down compared to 2019. meanwhile, hungarian shopping tourists’ spending fell by 8 percent from 2020 and it was down by 54 percent compared to 2019. thus, expenditures related to outbound shopping trips by hungarians accounted for 14 percent of the total spending in 2021 (figure 5, b). regarding the structure of spending related to international trips it is detectable that during the pandemic (2020–2021) the relative share of food and beverages as well as fuel increased within the total expenditure. quarterly changes in the number of in and outbound (shopping) trips (figure 6, a), and in the related expenditures (figure 6, b) clearly reflect the impact of anti-covid-19 measures introduced by national governments. the first quarter of 2020 was characterized by the least decline both in terms of the number of trips and the related expenditures since governments started introducing serious restrictions only from march. the second quarter saw a drastic drop in the number of international trips and the related expenditures with the introduction of severe anti-covid-19 measures. a temporary improvement occurred in the third quarter of 2020 since during the summer less severe restrictions were in force in most countries. fig. 4. number and share of inbound shopping trips to hungary (a), and outbound shopping trips by hungarians (b), 2018–2021. source: edited by the authors based on hcso data. (b)(a) tömöri, m. and staniscia, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 147–161.156 however, as governments started tightening measures with the arrival of the second wave of covid-19 trips and expenditures started declining again. except for the number of total inbound trips, the first quarter of 2021 saw the worst figures, which was particularly true for shopping trips. the reason for this lies in the fact that several countries, including hungary, introduced the most serious restrictions in this quarter (hungary ranked second after austria in the average stringency index of q1 2021). due to the gradual easing of restrictions, a relatively dynamic recovery in the number of trips and expenditures could be detected during the second and third quarters of 2021, nevertheless, the number of all inand outbound trips and the related expenditures were still 30 or 40 percent lower in q3 2021 than in the same quarter of 2019. in addition, the recovery in the number of in and outbound shopping trips and the related expenditures was even slower. the dynamic increase in the number of trips halted in the fourth quarter of 2021 (except for outbound trips by hungarians) as some countries tightened covid-19 measures again. meanwhile the rising trend in expenditures continued, however, this was predominantly due to inflation and the weakening of the huf. finally, we examined the effects of the level of covid-19 stringency indices and the eur/huf exchange rate8 on the volume of shopping tourism to and from hungary (table 1). the analysis was based on quarterly data from 2020 and 2021, however, the first quarter of 2020 was disregarded, since the first two months of 2020 were virtually unaffected by covid-19 related restrictions. 8 exchange rates of other currencies were disregarded because they showed similar tendencies to the eur/ huf exchange rate except for the uah (see figure 3). fig. 5. sum and share of expenditures related to inbound shopping trips to hungary (a), and to outbound shopping trips by hungarians (b), 2018–2021. source: edited by the authors based on hcso data. fig. 6. quarterly changes in the number of (a), and in the expenditures related to (b) inand outbound trips and shopping trips (the same quarter of 2019 = 100%) source: edited by the authors based on hcso data. (a) (b) (a) (b) 157tömöri, m. and staniscia, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 147–161. results show that there is a very strong negative correlation among stringency levels (var5) and the number of inand outbound shopping trips (var1, 2), as well as the related expenditures (var3, 4). this means that the volume of cross-border shopping tourism significantly declined when governments introduced stricter measures against covid-19. on the other hand, only weak or very weak correlation can be detected between the eur/ huf exchange rate (var6) and the volume of shopping tourism (var1,2,3,4). these results imply that the dynamics of cross-border shopping tourism between hungary and its neighbours were primarily determined by the stringency of anti-covid-19 measures (i.e., the permeability of borders, rules on shopping, etc.), and exchange rate fluctuations could not counterbalance this tendency. discussion and conclusions in this study, we examined the impact of the covid-19 pandemic on cross-border shopping tourism with special reference to hungary. our results show that the pandemic caused an unprecedented decline in international travels, including cross-border shopping, which are consistent with the main findings of the literature (gössling, s. et al. 2020; malkowski, a. and mazur, r. 2020; fotiadis, a. et al. 2021). the restrictions applied by the hungarian government were roughly in line with international standards (hale, t. et al. 2021) and these measures had a decisive impact on the evolution of the number of inand outbound (shopping) trips (cf. figure 1. and figure 6.) although michalkó, g. et al. (2014) found that the weakening of the huf during the financial crisis of 2007–2008 intensified shopping tourism to hungary, our results show that the weak huf during the pandemic could not counter the decline caused by restrictions. nevertheless, before the pandemic the number of outbound shopping trips accounted for app. 50 percent of inbound shopping trips, while in 2020 and 2021 they accounted for only 40 and 47 percent, respectively, showing that inbound shopping trips declined to a lesser extent than outbound ones, justifying the impact of the exchange rate. the increasing share of food, beverages, and fuel in the expenditures related to international trips shows that utilitarian shopping motivations gained ground over leisure motives during the pandemic, which is in line with the findings of syed, a. and haq, f. (2021). the geographical differences in the nature and level of restrictions, as well as in the pace of introducing and lifting these measures created new forms of cross-border asymmetries. for instance, in december 2021, shopping tourism from slovakia to hungary intensified since shops were closed due to covid-19 restrictions on the slovak side of the border. the growing level of governmental interference in the economy to mitigate the negative table 1. pearson correlation matrix among the volume of shopping tourism, covid-19 stringency indices and eur/ huf exchange rate* indicators var1 var2 var3 var4 var5 var6 var1 var2 var3 var4 var5 var6 1.00 0.90 0.96 0.93 -0.93 0.06 – 1.00 0.93 0.97 -0.95 -0.04 – – 1.00 0.96 -0.93 0.23 – – – 1.00 -0.92 0.07 – – – – 1.00 -0.01 – – – – – 1.00 *var1 = number of inbound shopping trips to hungary; var2 = number of outbound shopping trips by hungarians; var3 = expenditures related to inbound shopping trips to hungary; var4 = expenditures related to outbound shopping trips by hungarians; var5 = average stringency index in hungary and its neighbours, var6 = eur/huf exchange rate. source: calculated by the authors based on data from the hcso, hnb and oxcgrt. tömöri, m. and staniscia, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 147–161.158 social impacts of the pandemic also created new factors affecting shopping tourism. for instance, the hungarian government imposed a fuel price cap in november 2021 to curb price rises, inducing a massive wave of fuel tourism to hungary from neighbouring countries. however, it is an unexpected result that while a gradual recovery began in hungary’s tourism in 2021, this was not detectable in shopping trips. a plausible explanation for this fact is that rising fuel prices made shopping tourism less profitable; moreover, some customers probably got used to regular (cross-border) online shopping as some researchers predicted (beckers, j. et al. 2021; frago, l. 2021). the covid-19 pandemic also raises questions regarding the future of shopping tourism. new pandemics in the future, political conflicts (such as the russia-ukraine war), the spread of technology and cross-border e-commerce, changing consumer habits and lifestyles, disruptions in global supply chains, as well as government responses to crises (e.g., sanctions, restrictions) and their economic consequences (e.g., inflation, shortage of goods) carry significant risks and uncertainties for the future of shopping tourism. although some researchers think that once the pandemic is over shopping tourism is going to return its ‘normal’ pre-pandemic state (bunghez, c.l. 2021), most scholars argue that due to fundamental social and economic changes triggered by the pandemic shopping tourism will not be the same after the end of the pandemic, rather it is going to get to a new normal state. it is very likely that a group of customers will get used to regular online shopping and would also like to enjoy the benefits of e-commerce once the pandemic is over (beckers, j. et al. 2021), thus, offline shopping (tourism) has to face a new challenge from cyberspace. as the covid-19 pandemic has significantly transformed consumption habits, consumers have become more reliant on electronic devices and applications to meet their consumption needs. in light of the higher technology usage loh, e.g. and stephenson, m.l. (2021) argue that it is vital for tourism retailers to embed e-commerce advancements into their selling and marketing initiatives to attract tourist shoppers in the postpandemic era, as well as to stay competitive and ensure business sustainability. garcía-milon, a. et al. (2021) argue that due to the pandemic tourists have increased their intention to use smartphones, especially to make payments for purchases, because during the pandemic electronic payment systems were recommended, even mandatory. they also claim that the application of modern technology (such as smartphones, mobile applications, contact-free payments) may help to recover from the crisis caused by the pandemic and encourage tourists’ shopping. these findings imply that destinations and retailers should pay more attention to digitalisation in the future as tourists will be more willing to use mobile applications to obtain information about shopping opportunities, compare products and prices, as well as to make secure and contactless payments. however, the growing level of digitalisation in the retail sector may have a profound effect on traditional, offline retailing, and, thus, on retail spaces in city centres and high streets. beckers, j. et al. (2021) claim that there is a risk that small retailers will lose ground in e-commerce in favour of larger ones if they do not continue to develop their online channels in the post-pandemic era. this would result in revenue losses and may lead to shop closures. frago, l. (2021) also expresses a rather pessimistic view on the future of retail activities linked to tourism as he anticipates that the growing role of online channels will result in the continuation of shop closures in the streets. economic, social, legal differences on opposite sides of international borders are the major driving forces behind cross-border shopping tourism. in our opinion, the differences in national responses to various hypothetical future crisis events may sustain cross-country differences that enable shopping tourism in the future too; however, due to the extremely rapidly changing conditions, very hectic fluc159tömöri, m. and staniscia, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 147–161. tuations may occur in the volume and directions of shopping tourism. destinations and retailers relying on tourism should follow a diversified strategy to mitigate future risks. destinations should reduce their reliance on a single tourism product, like shopping tourism, and try to enrich their offer by developing new attractions. retailers should target a wider range of customers, for instance, by following an omnichannel strategy and placing larger emphasis on (cross-border ) e-commerce and digitalisation as suggested by garcíamilon, a. et al. (2021) and by loh, e.g. and stephenson, m.l. (2021). finally, we believe that the pandemic is an excellent opportunity to rethink the future of shopping tourism and transform it in a way to minimize its negative environmental, social, and economic effects for a better and sustainable future. an important limitation of the study is that we only examined the number of (shopping) trips to and from hungary and the related expenditures; therefore, more comprehensive studies in the future should use more parameters and examine shopping tourism in the context of the retail sector as well. in addition, future research could focus on how shopping tourism can contribute to improving the quality of life while avoiding negative environmental processes and preventing crises. acknowledgement: this project was supported by the scientific council of the university of nyíregyháza. r e f e r e n c e s baggs, j., fung, l. and lapham, b. 2022. an empirical examination of the effect of covid-19 travel restrictions on canadians’ cross-border travel and canadian retailers. canadian public policy 48. 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(17): 9749. tömöri, m. and staniscia, b. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 147–161.162 hungarian geographical bulletin vol 72 issue 2 147-161 (2023) mihály tömöri, barbara staniscia: the impact of the covid-19 pandemic on cross-border shopping tourism: the case of hungary 157nagy, cs. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 157–174.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.69.2.5 hungarian geographical bulletin 69 2020 (2) 157–174. introduction nowadays the development of industry can be characterized by digitalisation and growing interconnectivity, often referred to as industry 4.0 (fourth industrial revolution), a name originated from germany. changes affecting both the production process and the nature of the products produced have an impact on the structure of value chains and on the applied business models as well. the comparative and competitive advantages of companies and their regions are being revalued, which may lead to the transformation of the spatial organisation and international production networks of the global economy. the present study focuses on an eastcentral european, semi-peripheral region of the global economy. in an intermediate, dependent area, the income of core-like activities is sufficient to block the forces driving towards peripheralisation, while its low-income (peripheral) activities make it impossible for them to become part of the core (arrighi, g. 2014). based on the results of qualitative field research (interviewing) we try to identify some economic geographic relations of the fourth industrial revolution. to this end, the technological preparedness, development and business strategy, resources, knowledge and relationships of the selected companies with the global and local environment were studied. factors are to be explored that may influence the future prospects and the transformation of the spatial structure of the industry of eastern hungary. considering the dual character of 1 university of debrecen; h-4032 debrecen, egyetem tér 1. hungary. e-mails: csongormagnus@gmail.com, molnar.erno@science.unideb.hu 2 geographical institute, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences; h-1112 budapest, budaörsi u. 45; faculty of economics, university of sopron, h-9400 sopron, erzsébet u. 9. hungary. e-mail: kiss.eva@csfk.mta.hu industry 4.0 in a dualistic manufacturing sector – qualitative experiences from enterprises and their environment, eastern hungary csongor n a g y 1, ernő m o l n ár 1 and éva k i s s 2 abstract industry 4.0 developing on the basis of digitalisation is gradually transforming production, the conditions of competition and relationships in global industry, affecting its interpretation and expanding its limits. this paper attempts to explore changing economic geographical context with the revaluation of comparative and competitive advantages in a semi-peripheral area of the eu. based on company interviews, the effects of the new technologies of industry 4.0 on the dual hungarian manufacturing industry and its spatial structure are studied, and that whether they contribute to the reduction of duality and geographical polarization. in eastern hungary – just like in most areas in east-central europe – internationally competitive manufacturing companies emerged almost exclusively as a result of foreign direct investment, while domestic companies are forced into secondary or dependent roles. the empirical research has revealed significant differences in the progress of companies in industry 4.0. hungarian-owned companies evolve in a specific way from several aspects and face many difficulties. in contrast, enterprises with foreign interest continue to be the engine of development, driven from the “outside”. duality is also reflected in the corporate structure, in space and in the realisation of industry 4.0. keywords: industry 4.0, manufacturing, dualistic economy, enterprises, economic geography, semi-periphery, hungary. received december 2019, accepted may 2020. nagy, cs. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 157–174.158 the region’s economy, the main focus of our analysis will be a comparison between large foreign-owned companies and the hungarian small and medium-sized enterprises (sme) which have a limited competitiveness. the study focuses on the manufacturing industry that is expected to have the most pronounced transformation (porter, m.e. and heppelmann, j.e. 2014). from an economic geographical point of view, this sector is also made interesting by its large transnational and multinational companies organised globally and operating spatially fragmented production systems. manufacturing industry accounts for 80 per cent of the eu’s innovation output and 75 per cent of its exports, while its role in the economy of eastcentral europe is much higher than the eu average (stehrer, r. and stöllinger, r. 2015; lux, g. 2017; nagy, j. 2017). in the first part of the study – based on foreign and hungarian literature – the concept of industry 4.0 and its potential economic geographical context are analysed, the former hungarian experiences are discussed and the major specifics of the industry of the studied eastern hungarian region are presented. this is followed by a brief description of the research method and by the introduction of the ten enterprises selected. in the third part empirical results are demonstrated from different aspects compared with the conclusions of other researches. the final chapter draws general conclusions and raises further research problems. theoretical background industry 4.0 in connection with global economic geography the common basis of technologies associated with industry 4.0 is the development of it tools with decreasing price and increasing performance, and that of networking and software competences. similar meanings are associated with the terms of advanced manufacturing, smart manufacturing and industrial internet of things (iiot). cyber-physical production systems (cpps) are regarded to be the core elements. for the realisation of cpps, the devices of our physical world have to be visualized in the virtual world using various technologies (e.g., sensors, radio frequency identification – rifd, real-time locating system – rtls). people can be involved in the system through different interfaces, such as a tablet, smartphone or augmented reality (ar). the most important, however, is the large amount of data (big data) that is constantly generated in the resulting digital ecosystem that can be handled by cloud computing. with the processing of the above data instant, automatic feedback and realtime decision-making are possible, increasing efficiency and flexibility (brettel, m. et al. 2014; monostori, l. et al. 2016; strange, r. and zucchella, a. 2017; tortorella, g.l. and fettermann, d. et al. 2018). the new technologies are best completed with flexible, easy-to-change production tools such as (3rd generation, autonomous and collaborative) robots and additive (3d) production technologies. the latter is still limited in the manufacture of components with complex geometry, spare parts, prototypes and tools. modular, networked reconfigurable manufacturing systems (rms) allow for a degree of flexibility that can make mass customization profitable. in optimising processes, there are also new perspectives in contrast to traditional production systems, as new pathways can be formed at any time, not to mention the possibilities of artificial intelligence (ai) and machine learning. the decision-making process is decentralised and automated, and the product itself can control its production through autonomous devices and machinelevel communication. the role of simulations in process design and product development is significant. collecting and analysing data can help the planning and automation of procurement, and great progress in maintenance. individualized traced data represent a major step forward in process development and quality assurance, which can extend to the entire supply chain (brettel, m. et al. 2014; 159nagy, cs. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 157–174. porter, m.e. and heppelmann, j.e. 2014; rüßmann, m. et al. 2015; strange, r. and zucchella, a. 2017; tjahjano, b. et al. 2017). digitalisation and industry 4.0 transform not only production, but also the whole process of value creation, including development, logistics, marketing (e.g. customer involvement) and all (internal and external) relationships. frequent quasi-continuous development on the basis of flexibility, parallel development of the product and manufacturing process, processing of information collected by smart products and the aftersales opportunities they offer also indicate changes. integration of the entire value chain enables product lifecycle management (plm) and could provide basis for circular economy (brettel, m. et al. 2014; porter, m.e. and heppelmann, j.e. 2014; nagy, j. 2017; rouhamaa, h. et al. 2018). based on the above, it is clear that industry 4.0 has certain prerequisites: high degree of automation, network connectivity of devices and their installation with sensors, manufacturing execution system (mes) aimed at the interconnection of processes, collection of real-time information, and control at lower levels, and its connection to it capacities for the full integration of enterprise processes (e.g., enterprise resource planning – erp), which enables fast and remote response from management. the new paradigm raises the claim for new standards, whilst interoperability and cybersecurity is essential for networking. the process and directions of standardization is an important element of creating the new balance of power in global industry (at the level of countries and companies), which is clearly going to be dominated by strong actors. new technologies, business models, flows and coordination of value networks, continuous change also require the resolution of a wide range of regulatory and ethical issues (kagermann, h. et al. 2016; strange, r. and zucchella, a. 2017; nagy, j. 2017; czél, b. 2019). the development of info-communication technologies enables the increasing coordination of dispersed production, optimisation of the entire value-creating network, foresight and avoidance of disruption for those who influence value chains (alcácer, j. et al. 2016; rouhamaa, h. et al. 2018). further relative increase of the value of enterprise centres is suggested by fixed costs increasing due to the high investment demand of industry 4.0 and innovativeness and also by variable costs (by units) decreasing due to efficiency (porter, m.e. and heppelmann, j.e. 2014). as a result, the value of production is decreasing even further (szalavetz, a. 2016). the trend of recent decades has been to deploy production from more developed to less developed countries on a cost basis (60% of world trade is intermediate goods) (kiss, e. 2007). if automation becomes cheaper, productivity increases, the proportion of logistics costs (including time) varies and protectionism is strengthened, then the location of production activities close to the consumer can become more attractive, and reshoring will be raised (strange, r. and zucchella, a. 2017; laseur, l. 2019). closer co-operation with suppliers, the establishment of an ecosystem will be necessary, which will also put innovation pressure on participating companies. automation of logistics, facilitating identification, using a blockchain mechanism in administration simplifies the flow of products and information in this chain (nagy, j. 2017). the development of the technologies required for industry 4.0, the creation of new tools – while ensuring a competitive advantage in the future – can in itself be a remarkable source of revenue, with expected value generation of the background industries providing the new processes amounting to 420 billion euros in 2020 (monostori, l. et al. 2016). (however, this amount will be probably less because of the covid-19 pandemic.) as industry 4.0 is best developed when more and widespread professions and industries work together, several authors emphasize the importance of the ecosystem approach, the framework of which is gradually established on both national and regional levels (strange, r. and zucchella, a. 2017; götz, m. and jankowska, b. 2017; nick, g. 2018). digitalisation, which bridges distances nagy, cs. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 157–174.160 and the growing importance of local relations, and the apparent contradiction between agglomeration trends – in addition to the decreasingly obvious benefits in transaction costs – are explained partly by the demand for face-to-face interaction at competence-creating and the function of the network node and knowledge base of metropolitan spaces (alcácer, j. et al. 2016). the role of traditional (hard) location choice factors is steadily diminishing and the focus on previous (even suboptimal) location decisions is increasing as the centres of large companies become more embedded. clusters have similar historical benefits, and as a knowledge environment they can play an essential role in new processes. local and regional co-operations make easier the flow and spread of knowledge, promotes the development of trust between those involved. the involvement of external resources for each company increases the capacity of innovation, moreover, the expected positive effects are also amplified by proximity (götz, m. and jankowska, b. 2017). in particular, for smes, a collaborative network is important (brettel, m. et al. 2014). higher productivity and exports can also be detected in cluster members. universities can play a central role in innovation co-operation (rouhamaa, h. et al. 2018). technological progress is significantly transforming workforce expectations: the role of digital competences, problem solving abilities, creativity or complex thinking is strengthened. it is common for firms to identify the lack of adequately trained workers as one of the main obstacles to exploiting the potential of new processes, particularly in less developed countries. at the same time, some industry 4.0 solutions are designed to support low-skilled workers (e.g. visualised instructions), therefore expectations may be lowered in certain areas. the role of traditional qualifications is certainly reduced (for welding just like mounting orders are given via a digital interface) while learning and flexibility are increasingly valued (autor, d.h. 2015; nagy, j. 2017; müller, j.m. et al. 2018; tortorella, g.l. and fettermann, d. 2018). new technologies are a risky and expensive investment in the hope of cost reduction and growth, therefore it is important that company leaders realistically see the capabilities of the company (nagy, j. 2017). the high costs of implementation, the increasingly complex planning and development processes represent increased difficulties for both smaller businesses and companies in periphery areas, and creating the possibilities of financing is critical for smes and, particularly for startups (porter, m.e. and heppelmann, j.e. 2014; tortorella, g.l. and fettermann, d. 2018). for small and medium-sized enterprises the lack of corporate governance competence, strategic thinking and low productivity are restraining forces (kovács, sz. et al. 2017; müller, j.m. et al. 2018). the increasing flow of information between those involved in value chains, international co-operation and supplier contacts create opportunities for a more efficient spill-over of knowledge, technology and know-how, if there is a willingness to receive it. compared to explicit knowledge, the spread of tacit knowledge is more difficult, and individuals have a key role in the process. however, the positive effects of this phenomenon have not been clearly demonstrated so far, especially when viewed in an aggregated way rather than at the level of individual companies, taking into account those who lost competition (szanyi, m. 2010; liu, c.l. and zhang, y. 2014). the situation in hungary sporadic experience so far shows that industry 4.0 innovations are on the rise in hungary, but in the light of the indices (e.g. desi, 2019) used for international comparison, the country generally performs modestly (nagy, j. 2017; nick, g. 2018; nagy, cs. and molnár, e. 2019). the innovations that have been introduced gradually in the companies are designed to address operational challenges (quality, ontime production, flexibility, management of complex manufacturing, labour shortages, increasing productivity), and the openness and 161nagy, cs. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 157–174. initiative of local management are also important for the subsidiaries of foreign companies. the role of innovations supporting upgrading can also be demonstrated: certain innovations (modelling, simulation, unified enterprise software) allow for the deployment of outof-production functions, sharing certain tasks with the centre, specialisation for sub-tasks, becoming a competence centre in certain areas relevant to digitalisation. this is proved by the growth of non-manual employment as well. comparing the situation of subsidiaries and their parent companies, it can be concluded that in the case of the former, development is aimed primarily to improve the efficiency of the manufacturing process (and functional upgrading by integrating more knowledgeintensive activities) while in the case of the latter, innovations related to products or strategic activities (e.g. value chain co-ordination, research and development) dominate (szalavetz, a. and somosi, s. 2019). the employment-reducing effect of technological investments and production returning from hungary to the parent country are not yet seen. at the same time, more modern capacities elsewhere can be a challenge for the hungarian economy in the future. however, the gap between parent companies and subsidiaries in terms of value creation is not reduced, there is only a limited increase in local value added (losonci, d. et al. 2019; szalavetz, a. 2019). the failure to achieve a paradigm shift in the catch-up model so far appears to support suggestions about the effects of the fourth industrial revolution cementing the established core-periphery structures (lengyel, i. et al. 2016). the spatial effects of industry 4.0 at subnational level appear little in the focus of analyses. the dual structure of the industry appears to significantly differentiate with industry 4.0 solutions spreading faster in the motor vehicle and mechanical engineering industry, in foreign-owned companies, in (large) corporations and in those involved in international co-operation, the unequal spatial distribution of which influence also the geography of the acceptance of innovations in hungary (nick, g. et al. 2019). industry 4.0 meanwhile increases the role of locally available competent suppliers in the location selection (szalavetz, a. and somosi, s. 2019). from the point of view of spill-over effects, it is promising that nick, g. (2018) encountered data sharing to their value chain partners in 92 per cent of industry companies in hungary involved in industry 4.0. the role of small and medium-sized enterprises in employment and competitiveness in the post-fordist economy is significant, their development and industry 4.0 maturity became an important competitive advantage. in industry 4.0– at least until much closer cooperation among those involved becomes evident – the larger representatives of the category can have a role, since they can have the resources and organisational background for optimisation feasible due to interconnectivity and have the conditions to supply. the manufacturing industry is over-represented among medium-sized enterprises, however, this sector is still weak in international comparison, even though such companies could have a major role – due to their scattered location – in the development of the gradually emptying rural regions, small and mediumsized towns from economic point of view. the key-obstacles to their competitiveness are: low level of trust, low networking, rare positive examples, inadequacy of the legal system, lack of internationalisation, risk aversion, lack of leadership skills and unresolved financing (kovács, sz. et al. 2017). all the above point to the important role of high-quality deployment factors that can be difficultly reproduced and older industrial areas and potential industrial clusters even at the time of industry 4.0, therefore it is worth summarising the characteristics of the study area including nine counties (nógrád, heves, borsod-abaúj-zemplén, szabolcs-szatmárbereg, hajdú-bihar, jász-nagykun-szolnok, békés, csongrád and bács-kiskun) of the country. eastern hungary means the eastern half of the country, where the counties mentioned above form three regions (northern hungary, northern great plain, southern great plain). nagy, cs. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 157–174.162 during the market economy transformation, balancing industrialisation in the state socialist system was replaced by the preferences of foreign private businesses corresponding to an export-oriented modernisation model based on foreign capital resulting in the differentiation of industrial spatial processes (nemes nagy, j. and lőcsei, h. 2015). the geographical location of eastern hungary, its inherited economic structure and its infrastructure conditions made it a loser of the change. not only are heavy industrial crisis areas with strong deindustrialisation, but areas in the great plain experiencing above average the collapse of eastern markets, the crisis of agriculture and the external dependency of local industry have also gone through a deep recession (kiss, j. 2003), which was at most mitigated by cities with a more stable industry, with a more successful transformation (jászberény, tiszaújváros) or foreign direct investment from the 1990s (hatvan, kecskemét) (barta, gy. 2002; kiss, é. 2010) (figure 1). as a result of re-industrialisation after the millennium, the value of certain eastern hungarian regions increased and the internal differentiation of these regions could be observed, while the industrial dynamics of heves and jász-nagykun-szolnok, closer to the capital city, were already significant in the 1990s (barta, gy. et al. 2008), borsodabaúj-zemplén seemingly finishing deindustrialisation and bács-kiskun with an increasing value due to the location choice of the automotive industry were classified into the re-industrialising counties only later (lengyel, i. et al. 2016; lengyel, i. and varga, a. 2018). county data, however, mask internal spatial disparities: in the re-industrialised fig. 1. the value of industrial production per county’s inhabitant in per cent of the country’s average and the number of manufacturing companies employing at least 250 people by headquarters, 2018. names of counties (bold) and settlements (italic) with the most manufacturing companies mentioned in the text are labelled by stars. source: data of hungarian central statistical office. 4– 7 9–11 2– 3 16–17 1 number of companies – 60 60–100 100–150 150–200 200–300 industrial production per capita (in % of national) eastern hungary 163nagy, cs. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 157–174. eastern counties, the axis in the foreground of mountains and the proximity of the capital city seem to be the major factors in determining the spatial structure. this is also reflected in the regional differences of the successfullness of industrial parks (kiss, é. 2013). this shows the resurgence of the north-south differences that have long defined the territorial differences of the hungarian industry (barta, gy. et al. 2008; kiss, é. 2010), which also suggests the role of inherited conditions in shaping the future (molnár, e. and lengyel, i.m. 2015). major characteristics of the studied region are demonstrated in a table illustrating well its position within the country (table 1). re-industrialisation also means industrial structural change. with a stronger presence of large foreign companies in more dynamic counties – regardless of geographical location – the dominance of capital-intensive, more value added mechanical engineering (possibly chemical industry) is typical (barta, gy. et al. 2008). in relation to upgrading of hungary considering factor intensity, the regions that have been re-industrialised later do not start from the same point and seem to be taking similar development paths in less time than their predecessors re-industrialised in the 1990s, as demonstrated by the faster change of activity structures and embedding of some corporations (józsa, v. 2019). in value chains managed by foreign parent companies, the role of the limited character of functional upgrading in blocking re-industrialised regions and, at the same time, (quality) functions beyond production detectable in the east re-industrialised late fade differences between the old and new industrial areas, e.g. in automotive industry (molnár, e. et al. 2020). methodology and sample this research is based on company interviews, designed to collect economic geographically relevant questions related to industry 4.0 and to outline the possibilities for interpreting correlations in a semi-peripheral economy with dual characteristics. qualitative methods were applied creating abundant information, flexible conversation, enabling the interviewer to learn continuously and correct the protocol in situ, to reveal causation and to collect information (babbie, e. 2008; liu, c.l. and zhang, y. 2014; müller, j.m. et al. 2018). the semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted between september and table 1. some data of the industry of eastern hungary and hungary, 2018 denomination re-industrialising counties of eastern hungary* other counties of eastern hungary** hungary number of active industrial enterprises per 1,000 inhabitants industrial production per inhabitant, 1,000 huf industrial employment, number of employees per 1,000 inhabitants industrial productivity, industrial production per one industrial employee, 1,000 huf number of industrial enterprises employing at least 250 people per 100,000 inhabitants employment in mechanical engineering, number of employees per 1,000 inhabitants 4.7 4,568 84 54,697 4.7 34 3.8 1,659 59 28,334 3.5 10 5.1 3,270 80 40,889 4.8 27 *borsod-abaúj-zemplén, heves, jász-nagykun-szolnok and bács-kiskun county (based on nemes nagy, j. and lőcsei, h. 2015; lengyel, i. and varga, a. 2018). ** nógrád, szabolcs-szatmár-bereg, hajdú-bihar, békés and csongrád county. source: data of hungarian central statistical office. nagy, cs. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 157–174.164 december 2019. in line with the exploratory nature of the research, open-ended questions were asked, leaving room for interviewees to interpret them, and gave way to their thoughts depending on the time frame of the conversations (1–3 hours). like the investigation of szalavetz, a. and somosi, s. (2019), what had been said in the conversations was interpreted as a weak signal. in some areas facts were asked, however, opinions regarding certain questions in relation to possible spatial trends were also recorded. the companies interviewed in eastern hungary were selected on the basis of the recommendations of professionals and entrepreneurs who had been visited before. different industries, region and settlement types are represented in the study, and the size and ownership of the involved companies reflect the dual structure of the economy. therefore, in the logic of targeted sample selection, the principles of easy accessibility, experts selection, snowball method and quota sampling are mixed (babbie, e. 2008). competent companies are targeted for interviewing in the topic at which some elements or signs of industry 4.0 have already appeared. therefore, the sample is not representative of the area’s industry. composing the question the aim was to obtain experience in practice in relation to the occurrence and possibilities of the fourth industrial revolution in hungary and to survey the related attitude and strategies of the decision makers. gathering information on the role of industry 4.0 in transforming spatial relations, on the assessment of the relevant advantages and disadvantages of the studied region was also important. naturally, before the interviews available materials (e.g., website, financial reports) were used to obtain information on the companies. after the companies are presented, results are discussed in accordance with the theme of the interview question series, but in a structure with a slightly different logic, reflecting duality and minimising overlaps: – the occurrence of industry 4.0 and global economic change at company level are analysed first taking strategy, technology proliferation, process transformation and competencies into account. first, the general trends, then the characteristics of foreign corporations and hungarian medium-sized enterprises are presented. this is followed by a section where some of the unique characteristics of each company are demonstrated. – in the second part, locality, the environment, spatiality aspects come to the front, where the role of human resources, suppliers and other relationships is important. again the analysis follows a route from general trends to the specifics of the two groups of companies (table 2). the 10 studied companies include five foreign-owned corporations (subsidiaries) and five hungarian-owned medium-sized companies located east of the danube between 80 and 240 kilometres from the capital city. subsidiaries have long operated at their locations, showing a gradual expansion in terms of size, production and functionality. stable hungarian management leads all companies. the beginning of the career of the hungarian ones can be related to the period of the regime change: they started small and grew gradually, but even today they operate on a family basis. the gap between multinational corporations and smaller hungarian businesses was a recurring motif in the discussions (for both types) despite the fact that otherwise respectable innovativeness and competence were experienced at medium-sized enterprises as well. since experience from both literature and field is consistent with the role of the dual economic structure in space influencing the adaptation of industry 4.0 innovations, the replies are presented along this policy principle. it is important to emphasize that all interviewees were well-informed about industry 4.0 and that they were addressing the potential of innovation. at the same time, most of them regard the adaptation of innovations a part of an organic and reasonable development process and – regardless of the upheaval around industry 4.0 – focus on solving specific problems. 165nagy, cs. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 157–174. results of empirical research industry 4.0 at companies according to the interviews – similarly to the study of tjahjono, b. et al. (2017) – the most frequently identified strategic goals regarding the adaptation of industry 4.0 are productivity growth, efficiency, competitiveness, cost and time optimisation and flexibility. improvements in labour productivity generate growth for most (1, 2, 4, 8) and the workforce freed up by automation and optimisation is redeployed within the company: technology-based capacity expansion, diversification, headcount-neutral transformation are the goals. solutions offered by industry 4.0 are not exclusive and generally not competitive with traditional series production optimised for a single product. automating with linear-driven target machines is cheaper than robotics, but robots are easier to reuse. enterprise resource planning systems considered the foundations of industry 4.0 are present almost everywhere. the strong influence of the german enterprise culture is also demonstrated by the fact that the sap system is most widespread (at companies 1, 2, 4, 6). this reflects the management’s desire to better understand the processes. since the modernisation of production infrastructure is not a prerequisite for enterprise resource planning (erp) systems, only the price of software hinders their spread. however, for its effective operation, it is essential that the necessary information is included as soon as possible, which requires well-organised processes. one corporate leader declared the recipe of industry 4.0: lean → data collection → autonomous systems. principles of lean production representing the demand-driven product organisation logic were mentioned in several companies (4, 5, 9) in accordance with the results of tortorella, g. l. and fetterman, d. (2017). in all cases, the development of corporate industry 4.0 background competencies was motivated by the relative cheapness and accessibility of own resources, as opposed to the solutions offered by external companies. ta bl e 2. t he m ai n ch ar ac te ri st ic s of th e st ud ie d en te rp ri se s, 2 01 9 n r. * o w ne rs hi p si ze c at eg or y of em pl oy m en t, 20 18 in co m e, m eu r , 2 01 8 sa le s in d us tr y a ct iv it y se tt le m en t* * 1. fo re ig n 1, 50 0– 3, 00 0 20 0– 30 0 m ai nl y ex po rt m ot or v eh ic le in d us tr y su pp ly in g m od ul es c it y 2. 1, 00 0– 1, 50 0 30 –5 0 m ec ha ni ca l e ng in ee ri ng su p p ly in g m et al p ar ts f or t h e m ot or v eh ic le in d us tr y 3. 1, 00 0– 1, 50 0 15 0– 20 0 e le ct ro ni cs h ar d w ar e, s of tw ar e, s sc ( sh ar ed s er vi ce c en tr e) 4. 1, 50 0– 3, 00 0 15 0– 20 0 m ec ha ni ca l e ng in ee ri ng m ai nl y en d p ro d uc t m an uf ac tu ri ng 5. 50 0– 1, 00 0 20 –3 0 l ig ht in d us tr y su pp ly f or t he m ot or v eh ic le in d us tr y 6. h un ga ri an 50 –1 00 3– 5 m ai nl y d om es ti c w oo d in d us tr y pa ck ag in g sm al l t ow n 7. 50 –1 00 3– 5 pl as ti cs in d us tr y h ou se ho ld , s om e co nt ra ct m an uf ac tu ri ng c it y 8. 50 –1 00 5– 8 m et al in d us tr y su pp ly f or t he m ot or v eh ic le i nd us tr y an d o w n pr od uc ts c it y an d sm al l t ow n 9. 50 –1 00 2– 3 pa pe r in d us tr y pa ck ag in g c it y 10 . 15 0– 25 0 2– 3 m ai nl y ex po rt e le ct ri ca l e ng in ee ri ng c on tr ac t m an uf ac tu ri ng sm al l t ow n *t he n um be r m ea ns h ow th e gi ve n en te rp ri se is r ef er re d in th e te xt . * *c it ie s ar e co un ty s ea ts w it h m or e th an 1 00 ,0 00 in ha bi ta nt s ho st in g m aj or h ig he r ed uc at io n in st it ut io ns . s m al l t ow ns w it h 10 ,0 00 to 2 0, 00 0 in ha bi ta nt s ar e no t l oc at ed in th e ag gl om er at io n of c it ie s. s ou rc e: c re d it re fo rm l td . a nd c om pa ni es ’ w eb pa ge s. nagy, cs. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 157–174.166 there have also been several cases of worker assistance and improvement of working conditions: on the one hand, the replacement of physically demanding work (2, 6) and, on the other hand, reduction of the complexity of tasks in order to create safe operation conditions for both humans and machinery in the form of so called poka-yoke solutions (4, 5). predictive maintenance was mentioned only in two cases (2, 4), meanwhile scheduled programs are widespread. a common speciality of foreign subsidiaries is that they do not make decisions independently. while product development is typically the responsibility of headquarters, production design and sustain engineering are largely subsidiary competences. due to the dominant production function of the companies, efficiency and cost optimisation are top priority. hungarian management is more successful due to the lack of cultural and linguistic barriers, providing more leeway, as does the fact if a plant is the sole producer of a product. local developments are typically generated not by high command, but by keeping the cost level, solving current problems, or the ambitions of local management with limited leeway, as szalavetz, a. (2016) has experienced. the technological superiority of subsidiaries is also an important difference. examples of a working manufacturing execution system (mes) and simulation applied in development and lower-level optimisation have only been seen at corporations. 3d printers were used in prototyping (1, 4) and indirectly in tool manufacturing (2’s supplier). industry 4.0 provides an opportunity for premises to become a competence centre in certain fields: two automotive suppliers (1, 2) for example, in mes, and a third in lean and production support software (5). two companies have significant robotics and production line building competences for the smooth production (1, 4). product-related services and integration are quite widespread (1, 3, 4). in terms of quality assurance, increasing traceability stands out (table 3). a common feature of hungarian mediumsized enterprises is that they form a strategy based on several, not only economic, but e.g. individual, family objectives. ownerexecutives have full decision-making power. in addition to the underdevelopment of organisations, limited resources are the biggest barrier to industry 4.0 innovations. all managers cited the lack of time in management as an obstacle to development and strategic thinking. there is relevant knowledge in several places, but typically management itself is the intellectual capacity for designing and implementing developments (6, 7, 8). many feel that young people, the second generation of corporate governance, are able to break away from their daily routine and deal with strategy and development (müller, j.m. et al. 2018; czél, b. 2019). all of the asked medium-sized company leaders were concerned about industry 4.0 in hungary, while in czechia 3/4 of the studied companies did not feel industry 4.0 relevant to them at all, which is of course more the result of targeted selection than the difference between the two countries (kopp, j. and table 3. some important technologies at the companies interviewed, 2019 denomination of technology* foreign corporations hungarian medium-sized companies manufacturing execution system radio frequency identification augmented reality, virtual reality enterprise resource planning simulation robot 3d printer 1, 2, 4, 5 1, 5 1 (in education) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 1, 3, 4 1, 2, 4 1, (2), 4 – – – 6, 7, 8, 9 – 6, 8 6 *not all technologies are closely related to industry 4.0, but they are essential elements. source: company interviews, 2019. 167nagy, cs. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 157–174. basl, j. 2017). trends in the specific cases were rather variable. mes (manufacturing execution system) or similar ideas have occurred as future plans in several cases (7, 8, 9). they are weaker in data collection and processing: efficiency indicators are often not used, however, they want to improve in this field (in accordance with the experience of müller, j.m. et al. [2018], and nick, g. [2018]). the outdated and heterogeneous production infrastructure also often hinders development (7, 8, 10). individual subsidiary examples indicate further practices in the application of industry 4.0 innovations. corporation 1 works hard on process innovations besides dynamically changing activities of its manufacturing premises, placing a significant emphasis. according to the manager interviewed, they are gradually moving from low-cost to high-cost location. corporation 2 produces low-value products in large quantities, therefore reducing the cost of production and that of material share is particularly important for it. practicaly all of their machines have been equipped with a monitoring system that enables predictive maintenance and supports quality assurance. they also test robots, which can help in visual inspection during quality control. corporation 3 carries out highly diversifiable, high value added (75–80%), r&d intensive (nearly 20%) activities: in addition to hardware manufacturing, software development and system integration takes place and has significant shared service centre (ssc) functions (it, law, financial service provider, customer service). nearly half of the employees have diploma. at the same time, their high mix low volume production covers thousands of product variants, which hinders the introduction of the mes. robots are not considered suitable for fine operations, or to correct minor defects, moreover they receive no support for the modernisation of their production system from the centre. corporation 4 also has a high mix low volume product group. to produce this, a special “industry 4.0 line” has been created that is capable of producing single-piece series, has machine-level interconnectedness, automatically checks the qualification of operators, issues work instructions, has (not visualized) digital twin and provides a oneway material flow in logistics. deep learning is planned with the help of big data collected with sensors in welding. as a means of limiting the autonomy of the subsidiary, the size of the technical department is limited. in the case of corporation 5, the barrier to automation is the individuality of the natural raw material, and that of flexible organisation is quality assurance (their safety-sensitive automotive products should only be manufactured using lines designed specifically for the particular product, to be resampled in the event of modifications, approved by car manufacturers). lean and kaizen approaches dominate in the corporation and it follows self-control and null error strategy. mes works at a low level the corporation uses a less-known, well-customised erp, however, they are under pressure to switch to sap. individual medium-sized company examples also offer a variety of relevant experiences. the progressive executive of company 6 held back growth and focuses on downsizing developments. it has a robot (and plan to purchase another one) programming of which is carried out by his sons and the robotic arms are 3d-printed. this company was among the first in its size category to purchase a corporate governance system (sap) in hungary in order to connect with its customers. this is how it supports delivery scheduling. company 7 works primarily with its own product designs. plastic is difficult to plan and simulate. due to the tool requirements of injection moulding, the company works with a local supplier, and small series are not profitable. a 3d printer is planned for prototyping. the company also aims to give workers instructions on tablets. in order to track deliveries a mobile app is used and orders are planned to be automated. the company carries out r&d co-operation with the university of another city. as the development of the automotive supplier business is costly, company 8 focuses nagy, cs. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 157–174.168 more on the own product division. following the modernisation of the production line (welding robot cell) it plans to expand the related services and integrator functions. for reasons of cost-effectiveness, it developed machinery and erp together with hungarian companies; the erp is well customized to the needs of the firm, however, not sold on the market by the software company. multiply retrievable data improved their bargaining power and the executive’s son has also developed an online price calculator. company 9 works with a number of product variants, often small series, on which many operations are carried out. one of the main obstacles to development is that the company cannot change from point production to line production. the erp of the company is outdated, however, due to high prices no new software has been bought yet. improvements are supported by a lean engineer. company 10 works as a custom manufacturer with small profits that hinders development. dispersed production on more locations hamper the integration of erp and the main customer is not partner in interconnection either. relationship with the environment of companies the spatial effects of industry 4.0 can be interpreted in two dimensions. on the one hand, it is manifested as the unequal spread of innovations maintaining/re-creating competitiveness (keeping or removing those involved) and, on the other hand, as the effects of the production and value-chain division of labour transformed by industry 4.0 on spatial relations. one of the most obvious consequences of industry 4.0 accompanied with spatial effects is the change in the demand for labour. the role of industrial qualification is diminishing as a result of industry 4.0, while the need for digital competencies and for the ability to manage complexity is increasing. some are dissatisfied with the digital competencies of older people (9) and others are dissatisfied with the digital competencies of manual workers (2). others believe that this is not a problem of the blue-collar workers, but rather important for the white-collar ones (8). most leaders emphasized the role of education and training within companies. there is a general agreement on the importance of major developments in the education system, often the knowledge of teachers is not adequate. recruitment becoming hard is felt everywhere, especially in terms of highly qualified workforce. nevertheless, the region’s relative advantage over other parts of the country can be seen. according to the head of the company (8), present in both a city and a town, recruitment is becoming more difficult in both areas, however, it is slightly easier in the small town, which was explained by the workforce released due to the closure of a local foreign company. in relation to supplier networks critical for the reasons discussed earlier, experts emphasise co-operation with multiple partners (companies, institutions), the flow of information and transparency as the basis for development (tjahjano, b. et al. 2017; müller, j.m. et al. 2018). in our interviews, the role of corporate governance systems has occurred repeatedly (5, 6, 10), as well as, the achilles heel of automotive industry supply: quality assurance (5, 7, 8). the leader of one corporation and that of a medium-sized company set the criteria for fast and flexible communication at a distance of 100 km (2, 9). one corporate leader missed “medium-sized” businesses with hundreds of employees in hungary (4) who could have the ability to function as stable partners. r&d cooperation – regardless whether foreign-owned subsidiary or a hungarian medium-sized company – occurs only at companies in cities (e.g. machine testing, material science), although it is also planned in small towns (6, 10). the availability of tender resources is a general advantage of the region. the positive impact of the development of the main road network on accessibility and flexibility was also mentioned (6, 8). the nonoptimal functioning of professional organisations (4, 6, 8) was raised as a problem. 169nagy, cs. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 157–174. the foreign subsidiaries usually have large labour market catchment areas, with one of them having employees from 100 km, across the border (4). in most cases, the share of nonmanual workers (20–30%) is much smaller than that of manual workers. the ratio of those with a diploma is not very high. the ratio is generally improving and in some cases this has been linked to industry 4.0, the expansion of development and it functions, but this has not always been clear. where possible, they also make themselves more attractive by remote working or the possibility of home office. in order to have human resources supply, most corporations are actively involved in secondary and higher education, offering dual training. considering higher education, in addition to technical training (1, 2, 4), companies are sometimes active in economics (4), however, opinions are divided on whether students should be educated by the companies from the beginning or not. nevertheless, dual training is an excellent opportunity to attract young talent, i.e. a competitive advantage that requires an accessible (relevant) higher education institute. at secondary school level experiences are generally not very good. for the foreign subsidiaries, the local supply network offers flexibility, just in sequence organisation, reduced logistical costs and closer co-operation. they themselves are often suppliers therefore the entire chain logically contributes to concentration and spatial specialisation. the supply network is a critical issue for companies with a high material proportion. however, local co-operation is also advisable in the case of tools and services. most companies (1, 2, 4, 5) strive to improve the local supplier network (mentoring, on-site consultancy, strategic consultations, even joint development), but none of them reported breakthrough successes. they often carry out the task themselves cheaper than a local operator. some have no hungarian supplier at all (3), while others talked about germans in 90 per cent (5) or about suppliers mostly from the far east (2). several multinational corporates appreciated and took advantage of the university and research institute opportunities in their city (1, 2, 3, 4), some reported improved attitudes and conditions in hungarian institutions that have traditionally not been very open to the market (2, 4), others were dissatisfied (3). co-operation does not necessarily take place with (only) the local institution. they usually take steps to improve their local embedding, and they have good relationship with local political forces. several corporates trust in the benefits of industrial agglomeration in the field of institutional networking, services and industrial advocacy. regarding the infrastructure of the location (industrial park), major companies formulated expansion needs at most (4). medium-sized companies typically attract no workers from far away and are characterised by a particularly low rate (<10%) of workers with a diploma. they seem to accept the fact that they cannot compete for nonmanual workers with multinational corporations. effective steps are not taken to attract a highly qualified workforce (e.g. teleworking, educational co-operation), the management, the family typically try to solve everything themselves. in general, there is a low level of cooperation, businesses rely on themselves and government supports, and there is no question of co-operation with competitors. several companies are involved in the circulation of the global industry as suppliers or custom manufacturers, while they also have suppliers. several companies consider that the entrepreneurial and supplier culture around the city győr is more advanced. pushing down prices and poor bargaining power are the main problems in custom work (7, 10). in the life of medium-sized enterprises, personal contacts and soft information play a significant role both towards external businesses (9) and in their internal operation (7). the resulting agility and benefits may become threatened by industry 4.0. similar concerns were also raised during the investigation of müller, j.m. et al. (2018). in the case of hungarian medium-sized enterprises, the relationship with the local environment is ambivalent. in small towns nagy, cs. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 157–174.170 and periphery areas transport management may cause problems (6, 8). the role of proximity to the consumer market is indicated by the fact that one of the companies (otherwise in a city) maintains a sales office in budapest (9). some did not perceive a constructive attitude from local leaders and businesses (6), others felt that their embedding in the local market was poor (9). many medium-sized companies (6, 7, 8, 9, 10) participate in an industry 4.0 state programme, in which the industry 4.0 preparedness of companies is assessed, forerunner factories and training are visited, and finally prepare a development plan. eventually selected companies will receive customized, professional advice. such a programme would be truly constructive if development resources were also allocated, therefore grounded decisions customized to individual cases could be made at the time of allocation. discussion of empirical experiences based on the eastern hungarian experiences it has become obvious that companies are dealing with the industry 4.0 issue, but the fourth industrial revolution is mostly ahead of us. according to different points of view there are smaller or larger similarities and differences among the companies studied. they are in the different phase of industry 4.0 (table 4). with the transformation of the human resources needs of production adapting industry 4.0 innovations, it would be logical to consider the reshoring of manufacturing formerly relocated on cost basis to the mainland or near major consumer markets. relocation of foreign investments is continuous, in eastern hungary examples can also be found for activities relocated to or from hungary, although typically more for the former. based on automation, however, mass reshoring seems not like. probably because this ta bl e 4. c om pa ni es in e as te rn h un ga ry fr om d iff er en t a sp ec ts in r el at io n to in du st ry 4 .0 a sp ec t a na ly se d c om m on fe at ur es fo re ig n co rp or at io n h un ga ri an m ed iu m -s iz ed c om pa ny a ct iv it y m an uf ac tu ri ng , p ro d uc ti on p ro d uc t d es ig n, o pt im is at io n, s us ta in en gi ne er in g g en er al ly d ev el op m en t o f o w n pr od uc t as w el l st ra te gi c go al s g ro w th , d iv er si fi ca ti on w it h st ag na nt w or kf or ce d ep en d en t s ta te , p ri or it y of e ffi ci en cy , ke ep in g co st le ve l a n im po rt an t g oa l si ng le -p er so n, m ul ti -f ac to r d ec is io nm ak in g g ro un d s fr eq ue nt ly p ri nc ip le s of le an d ev el op m en t o f p ro d uc ti on in fr as tr uc tu re is r el at iv el y un if or m h et er og en eo us , u nd er d ev el op ed in fr ast ru ct ur e te ch no lo gi es e r p , a va ila bi lit y of in fo rm at io n in c om pa ny m an ag em en t su pe ri or it y, h ar m on is ed d ev el op m en ts , em ph as is o n pr oc es s op ti m is at io n (m e s) d iv er se , s po ra d ic , d ev el op m en ts a tt ra ct in g hu m an re so ur ce s a cq ui si ti on o f l ab ou r be co m es h ar d er fo cu s is o n att ra ct in g (s ki lle d ) w or kf or ce n ot a tt ra ct iv e q ua lifi ca ti on d ig it al a nd s of t a bi lit ie s be co m e m or e im po rt an t h ig he r ra ti o of g ra d ua te s fr om h ig he r ed uc at io n, e d uc at io na l c oop er at io n l ow r at io o f g ra d ua te s fr om h ig he r ed uc at io n su pp ly l oc al p ar tn er sh ip s be co m e m or e im po rta nt , l ow s ta nd ar d le ve l e ff or ts to d ev el op th e lo ca l n et w or k ar e no t s uc ce ss fu l u nt ap pe d p ot en ti al d ue to th e la ck o f re so ur ce s an d in te nt r & d o nl y in c it ie s fr eq ue nt c oop er at io n r ar e co -o pe ra ti on l oc al e nv ir on m en t a sp ec ts : a va ila bi lit y, te nd er s ou rc es , h um an r es ou rc es p os it iv e att it ud e, s tr on g d es ir e fo r co op er at io n a m bi va le nt a tt it ud e, li tt le c oop er at io n so ur ce : c om pa ny in te rv ie w s, 2 01 9. 171nagy, cs. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 157–174. would not be a solution to the socio-economic problems of the parent country, since the lack of highly qualified workforce is the problem there as well, and autonomous production systems require less low and medium-skilled workers. at the same time, considering capacities in the far east, even a more peripheral region in the eu provides more flexibility as location (nearshoring). the activities of the subsidiaries of multinational corporations diversifying due to the integration of production support, it and service activities may even prove to be a retaining force. the opportunities and effects of function expansion due to industry 4.0 are only partially realised in hungary, and the changes do not seem to be so remarkable therefore it can be declared that they represent relative progress and upgrading compared to the competitive environment in the world economy. the preparedness of potential suppliers can play an important role in attracting foreign capital. it is also in the interest of hungarian businesses to be linked to the system with the highest possible level of activity, as this involves greater knowledge transfer (szanyi, m. 2010). the need for the growing amount and diversity of knowledge not only underlines the importance of education, but also is a guide for its organisation. education needs to move forward from the previous uniform and static paradigm towards a model aiming for diversity and supporting continuous learning, a basic condition of which is the internal motivation of participants because of flexibility. it is no surprise that the issue of education has concerned almost all of our interviewees. new technological opportunities give subsidiaries such features (flexibility, efficient information flow, decentralisation, availability, presence) that have previously been the most important competitive advantages of smaller companies. since there is no effective own organic development model for smes at present, it is necessary to create the possibility of financing for learning and development of the smaller ones that can only be achieved through cooperation and ecosystem thinking (müller, j.m. et al. 2018; rouhamaa, h. et al. 2018). a competitive advantage could be gained by pooling separate, sporadic developments in a resource-efficient way and eliminating duplication, but this would require a properly functioning network of institutions, an entrepreneurial culture and trust. there is institutional practice for continuous training and for the acquisition of highly qualified professionals at corporations. in contrast, smes are not able to cover these needs from their own resources therefore co-operation in this field is also necessary. it is a disadvantage that the employment of highly qualified workers is not emphasized enough at medium-sized enterprises, where the development of the organisational culture is important. the interviews also confirmed that knowledge and corporate culture essentially spread through people, therefore the support for (hungarian) smaller companies at system level should be considered by highly qualified employees who possibly obtained experience at multinational corporations. without the above steps, it is feared that industry 4.0 will not be a possibility for medium-sized enterprises, but – due to the cumulative, interdependent character of innovations – the inherited disadvantages will be strengthened, further increasing the gap between the competitiveness of corporates and medium-sized companies. the capital and technology intensity of industry 4.0, its sector dependence, the central role of multinational corporations, the integration of supply networks, the importance of personal relationships in knowledge generation all point to the fact that the more developed industrial districts or clusters and cities can gain additional benefits. as discussed above, the possibilities of industry 4.0 can be strongly influenced by the characteristics of manufactured products and raw materials used. this includes two possibilities regarding the development of the spatial structure: on the one hand, areas specialised in industries where the achievements of industry 4.0 can be applied more easily and thus developed and optimised (the automotive industry seems to be, for the time being, the most dynagy, cs. hungarian geographical bulletin 69 (2020) (2) 157–174.172 namic in terms of industry 4.0 – see molnár, e. et al. 2020) and, on the other hand, it may conserve less dynamically developing, labourintensive activities in less developed areas. in the evolution of the spatial structure of the hungarian industry, the trends suggest broadly the relative prosperity of the northern transdanubia region with a one-sided automotive profile, with a more established relationship system, and that of budapest and its wider environment with the greatest knowledge and consumer market. in eastern hungary, the major cities hosting universities may be mostly the winners of the fourth industrial revolution, while the disadvantage of small towns and rural areas may increase further. it may be encouraging that the respondents considered the suppliers within a 100–200 km radius to be local, however, nothing indicated that the developments would boost beyond the boundaries of cities and districts. conclusions the present study provided a few examples to reveal similarities, differences and potential explanations for industry 4.0 in an economy with dualistic character, highlighting issues with economic geographical relevance to the semi-peripheral eastern hungary. the results point to the fact that the spatial structure outlined over the last decades would not change significantly, the areas that have been thriving are expected to retain their advantage in hungary and the further concentration of value-producing processes in corporations and around cities is likely. it also has to emphasize that we have to prepare for global processes both nationally and locally, and this requires primarily the renewal of the education system, the development of the hungarian mediumsized enterprises and the strengthening of the institutional framework for co-operation. even with these measures, it is questionable whether the country can move forward in the absence of internationally competitive, innovative hungarian businesses. there are several options for continuing the research. one of the most important is the extension of empirical studies. this is necessary, on the one hand, because the conclusions based on interviews reflect only those experienced in the case of a few companies, which, however, certainly provided decisive information to industry 4.0 on processes in a semi-peripheral region. on the other hand, 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(8): 2975–2987. new opportunities for experiments in fluvial geomorphology: the flume ptethys 425 hungarian geographical bulletin 63 (4) (2014) 425–436. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.63.4.4 new opportunities for experiments in fl uvial geomorphology: the fl ume ptethys ervin pirkhoffer1, ákos halmai1, szabolcs czigány1, titusz bugya1, andor rábay1, tamás bötkös1, gábor nagy1, bettina balassa1, ildikó jancskárné anweiler2 and dénes lóczy1 abstract in recent decades both physical modelling and computer simulation of fl uvial processes has undergone rapid progress. the paper summarizes the achievements of both international and hungarian laboratory experiments in fl uvial geomorphology. then, the new automatically governed fl ume facility, called ptethys (project for tectonical and hydrological simulations) recently set up at the faculty of natural sciences, university of pécs, is presented. finally, some of the new opportunities it off ers for research in fl uvial geomorphology are briefl y demonstrated: the identifi cation of geomorphological thresholds; modelling the generation of (fl ash) fl oods and its application for the reconstruction of the architectural elements and geomorphic evolution of fl oodplains. some important channel parameters can be quantitatively investigated: channel cross-section change, amount of bedload infl uencing braiding, current velocity distribution etc. the novelty of the facility is the easy adjustment of channel slope and continuous experimenting (no need for interruption as in the case of laserscanned experiments). the scaling necessary for quantitative analyses is also tackled. keywords: physical modelling, fl ume, channel patt erns, fl ood generation, fl oodplain rehabilitation, scaling introduction in recent decades monitoring has been launched in many instrumented catchments all over the world and numerous computer models have been elaborated for the explanation of some of the “eternal” questions of fl uvial geomorphology. at the same time, the weaknesses of the fi rst (a labour and 1 institute of geography, university of pécs, h-7624 pécs, ifj úság útja 6. e-mail: pirkhoff @gamma.tt k.pte.hu 2 pollack mihály faculty of engeneering and information technology, university of pécs, h-7624 pécs, boszorkány u. 2. e-mail: jancskarne.ildiko@pmmik.pte.hu 426 time-consuming activity involving high expenses) and the second approach (e.g. magnifi cation of errors springing from incorrect parametrisation or limited applicability to real-life situations) have also been recognized. observing the scaling rules, the small-scale physical models, long established in water engineering, seem to be capable to bridge the gap between the two approaches. if the results of experimentations could be quantifi ed, physical modelling may also be helpful for the theoretical foundation of various water management tasks (including dam constructions, designing fl ood control alert and warning or river rehabilitation). the aim of the project is to apply quantitative methods for the modelling of braided (and in the future meandering) channel evolution. hopefully, the results can be used in designing river restoration, too. the experiment also helps students to combine their knowledge in laboratory studies, experimental geomorphology and remote sensing. previous fl ume experiments reaching back to the end of the 19th century, physical modelling has a long tradition in water management. it is particularly frequently applied in river channel studies for diverse purposes. the largest hydraulic model ever built in the world replicates the mississippi river and its major tributaries (the tennessee, arkansas and missouri rivers) in ca 170 hectares’ area near clinton, mississippi. meant to aid fl ood control planning, it was built by 3,000 german and italian prisoners of war for the us army corps of engineers in 1944 (foster, j.e. 1971). (it still exists now but in a neglected condition.) in the united states smaller-scale laboratory studies on river channels began by the us army corps of engineers in vicksburg, mississippi, in 1929. the fi rst experiments, however, only modelled the origin of a meandering thalweg instead of a meandering channel (a famous example being friedkin, j.f. 1945). a later recognition that patt ern changes occur rather abruptly in rivers in the course of a punctuated evolution and are driven by channel gradient and the mode of sediment transport (leopold, l.b. and wolman, m.g. 1957; schumm, s.a. and khan, h.r. 1972; miall, a.d. 1996). these led to experiments where gradient and sediment supply were changed, while water discharge was kept constant, and parameters like channel width/depth ratio, mean current velocity, bedload discharge and concentration, shear and froude number were recorded (schumm, s.a. 1973). the morphodynamics, particularly the depositional activity of braided rivers have been intensively studied in experiments (e.g. ashworth, p.j. et al. 1994). in fl uvial geomorphology the second half of the 20th century was a period of identifi cation of important thresholds. such are the critical channel 427 gradient values which separate straight, meandering and braided channel patt erns – a major issue in fl uvial geomorphology of the 1970s (schumm, s.a. and khan, h.r. 1972; schumm, s.a. 1973; brotherton, d.i. 1979). the importance of bank strength was also recognised in determining channel patt ern (kleinhans, m.g. 2010), rivers with stronger (oft en vegetated) banks being narrower and deeper, and alternate bars common in their channel. although it is widely accepted that bank-erosion rate and fl oodplain sedimentation, infl uenced by more complicated factors than just channel fl ow and sediment transport (friedkin, j.f. 1945; fraselle, q. et al. 2010), are extremely diffi cult to scale (ashworth, p.j. et al. 2004), it is also noted that even small-scale experiments adequately reproduce spatial patt erns and the natural system dynamics (paola, c. et al. 2009). the importance of sediment transport was also recognised internationally (ferguson, r.i. 1987) and in hungary, too. in 1951 lászló kádár began to set up a fl ume at the kossuth lajos university of debrecen, hungary, to study fl uvial geomorphological processes and drew att ention to the part sediment transport plays in the (trans)formation of channel patt erns. on the basis of the visual observations made in the fl ume, he published papers (kádár, l. 1954, 1955, 1969), where he presented a geomorphologically more consistent picture of meandering than it was usual at the time when the “theory of types of river reaches”, borrowed from germany, prevailed (sipos, gy. and kiss, t. 2008). in hungarian water engineering model experiments started in 1928, when sándor rohringer installed a hydraulic laboratory of 670 m2 area at the department of water construction, budapest technical university. the aim of the fi rst experiment was to investigate the hydraulics of the danube channel at the artifi cial cut-off of bogyiszló (sárköz, south hungary) (fejér, l. 2001). in 1967 the research institute for water resources management (vituki) established a hydrological model at the village nick (pannonhalmi, m. 2004). a fl ume of 40 × 6 m size supplemented with a glass channel 15 m long and 0.5 m wide was built to model a section of the rába river. the experiments were conducted with the purpose of modelling meander shift s and the impacts of river regulation and served the basis for 48 river regulation proposals. however, the modelling of sediment transport was not satisfactory. aft er 2007 the facility was not used. the largest physical model in hungary served the checking of the rehabilitation plans for the danube fl oodplain in the szigetköz aft er the construction of the bős (gabčíkovo) barrage and diversion of the main channel in 1992. the upper szigetköz section of the danube (from dunakiliti to dunaremete) was modelled at 1:500 scale, while the lower (from dunaremete to medve) at 1:700 scale in the ecopark of dunasziget. the impacts of river regulation are also reconstructed through the use of physical models (see e.g. kornis-akantisz, zs. 1977). 428 flume parameters the new fl ume of the university of pécs is intended both for educational and research purposes (photo 1). it was designed by experts of the department of physical and environmental geography, institute of geography, and the department of mechanical engineering, pollack mihály faculty of engineering and informatics, university of pécs, in 2012. the technical documentation, manufacturing and installation was the responsibility of the csavarkontroll 2004 ltd. the versatility of the fl ume is demonstrated by its technical parameters, which are the following: size: 4.2 × 2.5 m; maximum fi ll weight: 2,500 kg (wet sediment in 150 mm depth); maximum tilting: around longitudinal axis: ±7.5, around transversal axis: +10; adjustable parts: 6 sections can be moved vertically ±120 mm at 10–200 mm per day speed; lateral deformation: possible through the displacement of 4 pushblades to the extent of 100 mm; closed equipment, water and sediment can only leave it through the sink. – – – – – – photo 1. view of the ptethys fl ume before installation 429 all motions in the fl ume are executed by computer-governed electroengines. the speed of movements allows the modelling of both very slow and rather rapid changes. the rate of motions is checked by leica disto d3a bt laser meters (automatic feedback through bluetooth). discharge is regulated through a 1-m-high water column, adjusted automatically to the position of the table. water is recycled by a pump system. the processes are detected through two devices. on the one hand, detailed picture information is collected and all physical parameters of the processes taking place in the fl ume are recorded by the use of eight canon eos 1100d cameras (photo 2). the cameras are fi xed on a system of cantilevers at 30 cm distance from each other and at 1.2 m height above bed. at 18 mm focal length the overlap between photographs is ca 80%, which allows 3d imaging. the cameras are connected to the pc and governed by a soft ware of author’s design. in addition to the photographic cameras, a varioscan 3021 st type thermal camera is also used to establish the actual position of fl owing water, the confi guration of active channels, current velocity and the horizontal distribution of sediment fi ll saturation. the observation province of the thermal camera is between 8 and 12 μm and its thermal resolution is ±0.03 k. since the moisture content of the modelling medium (sediment) of the fl ume is of utmost importance from the point of view of fl uvial processes, the moisture content is recorded at several depths by sensors of decagon 10hs tdr system and the data are stored by decagon em50 data loggers. photo 2. the cameras installed to record geomorphic processes 430 the material used for the sediment fi ll is also carefully designed and manufactured particularly for this purpose. the colours of grains indicate grain size and density: coarse grains (1.0 and 0.8 mm diameter) are ground basalt and andesite of grey and black colour, while the 0.6 mm diameter grains are of red marble and those of 0.2 mm diameter are of beige limestone. the functions of governing fl ume position on the one hand and imaging and data logging on the other are shared between diff erent computers. for imaging an asus p9x79 pro computer with intel core i7–3820 processor and nvidia gtx 660 ti video card is applied. the operating system and processing is based on two samsung 250 gb sata3 2.5″ basic (mz–7td250bw) ssds, while data are stored by seagate barracuda 3 tb 64 mb 7,200 rpm sata3 3.5″ (st3000dm001) hdds. image processing of stereo pairs and the representation of topography is performed by agisoft stereoscan program. for the interpretation of the dem and detection of processes arcgis 10.2.1 soft ware is available. possible applications the objective of the fi rst experiment with the new fl ume was to fi nd out how reliably the development of channel patt erns can be modelled. the fl ume was fi lled with material of 8 cm depth and tilted at 5 degrees (~0.087). imaging interval (both photographic and thermal) was set to 30 seconds. preliminary wett ing was applied to reach 40 percent of the saturation moisture content all over the experiment area. in order to trigger and accelerate the process of channel incision a longitudinal groove of ca 2 cm depth was “burned” into the sediment surface. previous observations showed that in lack of such an intervention, no collection of runoff into a channel would take place within an acceptable time span. to identify active channel fl ow and current velocities, boiling water was conducted in pulses into the fl ume and its motion was detected by the thermal camera. the resulting channel cross-sections and sediment transport were studied in 3d images. braided channel evolution since schumm, s.a. and khan, h.r. (1972) found that channels above 0.016 gradient form a braided patt ern, it was expected that such patt ern will be the outcome from the fi rst experiment (figure 1). in the non-cohesive material increasing discharge led to gradually broadening channels, providing space for more and more bifurcations 431 and the building of bars of various types. thus, all the main morphological requirements for braiding were fulfi lled. since the banks are easily erodible, channel width remarkably fl uctuates, but the width/depth ratio remains high throughout. during the experiment the following partial processes could be visually identifi ed: channel widening through bank erosion; lateral bar accumulation; transverse bar accumulation and the resultant diversion of the thalweg; occasional reduction in the plan curvature of the thalweg, resulting in channel widening; emergence of bifurcations and mid-channel bars at regular distance from each other in broader channel sections; alternating cut and fi ll along the thalweg, which leads to a continuous displacement of braids, a dynamic rearrangement of patt ern. the observed channel evolution corresponds to the observations by bertoldi, w. et al. (2001). the braided sections were locally replaced by anastomosing reaches, where the following partial processes were clearly visible: with widening channel and lowering water level, some bars rise above the general surface as more stable “islands”; the distributary channels bordering islands are very shallow just downstream the bifurcation and only convey water at high water stages (“fl oods”); – – – – – – – – fig. 1. the braided channel patt ern generated in the fi rst experiment 432 bifurcations are gradually replaced by avulsions (more permanent displacements of channel) where sediment accumulation is rapid, the distributary channels will acquire a slightly convex longitudinal profi le; avulsions are concentrated where bank erosion is not particularly efficient since the banks are relatively stable but breach abruptly when reaching a threshold. comparing these observations with some descriptions of fi eld studies (e.g. miller, j.r. 1991), remarkable resemblances are seen. the development of avulsions is of great practical signifi cance as far as fl ood hazard is concerned. due to the tilting function of the fl ume, the adjustable channel gradient allows the experimental establishment of further thresholds, e.g. between meandering and braided river behaviour (parker, g. 1976; püspöki, z. et al. 2005). its signifi cance is underlined by recent papers, where the challenge of physical modelling of meandering river behaviour is pointed out (van dij k, w.m. et al. 2012). delta formation another experiment proves that the equipment is suitable for the modelling of delta formation (photo 3). flume observations show that delta accumulation is composed of the following partial processes: the surface of the fan is continuously raised by accumulations by the main channel, which is continuously wandering and deposits large amounts of sediment; – – – p ho to 3 . s ta ge s of d el ta fo rm at io n in th e se co nd e xp er im en t 433 the main channel is aff ected by repeated avulsions and shift s to the lowest-lying zone of the delta fan; if water discharge increases, vertical accretion also raises the level of inter-channel surfaces. similar channelisation, avulsion and backward sedimentation processes on deltas of homogeneous material were found during experiments in the netherlands (van de lageweg, w. 2013). flood modelling in addition to in-channel geomorphic processes, overbank erosion and deposition can also be included among the objectives of physical modelling. this presupposes of creating an exact replica of the fl oodplain surface. the previously applied gis-based modelling of fl ood hazard (e.g. czigány, sz. et al. 2011) can be supplemented by fl ume experiments locating the potential sites of dyke breaches and avulsions as well as the predictable extent of fl oodplain inundation. if the boundary conditions leading to river fl ooding are exactly defi ned during the experiment, fi rst of all, local fl ood hazard (lóczy, d. et al. 2009) can be precisely determined. the morphometric indices derived from the experiments are useful for estimating local fl ood hazard along channelized rivers and designing the necessary fl ood-control measures. floodplain rehabilitation planning through modelling channel migration and the related deposition processes, fl ume experiments are a potentially useful tool for reconstructing historical fl oodplain evolution under natural and human-induced conditions. their advantages over fi eld data are the opportunity to set both initial and boundary conditions and the much faster operation of processes. with appropriate monitoring technology, morphological changes and the resultant architectural elements can be recorded without intervention into the processes. channel evolution observations may be the starting point for the reconstruction of long-term fl oodplain evolution (pizzuto, j.e. 1987; bathurst, j.c. et al. 2002; sellin, r.h.j. et al. 2003; van dij k, w.m. et al. 2013). in the fl ume the rate of sediment exchange between the main channel and distributaries can be measured and deposition patt erns on the fl oodplain demonstrated. from data on natural fl oodplain evolution and human-infl uenced processes in the fl oodplain, the measures necessary to create conditions under which the ecosystem functions of fl oodplains are optimally fulfi lled (i.e. fl oodplain rehabilitation) can be derived. – – 434 similarity scaling until very recently physical models had been treated as analogue systems in comparison to real-world fl uvial systems. thus, the results of the experiments only allowed qualitative analyses of processes and the resultant landforms. modern technology developed for the documentation of experimentation outcomes (e.g. dem representation of high spatial resolution and digital photography of high temporal resolution) makes measurements and quantitative assessment possible. a major problem in the quantitative interpretation of the processes recorded in fl ume experiments is seen in the spatial and temporal scaling. for scaling a set of rules have been established but not yet convincingly checked (kleinhans, m.g. et al. 2010). the complexity of scaling to achieve similarity is addressed by numerous authors (see paola, c. et al. 2009). hydraulic scaling involves similarity in fl ow criticality (froude number), current velocity, turbulence (reynolds number), surface tension eff ects and bed roughness, while sediment-transport similarity refers to sediment mobility (shields number), shear stress, particle size (reynolds particle number) and suspended sediment (which is again the function of turbulence). we can also mention morphological similarity, i.e. the cumulative eff ect of width-to-depth ratio, channel bar dimensions and wavelength, transverse bed slope and other morphological parameters. most of the above scaling factors have a temporal aspect, too, which also has to be considered. a task of future research is to further develop the scaling rules in order to produce realistic and meaningful morphodynamics and stratigraphy (van de lageweg, w. 2013). acknowledgements: the project was partially fi nanced from támop/srop-4.2.2.c-11/1/ konv-2012-0005 (well-being in the information society) and by the hungarian national scientifi c research fund (otka, contract number k 104552). references ashworth, p.j., best, j.l. and jones, m. 2004. relationship between sediment supply and avulsion frequency in braided rivers. geology 32. 21–24. ashworth, p.j., best, j.l., leddy, j.o. and geehan, g.w. 1994. the physical modelling of braided rivers and deposition of fi ne-grained sediment. in process models and theoretical geomorphology. ed. kirkby, m.j., chichester, wiley, chichester. 115–139. bathurst, j.c., benson i.a., valentine, e.m. and nalluri, c. 2002. overbank sediment deposition patt erns for straight and meandering fl ume channels. earth surface processes and landforms 27. 659–665. bertoldi, w., tubino, m. and zolezzi, g. 2001. laboratory measurements on channel bifurcations. trento, university of trento, trento. 10 p. htt p://www.ing.unit. it/~bertoldiw_laboratory_measurements_on_channel_bifurcations.pdf 435 brotherton, d.i. 1979. on the origin and characteristics of river channel patt erns. journal of hydrology 44. 211–230. czigány, sz., pirkhoffer, e., nagyváradi, l., hegedűs, p. and geresdi, i. 2011. rapid screening of fl ash-fl ood-aff ected watersheds in hungary. zeitschrift für geomorphologie 55. supplementary issue 1. 1–13. fejér, l. 2001. vizeink krónikája (chronicle of our waters). budapest, vízügyi múzeum, levéltára, budapest. 307 p. 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(in hungarian) szite 2007. javaslat a szigetköz–csallóközi hullámtéri mellékágrendszer többcélú rehabilitációjára (proposal for the multi-purpose rehabilitation of the szigetköz–csallóköz by-channel system in the active fl oodplain). szigetközi természetvédelmi egyesület (szigetköz association for nature conservation), 28 p. 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice 5_egedy et al..indd 275egedy, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 275–291.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.67.3.5 hungarian geographical bulletin 67 2018 (3) 275–291. introduction the post-industrial revolution, which can also be labelled as the revolution of information, signalled the beginning of a new era creating new socio-economic order in the world, where the notion of competitiveness has been completely re-evaluated. as a growing body of literature demonstrates the economic competitiveness of regions and countries increasingly depends on those branches where the added value is based upon knowledge and creativity. according to kao, j. (1996) we are in the age of creativity, where economic and social development increasingly depends on creative thinking. international experience shows that in economic competition – along with information and its flow – a growing role is played by creativity (and particularly by culture), invention and innovation (hall, p. 1998; lambooy, j.g. 1998). the importance of creativity, knowledge and innovation has never seemed as decisive as in the early 21st century. regarding the future development of the european metropolitan regions the emphasis is more and more on the question how these city-regions will be able to attract and integrate firms from the sphere of the creative economy and its labour in the future (glaeser, e.l. 2005). since the 1990s, the importance of geographical location has enjoyed a revival in economicgeographical theories. we should speak of new types of agglomeration economies in the current ‘post-industrial’ or ‘post-fordist’ era. only metropolitan regions that are creative enough will survive global competition (törnqvist, g. 1983; andersson, a. 1985; hall, p. 1998). phelps, n.a. and ozawa, t. (2003) have highchanging geography of the creative economy in hungary at the beginning of the 21st century tamás egedy1, zoltán kovács2 and balázs szabó1 abstract the hungarian economy has gone through rapid transformation and modernization since the political changes of 1989/90. one of the signs of successful economic restructuring and re-integration to the world economy was the growing role of creative economy. in the present paper we analyse the changing geographical pattern of creative economy in hungary, based on longitudinal statistical data. our findings suggest growing core-periphery relations in the spatial pattern of creative economy, especially since the recent financial crisis. the relative weight of budapest and its urban region has been continuously growing and even major regional centres are unable to keep pace with the hungarian capital. we also found that cities in the hungarian urban system became highly differentiated according to their attractiveness for creative firms and labour, and there is a growing competition among secondary cities for knowledge based and creative activities. the growing geographical concentration of the creative economy (especially the knowledge intensive industries) is partly the result of previous neoliberal regional and urban policies. keywords: creative economy, urban hierarchy, creative city, financial crisis, budapest, hungary 1 geographical institute, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences, mta. h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mails: egedy@gmx.net, szbazs@gmail.com 2 geographical institute, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences, mta. h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mail: zkovacs@iif.hu; department of economic and social geography, university of szeged. h-6722 szeged, egyetem u. 2. e-mail: zkovacs@geo.u-szeged.hu egedy, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 275–291.276 lighted the main shifts in agglomeration factors from the late industrial to the post-industrial or post-fordist era (e.g. shift from town-withsuburbs to the global city-region, from hierarchically organised monocentric structures to polycentric structures, from manufacturing to services etc.). it is not surprising, therefore, that scientific, economic and political interest in creative economy has significantly grown since the beginning of the new millennium (dcms 1998; musterd, s. et al. 2007; howkins, j. 2013). as a consequence of the shift from the fordist production system to the post-fordist economy metropolitan regions have acquired an ever growing importance and became centres of economic and social development of countries and regions. big cities and metropolitan regions play a prominent role; in addition, due to their size and population number, they represent a considerable material, spiritual and intellectual “mass” (malecki, e.j. 1987). nowadays, the creative economy is increasingly concentrated in large cities and metropolitan regions. cities with strong creative sectors – especially new-economy industries, such as high technology production, business and financial services, media and cultural-products industries, and neo-artisanal manufacturing – are in the vanguard of this trend (scott, a.j. 2004). with integrated global markets and the advent of new technologies there has been a search for new sources of competitive advantage (landry, c. and bianchini, f.f. 1995; landry, c. 2000; rantisi, n.m. et al. 2006). as an acknowledgement of the global trends a row of policy measures aimed at developing the creative economy have been formulated and implemented at the eu level in the last three decades. among them the european capitals of culture (ecoc) initiative launched in 1985 should be mentioned, or the media programme between 1990 and 2013 aimed at supporting the audiovisual industry, but we can also refer to the culture 2000 programme between 2000 and 2006, and its continuation the culture programme (2007–2013), or the current creative europe framework programme (2014–2020), which is an overarching cultural policy of the eu (schlesinger, p. 2018). countries of east central europe joined these programmes after their accession to the eu in 2004 (and 2007), in addition, the socio-economic and territorial aspects of creative economy became one of the focal points of the eu research programmes (fp6, fp7) in which post-socialist countries also actively participated. subsequently, scientific publications applying the concept of creative cities have gradually increased in east central europe. analysing the growing body of literature focusing on creative economy in east central europe we can define three main strands of publications. firstly, international comparative research projects yielded a lot of insights about the state-of-the-art of the creative economy in the region, e.g. ságvári, b. and desewffy, t. 2006; musterd, s. and murie, a. 2010; lazzeretti, l. 2012; musterd, s. and kovács, z. 2013; chapain, c. and stryjakiewicz, t. 2017. secondly, country-based statistical analyses focusing on the macroeconomic position and regional pattern of creative economy have been mushrooming, e.g. murovec, n. and kavas, d. (2012b) in slovenia, slach, o. et al. (2013) in czechia, vitálišová, k. et al. (2013) in slovakia, kasprzak, r. (2015) and ratalewska, m. (2016) in poland, and toma, s-g. et al. (2018) in romania. the third group of papers deals with the spatial characteristics of creative economy in cities and metropolitan regions, e.g. kovács, z. et al. (2007), egedy, t. and kovács, z. (2009) and lengyel, b. and ságvári, b. (2011) in hungary, bednár, p. and grebenícek, p. (2012) in czechia, murovec, n. and kavas, d. (2012a) in slovenia, stryjakiewicz, t. and męczyński, m. (2010) and namyślak, b. (2014) in poland, petrikova, k. et al. (2015) and baculáková, k. (2018) in slovakia. with this paper we would like to contribute to the second and third groups of papers. the main aim of this article is to analyse the changing geographical pattern of creative economy in hungary, based on longitudinal statistical data. using statistics 277egedy, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 275–291. regarding the number of creative firms and employees, as well as revenues, the main temporal and spatial development trends of the creative economy in hungary, as well as the restructuring processes within the sector will be highlighted. in the context of territorial shifts, we will also concentrate on the distribution of the creative and knowledge intensive sectors within the urban system. theoretical background the creative economy to date there is no universally accepted definition for creative economy, and there is no consensus among researchers which activities belong to the creative economy (cunningham, s. 2002). the department for digital, culture, media & sport (dcms) of the uk government defines those activities as part of the creative economy which are based on personal creativity, knowledge and talent and which create jobs and value added through the generation and utilization of intellectual property (dcms 2001, 4.). according to howkins, j. (2013) economics of creativity deals predominantly with two value systems: one is based in the physical product, the tangible value, another one is based on intellectual property, which is intangible. unctad (2008, 15) defined the creative economy as an evolving concept based on creative assets potentially generating economic growth and development that can foster income-generation, job creation and export earnings while promoting social inclusion, cultural diversity and human development. the creative economy embraces economic, cultural and social aspects interacting with technology, intellectual property and tourism objectives. it is a set of knowledge-based economic activities with a development dimension and crosscutting linkages at macro and micro levels to the overall economy. based on our previous research experiences we classify creative activities into two groups: creative industries and knowledge intensive industries (musterd, s. et al. 2007). the group of creative industries is very diverse. the ‘hard core’ of these creative industries is often labelled ‘cultural industries’. throsby, d. (2001) distinguishes the cultural industries more or less synonymous with the creative arts. he ranges them in a hierarchy ranked on ‘pure’ creativity: at the centre are the ‘arts’ and (core creative arts like literature, music, performing arts or visual arts, and other core cultural industries), on the outside more ‘applied’ creative skills (wider cultural industries and related industries). scott, a.j. (2004) suggests calling the sector cultural commodity production and within cultural-product industries two categories should be distinguished: firstly, service outputs that focus on entertainment, edification, and information and secondly, manufactured products through which consumers construct distinctive forms of individuality, self-affirmation, and social display. symbolic value and function appear as a characteristic feature of these industries. cultural industries can have intensive links with several other creative economic branches, as well as with creative departments of various production activities. the wide array of creative activities developed around the cultural industries is most often called ‘creative industries’. according to the unctad (2008, 11) creative industries engage with the cycles of creation, production and distribution of goods and services that use creativity and intellectual capital as primary inputs. they are at the cross-road among the artisan, services and industrial sectors and constitute a new dynamic sector in world trade. creative industries focus on, but they are not limited to arts, potentially generating revenues from trade and intellectual property rights and they constitute a set of knowledgebased activities as well. creative industries comprise tangible products and intangible intellectual or artistic services with creative content, economic value and market objectives. a large share of these creative industries is highly interrelated with knowledge egedy, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 275–291.278 intensive activities. therefore, the circle of creative industries can be extended by certain knowledge intensive industries while defining the creative economy. knowledge intensive industries should be considered as part of the creative economy not only because they demand highly qualified labour and partly overlap with creative industries but also because some creative industries highly depend on knowledge intensive activities (broekel, t. and boschma, r. 2016). the creative class the rise of the creative economy has also brought about societal changes in urban agglomerations. within urban societies a new stratum the so-called ‘creative class’ has been gradually formed which according to some commentators highly influence the economic performance and competitiveness of cities and their regions (florida, r. 2002). according to florida, r. (2002) the competitiveness of city-regions increasingly depends on the size of the creative class and how cities are able to attract creative people. analysing the role of creativity in economic development and urban and regional success florida came to the conclusion that talent, technology and tolerance (3ts) are important conditions (florida, r. 2002). in his famous 3t model he argued that growth is powered by creative people (talent), who prefer places that are culturally diverse and open to new ideas (tolerant), and the concentration of ‘cultural capital’ wedded to new products (technology). all these result in ‘business formation, job generation and economic growth’. florida claims that we are entering the ‘creative age’, in which people with original ideas of all sorts will play a central role. according to florida, r. (2002) “the creative class is comprised of a ‘super creative core’, which consists of a new class of scientists and engineers, university professors, poets, actors, novelists, entertainers, artists, architects and designers, cultural worthies, think-tank researchers, analysts and opinion formers, whose economic function is to create new ideas, new technology, and/or new creative content”. beyond this core group, the creative class also includes a wider circle of talent working in knowledge intensive industries (meusburger, p. 2015). in the growing body of literature on creative economy there has been increasing criticism on florida’s creative class theory. according to krätke, s. (2010), even if we admit that creative class has been identified correctly, the mixing of different groups defined by florida cannot be interpreted and examined under a hat, because only the “scientifically and technologically creative” workers had an impact on the local economy and, thus, on the regional gdp. hall, p. (2004) pointed out that developing a creative and innovative city is a long and slow process. according to storper, m. and manville, m. (2006), not the skills and creativity, but the companies and the agglomeration economies are the engines of growth. from the point of view of urban development, some authors criticized florida for supporting only the promotion of a “trendy” neighbourhood, which can negatively affect the original population living there for a long time (peck, j. 2005), or even supporting urban transformations that favour higher status people instead of the majority (pratt, a.c. 2008). this is also confirmed by the view that florida basically supports a hard city image building with a kind of soft edge by encouraging the creation of a consumptionoriented cultural milieu (pratt, a.c. 2011). martin-brelot, h. et al. (2009) emphasize that the geographical context of florida’s theory is obviously weak. florida’s theory does not take into account the human and personal trajectories and networks as well, that creative professionals may also associate with other people and also places where they had previously lived and worked (gáková, z. and dijkstra, l. 2014). while florida puts the emphasis on the attraction of creative people as the secret of economic success, european policies on the creative economy consider the attraction of 279egedy, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 275–291. creative firms more important. empirical results of a european research project carried out between 2006 and 2010 (’accommodating creative knowledge – competitiveness of european metropolitan regions within the enlarged union’ – acre) confirmed that the spatial mobility and settlement of the european creative class is not so much influenced by soft factors – as advocated by florida – but rather by personal trajectories and hard factors (e.g. wage level). soft factors play – as opposed to florida’s concept – a subordinated role. they are more important, however, in understanding how creative people become attached to a place. not surprisingly, in the european development pattern of creative economy place, pathway (historical development of an urban region) and personal networks (place attachment and social networks), thus a 3p model, has lot more relevance than florida’s 3t model (musterd, s. and murie, a. 2010; boross, l. et al. 2016; páthy, á. 2017). the urban bias of creative activities according to costa, p. et al. (2007) there are five main factors that have contributed to the growing interests towards creativity and its impacts on urban development: a) the idea of the ‘creative city’ developed by landry, c. (2000), hall, p. (2004) and others; b) the notion of ‘creative europe’ by international research institutions as well as the “creative cities network” of the unesco; c) florida’s concept on ‘creative class’; d) the growing importance of the ’creative industries’ within economic analysis (caves, r. 2002), and e) the valorization of ‘creation and creativity’ in the field of artistic activities analysis in the mainstream body of literature (throsby, d. 2001). as a consequence of these ideas and concepts the territorial development and spatial embeddedness of creative economy came into the forefront of academic research over the last two decades. as pratt, a.c. and hutton, t.a. (2012) pointed out one of the main characteristics of creative economy is its urban bias, especially in its higher value added sectors. canadian examples demonstrate that highly urbanized areas are attractive locations not only for the creative industries, but also for cultural industries and specialised labour. this aspect of creative activities has been supported by large number of studies. power, d. and nielsen, t. (2010) also emphasized this distinctive urban focus of the creative economy. the relationships between the concentration of creative industries and urban primacy benefit to cities, but at the same time sharpen interregional employment and income disparities. very often major cities stand out as strongholds of the creative economy within their wider hinterland. in fact, this phenomenon drew the attention to the role of urban hierarchy in the investigation of creative economy, since metropolitan regions seem to be not only echelons of urban hierarchy in terms of population and employment, but also have a disproportionately larger share of creative and knowledge-based industries. lorenzen, m. and andersen, k.v. (2009) investigated altogether 444 cities in eight european countries in order to provide knowledge on the relationship of urban hierarchy and the presence of creative class, and compared it to the size distribution of the overall population across european cities. based on data collected in 2003 and 2007 authors pointed out that even if the presence of the european creative class correlates with the european total population, its distribution constitutes a population hierarchy which differs from the urban hierarchy. both distributions follow the rank-size rule, but the creative class’s distribution has a steeper overall slope (i.e. with the size and rank of the city, the size of the creative class grows more rapidly than the city’s population). their results confirmed that the slope across the rank-size distribution is shallower towards the settlements on the lower levels of the hierarchy (i.e. the tail end of the distribution) for the creative class than for the total population. this result also implies that city-size matters and the creative class is less attracted egedy, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 275–291.280 by smaller cities. exploiting the theoretical foundations of christaller’s (1933) central place model, lösch’s (1940) theory on urban hierarchies and centrality, zipf’s (1949) rank-size rule and florida’s (2002) surveys on the creative class, authors found, that there is a good correlation between the size of the general population and the presence of the creative class in european cities, but due to relative diseconomies the tendency of cities to drop off steeply at the tail end is more profound for the creative class than for the general population (lorenzen, m. and andersen, k.v. 2009; lang, t. 2015). thus, creative urban hierarchy is distinctive from the general population hierarchy in a fundamental way: the rank-size distribution of the creative class indicates a greater proportionate growth than that of the wider population. this can be explained, on the one hand, by the specialized consumption demand of the creative class (first of all bohemians have special preferences for consuming services than the rest of the creative class and this group is the first to shy away from cities with growing diseconomies and poor services), and on the other hand, by the specialized job preferences of the creative class (the presence of the creative class correlates very highly with the presence of high-technology workplaces). similar phenomenon can be observed in the countries of east central europe, and in this respect there is no significant difference between the western and eastern half of europe. using employment statistics slach, o. et al. (2013) found that the concentration of the employees in creative and cultural industries is very high in czechia, 40 per cent of the creative class live in prague and its agglomeration, and the role of secondary cities is very much subordinated (e.g. brno – 9%, ostrava – 3%). thus, location patterns of the creative economy highly correspond to the hierarchy of the urban system in the czech republic. this is similar to other western european countries e.g. madrid and barcelona concentrate 45 per cent of the spanish, milan and rome 35 per cent of the italian creative labour. similar trend was pointed out by pintilii, r. et al. (2017) in romania where the weight of bucharest significantly increased in the creative economy after the global financial crisis, and in 2012 49 per cent of the creative employees of the country lived in the capital city and its surroundings. authors also pointed out the growing dynamism of the periurban zone (suburbs) where properties are significantly cheaper than in the city proper. in the present theme issue kozina, k. and bole, d. (2018) also clearly demonstrate the correlation between the position of a city in urban hierarchy and the weight of creative economy on the example of slovenia. thus, irrespective of the legacies of state-socialism the urban geography of the creative economy follows basically similar patterns in the eastern and western parts of europe. considering the theoretical foundations of the paper, the main research questions of this study are as follows: what are the most important temporal and territorial features of the development of the creative economy in hungary? does a creative urban hierarchy exist in hungary and how can its geographical feature be characterized? what is the role of the budapest metropolitan region in the creative economy of the country and is there any sign of a polycentric development in the spatial transformation of hungarian creative economy? how did the global economic crisis affect the development of the creative economies in hungary, and what were the main geographical consequences of the crisis? research methods first, on the basis of the international literature (see musterd, s. et al. 2007) we defined those economic activities and occupations that can be classified as part of the creative economy (table 1). for the identification of creative economy, the international nace codes were used, which are predominantly 281egedy, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 275–291. identical with the teaor’08 codes applied by the hungarian central statistical office (hcso). data on the number of enterprises (divided by companies, sole proprietors, and government institutions), their number of employees and annual revenues (in 1,000 eur) were supplied by hcso. this set of standardised data was available in a cleaned and structured format for 1999, 2004, 2007, 2011 and 2015. based on these datasets statistical analyses were carried out in order to detect the temporal and spatial development of creative economy in hungary. due to the proliferation of research results the definition of creative economy has cristalised and become more unambiguous in the last decade. even though acre project defined creative economy somewhat broader, for the sake of longitudinal analysis and the comparability of our data sets we apply in this article the traditional acre classification of economic activities. in the first phase of analyses we investigated the weight of creative economy and its different sectors at the national level, since the competitiveness of cities largely depends on the share of creative economy (rechnitzer, j. and lengyel, i. 2000) and the production of knowledge is highly uneven within the hungarian urban network (nagy, e. and nagy, g. 2010). in the second phase of analyses we investigated the weight of table 1. subdivision of creative economy defined by the acre consortium sectors 2–4-digit teaor’08 (nace) codes main branches creative industries 13, 14, 15, 581, 182, 4751, 4753, 4754, 4759, 4761, 4762, 4763, 474, 4771, 4772, 4778, 4779, 6201, 5829, 711, 731, 742, 8211, 8220, 8299, 741, 591, 60, 592, 900, 920, 932, 6391 architecture; advertising; publishing; motion pictures, video, radio and television activities; software consultancy and supply; news agency activities; entertainment and recreational activities; manufacture of textiles, wearing apparel, luggage, handbags, saddler, harness and footwear; tanning and dressing of leather; retail sale of new and second hand good. knowledge intensive industries ict 262, 2823, 261, 263, 264, 273, 332, 61, 62, 631, 951 telecommunications; computer related activities; hardware consultancy; data processing and database activities; manufacture of office machinery and computers, insulated wire and cable, television and radio, telephony and line telegraphy, video recording or reproducing; maintenance and repair of office, accounting and computing machinery. finances 64, 65, 66 financial intermediation; insurance and pension funding; activities auxiliary to financial intermediation. law and business 69, 70, 78, 80, 712, 732 legal, accounting, book-keeping and auditing activities, market research; technical testing and analysis; labour recruitment and provision of personnel; investigation and security activities. r&d and higher education 72, 8542 research and development; research and experimental development on natural and social sciences, engineering and humanities; higher education. source: kovács, z. et al. 2007. egedy, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 275–291.282 creative economy at the local (settlement) level. in this case the subject of investigation was hungary’s approximately 3,200 settlements which were devided into five groups according to their size (budapest, cities above 100 thousand, between 50 and 100 thousand, between 20 and 50 thousand and settlements below 20 thousand inhabitants). in the third phase of analyses, cities above 20 thousand inhabitants and budapest (altogether 61 geographical units) were examined more thoroughly in order to grasp socio-economic aspects of the development of creative economy. on the one hand, we compared the changes in the number of creative employees and total employment between 1999 and 2015 (see results in figure 4). on the other hand, we elaborated and applied simple rank-order analysis to explore the correlation between the socio-economic profile and the performance of creative ecnomy in the hungarian cities above 20 thousand inhabitants. first, indicators for the socio-economic and creative performance of cities have been selected. for charterizing the socio-economic performance of a city, on the one hand, economic indicators such as the ratio of enterprises in industry, building industry and mining in 2015 (reflecting the diversity of local economy in a negative sense), the number of joint ventures per 1,000 inhabitants in 2015 (entrepreneurial activity), the volume of industrial tax-income in 2013 (business output), and on the other hand social indicators such as population change between 2011 and 2015 (representing population dynamics), the share of university graduates in 2011 (skill level), and the level of unemployment in 2015 (economic activity) have been choosen. with regard to performance of the creative economy the share of creative companies within the local economy, the share of employees of creative companies within the total number of local employees, and share of annual revenues of creative firms within the total revenues of local firms (each indicator for 2015) have been applied. in the next phase of analysis, the 61 investigated cities were ordered in each indicators in a reversed rank-order where better positions meant higher rank values. the final aggregated values for both the socio-economic and crative performance have been created by the arithmetic means of the rank-order positions. thus, cities with highest rank values had the best socio-economic and creative economic performance (see results in figure 5). the creative economy in hungary the role of creative and knowledge intensive industries in the light of statistics according to the registry of the hungarian central statistical office (hcso) there were 222 thousand active economic organizations in the country operating in the field of the creative economy at the end of 2015, which made up 32.5 per cent of all active economic organizations registered in hungary. firms belonging to the creative economy provided jobs for 845 thousand employees, 22.2 per cent of all employees in the country. the total amount of revenues generated by the sector was 59.5 billion eur in 2015. the weight of the creative economy grew in hungary until the world financial crisis of 2008 when the growth terminated and the number of firms (and to a lesser extent the number of employees and the amount of revenues) sharply decreased (figure 1). the drop hit most seriously the creative branches, while the knowledge intensive sector was fig. 1. the share of creative economy in hungary (1999–2015, in %). source: hcso, national accounts 1999–2015. 0.0 5.0 10.0 15.0 20.0 25.0 30.0 35.0 40.0 enterprises employees revenues 34 .0 36 .4 36 .7 31 .3 32 .5 23 .0 23 .0 24 .4 22 .2 22 .2 22 .0 21 .2 22 .4 21 .7 19 .9 2007 201520111999 2004 283egedy, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 275–291. less affected. between 2007 and 2011 approximately 45 thousand creative firms stopped operating, and the number of employees in creative industries decreased by ca. 130 thousand out of which 40 thousand were sole traders (self-employed). the crisis hit most hard some parts of business services (e.g. graphic design, potography, call-center activities) software consultancy and retailing (e.g. specilised and second-hand goods). a similar decline in the knowledge intensive sector of the creative economy was not experienced during the economic crisis: the number of firms and their output slowly grew. between 2011 and 2015, even though the amount of revenues decreased there was a gradual regeneration in the creative industries and in the whole creative economy as well. analysing the internal structure of creative economy, it can be noted that the share of firms in the creative industry category accounted for 48 per cent of the creative economy in 2015, with 106 thousand active economic organizations (table 2). however, at the same time the ratio of creative industries was only 37.8 per cent among the employees and 31.4 per cent regarding the total revenues of the creative economy. this clearly indicates that firms of the creative industries are smaller, employing fewer people and generating less revenue than the average of the creative economy. looking at the share of the knowledge intensive industries, we find substantial differences among the different sub-sectors. even though the ict sector comprises only 9.1 per cent of the firms and 15.8 per cent of the employees of the creative economy, it produces 33 per cent of its total turnover. companies in international finances have above average revenues whereas those in law and businesses are below. economic organizations classified as r&d and higher education are generally bigger with low relative revenue figures. this clearly indicates the dominance of state owned (financed) institutions in the field (e.g. universities, research institutes) providing jobs for 71 per cent of the employees in the sub-sector (see also szakálné-kanó, i. et al. 2017). between 1999 and 2015 there was a substantial shift within the creative economy reflecting the trend of professionalization and the knowledge-based modernization of the economy. national policies after 2000 clearly supported the development of the knowledge intensive sector, therefore, it is no surprising that the share of knowledge intensive industries increased within the creative economy regarding the number of firms, employees and business turnover as well. at the same time the relative share of creative industries decreased (table 3). as international comparative research gave evidence, knowledge intensive industries had similar or even higher shares in the economy in east central european countries than in western europe (musterd, m. and murie, a. 2010, 12). however, not all subsectors of the knowledge intensive industries grew at the same pace. data reflect the above average dynamism of law and business services after the financial crisis. consequently, the weight of professionals providing busitable 2. the composition of creative economy in hungary, 2015 industries and economy enterprises employees revenues number % person % 1,000 eur % creative industries (a) knowledge intensive industries (b) infocommunication (ict) finances law and business services r&d, higher education creative economy (a + b) economy total 106,863 114,772 20,116 20,680 68,659 5,317 221,635 681,922 48.2 51.8 9.1 9.3 31.0 2.4 100.0 – 319,807 525,435 133,226 87,346 235,667 69,196 845,242 3,815,891 37.8 62.2 15.8 10.3 27.9 8.2 100.0 – 18,643,448 40,819,850 19,647,667 11,398,508 8,995,731 777,945 59,463,298 299,561,016 31.4 68.6 33.0 19.2 15.1 1.3 100.0 – source: hcso national accounts, 2015. egedy, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 275–291.284 ness and legal services but playing limited roles in technological development and innovation, the so-called ’dealer class’ (according to krätke, s. 2010) increased. the outcome of austerity programmes launched to reduce public expenditure is also obvious, the weight of r&d and higher education stagnated over the last decade. the creative economy in the hungarian urban system the creative economy has a hierarchically structured pattern in national urban systems, where the weight of the creative economy normally increases with city size. as it was documented in the literature, the locational decisions of creative firms tend to favour larger urban agglomerations (lorenzen, m. and andersen, k.v. 2009). hungary as a relatively small (ca. 10 million inhabitants) and highly centralized state clearly confirms this picture, as there is a high correlation between the weight of creative economy (total number of firms, employees and annual turnover) and the position of a place in the urban hierarchy. for the sake of analysis, we divided the settlements of hungary into five classes according to their size (1 – budapest; 2 – cities above 100 thousand; 3 – cities between 50 and 100 thousand; 4 – cities between 20 and 50 thousand, and 5 – settlements below 20 thousand inhabitants), and the relative share of creative economy was analysed for these five classes on a temporal basis. first we analysed the location quotient of firms in the hungarian settlement system. the share of the budapest metropolitan region (bmr) has continuously increased in the creative economy of the country over the last one and a half decades, even during the world financial crisis (figure 2). by 2015 48.3 per cent of the creative and knowledge intensive firms were located in the bmr, even though the metropolitan region was the home for only 38.5 per cent of the firms operating in hungary. the concentration regarding the number of employees and revta bl e 3. c ha ng es o f t he c om po si ti on o f c re at iv e ec on om y in h un ga ry , 1 99 9– 20 15 in d us tr ie s an d e co no m y e nt er pr is es e m pl oy ee s r ev en ue s 19 99 % 20 15 % c ha ng e, % c ha ng e, nu m be r 19 99 % 20 15 % c ha ng e, % c ha ng e, pe rs on s 19 99 % 20 15 % c ha ng e, % c ha ng e, 1, 00 0 e u r c re at iv e in d us tr ie s k no w le d ge in te ns iv e in d us tr ie s in fo co m m un ic at io n (i c t ) fi na nc es l aw a nd b us in es s se rv ic es r & d , h ig he r ed uc at io n c re at iv e ec on om y 62 .1 37 .9 5. 4 6. 7 24 .8 1. 0 10 0. 0 48 .2 51 .8 9. 1 9. 3 31 .0 2. 4 10 0. 0 -1 3. 9 13 .9 3. 6 2. 6 6. 2 1. 4 – -1 9, 46 9 37 ,6 52 9, 04 0 7, 01 0 18 ,2 76 3, 32 6 18 ,1 83 53 .9 46 .1 11 .9 9. 1 15 .1 10 .0 10 0. 0 37 .8 62 .2 15 .8 10 .3 27 .9 8. 2 10 0. 0 -1 6. 1 16 .1 3. 9 1. 2 12 .8 -1 .8 – -1 22 ,7 85 14 7, 57 3 35 ,6 15 12 ,7 39 11 1, 74 1 -1 2, 52 2 24 ,7 88 42 .6 57 .4 35 .3 10 .3 11 .0 0. 7 10 0. 0 31 .4 68 .6 33 .0 19 .2 15 .1 1. 3 10 0. 0 -1 1. 3 11 .3 -2 .3 8. 8 4. 1 0. 6 – 7, 78 4, 74 9 26 ,2 03 ,6 74 10 ,6 54 ,6 54 8, 76 7, 91 8 6, 19 2, 08 6 58 9, 01 7 33 ,9 88 ,4 23 so ur ce : h c so n at io na l a cc ou nt s, 1 99 9, 2 01 5. 285egedy, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 275–291. enues was even higher. in 2015 56.6 per cent of the creative labour force was employed in the bmr and 64.1 per cent of total revenues generated by the creative economy was concentrated here. thus, data reflect a high level of spatial concentration of creative economy within hungary, with growing trends. the level of concentration, however, differs among different sub-sectors of the creative economy (table 4). taking into account the number of firms, the weight of bmr is outstanding in the field of ict (57.9%). however, if we take into consideration the share of employees (70.9%) or revenues (95.5%) the predominance of budapest and its urban region is extraordinary in the field of finances. as figure 3 demonstrates the growing weight of budapest within the creative economy took place at the expense of cities at the lower levels of urban hierarchy, and only settlements (small towns and villages) below 20 thousand inhabitants were able to gain higher share in the creative economy after 1999. similar trends were recorded regarding the spatial distribution of creative employees and revenues produced by the creative economy. thus, we can safely say that the growing geographical concentration of creative economy has shown a clear trend in hungary in the 21st century, and this is rather alarming for policy makers dreaming about regional levelling out. there is a growing gap between budapest and the rest of the country, and between the larger regional centres (e.g. szeged, pécs, győr ) and their hinterland (csomós, gy. 2015). the dominance of budapest is outstanding, however, major regional centres still have better positions than smaller cities due to the highly hierarchical distribution of creative activities. the previously dominant east-west dimension in the spatial configuration of creative economy has been replaced fig. 2. the share of budapest metropolitan region in the creative economy of hungary (1999–2015, in %). source: hcso, national accounts 1999–2015. table 4. the weight of the budapest metropolitan region (bmr) within the creative economy in hungary, 2015 industries and economy enterprises employees revenues % creative industries (a) knowledge intensive industries (b) infocommunication (ict) finances law and business services r&d, higher education creative economy (a + b) economy total 47.5 49.0 57.9 32.0 51.4 49.5 48.3 38.5 49.6 60.8 57.1 70.9 62.2 50.7 56.6 43.2 69.7 61.6 41.9 95.5 60.3 78.7 64.1 52.8 source: hcso national accounts, 1999–2015. fig. 3. distribution of employees of the creative economy by settlement categories in hungary (1999–2015, in %). source: hcso, national accounts 1999–2015. 0.0 10.0 20.0 30.0 40.0 enterprises employees revenues 50.0 60.0 70.0 42 .2 42 .3 43 .5 45 .5 48 .3 47 .4 49 .0 52 .1 53 .1 56 .6 58 .8 58 .4 60 .9 58 .8 64 .1 2007 201520111999 2004 0.0 5.0 10.0 15.0 20.0 budapest 25.0 30.0 35.0 100,000< 50,000–100,000 20,000–50,000 <20,000 40.0 45.0 50.0 41 .9 4 8. 4 14 .1 11 .0 9. 2 20 .4 21 .8 6. 48. 9 2007 201520111999 2004 egedy, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 275–291.286 by the factor of ‘distance from budapest’, or ‘distance from the nearest regional centre’. there are substantial differences in the spatial pattern of creative economy within the wider budapest metropolitan region as well. inside the city proper (i.e. within the administrative boundaries of the city) the elite districts on the buda side show higher proportions regarding the relative share of creative firms (12th district – 51.8%; 1st district – 49.8%; and 2nd district – 49.6%), while peripheral districts on the pest side (e.g. 21th, 23th, 15th–17th districts) have much lower values. in addition, a core-periphery dichotomy is clearly observable inside the compact city. this pattern corresponds the socio-economic pattern of the city, but the location of creative clusters (along the line of danube e.g. infopark, elte campus, graphisoft park) and numerous inner-city oriented cultural and art institutions (theatres, concert halls, museums and galleries etc.) also serve as magnet for smaller creative firms (kovács, z. et al. 2010). within the suburban zone we can also see marked geographical differences in the configuration of the creative economy which is clearly the outcome of suburbanization in the 1990s and early 2000s (timár, j. 2006). we find municipalities with the highest share of the creative economy in the north-western sector of the agglomeration (e.g. budajenő 53.6%; telki 52.1%; pilisborosjenő 48.2%) where young professionals settled down in great number as part of the suburbanization process (szirmai, v. et al. 2011; schuchmann, j. 2012). the south-eastern sector of the agglomeration was less affected by urban sprawl and the invasion of intelligentsia. consequently, the share of the creative economy is also significantly lower. according to our previous findings (egedy, t. et al. 2008) new creative firms are created first of all where the founders and managers are living. thus, the location of the place of residence is vital for the creative enterprises. site selection by firms in the budapest metropolitan region as a rule is strongly influenced by hard factors (e.g. price and infrastructure of office, traffic and public transport), while among the soft factors calm and quiet environment was mentioned by the managers in the first place. as a consequence, in the process of accommodating new creative firms the agglomeration zone clearly appears as a winner of the economic transition. we investigated the correlation between the changes in the number of creative employees and the total number of employees (figure 4), looking at whether an increase or decrease of the total number of employees automatically generates increase or decrease of the number of creative employees. this assumption can be obviously related to international experience on the role of diseconomies and centrality discussed in the theoretical part of the paper (see lorenzen, m. and andersen, k.v. 2009). those cities at the tail end of the curve appear to have characteristic diseconomies, where the conditions are less favourable for the development of the local creative class. it is obviously recognizable in the lower ratio of creative workers compared to the share of total employment in these settlements (see position of red and blue bullets). at the other end of the scale, we find cities with flourishing local markets, growing number of employees and equally growing group of creative employees. however, it can also be seen on the graph that the shrinkage or growth of the creative labour shows greater volatility especially at the two ends of the scale. in addition, we analysed the correlation between the socio-economic development of a city (data on the share of university graduates, the level of unemployment, population dynamics, industrial tax, entrepreneurial activities and diversity of the local economy were converted into one single index) and the performance of the creative economy. our findings confirm that larger cities with more diversified (multi-layered) economic profile show higher presence of the creative class (marked with green). at the other end of the scale cities with a rather monofunctional single-layered local economy (marked with red) lack creative labour force, which highlights the exisiting spatial and functional divisions within the hungarian urban network (figure 5). 287egedy, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 275–291. fig. 4. changes in the number of creative employees and total employment between 1999 and 2015 in the hungarian cities above 20 thousand inhabitants (base year 1999; in %) fig. 5. correlation between socio-economic profile and performance of creative economy in the hungarian cities above 20 thousand inhabitants −100 −50 0 50 100 150 200 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 creative employees employees co m pl ex cr ea tiv e ec on om ic in de x complex socio-economic development index 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 nagykőrös békés ózd komló salgótarján kazinbarcikavárpalota hajdúböszörmény makó orosháza ajka dunaújváros pápa karcag eger szombathely gyula jászberény vác esztergom miskolc sopron budaörs győr budapest szentendre székesfehérvár pécs debrecen szeged gödöllő érd dunakeszi egedy, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 275–291.288 our results correspond to earlier domestic and international outcomes that historical pathway and city size play a decisive role in accommodating creative economy. in figure 4 budapest is followed by two groups of cities: on the one hand, regional centres with strong traditions in higher education, r+d, and a lively cultural life (e.g. pécs, székesfehérvár, debrecen, szeged), and on the other hand, sub-centres in the agglomeration of budapest (e.g. szentendre, vác, érd and dunakeszi) where the dynamism of the creative economy is very much related to the closeness of the metropolis. at the other end of the scale we find monofunctional industrial centres (e.g. ajka, ózd) and agrarian market towns on the plain in south-eastern hungary (e.g. makó, karcag, jászberény). these results confirm the findings of previous studies regarding the backwardness of market towns on the great hungarian plain as far as the knowledge based economy is concerned (nagy, e. and nagy, g. 2010; nagy, e. et al. 2017). conclusions as the literature review at the beginning of this paper demonstrated researchers in east central europe rapidly joined the academic discourse on creative economy after the turn of the millennium. this was partly linked to the robust economic restructuring of these countries and the growing role of creative sectors, and partly the infiltration of eu policy measures and programmes. results of international comparative research projects, as well statistical analyses focusing on the macroeconomic position and regional pattern of creative economy in various countries became widely published. this paper fits to the second group of studies, as we analyzed the changing geographical pattern of creative economy in hungary, based on longitudinal statistical data. the hungarian economy has gone through rapid transformation and modernization since the political changes of 1989/90. one of the signs of successful economic restructuring and integration to the world economy was the growing role of the creative economy. however, the growth within the creative economy was rather uneven, the knowledge intensive sectors have shown especially high dynamism. consequently, the share of creative industries decreased within the creative economy. even though the world financial crisis of 2008 hit hard the creative economy, and the number of firms and employees have slightly decreased, nevertheless, data reflect clearly a knowledge-based shift in the hungarian economy. according to our findings there is a clear correlation between the growth of creative economy and urban hierarchy. the creative economy increasingly concentrates to higher levels of the urban hierarchy, to budapest and other regional centres (university towns). the reasons behind are partly economic (agglomeration effects, clustering etc.) and partly socio-economic (cultural diversity, social networks, etc.), but historical traditions and the quality of the built environment, as well as the diversity of neighbourhoods play a role here. thus, our findings largely confirm the results of carlino, g.a. and saiz, a. (2008) on the importance of attractiviness of cities for highly-educated individuals. core-periphery relations in the spatial pattern of creative economy has increased. as data indicated the relative weight of budapest and its urban region has been continuously growing and even major regional centres (e.g. debrecen, szeged, pécs) with strong educational and cultural traditions have been unable to keep pace with the hungarian capital. this makes the territorial configuration of the creative economy very unbalanced, and the economy of the country very fragile. the previously so dominant east-west dichotomy within the country has been replaced by the closeness to budapest factor in the locational decisions of creative firms. new start-ups in creative economy also increasingly concentrate to budapest. the growing geographical concentration of the creative economy (especially the knowledge intensive industries) is partly the result 289egedy, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 275–291. of previous neoliberal regional and urban policies (e.g. the programme of ’pole-cities’, establishment of technological parks, r&d investments, development of universities etc.) putting competitiveness in the focus. our findings also suggest that cities in the hungarian urban system became highly differentiated according to their attractiveness for creative firms and creative labour after the global financial crisis, and there is a growing competition among secondary cities for knowledge intensive and creative activities. regional centres and county seats with strong cultural traditions and a solid base of higher education are clearly more favoured by creative firms and labour than monofunctional (agrarian or industrial) cities or other peripheral locations. all these shed light on the one hand, the path dependent nature of creative economic activities, and on the other hand, the difficulties of peripheral (mostly monofunctional) towns to find their ways to the ’creative age’. acknowledgements: funding for the research leading to this publication was received from the hungarian scientific research fund (otka) grant agreement no. k119710. r e f e r e n c e s andersson, a. 1985. creativity and regional development. papers of the regional science association 56. 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(in hungarian) toma, s-g., peptenatu, d., andronache, i., ahammer, h., pintilii, r., drăghici, c-c. and gabriel simion, a. 2018. the creative economy in romania, a key factor of economic integration in the european union. in doing business in europe. contributions to management science. ed.: dima, a.m., cham, springer, 329–350. törnqvist, g. 1983. creativity and the renewal of regional life. in creativity and context: a seminar report. lund studies in geography b. human geography. ed: buttimer, a., lund, gleerup buttimer, 91–112. unctad 2008. creative economy report – the challenge of assessing creative economy: towards informed policymaking. geneva–new york, united nations. http:// unctad.org/en/docs/ditc20082cer_en.pdf (retrieved: 06.05.2018). vitálišová, k., vaňová, a. and borsekova, k. 2013. the role of creative economy in slovak republic. ai & society 30. (2): 271–281. zipf, g.k. 1949. human behavior and the principle of least effort. cambridge, addison wesley. egedy, t. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (3) 275–291.292 in memoriam ferenc schweitzer (1939–2023) 201book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 193–199.chronicle – hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 201–203. c h r o n i c l e a prominent figure of hungarian geomorphology and quaternary research passed away on march 6, 2023. as he liked to mention, his ancestors came from alsace to design water management works in the northern part of the little hungarian plain and settled there for good. when this area was finally annexed by czechoslovakia as a consequence of the slovak-hungarian ’population exchange’ agreement after world war ii, the family had to move to the present hungary. he studied geography and biology at the teacher training college of szeged and then at the eötvös loránd university of budapest. during his university years an event with deep impact on his future career was his finding of the first pebble tools at vértesszőlős in 1962 and his participation in the excavations led by professor lászló vértes, which peaked in the discovery of the hominid finds. this event had a decisive impact on his early scientific interests. consequently, he ventured on research into freshwater limestones (travertines) related to river terraces in cooperation with the geologist gyula scheuer. on joining the staff of the geographical research institute, hungarian academy of sciences, in the 1960s, his experience gathered during the study of landforms both in the library and their recognition in the field as well as his keen observations of human character made him rise in career. by the 1970s he was set as an example of the talented and hard-working field geomorphologist with a profound knowledge of professional literature to young researchers in the institute. major steps in his career were the doctor of sciences title in 1993 and his nomination to deputy director of the institute. then he undertook the (far from being uncomplicated) job of director of the institute between 1997 and 2010. in this capacity he fought ardently and, finally, successfully for the survival of the almost wrecked ’flagship’ of hungarian geography. in this period his sphere of research broadened to embrace an exceptionally wide range of fields from quaternary geochronology, neo-tectonics and late cenozoic climate change to the origin of floods and excess water inundations and their control. he liked to ’think big’ and set up theories not only on the history of the danube catchment but also on the tertiary drainage evolution of the entire eurasian continent. he found ample evidence for and enthusiastically spread his concept on an arid, desert-like period in the carpathian basin. in 1998 he even edited a collection of papers (with tibor tiner) on the geographical requirements of site allocations of large industrial investments and hazardous waste disposal, which – along with his investigations concerning engineering geomorphological problems and the seismic hazard of the paks nuclear power plant – reflected his ever present interest in the solution of practical applications of research findings. in addition to popular lectures, the book ”land, water and air” edited with academician ernő mészáros, published as the first volume of the academy series magyar tudománytár (hungarian scientific archive) in 2002, was his main contribution to the dissemination of science. he was a great fan of new results and challenges in science, such as the possible presence of water and life on mars, which he investigated through the landforms and processes of the planet. he was invited to lecture at the university of pécs in 1992, where he received habilitation (1995), became professor (1996) and professor emeritus (2004). at pécs he always felt very comfortable and esteemed in the circle of fellow teachers and students. at the university his foremost ambition was to establish the institutional background to university-level teaching, in memoriam ferenc schweitzer (1939–2023) 202 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 193–199.chronicle – hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 201–203. including the revival of geomorphology in the curriculum, to discover talented students and to encourage them to engage in research. at that time geography students were more keen to respond to his call and followed him to the field – where he really felt at home and where he could inventively and almost instinctively reconstruct past geomorphic processes. he never refrained from sharing his ideas with the best students selflessly and always treated those who were worth of such a treatment as partners. he never ceased to emphasize that a good teacher simply cannot hide novel ideas and scientific thoughts in his lectures. his enthusiastic lectures presenting new approaches to geomorphological issues of hungary and the carpathian basin aroused interest among the audience and he managed to recruite dozens of young geographers for the staff of the university of pécs, the geographical institute in budapest and other academic institutions. with his enduring work in the earth sciences doctoral school he established a geomorphological school which involved a generation of researchers and teachers. in acknowledgement of his scientific achievements, he was awarded by the silver medal of the work order of merit in 1987, but true appreciation came with the change of the political system. then he became ordinary member of the st. stephen academy of sciences (2004), honorary member of the hungarian geographical society (2001) and of the hungarian society for karst and cave exploration (2001). the geographical society awarded him with the louis de lóczy medal (1995) and the university of pécs with the gyula prinz medal (2004). his infinite curiosity was not only reflected in his scientific research, but also in his ardent wish to travel in the world, to discover remote and exotic lands known to him from his readings – in the true spirit of the geographical explorers of the past whom he greatly admired. this quest took him to the loess plateau of china, where he spent a month practicing one of his main interests in quaternary science and geomorphology, the origin of loess. in addition, he took all possible opportunities to get acquainted with the cultural monuments of the region. also he used a chance to visit alaska, where he was confronted with several riddles of periglacial geomorphology in the company of world-leading experts, who immediately became his friends in the course of the field trip. one of the highlights of his travels was a roundthe-world journey with the university of the south pacific in suva, fiji islands, as destination. with his colleagues he marvelled at the new landscapes and strange customs we met on the pacific islands which he called paradise on earth. india was another country of his dreams, where again it was difficult to decide whether the unpaired edifices, like the taj mahal, or the spectacular landforms, like the traces of huge landslides, exerted a deeper impact on the visitor. although always friendly with everybody at personal encounter, his character was not easy to read. life experience taught him for cautiousness, not to reveal his real opinions publicly. indeed, he was eager to share his knowledge with students and researchers of the younger generations. through this behaviour he certainly set an example of the attitude of a professor for all of us. he will be remembered as the embodiment of the field geomorphologist and a peculiar, respectable and amiable personality in the history of the discipline. szabolcs ákos fábián, gábor varga and dénes lóczy hungarian geographical bulletin vol 72 issue 2 201-202 (2023) szabolcs ákos fábián, gábor varga, dénes lóczy: in memoriam ferenc schweitzer (1939–2023) contributions to the issues of regional economic growth and equilibrium as well as the regional policy 113 hungarian geographical bulletin 61 (2) (2012) 113–130. contributions to the issues of regional economic growth and equilibrium as well as the regional policy györgy kocziszky1 and józsef benedek2 abstract the geopolitical change of direction taking place after 1989 induced a number of positive and negative social and economic changes in hungary (as in the other post-socialist countries). among the latt er changes perhaps the most depressive one is that in the past two decades the economic policy has not been able to achieve a sustainable and balanced economic growth either in the short or in the long term, or to manage the problems arising from its lack. the external and internal imbalance (at macro and mezzo levels) arising in this way is continuously generating serious tensions. this paper wishes to fi nd an answer to the question what role the regional policy can play in creating local and regional economic equilibrium and in starting a relative convergence. keywords: regional policy, economic growth, new regionalism, regional equilibrium and sustainability introduction the economic policy of hungary of the past decades can be described by a number of controversies. litt le wonders that the fi nal outcome is mixed: in accordance with the ill-advised and whimsical improvisations (matching the election cycles) and, on the other hand, with the business cycles taking place in the world economy, the rate of hungary’s macroeconomic growth and the deviance from the equilibrium path keep changing from smaller to bigger; the sign and size of the domestic output margin keep changing cyclically while the exposure of macroand mezzo-level outputs to external disturbances has also increased. at the same time the increasing tendency of interregional disparities in hungary makes the necessity for transforming the regional policy and for 1 institute of world and regional economics, university of miskolc, h-3525 miskolc, egyetemváros, e-mail: regkagye@uni-miskolc.hu 2 hungarian institute of geography, babeş-bolyai university of sciences, ro-400084 clujnapoca, mihail kogalniceanu no. 1. e-mail: jozsef@geografi e.ubbcluj.ro 114 harmonising economic and regional policy imperative. the paper wishes to refl ect on the above issues and to draft the directions of a change of paradigm in regional policy. theoretical background – possibilities for a change in paradigm in regional policy the regional policy must not be mistaken for sectoral macro-economic policy. it is a version of territorial policy, which is implemented at the level of regions. at the same time, however, the objectives of regional policies are of an ideographic nature, i.e. they have to be adjusted to the specialties of the given regions, in accordance with the particular problems of every region. there are three kinds of regional policy available for the policy makers for the implementation of the general objectives of regional policy (decreasing regional diff erences, the rational use of regional resources and factors of production, ensuring availability of public services for the total population of a region, etc.) (amin, a. 1999): 1. the keynesean regional policy dominated the development strategies of the period 1960–1980 and relied on the fundamental elements: – income redistribution; – the use of welfare policies in order to increase demand in backward regions; – to support private enterprises in the form of government-guaranteed loans or by improving the infrastructure in order to encourage them to sett le down in backward regions. the keynesean regional policy is currently heavily criticised for some of its defi ciencies, such as the low level of productivity in the problematic regions; the use of this policy failed to stop the unequal development of regions struggling with problems, the dynamics of the peripheral regions depended largely on external demand, etc. 2. the neoliberal regional policy is one of the policies which have dominated the stage of regional development in the past twenty years. it focuses on the ideas of the deregulation of markets and decreasing the social intervention of the state. the strategies employed act towards the development of infrastructure, investment into programmes of vocational training and technology transfer. the weak points of this policy are as follows: – the direction of funds towards weakly developed regions decreases, resulting in these regions losing the sources of development; – these regions get involved in the global competition dominated by large international companies and regions capable of innovation – in which situation the majority of peripheral regions lose their chances for development; 115 – the regional policy has encouraged the mobility of production factors, which has led to an intensifi cation of the migration of production factors, particularly labour, from the peripheral regions towards the central ones. 3. institution-based regional policy, or ‘new regionalism’, appeared simultaneously with the establishment of the new regional institutions in the eu in the 1990s, in response to the defi ciencies and failures of the policies described above. new regionalism explains the economic impetus of certain regions by the fact that there has been an increase in the importance of innovation and in cooperative forms of learning, particularly in the adaptation of the regions to the new economic conditions (mackinnon, d. 2002). in this context a region is regarded as a source of competitive advantage. the innovative and learning capacity of the regions, among the conditions of the knowledge-based economy, determines their rise or fall. in consequence, this policy relies on the development of the technology factor, particularly innovation, as well as on quality factors related to labour (education, training/retraining programmes, etc.). ‘new regionalism’ is a heterogeneous direction with a great number of internal ramifi cations, according to which a region constitutes the fundamental territorial units of innovation, production, economic development and development policies. this enhanced focus on the role of the regional level highlights two processes which appeared in the 1980ies of the last century. one is the conceptualisation of the new post-ford evolutions, in the framework of several geographical and economics directions. a fundamental feature of the post-ford turning point involves a deep-going change in the economic area and the emergence of a knowledge-based economy. this phenomenon refl ecting the logics of territorial-economic evolutions coincide with the political mobilisation of regional resources in the form of normative political regionalisation and of regionalism, which follows the logics of the political evolution of the past two decades: a weakening of the institutions of the nation state and the emergence of new forms of cooperation between the state and the players at various lower territorial levels. the emergence of ‘new regionalism’ was directly triggered by the elaboration of the concepts and theories which are called territorial innovation models (lagendijk, a. 2001). among them the following are mentioned here: new industrial regions (californian school), industrial zones (italian school), innovative medium (gremi school) and clusters. by means of contributions by these schools, new regionalism expresses the top-down perspective of regional development. the latt er focuses on the relations between innovation and economic upswing within a globalised environment. innovation is regarded as a collective form of learning, in which trust occupies a central position and connects networks consisting of companies, ensuring the participation of the companies in the process of collective learning. trust develops under conditions of territorial neighbourhood and to a lesser extent under those of 116 the territorial dispersion of the companies. the inter-company networks that have developed on the basis of trust become sources of learning and competitive advantages. actually, globalisation triggers the emergence of new forms of agglomeration based on the production of knowledge. under conditions of the ubiquity of codifi ed knowledge, the repositories of special, implicit knowledge create considerable non-material competitive advantages for themselves, for implicit knowledge is created and transferred by means of close connections between persons and companies. these competitive advantages are inherent in the social relations between companies and institutions localised rather at regional than at national levels. the accumulation of the connections capital and the untraded interdependencies form the main sources of learning. learning facilitates regional adaptation to the changes arising in the outer environment, i.e. regional development. collective learning processes, which are cumulative in the local community of companies, encourage the spatial agglomeration of companies. the stability and continuity of inter-company relations as well as the spatial neighbourhood of the companies are the conditions for the accumulation of implicit knowledge and connections capital. particularly small companies are encouraged to participate in the transfer of information and knowledge. new regionalism expresses an optimistic wave among regional policies, based on the positive examples of regional economies, such as the third italy and silicon valley, more exactly on a belief in the possibility of local and regional endogen development among the conditions of increasing international competition. the political basis of ‘new regionalism’ is provided by the idea that the region as a social and political construct is a topic of normative-political regionalisation and regionalism. normative-political regionalisation denotes the decentralisation of political power and the various scopes of authority belonging to the public sphere towards regional and local levels, while regionalism is an ideological movement which supports the priority of regional values and may be passive (latent) or active (represented on the stage of politics). in this context regional identity is applied as an endogen resource which promotes regional interests, the agenda and actions of the regional political players in the interest of strengthening the positions of the regions (both economically and politically). the instrumental mobilisation of regional identity (in the form of endogen regional development strategies) for the purpose of increasing regional competitiveness must be diff erentiated from its political mobilisation, where regional identity itself determines the objectives of regional development (e.g. political autonomy – lagendijk, a. 2001). thus, as a result of political regionalisation and regionalism a region becomes a strategic place, which 117 can be manipulated and becomes the site of the elaboration and introduction of regional policy projects (lovering, j. 1999). the basis of collective regional aspirations is formed by regional and local identities mobilised by the development coalitions (swyngedouw, e. 2000). this represents either new governance structures in the form of partnership relations between the regional and local institutions of the state, civil society and the business sphere, or local alliances between the economic and political players, which in certain situations may be coupled with local governments and/or trade unions. development coalitions may be progressive, open and play a positive role in regional development or regressive and closed, contradicting the fundamental democratic rules (ibid.). what’s more, lovering (1999) speaks about the emergence of a class of new regional services, which is constituted by consulting agencies (private sphere) and various development agencies (public sphere). in order to determine their roles in regional development, a number of fundamental issues are to be clarifi ed at the level of every region: who elaborates the regional projects? what are the objectives of regional development, and of the development plans? whom do they benefi t? what are their advantages? swyngedouw (2000) suggests that the success of certain particular regions is directly connected to the presence of certain ‘local’ elites which are competitive at the global level. their projects and activities ensure a positive development direction, while the lasting social-economic decline of certain regions can be explained by a lack of innovative local elites or the dominance of the traditional elites (ibid, benedek, j. 2000). the nature and structure and the alliance of these political and economic elites may boos the region. they are active as “place marketers”, and are striving to maximise their own profi ts by maintaining certain activities or att racting them into the region, catalysing the existing markets and establishing new markets (swyngedouw, e. 2000). we should not lose sight of the fact that in spite of the presence of innovative elites, economic upswing may be slowed down by obstacles to the emergence of growth coalitions: individualism, diff ering collective interests, competition among various elite groups, exclusion of certain social groups, the confl ict between the old and the new elites. all these limit the effi ciency of exercising authority, fragment local or regional development and result in a weak cohesion. with the increase in the globalisation of economic relations and an increase in the mobility of capital, severe international competition has emerged between the various regions and localities of the individual countries. in this situation the development priorities of modern states are focused primarily on supporting regions and localities which are competitive at the global level. the competition between the regions is heightened by the advantages resulting from the localisation of management and control functions, the the introduction of certain production structures of the high-technology industry 118 and services, the immigration of dynamic social groups with high purchasing power capacities, the opportunities for att racting state or international support and investment. the integration of various regions or sett lements into the communication infrastructure becomes of maximum signifi cance and it increases their competitiveness at the global level. thus, the scope of regional development strategies has spread from the strong and classic factors of development (capital, labour, technology, transportation infrastructure) belonging to the economic sphere to the weak factors such as human capital, the image of the region, the quality of life, etc. and to those that fi t into other areas of society: culture and education. in spite of the above, we cannot disregard the fact that regional and local development is strongly connected with events taking place at national or international levels. the changes in the organisation of global production may have very strong spatial eff ects, with new winners and losers. the global competition for att racting the limited sources of capital determines the orientation of capital towards the most benefi cial locations as well as the reorganisation of the production process, more precisely the spatial distribution of the various economic functions: the control function, the research and development function become concentrated in the large urban regions, and the execution (production) functions into the peripheral regions. the redistribution of functions and access by certain regions to control and/or research and development functions take place in a new accumulation framework (new historical formations, such as post-fordism) and it redirects interregional relations and results in new inequalities. in this way each historical formation, each accumulation system can be described by some spatial inequality model and, the economic position of a region or locality in the spatial distribution of labour is determined by its successive roles in the various periods. in other words, in the course of the historical evolution of the regions, various development layers emerge and determine their current national and international economic roles (peck, j. 2000). in this process the relations of the region with the central powers as well as the mode of its integration into the global system continue to be signifi cant structural forces. some authors argue for the necessity of the active involvement of the state in the regional development process, and their ideas are grouped around three arguments (armstrong, h. and taylor, j. 1993): – government control ensures the use of the instruments of regional policy in the most backward regions. the control refers to the model of the regional policy applied. if all the regions preferred the same policies, it would become impossible to decrease regional inequalities. there are three modes which can be used to ensure that public funds are concentrated in the most backward regions: the elaboration of own regional policy, providing regional 119 policy scopes of authority for the regional and local authorities, maintaining the control of expenditure, by elaborating the support programmes for the regions and localities. the third possibility is presented by the government control of the expenditure of the regions. – it is a lawful interest of the central power to solve the regional problems, for decreased regional inequalities represent a common interest and this decrease will benefi t all the regions of a given economic area. – only the central power can ensure coordination of regional policy. deregulation of economic, political and legislation powers is a key issue. the transfer of certain economic powers can be eff ected, however, their emphatic transfer will not solve the regional problems. as mentioned above, taxation policies can be decentralised to a certain extent, but their complete deregulation would result in the appearance of budget defi cits and in the accumulation of large public debts in the problematic regions, for their incomes are low, their competitiveness is limited and they do not att ract investors. naturally, the most developed regions would be in bett er positions, but the eff ects of regional policy would appear not only in the regions supported, for these are open economies, thus a variety of indirect eff ects also appear, among which one has already been mentioned: an important part of demand and of the increase in income will seep from the problematic regions into the developed regions. consequently, it is necessary to coordinate the regional policies elaborated by the diff erent players of regional development: between the state, international organisations and the diff erent levels of public administration (central and local) etc. causes and results of the economic depression lasting economic convergence is a function of three factors: growth rate, the sustainability of the growth rate and economic equilibrium (figure 1). those shaping the hungarian economic policy have disregarded this axiom since the 1970s. the debt spiral of hungary began at the same time as the oil price explosion of 1974. the continuous deterioration of our terms of trade and the increase in the imports price level (20% annually on average) were compensated by the government by means of continuous borrowing. our imbalance kept strengthening between 1985 and 1989 (while our net outstanding total debt increased from 6.5 billion usd to 14.9 billion usd, and gross outstanding total debt increased from 11 billion usd to 20.4 billion usd). on the basis of the foregoing it can be understood that the domestic economy came to a state close to depression several times in the past decades. the slow stabilisation of the past years has been halted by the economic 120 policy deployed after 2002, and the outstanding total debt of hungary began to increase again. our position was further damaged by the fi nancial crisis of 2008. the internal causes of our present situation close to depression can be att ributed to the following (with some simplifi cation): a) growth defi cit, excessive desindustrialisation the hungarian economy has been struggling for more than three decades with the problem that the added value of our products and services is small. since the beginning of the 1980s the nihilism of the hungarian economic policy has set back employment and the output growth rate in hungary (figure 2). the decline of the processing industry has played a signifi cant role in this in the past two decades. the service sector in hungary has been unable to replace or outdo the employment or the production value of the industrial companies being closed down. b) lack of equilibrium thus (as shown by the above), the lack of equilibrium in the economy of hungary is not a new phenomenon. the professional authors dealing with economic policy are debating at most the date of the acceleration of the process. a lasting lack of equilibrium can be retraced, with some simplifi cation, basically to three causes which are in close interaction with each other: the decreasing competitiveness and exportability of our products, the increase in consumption that has become disconnected from the economic growth rate and the unfavourable changes in exchange rates. the lack of imbalance (in the budget and in the balance of foreign trade) thus arising has resulted in twin defi cits. fig. 1. system of conditions of lasting convergence. source: authors’ own work 121 c) lack of sustainability the growth path of the hungarian economy has been hindered in addition to the errors in the economic policy of the past years by the increasing obligations in payments in interest. the high state defi cit incurs large redemption burdens, which narrows the range of possibilities for action of the budget (figure 3). part of the close to 1,100 billion huf, which is at present used to pay interest, could be spent on productive investments and other productive expenditure (health care, public education, etc.). while leaving the expenditure unchanged, tax burdens could be considerably reduced (7.5 times as much could be spent on housing support as in 2010, or more than twice as much could be spent on family support as in 2010, or the value added tax burden could be reduced by nearly half, or one third of the interest expenditure could be suffi cient to eliminate company tax completely, or personal income tax could be reduced by more than 40%, or the social security contributions of employers and employees could be reduced by more than one third, thus reducing the tax wedge further and stimulating the labour market). d) moral affl iction the recognition that sustainable economic growth can hardly be set in motion without stable moral foundations is not a new phenomenon. the problem is not typical to hungary, but the social and economic consequences of the deterioration of the general conditions are serious in hungary.3 3 in europe more than one third of the workers of large companies asked were willing to off er cash or other presents for clinching a deal, one quarter do not trust the ethical behaviour of the company management. hungary is the second after russia on grounds of the occurrence of malpractice. in the framework of the survey conducted in 25 countries in europe, more than 2,300 employees were asked from workers to top executives (for the complete survey, see htt p://www.ey.com/hu/fids.) fig 2. development of the number of those employment in the hungarian industry (1876–2009). source: authors’ own work 122 the above defi ciencies result in problems at the levels of both the national economy and of regions (figure 4). fig 3. interest expenditure as percentage of gdp 2008–2009. source: eu commission – ameco fig 4. macroand sub-national results of depression. source: authors’ own work 123 consequences of the economic depression in the following, regional (mezzo-level) problems will be discussed, as fl owing from our topic. a) increase in disparities, divergence instead of convergence the transition to the market economy (1989) found the hungarian society and economy in regionally diff ering situations. the real and latent regional diff erences are not new. in the early and mid 1980s, with the deterioration of the competitiveness of the industry, mono-structural regions came into diffi cult positions (a good 20 years after the processes appearing in western europe due to similar causes). as is well-known, though the party and political management of the times were aware of the problems, it took no steps concerning the merits of the situation (measures taken for the sake of keeping up appearances were born instead). the change of economic and geopolitical direction increased the regional diff erences further, for the counties took advantage of the opportunities arising from the changes in room for action in diff erent ways (due to external and internal causes). the investment and employment dynamics of the regions developed also depending on the sectoral structure of the regions (existence or lack of the driving sectors). long-term low investment was matched by long-term low employment (although after 2009 the regional distribution of the unemployment rate decreased somewhat, it was thanks much more to higher public employment in the backward regions than to an improvement in the labour market situation (figure 5). as a result, in the labour market of the transformation starting after 1990, the west-east direction unemployment slope emerged in hungary; and a more than tenfold diff erence came into existence between the regions with lower and with higher unemployment rates.4 the diff erent output paths of the regions can be explained by the diff erent personal consumption and investment as well as by the external demand. our empirical investigations show that the volatility of regional output has been higher than the volatility of the output gap of the hungarian macroeconomy in the past years (table 1). net exports are primarily responsible for the short-term fl uctuation in output (figure 6). 4 the number of those employed in january 2011 – in the age group 15–74 – was 3,743,000, which exceeded the fi gure for the previous year by 0.5% (ksh, 2011). the number of unemployed aged 15–74 was 487,000, 8,000 more than a year previously. the unemployment rate of 11.5% was basically identical to that of the previous year (male unemployment rate of 12.0%, and female unemployment rate of 10.9%). 124 fig 5. distribution by county of the unemployment rate in hungary. source: authors’ own work fig 6. output gap path. source: authors’ own work based on ksh data this means that the government measures limiting or expanding consumption have a smaller eff ect infl uencing the incomes of the population than the eff ect of monetary policy aff ecting net exports (assuming unchanged demand). and changes in net exports depend on the economic structure of the given region (to a considerable extent on the cyclical positions of the multinational companies established in the region). 125 ta bl e 1. a nn ua l c ha ng es in o ut pu t g ap *, % ye ar h un ga ry r eg io ns c en tr al h un ga ry c en tr al t ra ns d an ub ia w es te rn t ra ns d an ub ia so ut he rn t ra ns d an ub ia n or th er n h un ga ry n or th er n g re at p la in so ut he rn g re at p la in 19 95 19 96 19 97 19 98 19 99 20 00 20 01 20 02 20 03 20 04 20 05 20 06 20 07 20 08 20 09 -0 .0 8 -3 .0 9 -1 .2 9 -0 .6 3 -3 .8 7 -2 .4 1 0. 12 2. 09 2. 01 3. 82 1. 50 2. 13 2. 00 1. 28 -6 .9 6 15 .6 7 3. 97 1. 34 -2 .2 9 -6 .4 5 -5 .2 5 -1 .8 7 1. 89 -1 .6 4 0. 07 0. 09 2. 59 2. 52 2. 35 -3 .6 1 -9 .5 7 -9 .1 7 -1 .2 1 2. 98 -2 .9 6 0. 99 2. 02 -2 .2 3 2. 83 7. 76 4. 67 1. 42 3. 83 0. 90 -1 1. 54 -1 5. 26 -1 2. 20 -6 .9 9 0. 43 3. 69 5. 12 1. 21 2. 73 8. 48 7. 24 0. 66 2. 74 0. 66 0. 29 -1 1. 64 -8 .6 0 -7 .3 8 -3 .5 8 -0 .6 6 01 7 0. 31 3. 19 5. 14 5. 16 5. 43 1. 03 -0 .6 6 0. 35 0. 48 -7 .5 6 -4 .4 8 -7 .0 4 -4 .1 4 -0 .3 1 -3 .8 2 -3 .2 2 0. 94 2. 39 4. 50 8. 83 6. 03 3. 55 2. 76 -1 .4 8 -1 1. 95 -5 .5 8 -4 .7 8 -1 .3 4 -0 .2 7 -6 .5 6 -4 .0 9 2. 91 3. 65 6. 51 6. 97 2. 19 2. 10 1. 13 -0 .1 9 -9 .1 6 -6 .6 1 -4 .1 9 -1 .4 7 0. 83 -1 .8 3 -0 .5 9 0. 51 2. 91 3. 04 5. 93 1. 88 0. 67 0. 11 1. 67 -7 .7 1 * t he li te ra tu re o ff er s se ve ra l d efi n it io ns fo r ou tp ut g ap (s ee p . k is s, g . a nd v ad as , g . 2 00 5) . o ur d at a us e th e re su lt s of c al cu la ti on ba se d o n th e ac tu al p ot en ti al g d p ( g d p po t – [g d p a ct 14 / g d p a ct 1] x 1 00 ). so ur ce : a ut ho rs ’ o w n ca lc ul at io ns b as ed o n k sh d at a. 126 b) low effi ciency of fi scal moves the eu funding appearing in the hungarian budget (1999: 3.3 billion huf; 2010: 706.8 billion huf, data at current price) and expenditure (1999: 14.9 billion huf; 2010: 804.8 billion huf, data at current price) increased dynamically between 1999 and 2010. although the time period is relatively short (therefore it is hardly possible to draw considerable consequences), it can be clearly seen that the impact of the support arriving in hungary on increasing the gdp lags behind that of the eu average (table 2).5 this has several causes, such as: – ‘brainstorming’ in the course the allocation of funds; – the majority of funding (60–65%) had the impact of increasing onetime demand or improving the community infrastructure and not of improving the economic potential, and within that there was a high rate of ‘soft’ projects. by contrast, the fundamental objective of the eu cohesion policy is to enable the regions with a low performance to converge. from this it follows 5 under the l. national development plan in 2004–2006 hungary had close to 700 billion huf at its disposal including national co-fi nancing from the structural funds of the european union, and the funds provided for the realisation of about 20,000 projects in hungary. the country was able to use almost all (99%) of the said eu funding in the period examined. however, the results is worsened by the fact that the benefi cial fi nancial performance incurred excess expenditure from the hungarian budget of approximately 35 billion huf. among the reasons the national auditing offi ce highlighted defi ciencies in the harmonisation of the major national economic objectives, changes in certain objectives and the fact that while the institutions providing the support concentrated on the as complete as possible use of the funds, they did not pay appropriate att ention to their effi ciency (due to non-performance of winning projects it was necessary to have reserve developments, which cost more for their rapid production; there were also examples where developments already began had to be funded completely from national means due to suspicions about mismanagement). the convergence of hungary to the eu average is not progressing as we would have liked it to: the per capita gdp increased only 1% between 2004 and 2009 as a result of eu funding. at regional level the picture is even more disillusioning: while the more developed region of central hungary developed considerably, the positions of the six convergence regions did not change signifi cantly, what’s more northern hungary, northern and southern great plain and southern transdanubia entered the group of the twenty poorest regions of the eu. examining the environmental, healthcare and certain education investments as well as regional development, it was found that we were coming closer to the eu development level, however, in the short term they did not result in economic growth. the situation was further complicated by the size of the funds and the compartmentalisation of their use, which resulted in the fact that we were only able to achieve partial results even in the realisation of the nicely sounding objectives. it can also be seen that while unemployment was soaring, in the development programs the eff ect of retaining jobs prevailed. in trainings promoting fi nding employment, approximately half of those completing the training and only 10% of the disadvantaged found jobs (ász, 2011). 127 table 2. impact of support on increasing the gdp country gdp/eu *support, % contribution to increase the gdp in % 1989–1993 1994–1999 2000–2006 portugal ** spain ** greece ** ireland ** hungary *** ~ 3 ~ 1.5 ~ 2.6 ~ 2.8 ~ 2.1 3.9 2.9 4.3 n.d. – 4.6 3.1 5.6 8.9 – 6.1 4.2 6.1 8.6 1.2 * agenda 2000 (max. 4%). n.d. = no data ** the role of fiscal transfers for regional economic convergence in europe, no. 1029.2009. *** between 2004 and 2006. source: authors’ own calculations. that support is effi cient when it generates additional output (compared to the situation without support). empirical investigations and analyses prove also in this respect that there are considerable diff erences (besides positive examples low absorption effi ciency is not rare): granting the funds took place on the grounds of political interests, – signifi cant portions were not used for investments supporting long-term convergence, and thus their impacts are also weak; funds are not additive, but have a substitution character. in the major– ity of cases they appeared not as additional funds but were substituted for former private or government investments (kocziszky, gy. 2010). our lagging and depressed regions were caught in a trap, for the effi ciency of the fi scal moves of the past years (partly due to their soft nature and partly to their level being under the sensitivity threshold) was low, the injections of capital proved insuffi cient to generate real convergence (that would have required a much stronger fi scal impetus).6 beyond the macroand mezzo-economic conditions of the real and nominal convergence of the regions in hungary, the past years were lacking in sectoral and local economic policy harmony as well as in the underlying moral background. part of the programmes had a virtual impact and the supports were used for ‘political show schemes. an economic policy using a variety of fi scal and monetary instruments exclusively is insuffi cient for the management of regional problems, for the various shocks aff ect the counties to diff erent extents. 6 there are no signifi cant changes in the leading pack or in the lower third of the human development index (compared to 2000). according to the fi gures for 2009 the positions of budapest (0.8739), győr-moson-sopron county (0.687) and fejér county (0.669) are the same, while those of nógrád county (0.600) and szabolcs-szatmár-bereg county (0.587) deteriorated further somewhat. 128 desirable directions of a paradigm change in hungary the mainstream of economic policy has been obsessed with growth in the past three decades and this view was mostly adopted by the authors of studies on regional growth and convergence as well. today, however, it is more and more recognised that economic growth (even in such export-driven economies as hungary) can be primarily achieved by an increase in productivity and added value and not by obtaining an increasing share of the global markets.7 the makers of the hungarian economic and regional policy are facing a task that is not slight: they have to reduce low employment and the lack in output arising from the defi cit of added value simultaneously. this will, however, require a transformation of regional policy, which is part of both territorial policy and of economic policy at the same time, i.e. a genuine change of paradigm. hungarian regional policy re-visited has to meet several requirements at the same time. condition 1: it has to be integrative, that is it has to arrange the elements of sectoral policies referring to regions in a multiplicative way along realistic objectives and funds; it has to meet top-down and bott om-up planning principles simultaneously. constructing regional policy is not independent of the objectives, instruments, resources of the sectoral and other cross-sectional policies (budgetary and monetary) or of the national economy-level allocation and re-allocation mechanisms (figure 7). condition 2: sustainable and realistic regional growth objectives have to be set. the objectives for a given region have to achieve improvements in economic growth and employment simultaneously.8 that is why the empirical literature on convergence devotes more and more att ention to conditional (relative) convergence (barro, r. and sala-imartin, x. 1992; romer, p.m. 1986), that is instead of ‘catching up’ it is increasingly the lasting growth rate that is determined by the own equilibrium path that comes to the foreground. 7 economic widening is determined by the fi ght for a share that can be obtained in the global markets of processed goods. economies showing external surpluses are generally declared to be ‘competitive’, taking no account of the development of their economic growth or productivity. trade balance is regarded as the major index of a country, as if it were only a company. in reality, however, the two have hardly anything to do with each other. trade balance means simply the diff erence between investments and domestic savings, or in a more general sense, the diff erence between aggregate expenditure and total output. 8 this will probably be a prolonged process without the domestic industry (particularly the processing industry). it must not be forgott en that the high-tech (nano-, bioetc.) sectors produce high added value, have a low employment capacity and are located in highly concentrated areas even in the developed countries. 129 fig 7. logical process of constructing regional policy. source: authors’ own work creating the state of equilibrium at a lower level uses the empirical experience that in peripheral regions the likelihood of producing a high added value is lower due to the lower human potential index, therefore, the increasing employment should be put in the foreground. this can increase the income of the population even in the short term, and local consumption can be increased without raising infl ation. condition 3: expected consequences of regional policy are to be supported by ex-ante impact studies; its system of indicators and its methodology have to be elaborated. acknowledgement: the paper/research work has been completed as part of the project támop-4.2.1.b10/2/konv-2010-0001 – in the framework of the new hungary development plan – with european union support and co-fi nancing by the european social fund. 130 r e f e r e n c e s armstrong, h. and taylor, j. 1993. regional economics and policy. new york, harvester wheatsheaf, 226 p. amin, a. 1999. an institutional perspective on regional economic development. international journal of urban and regional research 23. (2): 365–378. ász 2011. jelentés a nemzeti fejlesztési terv végrehajtásának ellenőrzéséről. (report on the supervision of fulfillment of national development plan). budapest, állami számvevőszék, budapest, 2011. barro, r.j. and sala-i-martin, x. 1992. convergence. journal of political economy 2. 223–251 benedek, j. 2000. a társadalom térbelisége és térszervezése (spatial character and spatial arrangement of society). cluj-napoca, risoprint, 152 p. kocziszky, gy. 2010. mítosz és valóság: forrásbevonások hatása a regionális konvergenciára. (myth and reality: the impact of source acquisitions on the regional convergence). észak-magyarországi stratégiai füzetek 6. (2): 2l–45. lagendijk, a. 2001. three stories about regional salience. zeitschrift für wirtschaftsgeographie 3–4. 139–158. lovering, j. 1999. theory led by policy: the inadequacies of the „new regionalism” (illustrated from the case of wales). international journal of urban and regional research 23. (2): 379–395. mackinnon, d 2002. learning, innovation and regional development: a critical appraisal of recent debates. progress in human geography 26. (3): 293–311. p. kiss, g. and vadas, g. 2005. légy résen! az államháztartási egyenleg ciklikus igazítása. (be careful! cyclic correction of the equilibrium of the state budget). közgazdasági szemle 52. (2): 109–129. peck, j. 2000. places of work. in a companion to economic geography. eds. sheppard, e. and barnes, t.j., oxford, blackwell, 133–148. romer, p.m. 1986. increasing returns and long-run growths. journal of political economy 92. 1002–1037. rechnitzer, j. 1998. területi stratégiák (regional strategies). budapest–pécs, dialóg campus kiadó, 345 p. swyngedouw, e. 2000. elite power, global forces, and the political economy of «glocal development». in the oxford handbook of economic geography. eds. clark, g.l., feldmann, m.p. and gertler, m.s. oxford, oxford university press, 541–558. << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \050swop\051 v2) /srgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel 1.4 /compressobjects /tags /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /hun 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can be opened with acrobat and adobe reader 5.0 and later.) >> /namespace [ (adobe) (common) (1.0) ] /othernamespaces [ << /asreaderspreads false /cropimagestoframes true /errorcontrol /warnandcontinue /flattenerignorespreadoverrides false /includeguidesgrids false /includenonprinting false /includeslug false /namespace [ (adobe) (indesign) (4.0) ] /omitplacedbitmaps false /omitplacedeps false /omitplacedpdf false /simulateoverprint /legacy >> << /addbleedmarks false /addcolorbars false /addcropmarks false /addpageinfo false /addregmarks false /convertcolors /converttocmyk /destinationprofilename () /destinationprofileselector /documentcmyk /downsample16bitimages true /flattenerpreset << /presetselector /mediumresolution >> /formelements false /generatestructure false /includebookmarks false /includehyperlinks false /includeinteractive false /includelayers false /includeprofiles false /multimediahandling /useobjectsettings /namespace [ (adobe) (creativesuite) (2.0) ] /pdfxoutputintentprofileselector /documentcmyk /preserveediting true /untaggedcmykhandling /leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice kunc, j., križan, f., novotná, m., bilková, k., sikos, t.t., ilnicki, d. and wyeth, r.: thirty years of retail transformation in v4 countries 91book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 87–94.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.72.1.7 hungarian geographical bulletin 72 2023 (1) the economic and social turn that happened in the world economy from the beginning of the 1990s has brought significant changes for the post-socialist countries of east-central europe (ece). the regime change in 1989–1990 raised new challenges for the countries, while the effects of globalisation have become more and more apparent in the region. under these circumstances, the countries of ece had to transform their economic structures from planned to market-based economies, including the institutional system, the ownership of companies, foreign and trade policies, regulations, and sectoral reorganisation in industry, agriculture and even the retail sector in the given countries. several books and articles have dealt with the effects and process of regime change, some of which are summarising the performance of specific sectors. the recent book is an international collaboration of seven authors that aims to present recent developments in the retail industry in the visegrad countries. it is a niche scientific work, which gives an overview of four countries’ retail sector in the last 30 years, as only some short and mid-term reports (from e.g., euromonitor, gfk, fao, and different e-commerce reports) dealt with this issue previously, but no comprehensive analysis was made. the volume starts with a short introduction about the background of the analysis and the initial situation the countries started to develop from in the 1990s. in the authors’ opinion, “retail belonged to those economic sectors in which the transformation experienced a very dynamic and intensive development” (p. 7). the authors emphasise that both globalisation and internationalisation have made a huge impact on the development of retail stores in ece, especially after the change of their regimes at the beginning of the 1990s. big international supermarkets have appeared in every country but with different intensity, and they have significantly contributed to the changes in consumer behaviour. the book has a sum of 200 pages, from which – not considering literature – the chapters cover 171 pages. after the brief introduction, we get insight into four countries’ retail sector characteristics, and we can check the differences among them from the perspective of local researchers and in quite similar structure in each chapter. chapter 2 (by kunc, j. and križan, f.) takes the reader on a journey through the world of czech retail transformation from the beginning of the 1990s. the chapter starts with a brief historical background and gives a good interpretation of the following subchapters. it emphasises that the transformation in the retail sector of czechia (and the czech part of the former czechoslovakia) was quite significant. before 1990, the socialist regime and command economy regulations prevailed in the country. hence, the spatial distribution of stores did not reflect the purchasing power of inhabitants at different locations, and many cities suffered from insufficient services. the transformation was significant in both qualitative and quantitative terms. at the beginning of the 1930s, the number of stores was above 170,000 stores, which dropped until the end of wwii to nearly 82,000, and kept declining until 1989 to about 43,000. not only the number of stores but also the average sales area was quite small in comparison with western europe. during the regime change, the need for qualitative improvement was the most emphasised in the agglomerations of prague, brno, and ostrava. after 1990, two processes started parallel with each other: the opening of new private businesses and stores, and the privatisation of former state-owned properties. the reader can experience the main phases of transformation in the czech retail sector, noting that these are not fully separate from each other but rather parallel and overlaying processes. the early kunc, j., križan, f., novotná, m., bilková, k., sikos, t.t., ilnicki, d. and wyeth, r.: thirty years of retail transformation in v4 countries. warsaw, de gruyter poland, 2022. 200 p. 92 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 87–94. stage of transformation brought about atomisation, with privatisation and the number of stores doubling, which was followed by (or partly going along with) intensifying internationalisation with the stores of retail chains as tesco, lidl, and penny market entering the czech retail sector. the biggest wave of internationalisation happened between 1991–1998. until 2009 and thereafter, the czech retail sector experienced dynamic growth regarding the number of stores, sales area, and the number of employees, along with diversification. a special paragraph deals with the formation of networks and larger business units (supermarkets, discount stores, hypermarkets, and shopping centres) which developed mainly after 1995. the chapter ends with two summaries. the first one gives insight into retail activity in rural regions (mainly settlements with less than 500 inhabitants), and emphasises that government support programs were successful and not so many closures happened. the second summary is about retail parks that host individual economic units at a common location, and the creation of which is recently very intensive in the czech republic. (in 2020, 23 retail park projects were completed or expanded while 14 brand new retail parks were built). from my perspective, one of the most interesting parts deals with the diffusion of stores and scrutinises whether it was centralised diffusion (following the urban network’s hierarchy) or contact diffusion (as in the case of lidl). it is also interesting that the biggest wave of shopping centre openings took place between 2005 and 2008, following predominantly an out-of-centre policy and green and brownfield investments, reaching on average 5,000–20,000 m2 sales areas. the chapter ends with insights into the impacts of covid-19 on the sector and emphasises the emergence of e-commerce. chapter 3 (by križan, f. and bilková, k.) is dedicated to retail in slovakia and starts with the notion that a common feature of these post-socialist countries is that the transition to the market economy was not easy because of the lack of political, legal, and economic structures of the market economy. this is also true for slovakia, where the transformation of the retail sector was very intensive and both structural and functional changes happened. the chapter gives an overview of the process in three stages and presents a complete picture of the last nearly 80 years. after wwii, huge nationalisation started in the slovakian part of former czechoslovakia and privately owned retail units, making up almost 80 percent of the whole network in 1948, was fully nationalised until 1960. parallel with this and differently from czech areas, a small increase happened in the number of stores until 1989. but like the czech retail sector, the slovakian one experienced a low density of the retail network and small sales area per inhabitant, so the composition of business units was not ideal. in spatial terms, slovak retail concentrated in the towns and larger villages before privatisation. the authors guide the reader through the transformation process that started after 1989, when thousands of new retail units were opened, and the first hypermarket was settled in the country as a sign of globalisation. besides, a huge wave of privatisation started in the same period, resulting in the restructuring of retail sales. by 1998, more than 90% of the revenue concentrated in private sector companies. from the second half of the 1990s, globalisation became even stronger, which resulted in changing consumer behaviours and the spatial concentration of retail. a special paragraph deals with the formation of retail networks (supermarkets, discount stores, hypermarkets, and shopping centres), which in the case of czechia developed mainly after 1996 in terms of supermarkets and 1999 in terms of hypermarkets. an interesting fact in the chapter is that “only 13 percent of slovakia’s current shopping centres were opened before 2003” (p. 66). the biggest boom in shopping centres happened between 2006 and 2010, in the first years predominantly with greenfield, and later with brownfield investments, in most cases along an out-of-centre strategy, and with a sales area of 5,00020,000 sq. m on average (similarly to the czech case). the chapter presents the spatial diffusion of stores and notes that as an effect of globalisation, selected specialised stores has started to concentrate in space and this process is still lasting nowadays. the fourth and longest chapter (by sikos, t. t.) describes the transformation of the retail sector in hungary. it begins with explaining the historical background and shows that in 1940 only 27 percent of the country’s stores concentrated in the capital city budapest, but the share of budapest was 45 percent from employees and 60 percent from turnover, so the distribution of shopping-related indicators was not equal. the store creation process speeded up in the 1960s, together with an increase in the floor space of shops. most of the total turnover fell on state-owned shops, but the share of these radically decreased from 76.5 percent in 1952 to 62 percent in 1980 in favour of cooperative forms of ownership. the share of private turnover was extremely low before the regime change. after 1989, significant changes happened in hungary’s retail sector, as both a wave of privatisation occurred and foreign chains started to gain importance. the author mentions that the coop network was established in 1995 with 465 stores, which significantly contributed to the transformation of retail. the chapter also contains the major data about mergers and acquisitions (like in the case of auchan and cora stores), and a hierarchy of the factors affecting the players in food retail, which is a valuable piece of the analysis. the reader can scrutinize the transformation of sales channels through the figures in subchapter 4.6, which emphasises how hypermarkets, supermarkets, and discount stores are emerging instead of independent small shops. this transformation has 93book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 87–94. led to a concentration of retail turnover and stores, as “the 3 largest store chains has generated almost 40 percent of total gross sales in 2019. for nine retail chains, this value already accounts for about 4/5 of the national turnover (81%)” (p. 87). a significant and strong part of the chapter is a detailed overview of the spatial distribution of different shops and chains (i.e., tesco, lidl, spar, coop, cba). a spatial distribution map shows the location of shops and the major hotspots and cold spots for every type of shop. we can see which store is concentrated in budapest and its agglomeration, or in the major regional towns, and what kind of stores exist the spatial and economic peripheries.the next part of the chapter deeply examines the formation and character of shopping centres in hungary. the author distinguishes between 7 generations of shopping centres from 1976 until nowadays. in the case of budapest, the 10-year period of the third to sixth generations of shopping centres from 1996 to 2005 was the most intensive. for each generation, the reader can see some illustrative examples of the biggest shopping centres and their surroundings in the urban space.the last major section of the chapter deals with the effects of the covid-19 pandemic on the retail sector, which gives deep insight into the impacts of this shock. the author emphasis that in hungary, just like elsewhere, “the customers’ behaviour has changed as a result of the spread of the virus (panic buying, changing product preferences, and later revenge shopping)” (p. 116). the chapter illustrates different forms of habit change in various periods of crisis (before the pandemic, restrictions, vaccinations, and the end of the pandemic). the fifth chapter (by ilnicki, d. and wyeth, r.) presents the characteristics of the retail sector in poland. after a brief introduction to the theory of retail research, the chapter presents the stages of retail development in poland. in the era of a centrally controlled economy before the regime change, the absolute number of retail outlets increased significantly, by four times from 1950 to 1990, and the population per outlet decreased seriously. after the transformation, there was a fourfold increase in the number of stores due to the economic reforms of the polish government. a short description of these reforms is a strength of the chapter (e.g., antimonopoly act, a new housing law, amendment of acts like acts on cooperatives). the reader can observe the importance of urban agglomerations and voivodeships (the highestlevel administrative divisions in poland) concentrating a large population, as here the number of stores is also the highest. the chapter illuminates spatial disparities between urban agglomerations and peripheral regions, as the “number of residents per store in 1998 varies on average to 68 in urban areas and 145 in rural areas” (p. 134). the chapter goes on to discuss the current situation and shows that, although the number of stores significantly decreased from 2000 to 2020, the average store area per retail unit has increased a lot in the same period. parallel with this, the number of supermarkets and hypermarkets has increased, as it is presented in the subchapter on the chain structure of the polish retail sector. an interesting part of this section is the analysis of maps on the spatial distribution of hypermarkets and supermarkets, which identify hot spots in the polish landscape, with the highest concentrations in the most populous cities and towns. until 2020, the polish cities and communes (on lau1 level) showed clear west–east differences in the number of supermarkets per 10,000 residents and indicated a strong trend of concentration after 2010. we can observe a similar evolution of shopping centres as in the other three visegrad countries, but the case of poland is different in terms of having three intensive periods of shopping centre construction projects (1998–2001, 2008, 2014) with different intensities. the most typical shopping centres are those within a size range of 5,000–19,999 sq. m. probably the most “colourful” part of the chapter for the readers are the case studies of large-format retail chains like tesco, kaufland, lidl, dino, netto and intermarche, which predominantly show uneven geographical concentration along the west–east axis. the concrete examples of different stores provide apprehensible clues for interpreting the spatial distribution of the retail sector in poland. the conclusion of the chapter gives a detailed overview of the chapter’s content, which highlights the essence of the retail sector’s transformation in poland. chapter 6 (by kunc, j. and križan, f.) is a quasioverview of the whole region’s retail transformation. it summarises the main consequences of the process while giving a complex view of the sector. it is one of the most valuable descriptions for comparing different dynamics in the v4 countries. although it is only 7 pages, it contains critical information. the authors emphasise that retail in the v4 has changed a lot in the past three decades, which has resulted in the functional and spatial transformation of the retail network. successful privatisation and internationalisation happened in the whole area, and new large-space retail stores have entered these countries. however, the types of retail markets are different in each country, including “all-embracing internationalised retail markets in poland and hungary; an intermediate stage in the czech republic, and partly internationalised retail markets in slovakia” (p. 167). besides external internationalisation, internal internationalisation within the visegrad group has taken place. globalisation has affected in the four countries not only the shopping centres (mainly resulting in the concentration of centres with an average area of 5,000–10,000 sq. m) but also the consumer behaviour. although the transformation can be evaluated as successful, the average space of retail facilities is much 94 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 87–94. below the western european average. the covid-19 pandemic has brought about an increase in online purchases and the use of ict tools, so the transformation of the retail sector will not stop in the future. the book aims to provide a comprehensive insight into the visegrad countries’ retail sector transformation that started after the regime change and shows the case of the four countries. the theoretical and practical usefulness of the book is unquestionable. for easier understanding and transparency, the whole book uses self-edited figures, maps, and tables, which give an illustrative picture of the topic. it contains important scientific findings for specialists dealing with territorial analysis and the retail industry, both nationally and internationally. the book is a good, easy-to-consume and enjoyable piece for the readers. i would recommend it to anyone with an interest in retail industries, including readers outside the academic sector. dóra szendi1 1 university of miskolc, faculty of economics, institute of world and regional economics, miskolc, hungary. e-mail: dora.szendi@uni-miskolc.hu mailto:dora.szendi@uni-miskolc.hu dóra szendi: kunc, j., križan, f., novotná, m., bilková, k., sikos, t.t., ilnicki, d. and wyeth, r.: thirty years of retail transformation in v4 countries. warsaw, de gruyter poland, 2022. 200 p. lóczy, d., stankoviansky, m. and kotarba, a. (eds): recent landform evolution. the carpatho-balkan-dinaric region 178 lóczy, d., stankoviansky, m. and kotarba, a. (eds): recent landform evolution. the carpatho-balkan-dinaric region. springer geography, dordrecht, 2012. 460 p. present day geomorphologic processes have special interest in physical geographic research. the continuously growing knowledge on landscape formation is the basis of a successful spatial planning. each country needs exact data on surface morphology and particularly on surface processes to manage the environmental resources and problems. the whole surface of earth is always changing due to the results of diff erent landform evolution events, accordingly both draft and detailed description of surface formation and its related processes are complicated and they are basically scale-dependent. this monograph published as part of the springer geography series solves that problem by outlining the development directions of the surface of the study site. as it was also emphasized by the editors, the study area boundaries are not ordinary ones since they follow physical borders on one place and political borders on the other. this unusual location and shape of the research area are the results of some former cooperation among the national research groups of the region. the volume can be interpreted as a late outcome of the carpatho-balkanic geomorphological commission and the international association of geomorphologists carpatho-balkan-dinaric regional working group. the cooperation within the framework of the mentioned groups has long traditions. lóczy, d. the recent president, highlighted the importance of the collection of national investigations on geomorphology. the volume contains three main parts. part i is a general description of the main environmental circumstances of the region, however, the actual boundaries are hardly comparable with those drown from a physical point of view. four chapters highlight the role of the most important factors in recent land formation, namely geology, climate, rivers and land cover/use. in subchapter “geology” and “rivers” the text division follows the spatial units of the region, while the others focus on separate parameters of climate (i.e. zonation, temperature, precipitation etc.) and the processes of land use (change). the second part is a collection of national studies on surface formation. that part accounts for nearly 90% of the whole volume. altogether 11 countries (bulgaria, croatia, czech republic, 179 hungary, macedonia, poland, romania, slovakia, slovenia, serbia and ukraine) present their results excluding austria. the editors made eff orts to uniform at least the structure of the studies, but because of the mentioned diff erences between political and natural borders, the chapters are varied. the general national chapter begins with an abstract followed by the introduction focusing on the historical presentation of investigations. the authors discuss the most important landscape forming processes in individual subchapters step by step according to their country att ributes and traditions. in some cases the classifi cation and description of the landforms are the basis of the study structure. each subchapter is compiled by one or two geomorphologic expert on the topic; accordingly every single subchapter is independent from each other. most of the country studies have a separate subchapter on soil erosion, fl uvial landscape formation, eolian, periglacial and karst processes and mass movements. unfortunately, the list of contents contains only the main titles of the national chapters while the subtitles can only be found in the text. the roles of biological and especially human impact on surface formation are emphasized to diff erent degrees in the separate country reports. for instance, in the hungarian chapter that part concentrates on mining and does not underline the infl uence of agriculture and infrastructure development, however, they have critical importance. broadly speaking, the approach of the studies is mainly descriptive; the authors let the reader to conclude the results of the facts. that kind of presentation is very good for experts and researchers but for students, further interpretation would be needed in some cases. furthermore, the monograph exceeds 480 pages in present form, so additional information could reduce its usability. the third part is the conclusion but it doesn’t contain any general conclusions in a usual way. instead, the editors briefl y summarise the history of the above mentioned cooperation and discuss the traditions and research directions of the diff erent schools and countries. traditional diff erences and high diversity of the region cause the hard comparability of the results and the lack of a general conclusion. although i did not fi nd the price of the monograph printed in the volume, copies for around 180 usd are available on the web. that cost sounds badly for an average hungarian undergraduate and even a researcher of our region considering buying a copy. i presume that the copies of public libraries will be very popular. i fully agree with the editors who emphasize that the most important achievement of the monograph is the revelation of the signifi cance of “mutual learning starting with the unifi cation of terminology and fi nishing with the creation of international teams in thematic research”. i believe that this volume is not only a useful resource for today and future geomorphologists of the region but could be a basic work for everyone who is interested in physical geography. gergely jakab in memoriam györgy enyedi (1930–2012) 270 in memoriam györgy enyedi (1930–2012) professor györgy enyedi, aged 82, member and former vice-president of the hungarian academy of sciences, distinguished scholar of the community of geographers passed away on 10 september 2012. györgy enyedi was one of the most infl uential hungarian geographers of the last half a century. he has been the voice and the face of hungarian geography in the worldwide community of geographers for many decades due to the quality of his own work, but also on his untiring eff orts at maintaining wide-range of international academic contacts. born in budapest on 28th of august 1930, he graduated from the budapest university of economics in 1953. he was one of those few students in economics who could specialise in economic geography and regional development. aft er graduating he got a lecturer position at his university which was followed by a post at the university of agriculture in gödöllő where he was assistant professor until 1960. in the fi rst part of his academic career his scientifi c interest focused mostly on regional problems of hungarian and world agriculture. in 1960 he became researcher of the geographical research institute, hungarian academy of sciences, where he was appointed deputy director in 1962. with the change his research gained a new dimension in that socio-economic issues of the development of rural areas became the centre of his interest. his studies revealed many of the negative consequences of state-socialist modernisation in the hungarian sett lement system and more specifi cally in rural areas. he was always an ‘integral’ geographer who followed and integrated the results of other social sciences. this helped him to become the ‘father’ of hungarian regional science in the 1980s. in this capacity he founded an interdisciplinary research institute specialised in regional science, the centre for regional studies, hungarian academy of sciences in 1984. he was the director of the institute until 1991. working together with economists, sociologists, geographers, lawyers and representatives of other disciplines he proved again his extraordinary capacities and skills in team building. during the last two decades his scientifi c interest turned towards the socio-spatial aspects of urbanisation and urban development at the global and local scale. enyedi’s intellectual legacy extends well beyond geography also through his writings. during his academic career he was the author of nearly 700 scientifi c publications, authored and edited 45 books, among them hungary – an economic geography. boulder, 271 westview (1976); the eff ect of modern agriculture on rural development. new york, pergamon (1982); environmental policies in east and west. london, taylor graham (1987); budapest – a central european capital. london, belhaven, (1992, with viktória szirmai); social changes and urban restructuring in central europe. budapest, akadémiai kiadó (1998). he was editor-inchief of the series geography of world agriculture (9 volumes between 1972 and1984). he founded the journal tér és társadalom (space and society) in 1987 and he has been the chairman of its editorial board ever since. he acted as editor in chief of the journal magyar tudomány (hungarian science) and he was honorary editor-in-chief of our journal, the hungarian geographical bulletin. he left his imprint on the academic literature of human geography and regional science forever. györgy enyedi played an outstanding role in connecting hungarian geography with the international mainstream of our discipline. in 1966 he spent a year in berkeley (us) with the scholarship of the ford foundation. between 1972 and 1984 he was chairman of the commission of rural development of the international geographical union (igu). he organised and att ended several international conferences and published great number of papers in top quality scientifi c journals. this was the period when his work became internationally known and renowned. in 1984 the union’s general assembly elected him – against the candidate nominated by the hungarian national committ ee – vice president of the igu and he served two terms until 1992. in august 2008 at the 31st congress of the international geographical union in tunis he received the highest recognition by the igu the laureat d’honneur. during his creative and successful career he built wide range of scientifi c contacts in geography and beyond all around the world, and he helped and encouraged his younger colleagues for international collaborations. both as a colleague and as a mentor he has touched the professional lives of many geographers across the world. he was always able to see the forest even when engaged in among the trees, in this respect he became the ideal for many of us. enyedi’s wide-ranging scientifi c work and accomplishment received a lot of recognitions and awards at home and abroad. he became corresponding member of the hungarian academy of sciences in 1982 and full member in 1990. he was vice-president of the hungarian academy of sciences between 1999 and 2002. he became member of the academia europaea in london in 1990. enyedi was elected honorary member of the finnish geographical society (1978), the polish geographical society (1981), the french geographical society (1982), the royal geographical society, london (1983), the hungarian geographical society (1985), and the croatian geographical society (1995). professor enyedi lived most of his life throughout the exciting but otherwise troublesome 20th century, with world war, revolutions, oppression and systemic changes. what helped him to cope with all the diffi culties in his professional and personal life was his extraordinary sense of humour. he was always able to cheer up his surrounding, even in the middle of the most boring committ ee meetings. despite his infl uential positions he never behaved pompous and self-important manner. typical of him, we were never allowed to address him professor, or even györgy, but simply gyurka, what was his well-known nickname among hungarian geographers and social scientist independently from age or position. the hungarian human geography lost its outstanding representative who gained worldwide acknowledgements and who formed the view of generations of hungarian geographers. with his work professor enyedi made an indelible contribution to the development of hungarian human geography and the international recognition of our discipline. we geographers lost an extraordinary colleague and a great friend. zoltán kovács in memoriam armando montanari (1946–2023) 203book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 193–199. armando montanari, true to the substance of his profession, geography, was an integrative person. he had great merits in the internationalization of italian geography, pulling down the wall that once separated eastern and western european science, in supporting hungarian human geographers. his bow tie, a constant element of his attire, was in itself an expression of elegance, of the generosity and broadly interpreted europeanism that was a defining part of his personality. since he lived and worked in vienna and brussels for certain periods, he could communicate fluently in english, french and german, but he had an excellent understanding not only of the languages but also of the spirits. his life was as colourful as his personality. in addition to his academic career, he also worked as a consultant. he often appeared in the position of a researcher, professor, manager, science ambassador and project leader all at the same time. he performed all his jobs as if he was born to do them. he started his career in 1973 in the administration of the latium region, later he worked at the ministry of planning and public works, the ministry of education as a consultant in the field of urban and regional planning, tourism, and science dissemination. professor montanari committed himself to higher education in 1975, when he became lecturer on economics of urban conservation at iccrom (international centre for conservation, rome). between 1998 and 2007 he worked as professor of economic geography of tourism, urban economics, tourism and local development, tourism and global changes at university g. d’annunzio, pescara. in 2007 he became professor at sapienza rome university, department of european american and intercultural studies. in 2015 he became the president of the university programme on tourism sciences. professor montanari actively contributed to the work of several international organizations: 1978–1983 he was scientific secretary at the international council for social sciences, european coordination centre for research and documentation in social sciences, vienna; 1993–1998 he was member of the board of directors and president at european environmental council, brussels. armando montanari supported intensively the cross-border collaboration of european geographers, he was secretary general (1998–2002) and vice president (2002–2012) of the association of european geographical societies (eugeo). tourism and migration studies were in the focus of his academic interest, in both fields he achieved recognition. he had a particular interest in gastronomy and research into local products serving for regional development. although he spent most of his time in in memoriam armando montanari (1946–2023) rome, his heart rooted not only in the italian capital, but also in the abruzzo region, especially pescara. he coordinated a large number of international projects, and his list of publications is also impressive, nevertheless, his main merit can be linked to international academic relations. he founded the commission of the international geographical union (igu) on global change and human mobility (globility) in 2000, which he chaired from 2000 to 2012. he involved and integrated 150 researchers from nearly 50 countries in the globility’s “family”, organising and implementing a series of international scientific conferences and related field trips all over the world. he made lifelong friendship with hungarian human geographers before the change of regime, among them academician györgy enyedi (1930–2012) and his research team while he was staying in vienna (austria). he maintained intensive work connection with the department of the late professor istván sülizakar (1945–2017) from the university of debrecen. thanks to this cooperation, hungarian phd students and young researchers were provided an opportunity to integrate into the international community of geographers. this issue of the hungarian geographical bulletin is dedicated to armando montanari. his memory will be preserved forever. gábor michalkó chronicle – hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 201–203. hungarian geographical bulletin vol 72 issue 2 203 (2023) gábor michalkó: in memoriam armando montanari (1946–2023) report on the eugeo 2011 congress and the rgs-ibg annual conference 81 c h r o n i c l e hungarian geographical bulletin 61 (1) (2012) pp. 81–87. report on the eugeo 2011 congress and the rgs-ibg annual conference london, august 30 – september 2, 2011 the turn of august and september of 2011 off ered a unique opportunity for european geographers: the conferences of eugeo and the british royal geographical society were held together in london. this meant that more than 1400 professionals gathered together to discuss their ideas and most recent researches. the conferences took place at two nearby locations: the rgs-ibg building and imperial college. eugeo is the society of european geographical societies with members from 21 countries. this year’s congress was the third – following the ones in amsterdam and bratislava. the scientifi c program of the congress started on tuesday, august 30 but the day before a study tour was organized in london. as a part of the scientifi c program more registration desk at the rgs-ibg building 82 than 20 sessions, 6 plenary lectures and a poster session took place on august 30 and 31. the overall number of presenters was nearly 200. this year’s conference had three key topics: sustainability and environment; people, politics and place; and new world, new europe. within these topics the climate change and its consequences and the related risks got special att ention. the plenary lectures covered wide ranges of geographical knowledge. for example merje kuus from the university of british columbia analyzed the role of symbolic capital in the everyday work of the european union showing that there is still an east-west divide among experts and decision makers. peter mehlbye, on behalf of espon presented the new trends and problems of european territorial dynamics. he stressed that the competitiveness depends greatly on global cities and metropolitan regions but because of the importance of connectivity rural areas can integrate into the global economy as well. boleslaw domanski from jagiellonian university, poland introduced the mechanisms and patt erns of local and regional development in the post-socialist european countries using an evolutionary perspective. a very stimulating roundtable discussion dealt with “open” geographic information. hungarian geography was represented by nearly 20 researchers with eight presentations showing the versatility of hungarian research topics. for example károly kocsis (university of miskolc and has geographical research institute) discussed the questions related to ethnic identity and territorial autonomy in carpatho-pannonian region. viktória blanka (university of szeged) analyzed the consequences of the extremely humid year of 2010 in hungary. lajos boros (university of szeged) showed what kinds of consequences the extreme weather conditions might have on most deprived social groups. gábor hegedűs (university of szeged) introduced the socio-spatial eff ects of gated communities in hungary, while gábor dudás and péter pernyész (university of szeged) analyzed the spatial characteristics of the changing airline industry and its eff ects on the hierarchy of world cities. zoltán kovács (university of szeged) chaired the session on “governance and geo-economics”. the rgs-ibg conference had 318 sessions with more than 1200 presentations in them. these impressive numbers demonstrate that the meeting is one of the most important geographical conferences in europe. when the event started on august 31 there was a one day overlap with eugeo congress. the key theme of the meeting was the “geographical imagination” which meant that a lot of presentations analyzed how we see and understand the world around us – and how we represent it. peter hulme from the university of essex explored how artists, writers and geographers have imagined cuba and its relations with the united states. some sessions focused on changing urban and rural landscapes emphasizing the role of geographical imagination. but several sessions and lectures dealt with the forms of imagination in physical geography or cartography. steven wainwright (brunel university) analyzed scientifi c writings to show the role of geographical imagination in relation to hydrography. out-migration and returning migration were also discussed extensively, focusing not on only the socio-spatial characteristics of these processes but their narratives as well. thilo lang and robert nadler (leibnitz institute for regional studies, leipzig) presented the theoretical and methodological framework of an extensive research about returning migration into the post-socialist countries. a few presentations analyzed the narratives of refugee (re-)migration and the imaginations of migration as well. maybe the most anticipated lecture was jamie peck’s one, entitled “beyond the neoliberal zombieland” in which he presented the nature of neoliberalism claiming that despite the recent crisis its logic and functioning haven’t really changed. according to peck, 83 book exhibition at the rgs-ibg building jamie peck during his presentation 84 neoliberalism acts and looks just like zombies: it does not react to communication and is very tenacious, wants the brain (mind) of the living and its appearance is disheveled. he also analyzed the emergent, latin american notion of “post-neoliberalism” and the possible politics related to it. as usual, a book and journal exhibition with the presence of the most infl uential publishing companies enriched the two events, too. the exhibitors off ered their latest textbooks and journals which also helped to get familiar with the latest research trends and results. the two meetings were both extremely inspiring and thematically rich. the joint organization gave an exceptional opportunity for networking and gathering new impulses. the next eugeo congress will be held in rome in 2013 while the rgs-ibg annual meeting will be in edinburgh in early july of 2012. lajos boros report on the 100th anniversary of the establishment of the economic and social geography section of the hungarian geographical society the economic and social geography section of the hungarian geographical society (hgs) celebrated the 100th anniversary of its foundation on 12 january 2012. the oldest section of the 140-year-old association (hga) was founded on 11 january 1912 under the name ‘economic geography section’. 27 persons participated the inaugural meeting including the élite of the hungarian geography such as lajos lóczy and count pál teleki. hundred years later as a result of the eff orts of hga, the section and the department of social and economic geography of elte university, a program of high standard was organized to celebrate the anniversary. about 80 persons from diff erent parts of the country came together on lágymányos campus of elte. the commemoration was opened by józsef szabó, the president of hgs and was followed by mária szabó, the head of institute for earth sciences and geography of eötvös loránd university who greeted the audience. the program continued with scientifi c presentations consisted of two parts (according to the purpose of the organizers). first, presentations on the history and the establishment of the section were held, then the representatives of the contemporary hungarian geography presented shortly the past, the present and the signifi cance of the main disciplines of the hungarian human geography. the fi rst part started with patrik tátrai’s presentation on the history of the section from its foundation up to the present. aft er that zoltán dövényi delineated the details (e.g. participants, background information) of the inaugural meeting. the second part began with róbert győri’s presentation (read by márton czirfusz as the author could not participate) on the history and the main schools of the hungarian economic geography. the following presenter was józsef tóth who tried to systematize and group the various research fi elds of population geography mainly through presenting scientifi c books and publications. the rich history of the hungarian urban geography was overviewed by pál beluszky. later istván berényi outlined the history of the hungarian and the german social 7_book reviews.indd 97book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 93–101. reading the title of the book, we think about streams in a new geological epoch, their geomorphological description or their role in our life. this book is much more than a simple introduction, it is a summary of the first results of the “rivers of the anthropocene (roa) network” project, established in 2013. the main idea that is followed throughout the entire book is human modification of the riverine environment (or river scape) to the extent that it became irreversible. following a detailed historical overview of literature on human transformation of nature in general, citing well-known 19th and 20th century scientists, the authors emphasise the profound impacts of human activities on rivers during the past 250 years. such impacts were induced by global population growth, the increased utilisation of fossil fuels, commercial activities extending over the whole world, and industrial processes, the production of chemicals, which have combined to lead to serious environmental consequences worldwide. such consequences embrace, for instance, the decline of native species and, in parallel, the introduction of exotics as well as transformations in the chemistry and ecology of rivers caused by emissions from agriculture and industry practiced on the catchments. land drainage, river channelisation and impoundment, and wetlands development have also altered habitats and stressed ecosystems. in the background of all this is the human hubris, the thesis that humanity can control nature and have power over natural phenomena. in the authors’ opinion, even if humanity could abandon this way of thinking, it would be already too late to get back to the old picture since a new, modified era that we call anthropocene has already started. it is not just about environmental pollution, it is about changing the natural elements, like building dams and controlling rivers to the extent that the river’s self-purification capacity is overstrained. people are not aware of the depletion of freshwater resources while 80 per cent of the world’s population lacks healthy drinking water. the project’s main objective is to make people realise the importance of rivers and their sustainable use in the future. it was a very good idea to involve, in addition to natural scientists and engineers, also experts in other areas like social sciences in the writing of the book. even artists, policy makers, and community organisers can have their contribution to the discussion across disciplinary and professional boundaries about the relationships between humans and their riverine environments. this is an important aspect because, as the authors explain in the book, there is not just one view of the anthropocene, but there are many. each layer of the population sees the epoch in a different way, and all the different opinions are considered relevant and important. the original proposal for this book derived from jason m. kelly, director of the arts and humanities institute and associate professor of history at indiana university–purdue university indianapolis and comprised two tasks to accomplish in the book: to recognise and diagnose the environmental pressures by using methods applied in natural sciences and engineering, and then to analyse the conditions that lead to them through approaches common in social sciences and humanities. it was hoped that transdisciplinary collaboration would allow the elimination of bad practices and bad decisions. it seems that progress towards the anthropocene is an irreversible and negative process that only brings bad outcomes. the authors refute this statement, for instance, through presenting the investigation of the singapore river, a futuristic engineering project for island water with promising results for the future. in addition, authors deal with the ethiopian blue nile basin, the english fenlands, the seine basin and the chicago river. the chapter on the english fenlands is of particular geomorphological interest. it presents an anthropogenic topography, the system of roddons, sediment bodies kelly, j.m., scarpino, p., berry, h., syvitski, j. and meybeck, m. (eds.): rivers of the anthropocene. oakland, university of california press. 2017. 240 p. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.68.1.8 hungarian geographical bulletin 68 2019 (1) 98 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 93–101. formed under the conditions of the holocene, through differential compaction following draining. now it is an anthropocene landscape with inverted topography, as winding ridges rise 2 m higher than the surrounding clay surface. in the fenlands they constitute the only higher ground, where local farmhouses are built. the chapter on the blue nile in ethiopia is particularly interesting for its societal aspects. today no more than 5 per cent of water resources are utilised in ethiopia. this explains that dam construction is on the rise. the proposed intensive use of the largest tributary to the nile affects conflicting political and economic interests of egypt and sudan and calls for agreements on transboundary management. with regard to climate change infrastructure developments seem legitimate. however, irrigation projects do not necessarily decreased vulnerability to floods and droughts, especially if marginal groups of the population are considered. the large-scale projects underway may enhance existing inequalities. this is a typical example of the socio-economic implications of changes that the anthropocene brings about. the roa project, which is aimed at improving the riverine environment, does not only comprise a theory, but also practical implementation. each component has a software which depicts the river’s conditions and geomorphological attributes. the first model is elaborated for the river tyne in north england. a main issue to decide is when we should regard a river damaged, from which state the natural river scape cannot be restored. the methodology used here assesses the status of the river in the light of the provision of ecosystem services. the methodology is designed to be applicable worldwide for other medium-sized temperate rivers. in the background of the methods proposed two ‘classical’ approaches can be detected: conservation-based management and design with nature. with respect to river restoration it is necessary to ask the question: what can we call a natural river scape? to give a precise answer is not easy, for at least two reasons. firstly, there is no consensus about what are the reference conditions typical of a river in natural or semi-natural state. for instance, the vision of an ‘ideal meandering form’ was the widely accepted reference condition for restoration efforts in the river scapes of the united states. before european settlement, however, anabranching systems transporting cohesive sediments in forested and swampy landscapes were the reality. secondly, it is not agreed upon how to assess the fragmentation of catchments, which usually makes effective ecological restoration difficult. a key concept here is catchment connectivity, i.e. the unhindered communication between the main channel, the side-channels and oxbow lakes in the floodplain. it is very hard to change back the river to its natural state, because for restoration the scientists should know river hydrology, hydraulics, geomorphology, ecology, and have to be sure that they will not cause more damage than benefit – as it has happened, for instance, with floodplains in hungary. as a consequence of the river regulations of tisza river, the country has lost most of its floodplains, marshes and swamps. to protect the remaining ones, we need to have much information on habitats, animals and plants living there. back to the roa’s method, the help of the google earth or other virtual globe complements our knowledge which is necessary on the river (for example: fishing, timber, water supply, water quality control), we will have an output that represents these attributes with numerical data. through google earth this information can reach people who badly need this knowledge: local residents and the policy makers. towards the end of the book a most interesting method is described and can be wholeheartedly recommended for use in hungary. the essence of this method is to show people how they have to protect the riverine environment. the first model is the white river. it is common to have all the streets waterlogged in the settlements of hungary after major rainfalls. people don’t know that this is waste of freshwater vital for living. how can we show them this importance? the flow (can you see the river?) is a project of the call framework in which they built a 6-mile-long path from the indianapolis museum of art to white river state park. there are a few stations on this path, where people can learn about the infrastructure of the river, its history and ecology, and if they want to know more, there is a chance to access the webpage. at the stations there are big mirrors made from stainless steel, signed with a lot of red dots on its surface with their descriptions. looking at the mirrors from different angles, the dots show the visitors different pieces of information on the river, this way they can see themselves in the mirror in relation to the river. the indianapolis museum of art also has a walkable map with the size of 40 m2, where visitors can find their home, workplace, locations, so they can learn about their relation to the river. the project already got a lot of positive feedback from people who said they had not known much about the river’s importance until they learnt about this project. summarising the roa project’s first result, this is a very profound work to make people realise how important the rivers around us are. although the authors naturally cannot achieve fundamental changes in the world with their book, but this is an excellent initiative to spread useful thoughts and methods across the world, to reach the people of anthropocene. bernadett markovics1 1 earth sciences doctoral school, university of pécs, pécs, hungary. e-mail: mbetta@gamma.ttk.pte.hu. 1_micheli_et al.indd 109michéli, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 109–117.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.68.2.1 hungarian geographical bulletin 68 2019 (2) 109–117. introduction in the past few decades the understanding of the global nature of environmental problems created a need for international, harmonized maps and database. the long-term target is a global classification system (hempel, j. et al. 2013; michéli, e. et al. 2016; hughes, p. et al. 2017), however, for the time being, correlation of the units of national systems is essential. most international databases, maps and related publications, including the european soil database (esdb) (panagos, p. 2006) and the soil atlas of europe (jones, a. et al. 2005) are based on the world reference base for soil resources, the accepted correlation tool for soil scientists (iuss working group wrb, 2006). since most systems have their own principles and definitions, simple one to one translation of national units to the wrb is not possible. generally, reclassification of original data, expert knowledge and, or pedometric applications (mostly taxonomic distance calculations) are applied for the correlation (minasny, b. et al. 2009; láng, v. et al. 2010). the traditional genetic-based hungarian soil classification system (hscs) was elaborated during the 1960s. the concept and the units were developed before sufficient data and modern data processing tools became available. the 39 soil types were defined as group of soils developed under similar soil forming factors and processes, resulting in similar morphogenetic properties the soil types of the modernized, diagnostic based hungarian soil classification system and their correlation with the world reference base for soil resources erika michéli1, ádám csorba1, tamás szegi1, endre dobos2 and márta fuchs1 abstract the traditional genetic-based hungarian soil classification system (hscs) was elaborated during the 1960s. the concept and the units were developed before sufficient data and modern data processing tools became available. the 39 soil types were defined as group of soils developed under similar soil forming factors and processes, resulting in similar morphogenetic properties. the allocation of soils in the system included some subjective elements, even with substantial knowledge and experience of the classifier. the modernized “diagnostic” system was developed based on the accumulated data and experiences with the genetic system as well on the application of new pedometric tools. the definitions and limits of the diagnostic categories (horizons and properties) correspond with the world reference base for soil resources (wrb), but are not identical, they are much simpler, and adopted for the environmental setting of the carpathian basin. the 15 soil types (central units) are defined by the newly introduced classification key, based on diagnostic criteria, assuring a more objective result of the classification process. this paper is presenting the rational of the diagnostic system, gives a summary description of the 15 new soil types and discusses the successful correlation with the (wrb). keywords: soil classification, genetic approach, diagnostic approach, world reference base for soil resources (wrb), correlation 1 department of soil science and agrochemistry. szent istván university, h-2100 gödöllő, páter k. u. 1. e-mails: micheli.erika@mkk.szie.hu, csorba.adam@mkk.szie.hu; szegi.tamas@mkk.szie.hu, fuchs.marta@mkk.szie.hu 2 institute of geography and geoinformatics, university of miskolc. h-3515 miskolc, egyetemváros. e-mail: ecodobos@uni-miskolc.hu michéli, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 109–117.110 (stefanovits, p. 1963; szabolcs, i. 1966). the allocation of soils in the system included some subjective elements even with substantial knowledge and experience of the classifier. michéli, e. et al. (2006) reported also correlation problems of certain units with international standards. the modernized “diagnostic” system was developed based on the accumulated data and experiences with the genetic system as well on applications of new pedometric tools (fuchs, m. et al. 2011; láng, v. et al. 2013; michéli, e. et al. 2014). the definitions and limits of the diagnostic categories (horizons, properties and materials) are based on stronger and numerical criteria than the previous system. although the categories are not identical with, but most of them correspond with the world reference base for soil resources (wrb) (iuss working group wrb, 2015). furthermore, the definitions are, much simpler (as simplicity was among the principles of the modernization) and adopted for the environmental setting of the carpathian basin. the new 15 soil types are defined by the newly introduced classification key, based on the diagnostic criteria, assuring a more objective result of the classification and correlation processes (michéli, e. et al. 2014). in this paper we provide and discuss the correlated wrb units for the soil types of the modernized, diagnostic-based hungarian soil classification system to help better communication and data exchange on international forums. materials and methods the methods of the modernization efforts of the hungarian soil classification system included: linking the processes to diagnostics (michéli, e. et al. 2011), review and pedometric evaluation of the taxonomic relationships of the genetically defined units (fuchs, m. et al. 2011; láng, v. et al. 2013), the development of the new central units (15 soil types), the development of the classification key, and the definition of the methodology to derive the lower level (subtype and variety) units. the 15 new soil types are the result of merging similar genetic soil types and introducing new soil types, not existing in the genetic system (michéli, e. et al. 2014). the current official correlation system and the tool for development of harmonized soil information products is the wrb 3rd edition (iuss working group wrb, 2015). on the highest level 32 reference soil groups (rsg) are distinguished and defined by the key, based on the required diagnostic criteria. the rsg level was applied for the correlation of the hscs soil types. the lower level combinations with the qualifiers are countless and are not in the scope of the present paper. for the definition of the correlated hscs soil types with the wrb rsgs, simple reviews, expert knowledge and in some cases pedometric tools were applied (láng, v. et al. 2010; michéli, e. et al. 2016). results and discussion the simplified classification key for the 15 soil types and the most likely correlated wrb rsgs are given in figure 1. (the hscs soil type names are written in bold.) for the correlated wrb rsgs the most likely correlated unit is given. additional less common options are given in bracket. short discussion for the correlation of each soil type is coming below. peat soils peat soils of hungary are organic soils that commonly developed in local water-logged depressions. as a result of long-term water saturation undecomposed or partially decomposed biomass of the wetland habitats has been accumulated. in higher altitude locations, with cool climate, the peat material may consist of undecomposed moss fibres. the defined thickness (≥ 40 cm), depth (starts from 40 cm from the surface) and organic carbon content (oc ≥ 20%) are criteria of the organic layer(s), provide easy correlation with the wrb histosols. peats overlying ice, or 111michéli, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 109–117. fig. 1. the simplified classification key for the 15 soil types of the modernized, diagnostic based hscs and the most likely correlated wrb (2015) rsgs. michéli, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 109–117.112 continuous hard rock are not documented in hungary, hence such situations are not part of the definition of peat soils and have no relevance for correlation with the wrb shallow histosol options (criterion 1. in the wrb key). anthropogenic soils the group of anthropogenic soils is a newly introduced soil type in the modernized hscs. the soil type combines soils under intensive anthropogenic influence that resulted in the admixture of organic/mineral materials (> 20%), in the formation of new soil horizons/ layers, or in the transformation/alteration of the original soil horizons within 100 cm from the soil surface. the hscs anthropogenic soils may correlate with the anthrosols and/or technosols reference soil groups of wrb. the precise correlation, however, is only possible with the application of the qualifiers in both systems (eg. terric, linic etc.). farsang, a. et al. (2015) contributed to the development of the concept and definitions of the anthropogenic soils. since these soils were not part of the traditional hungarian system, experiences with application are limited. shallow rocky soils typical soils of the steep, highly eroded surfaces of mountainous regions of hungary, where continuous hard rock is starting ≤ 10 cm from the soil surface, and rock outcrops are common. the depth criteria provide a one-to-one correlation with lithic or nudilithic “versions” of the wrb leptosols. since these soils occupy less than 0.5 per cent of the country it is considered to combine them with the lithogenic soils of the hscs. lithogenic soils lithogenic soils include the rendzinas, rankers and erubase soils of the former genetic system (stefanovits, p. 1963), in which no specific depth criteria are defined. the modified definition of these shallow, rocky soils fully corresponds with the wrb leptosols definition (having continuous hard rock, starting ≤ 25 cm from the soil surface; or high amount of coarse fragments (fine earth < 20%) over a depth to 75 cm or to the bedrock). the traditional names are preserved on the lower level of the classification with the application of the subtype qualifiers. solonetz soils both solonetz and solonchak soils are typical for lowland areas with high evaporation rate. their characterization, classification and mapping have long traditions in hungary, and the achievements of hungarian scientists influenced the classification of salt-affected soils globally (szabolcs, i. 1989; tóth, t. and várallyay, g. 2002). solonetz soils are defined by the presence of high amount of adsorbed sodium and/or magnesium, and the strongly structured columnar subsurface horizon. in the wrb the natric horizon is defined on 2 pages with several alternatives and sub-criteria. the hscs has a simplified definition, however, the criteria for the exchangeable sodium percentage esp ≥ 15, or na + mg > 25 per cent, and the similar morphological criteria provides easy correlation with the wrb solonetz soils. solonchak soils solonchaks are alkaline (ph ≥ 8.5) soils with high accumulation and concertation of soluble salts at, or close to the surface. due to the limited biological activity and bioturbation, solonchaks show moderate genetic horizon development in the subsoil. the original stratification of the fluvial or lacustrine sediments is commonly preserved. the criteria for the salt accumulation horizon (water soluble salt content ≥ 1% within 50 cm from the soil surface) is defined by using the standard hungarian unit for salt content, but with the application 113michéli, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 109–117. of a conversion factor developed by filep, g. (1999) successful correlation with the wrb solonchak rsg is possible. soils that do not meet the salt criterion, hence the ec requirement may correspond with other wrb rgss (eg. gleysols or fluvisols), however, the salt accumulation can be indicated with the protosalic (ec ≥ 4 ds/m) qualifier in the correlation. swelling clay soils “swelling clay soils” are newly introduced to the modernized hscs. they may form in different landscapes from fluvial depositions to mountain pediments and were allocated in different genetic soil types (alluvial soils, meadow soils, “erubaz” soils (soils of volcanic origin), however, the common characteristics are the high clay content (≥ 30%), and shrinking and swelling properties due to alternating dry and wet conditions. the corresponding criteria for the clay content and for the special morphology (slickensides, wedge shaped aggregates, cracks that open and close periodically) within 1 m from the soil surface, provide a one-to-one correlation with the vertisols rsg of the wrb. meadow soils the genetically defined “meadow soils” are groundwater-affected soils of lowland areas with redoximorphic features (stefanovits, p. 1963; szabolcs, i. 1966). however, the lack of the criteria for depth and expression for the colour patterns allowed subjectivity in the classification and correlation process. with the introduction of the definition of reducing condition, the gleyic colour pattern and depth criteria, correlation with wrb is easier. meadow soils with periodic reducing conditions within 50 cm from the soil surface, and evidences of the gleyic colour patterns in more than 50 per cent of the matrix between 50–100 cm from the soil surface likely correlate with the wrb gleysols. other groundwater influenced soils with deeper redoximorphic features may correspond with other wrb rsgs but can be specified with the gleyic qualifier in the correlation process. carbonate soils carbonate soils are also new in the modernized hscs. these soils have high amount of caco3 (calcium carbonate equivalent ≥ 25%) within 50 cm from the soil surface. this high amount of mostly secondary carbonates have generally weathered or have been leached from the primary parent material (i.e. from limestone, loess, marl). the secondary accumulation of carbonates is often combined with erosion (“bringing” accumulations close to the surface). significant part of hungary is a carbonate rich basin, where carbonate soils can develop in various soil forming environments from hill sediments to eroded loess plateaus. since the amount and the depth criteria of carbonates of the hscs carbonate soils are much stronger than the wrb calcisols, the correlation is not straight forward. most hscs carbonate soil fulfil the requirements of the wrb calcisols, however, only a portion of wrb calcisols correspond with the hscs carbonate soils. steppe soils the traditional dokuchaev chernozem concept (dokuchaev, v.v. 1883) influenced most genetic-based national classification systems. as result of substantial surveys, new knowledge, as well as degradation processes, changes occurred in the classification of the deep, dark steppe soils (soils developed under grassland vegetation). in the wrb four rsgs are dedicated to soils with high organic matter content in the dark mineral surface soils: the chernozems and kastanozems (secondary carbonate present at shallow depths), the phaeozems (secondary carbonate leached to a depth ≥ 50 cm below the organic matterrich mineral top horizon) and the low base umbrisols. in the carpathian basin most of michéli, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 109–117.114 the steppe soils formed on loessy parent material and have deep, dark oc reach surface horizons and subsurface horizons with secondary carbonates. the criteria of the humusrich surface horizon corresponds with that of the wrb mollic horizon in terms of depth (20 cm), colour (munsell chroma ≤ 3), base saturation (≥ 50%), and favourable structure, however, based on the statistical studies of national data sets (láng, v. 2013), in the classification key of the diagnostic based hscs stronger criteria was set for oc content (≥ 1%) for the steppe soils, similarly to wrb chernic horizon for the chernozems. this allows satisfactory correlation of the hscs unit with the lighter coloured wrb kastanozems and the darker chernozems. the close taxonomic relationship is evident, however, not all wrb kastanozems and chernozems satisfy the hscs steppe soil criteria – as in the hscs key the presence of > 20 per cent coarse fragments to 50 cm depth, or continuous rock or clay accumulation horizon within 1 m are also excluded from steppe soils. as these soils represent the most fertile soils of hungary (várallyay, g. et al. 1985) further fine-tuned studies are going on for nomenclature (the steppe soil name is not satisfactory for the authors) and the lower level specifications. soils with clay accumulation in the traditional genetic approach clay accumulation soils were listed among the brown forest soils in many countries, at the same time other members of brown forest soils were often confused with clay accumulation soils (cline, m.g. 1949; tavernier, r. and smiths, d.g. 1957). in most modern soil classification systems clay accumulation soils are representing individual classes and do not preserve forest related nomenclature. in the modernized diagnostic based hscs the criteria for the presence of the clay accumulation horizon is corresponding with wrb argic horizon in terms of depth (within 1 m) of the clay enriched horizon and clay increase (1.4% × compared to the leached horizons) and the requirements of clay skins in case of truncated, ploughed or polygenetic soils (with lithological differences). this allows an easy correlation of the hscs clay accumulation soils with the luvisols of the wrb. in forested areas where clay accumulation soils develop deep, high oc containing surface horizons, they may correlate with the wrb umbrisols. in limited areas where the acidification processes are intensive and the effective base saturation of the clay accumulation horizon is < 50 per cent, the alisols rsg may be the corresponding wrb unit. sandy soils sandy soils of hungary are typically weakly developed soils, have low amount of organic and inorganic colloids, which resulted in unfavourable physical-, chemical properties and low fertility. these soils have a weighted average texture class of sand or loamy sand to a depth of 1 m from the soil surface, or to a depth of a cemented or indurated layer, whichever is shallower. these criteria are fully matching the wrb arenosols reference group, providing an easy correlation. in cases when sand is covering other soils or layers with contrasting texture, correlation is more complicated and requires decisions based on the specific situation. brown earths brown earth was the other typical member of brown forest soils in the genetic based system (stefanovits, p. 1963; szabolcs, i. 1966). however, the insignificant subsurface horizonation may develop in different soil forming environment (jenny, h. 1941; cline, m.g. 1949; tavernier, r. and smiths, d.g. 1957). hence in the wrb and most other systems soils showing slight alteration in colour and soil structure compared to the parent material are listed as separate units on the highest level of classification. although the definition of brown earths is corresponding with the cambisols reference group of wrb, correlation 115michéli, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 109–117. might be a problem. the cause of the problem is the definition of the calcisols and their position in the key, before the cambisols. if a brown earth of the hscs has a calcic horizon (carbonates ≥ 15%) within 1 m (which is often the case, especially in eroded landscapes), they key out as a calcisols rsg. the problem with the calcisol definition and position in the key have been reported problematic in other countries as well and need to be reviewed by the wrb working group of iuss. sediment soils sediment soils include soils with the presence of stratification within 50 cm from the soil surface as a result of accumulation of transported materials of various origin. thus, the soil material of sediment soils was not developed in-situ, but transported and redeposited by erosion, or by fluvial or lacustrine processes. the stratification is required to be evidenced by the variation in texture/coarse fragment content, different colours or by not regular depth distribution of organic matter, or by the presence of a layer with 0.2 per cent higher oc content than the overlying layer within 1 m. these criteria are providing a satisfactory correlation of sediment soils of the diagnostic based hscs with corresponding fluvisols or colluvic regosols of wrb. problematic situations may occur when the sediment have a calcic horizon (as described at the brown earth discussion). in such cases the sediment soils key out as calcisols, which is not a satisfactory correlation in terms of taxonomic relationships (or similarities). barren earths other soils, that do not satisfy the requirements of any other soil type of the hscs, thus, key out at the end of the classification key as barren earth. barren earths are generally shallow, weakly developed soils on unconsolidated parent material or on fragmented hard rock, usually on highly eroded or on very young surfaces. barren earths correspond with the wrb regosols. wrb reference groups that do not occur in hungary out of the 32 rsgs 20 are relevant in the carpathian basin. the wrb reference groups that do not occur in hungary are mostly related to climatic or parent material differences. the below statement may be reviewed, if new surveys or investigations provide evidences of presence of the listed rsgs. cryosols are soils of the permafrost environment, hence only paleo (mostly buried) soils have fossil cryogenic features (berényi üveges, j. et al. 2003). andosols are soils developed from fresh glass-rich volcanic ejecta. soils developed from volcanic parent material in hungary are substantially weathered and developed, consequently, no andosols have been documented in hungary (madarász, b. 2005). podzols are very acidic soils developing mostly under boreal forests. the criteria for the subsurface accumulation of iron and aluminium with or without organic matter are very strong in the wrb. national inventories do not include pedons that correspond with the wrb podzols criteria (láng, v. 2013). local formations with limited extent, however, might be possible. plinthosols, nitisols and ferralsols are highly weathered soils of the tropics, and do not develop under the current climate of hungary. although paleo features of such soils have been documented by fekete, j. et al. (2006). planosols and stagnosols are related to long term water logging and textural differentiation. stagnic features are common mostly in the hscs clay accumulation soils and the swelling clay soils, but pedons developing the required expression of the features are likely to occur, but were not documented. durisols are silica cemented soils of old arid and semi-arid areas and up till now, even paleo durisols have not been documented in hungary. michéli, e. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 109–117.116 gypsisols are gypsum accumulation soils. although gypsum is common in solonetz and solonchak soils and the gypsic qualifier is an option to indicate the feature. retisols are typical for ice-age influenced soils with coarse bleached interfingering material into a clay rich subsurface in a net-like pattern. so far, no pedon with the feature has been documented. acrisols and lixisol are clay accumulation soils of old surfaces, with low (≤ 24 cmol/kg) cation exchange capacity (cec) of the clay. in hungary the mineralogy of clay accumulation soils is characterized with much higher cec (stefanovits, p. 1963) and so far, no acrisols or lixisols were documented. preserving legacy semantic and spatial soil information with the application of a computer assisted algorithm the earlier genetic classification units can be converted to the new ones, preserving the value of the legacy soil information (láng, v. 2013; michéli, e. et al. 2014). the geographical distribution of the soil types of the modernized diagnostic-based hscs is a greater challenge, as often no analytical data is supporting the spatial patterns. however, with the application of pedometric and digital soil mapping tools promising methodologies were documented by dobos, e. et al. (2014) and pásztor, l. et al. (2018) which can be adopted for the development of new national maps and correlated internationally understood maps. the next and perhaps the most crucial test of the system is to map the new soil types (central units) and diagnostic categories and analyse their spatial patterns and their relationships with the physical geographic conditions of hungary. an automated classification algorithm was developed to derive the classification units from legacy databases. with the application of the legacy data and new georeferenced field observations the spatial definition of new units is possible. this work is going on and will be subject of a follow up paper. conclusions the 15 soil types defined in the diagnostic based, a modernized hungarian soil classification system (hscs) were developed based on the accumulated data and the genetic system. the introduced diagnostic approach with stronger morphogenetic and numerical criteria are not identical but correspond with the criteria of the classification units of the world reference base for soil resources. although there are only few cases when one to one matching is possible, the adopted numerical criteria provide successful correlation results. updating the national database and maps and the relevant correlated products is a challenge that needs substantial effort, however, promising methodologies have been documented. acknowledgement: this research was supported by the higher education institutional excellence program (1783-3/2018/fekutstrat) awarded by the ministry of human capacities and by hungarian national fund (otka) 113171 program. r e f e r e n c e s berényi üveges, j., horváth, z., michéli, e., mindszenty, a. and németh, t. 2003. reconstructing quaternary pedogenesis in a paleosol sequence in hungary. quaternary international 106. 61–71. cline, m.g. 1949. principles of soil classification. soil science 67. 81–91. dobos, e., vadnai, p., bertóti, d., kovác, k., micheli, e., láng, v. and fuchs, m. 2014. a novel approach for validating raster datasets with categorical data. in globalsoilmap basis of the global spatial soil information system. eds.: arrouays, d., mckenzie, n., hempel, j., richer de forges, a. and mcbratney, a., london, crc press, taylor and francis group, 347–353. dokuchaev, v.v. 1883. the russian chernozem. sankt petersburg, russia. 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(1): 1–13. damir magaš author of the geography of croatia volunteered to introduce and describe the physical and social geographical patt ern of croatia. the volume issued by the university of zadar is the english translation of geografi ja hrvatske published in 2013. we can state that this is a seminal work that aims to set croatia in the global context, and it also tries to familiarise the international audience with croatia’s natural, social and economic conditions. the language of the book and the extremely rich appendices with maps and fi gures are undoubtedly serving this goal. the chapters of the book are arranged in the traditional way; fi rst readers get to know about the absolute and relative geographical situation of croatia, and this is where the author emphasises the fact that his country is situated in the buff er zone of east and west, of the continent and the mediterranean, on the borderline between diff erent cultural regions (i.e. western christianity, orthodoxy and the islam). in his view croatia is part of the western side, even if it means that this way croatian nation is enlisted amongst the central european countries. the division of the country and the dichotomy of countless origins can be traced in various aspects; one of them could easily be the natural conditions of the country discussed in the second chapter. the wellknown duality of physical geography has its eff ect on the climate, on geological and morphological characteristics, on hydrography or on the grounds and situation of vegetation. the northern and eastern part of croatia belongs to the carpathian basin, whereas southward and westward it stretches into the mediterranean zone facing the mediterranean (adriatic) sea. the transition zone between the two major regions is provided by the steep, karst mountains of the dinarides which, on the one hand, infl uence the climatic and hydrological features of the coastline, they form a special region of soil and vegetation, but on the other hand they also have impacts on the – later described – population distribution or circulation. the third chapter is a register and individual representation of landscapes. the 120-page long part of the book reports shortly on all of the landscapes of magaš, d.: the geography of croatia. university of zadar, department of geography, meridij ani publishing house. zadar, 2015. 597 p. 353literature – hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 345–353. the country, along with the general overview of the relief, vegetation and climate of lager landscapes. in this rather lengthy part of the book the latt er aspect should have been in focus instead of listing and describing smaller regions in catalogue-type. in the fourth chapter of the book readers can get acquainted with the historical-geographical characteristics of croatia. the author sets off from pre-historic times (holocene), then comes the history of this part of the balkans before the appearance of croatians (greek colonisation, roman era), and aft erwards we can read about the formation of the croatian nation in the middle ages. the second greater part of the chapter deals with the turkish, habsburg and jugoslav era ending up by the formation of modern croatia. this part of the volume is especially interesting from a hungarian point of view: it contains information about the croatian nation’s public law status, about the borders and ethnicities of the country in the middle and modern ages. the history of croatians and hungarians intertwined throughout centuries, the personal union of the two countries, the status of croatia (notably under the hungarian crown, but formally as a sovereign country) had its eff ect on the national consciousness and history of croatia. it is interesting to see how the current geographical and geopolitical situation is matched with that of the middle ages, like mapping međimurje (‘muraköz’ in hungarian) as part of croatia, even if that area was not part of croatia until 1920. also, the author refers to his country as a sovereign state even in the middle ages, and nothing suggests its peculiar connection with the hungarian empire (e.g. when drawing the croatian–hungarian borderline). the descriptive parts of the book, of course, clarify this image. in the fi ft h and sixth part of the volume the features of population and economy are described in detail, readers can collect useful information and data about croatia’s demographic, ethnic and migration patt erns, about the density of population, the characteristics of sett lements, and the present situation of diff erent economic sectors (agriculture, industry, services, including tourism, etc.). the seventh chapter is a catalogue of croatian counties (županij a) likewise the landscape register in the third chapter, however, the description here is based on social geographical aspects (number of population in diff erent sett lements, economic situation, circulation, etc.). on the basis of this chapter we get a clear picture on the agglomerations of croatia, the sett lement network, and the division of labour in the area. the eighth chapter places croatia within the geographical framework of international communities, organisations and co-operations (eu, cefta, un, nato, aarc, etc.), whereas the last, ninth chapter deals with the history and development of croatian geography. summarising my experiences, this volume – the geography of croatia – contains a vast amount of knowledge, it is a decent work, and both the author and publisher are to be praised for fi nding the right proportions of shared information within the book, for the high quality of layout (especially photos, charts and maps) and the prestigious content. minor inaccuracies and the peculiar approach (that, in my opinion, refl ects on the self-identifi cation of croatians) do not lessen the value and merit of the book that deserves att ention from hungarian and international audience. dániel balizs recreational home owners in the leadership and governance of peripheral recreational communities 233kindel, g. and raagmaa, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.64.3.6 hungarian geographical bulletin 64 2015 (3) 233–245. introduction this paper analyses the role of the group of recreational home owners (rho) in the leadership and governance of peripheral communities. recreational, also labelled second, leisure, vacation, weekend, holiday, beach, country or seasonal homes include luxurious mansion-type buildings, small houses, shanties, cabins, cott ages, ski chalets, trailer homes, and static caravans (marcouiller, w.d. and chraca, a. 2011). müller uses the term “second home”, which is not entirely correct since some families own three or even more such properties (müller, k.d. 2002). we defi ne recreational peripheries as territories outside the daily commuting areas of urban centres where a signifi cant part of the population lives temporarily, mainly during the summer and weekends, and mostly uses land for recreational purposes such as various sports, minor hobby cultivation, mushroom and berry picking. rhos oft en remain invisible in statistics: they are included neither in the population registers nor in tourism accounts. nevertheless, whereas a rho is ’likely to be less concerned with the fate of the community where resides and more with activities that may be scatt ered throughout the [urban] fi eld but are closest to interests, leading to a stronger identifi cation on his part with the realm’ (friedmann, j. and miller, j. 1 faculty of economics, university of tartu. narva mnt 4, tartu, estonia. e-mail: grete.kindel@ut.ee 2 department of geography, university of tartu. vanemuise 46, tartu, estonia. e-mail: garri@ut.ee recreational home owners in the leadership and governance of peripheral recreational communities grete kindel1 and garri raagmaa2 abstract this paper addresses recreational home owners’ role in local leadership and governance, focusing on whether they counteract or reinforce the peripheralisation of remotely located communities. if recreational house owners (rho) grow in number, they become stronger stakeholders with an increased ability to impact the social and economic life of communities. possessing high interpretive and network power, they should have fairly good opportunities to contribute to local development. the greatest challenge is to fi nd a balance and create positive synergies between permanent and temporary residents’ interests. here, leadership quality has a great importance in orchestrating relations and communication between interest groups. empirically, the paper is based on a comparative case study of noarootsi and vormsi, two tiny municipalities located on the estonian west coast, which is outside the daily commuting area of urban centres. both case study areas have similar cultural and historical development paths and economic bases. since they practiced very diff erent leadership models during the last 25 years, we can compare whether and how this impacted governance and overall development. we used media analysis, statistical data and the results of students’ fi eldwork as a background; moreover, we conducted 20 in-depth interviews with key informants. the results show the highly important role of rhos in local governance depending on their personal background and motives. at the same time, the results also indicate the need for skilful local leadership to encourage the participation and equal involvement of all permanent and temporary resident interest groups in decision making. keywords: leadership, governance, recreational home owner, recreational periphery, estonia kindel, g. and raagmaa, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245.234 1965, p. 317), then an active and motivated member of a local community may well contribute to its development. otherwise, rhos may also create problems for permanent residents (farstad, m. 2011) and reinforce peripheralisation processes when blocking development initiatives in the local council because of their desire for peace and quiet. the rho phenomenon and their impact has been well described by several authors (gallent, n. et al. 2003; gallent, n. 2007; paris, c. 2009; farstad, m. 2011; rye, f. and berg, g.n. 2011; marcouiller, w.d. and chraca, a. 2011; nordin, u. and marjavaara, r. 2012; nordbo, i. 2014) but so far, the literature on the participation of rhos in local leadership and governance is fairly limited, thus, it deserves a more thorough investigation. the restructuring of local power can counteract or reinforce peripherality. on the one hand, new people usually see new horizons, initiate new developments, apply new ways of governance, and, especially when speaking about rhos, extend networking (bridging social capital). on the other hand, a power shift usually causes confl icts and a negative image of a place, leading to further peripheralisation due to the marginalisation of some groups who may not be involved in the governance any more. following this reasoning, we chose the following questions to clarify rhos’ role in local leadership: how do rhos’ motives and behaviour impact socialisation with local community? how do diff erent representation/leadership models impact local relations and the involvement of rhos in local decision making? what are the main lessons for leadership when involving rhos in local governance? we carried out a comparative case study in two municipalities on the estonian west coast. the paper consists of the following sections: (i) the theoretical overview of the recreational home phenomenon and leadership connection based on a literature review, (ii) a presentation of the case study areas and the rhos’ activities in diff erent leadership regimes, and (iii) fi nally, our conclusion. – – – literature review the choice of location with recreational homes is influenced by natural conditions (marcouiller, w.d. and chraca, a. 2011; lipkina, o. 2013). city people are willing to consume qualitatively diff erent amenities that they cannot access or aff ord in urban areas and, thus, they are looking for more distant places to charge their batt eries. recreational homes are located mainly in areas of valuable natural environment: coastland, islands or mountains and places of social and cultural meaning (gallent, n. et al. 2003; dij st, m. et al. 2005; pitkänen, k. 2008; norris, m. and winston, n. 2010). it is typical for places of tourism to be in the periphery. in this way, remote regions economically benefi t from factors which cannot be utilised otherwise: high mountain chains, barren, rocky landscapes, heather, unproductive dunes’ (christaller, w. 1963, p. 96). friedmann and miller described the spreading urban fi eld and ‘the increasing att ractiveness of the periphery to metropolitan populations. (friedmann, j. and miller, j. 1965, p. 315). it has space, it has scenery, and it contains communities that remain from earlier periods of sett lement and preserve a measure of historical integrity and interest’. thus, recreational land use in geographical peripheries has been described over 50 years ago already. the mobility of people has increased due to rising welfare and ever widening car ownership (pettersson, r. 1999; dij st, m. et al. 2005; moss, l.a.g. 2006). less densely populated wealthy countries and regions in northern america and europe have witnessed increasing recreational commuting (müller, k.d. 2002; dij st, m. et al. 2005; pitkänen, k. 2008; paris, c. 2009; norris, m. and winston, n. 2010; marcouiller, w.d. and chraca, a. 2011; lipkina, o. 2013). a growing number of people live and consume in two or more places. the most of geographically remote areas suffered from a steady demographic downward trajectory over decades nevertheless, several touristic and seasonal living areas have been subject to positive, so called post-productivist development (halfacree, k. 2006), as tourists 235kindel, g. and raagmaa, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245. and recreational house dwellers contributed to the increase of population (at least seasonally), as well as to retail and service consumption signifi cantly. increasing fl ows might justify investments into local infrastructure from the national budget and also by private developers. on the other hand, permanent residents and rhos may compete for local resources (farstad, m. 2011); extensive recreational house ownership may increase the tax burden of local residents and even cause the displacement of the ’native’ population (hall, c.m. 2010). local people’s att itude towards rhos depends foremost on their interest and readiness to contribute to the communities’ social and cultural life (farstad, m. 2011). recreational house owners’ socialization with the local community depends on their personal willingness to communicate, the existing institutional set up, the sett lement structure, and also on the att itude and activities of local governments. rhos may enrich local close-knit communities with bridging and linking social capital and create additional opportunities (e.g., drag in public or also private investments from outside, increase the knowledge level of local entrepreneurs) and improve the quality of life in a locality (robertsson, l. and marjavaara, r. 2014). on the basis of literature, we can outline the following factors explaining recreational house purchases: (1) according to compensation theory people obtain and visit second homes because their permanent home doesn’t off er fully acceptable living conditions (norris, m. and winston, n. 2010). (2) life-cycle theory distinguishes the fi rst stage when people with children are looking for a quiet and child-friendly environment (gallent, n. et al. 2003) and the second stage before or aft er retirement when people are willing to move out of the city to fi nd a calm and beautiful environment for living (norris, m. and winston, n. 2010). both groups are looking for lower-priced and less centrally located housing. (3) investment theories explain the purchase of a second house as an investment by those whose credit ratings are good and those who have possibilities to invest their savings (norris, m. and winston, n. 2010). (4) the availability of free land is also an important factor (rye, f. and berg, g.n. 2011), explaining why recreational housing is much more represented on the sparsely populated edges of europe (nordic countries, eastern europe and the mediterranean) and peripheral regions further away from cities. (5) increasing mobility and ever widening car ownership allows people to commute between second and permanent homes (rye, f. and berg, g.n. 2011). (6) last but not least, rural idyll also att racts rhos (müller, k.d. 2002; pitkänen, k. 2008; rye, f. and berg, g.n. 2011). the above reasons normally combine. usually, rhos are well educated and wealthier people (dij st, m. et al. 2005), own a car for commuting (stewart, s.i. 2002; moss, l.a.g. 2006) and are seeking a place where they can spend their leisure time and raise children (lundholm, e. 2006). perlik found that rhos usually prefer places with social networks and people who share their views, life-style and culture (perlik, m. 2010). if rhos grow in number, they become stronger stakeholders with an increased ability to impact the social and economic life of communities (kaltenborn, b.p. et al. 2009). rhos are normally bett er educated (dij st, m. et al. 2005; nordbo, i. 2014) and have higher interpretive power than the locals. they may lack network and resource power (sotarauta, m. 2009) locally, but have bett er networks on the national and international level. combining the strengths and resources of permanent and temporary residents has great potential for positive synergies. at the other extreme, in the case of confl icts and opportunistic behaviour, a great deal of energy might be wasted on internal fi ghts. local politicians may even focus on rhos or their business related interests and leave permanent residents and their problems on the back seat (gallent, n. 2007). the greatest challenge for the communities of recreational areas is to fi nd a balance and synergy between permanent and recreational residents. kindel, g. and raagmaa, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245.236 nordin and marjavaara found that rhos’ involvement in local communities is an important factor in avoiding possible confl icts (nordin, u. and marjavaara, r. 2012). gallent uses the term ”dwelling hierarchy” which means that diff erent parties are communicating with each other and it is the foundation for a strong and uniform community (gallent, n. 2007). rye and berg point out that the second home phenomenon infl uences the social structures of communities horizontally and enhances their social and cultural heterogeneity through embracing new people and traditions in the area (rye, f. and berg, g.n. 2011). time and common experiences create a basis for social communion causing positive development (falk and kilpatrick 2000; op. cit. gallent, n. 2007). social capital creating process can help to build a community, where common bases are evoked by trust and a growing well-being (gallent, n. 2007), as well as a collaborative governance approach (purdy, j.m. 2012). farstad found that rho involvement in local community depends on how much they are interested in local life and how much they are ready to contribute to it (farstad, m. 2011). rhos oft en consider from their own interests, demanding privileges, rights, authority and local resources without giving anything in return. they do not consider local needs and they are interested in topics that are connected to their property or environment directly or implicitly. usually, they protest against any developments which can damage their living environment. on the positive side, rhos may contribute to the improvement of employment, consuming local products and services (e.g., pushing snow, selling fi rewood and vegetables, doing repair works) that stimulates the local economy (müller, k.d. 2002; rye, f. and berg, g.n. 2011). in addition, rhos ought to pay taxes to the local municipality. consequently, if the rhos manage to improve local economic and social qualities, they are accepted more by the community. thus, leadership quality has a great importance in orchestrating relations and communication between diff erent interest groups. however, their contribution could be even stronger. giannias, d. et al. (2010) point out that local power in peripheries is oft en locked in and avoids innovations. according to barca, f. (2009), ‘rent-seeking’ local elites restrain critical social innovations and hinder potential economic development (investments, new business entries). can we consider rhos, when they are suffi ciently embedded in the local communities, as people who can break path dependency or, as daft, l.r. (1998) writes, as people ‘participating in change’ and predisposed to innovation (sotarauta, m. 2009)? can rhos become local leaders or at least join and encourage leadership processes? under what conditions and in what way might that happen? what consequences may this intervention have? horlings, i. (2010), sotarauta, m. (2012) and raagmaa, g. et al. (2012) examined the role of public sector leaders and found that they have an essential role in igniting new local/regional development and social capital creating process. however, mintzberg, h. (1998) stressed that the followers and teams around leaders are no less important. how can rhos as potential agents of change motivate local people? do they understand each other and do they share similar values? quite oft en, rhos have an active social life in their recreational destination (due to family ties, friendship) and rather limited communication with their neighbours in their city apartments or suburban neighbourhoods. rhos possessing high interpretative and network power (sotarauta, m. 2009) have fairly good opportunities to contribute to local leadership and to enter local governance structures. methodology and data rhos remain ‘invisible’ in population statistics or are incorrectly registered because of the rigidity of the registration systems that do not account for people’s increased mobility (marcouiller, w.d. and chraca, a. 2011). rhos are normally embedded into local community aff airs one way or another. 237kindel, g. and raagmaa, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245. it is common that aft er many years of statistical invisibility, a recreational homeowner being part of the community and local decision making for years registers and becomes a permanent resident. therefore, we chose the case study method, focussing on interviews att empting to pinpoint and describe causal processes and identify the real involvement of part-time residents in local governance. the methodological frame of this study is based on sayer´s critical realism (sayer, a. 1992). he states that the traditional (positivistic) social science approach usually describes the top of the iceberg without seeking deeper casual relations. therefore, we compared the social phenomena of two municipalities, using keddie’s comparative case study methodology (keddie, v. 2006). campell, s. et al. (2010) explained how this method helps to study the context and the characteristics of concrete phenomena: the comparative case study aims to fi nd contrasts, similarities and patt erns of diff erent cases, thus, it rests on the combination of diff erent sources and data. we chose two rural municipalities – noarootsi and vormsi in west estonia – with a high share of recreational population (figure 1). both of them are well-discussed fig 1. location of noarootsi and vormsi municipalities inside lääne county in west estonia. in case of their 9 villages extra investigations were carried out kindel, g. and raagmaa, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245.238 in the national media because of local power struggles. these two municipalities are recreational peripheries: located outside the daily commuting area of the regional capital haapsalu. they have att racted numerous second house owners form the capital city tallinn and abroad (mainly sweden). basic data for booth municipalities can be seen in table 1. noarootsi and vormsi have a similar cultural background (the areas were populated mainly by swedes before world war ii) and rhos actively participate in local governance. at the same time, they have had diff erent leadership practices in the past: noarootsi was ruled by one strong charismatic leader for 22 years (1987–2009), whereas vormsi has had a constantly changing weak local leadership. for the background study, we made a media analysis and analysed statistical data provided by the statistics estonia and the national electoral committee. moreover, we employed students to collect recreational housing fi eldwork data in the selected noarootsi and vormsi villages in 2014 and 2015 (table 2). the content analysis materials were collected from the lääne county newspaper lääne elu and two national newspapers maaleht (rural weekly) and eesti päevaleht (daily). the main keywords were ‘vormsi’, ‘noarootsi‘, ‘estonian swedes’ and ‘elections’. aft er choosing the fi elds and analysing their conditions, the study plan was updated and then, twenty in-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted with former and actually appointed mayors, civil servants, ngo leaders, village elders, municipality council members and rhos involved in local aff airs between november 14, 2012 and may 23, 2014. each conversation was recorded and transcribed. the interview guide covered the following topics: (1) identity and community feeling, (2) interpersonal relations and social capital, (3) leadership, and (4) governance. the identity questions aimed to fi gure out diff erent local sub-groups. the questions addressing social relations and capital revealed permanent residents’ and rhos’ relations and their involvement in community life. leadership and governance-related questions helped to understand the motivations behind power changes. the formation of recreational population in noarootsi and vormsi noarootsi rural municipality covers an area of 296 km² in lääne county, western estonia. according to the population register, 840 inhabitants lived in noarootsi municipality on table 1. basic data for the investigated rural municipalities municipality area in km2 population, person driving distance from tallinn haapsalu 1934 1989 2015 km minutes km minutes noarootsi vormsi 296 93 4,388 2,547 909 347 840 412 110 123 90 240* 37 25 30 150* *including ferry table 2. recreational households in the villages of the two municipalities municipality villages total number of households recreational households number % noarootsi elbiku einbi höbringi riguldi rooslepa spithami 48 47 14 47 26 34 32 31 9 38 21 31 66.7 66.0 64.3 80.9 80.7 91.2 vormsi kersleti borrby rälby 15 16 24 8 15 18 53.3 93.8 75.0 239kindel, g. and raagmaa, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245. july 1, 2015. the real situation is diff erent, as a number of registered inhabitants are rhos and students living elsewhere. the average population density in noarootsi is very low (3 persons per km²). nevertheless, local population is tripled in the summer season. noarootsi has about 100 km of sandy coastline, and it is highly att ractive as a recreational area. its main economic activities are tourism, wood processing, forestry and agriculture (photo 1). vormsi, estonia’s fourth largest island (93 km²) is located in also in lääne county, on the western part of estonia and has 14 villages. on july 1, 2015, vormsi had 417 registered inhabitants (4.3 persons per km²), nevertheless, in statistical estimations, three-quarters of them do not live there permanently. an additional motivation for registering on the island comes from the 50 percent discount on ferry tickets for local people. vormsi population has also been fl uctuating recently due to the so-called election migration, such as to the registration of trusted voters on the island. in 2011, many people signed out because of the new land taxation system and of the availability of free public transport in tallinn. vormsi isle is desirable for rhos from tallinn because of its closeness to the capital and its insularity. the dominant economic activities in vormsi are tourism, forestry and agriculture (photo 2). our case study area used to be the area inhabited by estonian swedes or costal swedes (in swedish estlandssvenskar and colloquially, aibofolke) in the largest number before world war ii. the beginning of continuous sett lement in these areas (known as aiboland) dates back to the 13th century. according to the 1934 census, 7,641 estonian swedes lived in estonia. about 7,000 of them fl ed to sweden in 1944 (ee 2014) and only a few of them chose to stay. newcomers from the mainland sett led in the area and additional photo 1. permanent estonian-swedish inhabitant with aiboland’s fl ag in noarootsi kindel, g. and raagmaa, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245.240 permanent residents were att racted to the area by the organisation of collective farms. during the soviet time, migration in the border zones was strictly controlled. regardless of the border regime, next to the permanent residents, an access to the area was also granted to the communist party elites who were able to get building permits for new summerhouses or to purchase local farmhouses and renovate them as summer cott ages. owning a second house on the coast and particularly, on the islands has gained popularity among the political elites and intellectuals since the 1970s. by 1980 vormsi and noarootsi were already functioning as recreational housing areas. additionally, several industrial enterprises and central government organisations set up their holiday house complexes and camps there. therefore, the fi rst generation of rhos had a specifi c elitist background. several former rhos still live in the area as permanent residents; they are well embedded in the local networks and generally respected by other people. estonia initiated a restitution-based land reform in 1992 that returned property to prewar owners and their heirs. the majority of estonian swedes used this opportunity but some of them either disclaimed or sold their land to new people, mainly to the new rhos from tallinn. the majority of swedish people did not return as permanent residents, but started to use their property for recreational purposes. the formation of new recreational house communities was diff erent in noarootsi and vormsi. the swedish returnees and other new land owners were always welcome by the noarootsi mayor, ülo kalm. his aim was to increase the number of permanent residents (thus, personal income tax revenues) and for this he tried to convince rhos to register in the noarootsi municipality. meanwhile, the vormsi municipality decided not to return land to estonian swedes and proposed to create small zones where estonian swedes could build their recreational homes. this idea was not supported by the estonian parliament and accelerated the photo 2. norby village street view in vormsi (photos by g. kindel) 241kindel, g. and raagmaa, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245. confl ict between estonian swedes and vormsi municipality. as a result of the disputes, the majority of estonian swedes got back their land but not the houses which were inhabited by new bona fi de owners. according to the 2011 census, 77 estonians owned a second house in vormsi and 236 in noarootsi municipality (statistics estonia 2014). today, noarootsi and vormsi rhos are mainly middle-aged, well-educated, well-off people that confi rms earlier research results on the structure of rho population (e.g. dij st, m. et al. 2005; lundholm, e. 2006). second home owners from the 1990s onwards are mainly from tallinn, and they are wealthier than locals and the 1970s rhos. newcomers have more contacts with each other and with their neighbours. the interviewees complained about that the newcomers have a strong nimby mentality; they oft en fi ght against new developments or for their own business projects. relationships between estonian rhos and permanent residents depend on specifi c persons. the interviewees found that the rhos’ open-mindedness and their understanding of local habits help to pursue an easy life together. warmer relationships are sett led with the rhos who have been there for a long time and who take part in the locals’ projects and events. some rhos are members of local ngos and help to arrange local actions. nevertheless, a number of recreational home owners do not want to take part in any local actions and prefer to stay isolated in peace and quiet. rhos from sweden were not included in estonian census data. according to our interviews and the students’ fi eldwork (bø, e. et al. 2014; tamm, h. et al. 2015), about half of the rhos in roslepa and spithami villages in noarootsi and 10–30 percent in borrby, kersleti and rälby villages in vormsi are estonian swedish (ausdahl, k. et al. 2014). they are overwhelmingly elderly people who are att ached to their property because of their historical roots − the personal or their parents’ memories − and the idyll of the beautiful coastal landscapes. according to municipal landowner registers, about 30 percent of noarootsi (2012) and 80 percent (2011) of vormsi land belongs to people living outside of estonia, mostly estonian swedes. the majority of estonian swedes visit the area once a year. they are not interested in agricultural production, thus, they let their land to local farmers. estonian swedes pursue social activities in the summer, but these events are solely for the ‘insiders’. estonian swedes’ organisations such as riguldinoarootsi union in noarootsi and vormsi kodukandi union mainly att empt to maintain old traditions. permanent residents think, that estonian swedes are peaceful and do not participate in local governance. governance and leadership in noarootsi and vormsi the municipality councils in noarootsi as well as in vormsi have nine members. five parties in vormsi and four parties and one single candidate in noarootsi ran for the municipal council membership at the last (2013) elections. noarootsi municipality has had four mayors between 1990 and 2014 and vormsi municipality had 12 mayors subsequently. vormsi and noarootsi municipalities practiced entirely diff erent leadership styles until 2009. while noarootsi experienced 22 years of sustained governance under one leader, vormsi mayors were frequently replaced. noarootsi mayor ülo kalm took offi ce in 1987 as pürksi village soviet chairperson when estonia was still part of the soviet union. he was elected mayor aft er the establishment of the municipal system in estonia and continued in that position through several re-elections until 2009. he arguably relied on broadly defi ned collaborative governance but due to his parentage, the municipal development action was clearly focussed on the development of estonian-swedish cultural heritage that used to be dominant in the area before the 1940s. ülo kalm, as a descendant of estonian swedes achieved very warm contacts with the estonian-swedish community that contributed signifi cantly to local development. kindel, g. and raagmaa, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245.242 the building of the so-called coastal swedish (rannarootsi in estonian) identity was defi nitely successful and the municipality became a popular touristic and recreational housing destination. however, the reestablished estonian-swedish community is small and consists mainly of elderly rhos recently. the swedish people have not been extensively integrated into the local networks due to the language barriers, thus, they have a rather weak position in the local leadership. this gradually ageing and weakening community could not support the mayor in accomplishing his estonian-swedish agenda. moreover, permanent residents and estonian rhos did not fully understand and accept the mayor’s plan for uplift ing of the vanishing estonian-swedish culture and community. thus, the promotion of coastal-swedish identity could not be successful. estonian rhos created a local party ‘bett er noarootsi’ for the 2009 elections. the personal motivation of rhos and their representatives was predominantly related to new real estate developments and spatial planning procedures. they won 5 of the 9 local council mandates as they managed to get the support of the other rhos. during the election campaign, they promised that ülo kalm would be reelected but fi nally, they invited a new mayor. voters who had thought that ülo kalm would be appointed again, thus, supported the rho party were in shock. local people collected 311 signatures to support ülo kalm, but the new council elected aivar kroon, a noarootsi rho and businessman as a mayor. quite soon, he was replaced by a professional administrator annika kapp, an outsider from north-estonia. noarootsi informants stressed that municipal development was hindered signifi cantly aft er ülo kalm had left ; there were considerably fewer events and projects. estonian swedes emphasized that they had lost their connection with the municipality just because nobody was able to speak swedish. the majority of vormsi mayors were businessmen who attempted to lead the municipality like a company. some of them had no real connection with the local people and even tried to manage the municipality from outside vormsi, visiting the municipal offi ce only while the meetings. naturally, council members could not tolerate this. the municipality council had elected and then dismissed 12 mayors between 1991 and 2015 subsequently. somewhat surprisingly, vormsi people did not consider the endless change of mayors a substantial issue, because the most infl uential council members were always the same. interviewees considered the frequently changing leadership as a consequence of the small size of the community and of the confl icts between permanent residents and rhos stemming from their very diff erent views on local life. whereas permanent residents are mostly concerned with the availability and quality of local services they need in their daily practices (kindergarten, school, shop, etc.), while rhos who consume those services at their permanent places of residence are concerned rather with ferry traffi c, roads, power and security. to achieve their own goals, the latt er group started to play power games. they joined the local party ‘wintertime in vormsi too’ (in estonian: ka talvel vormsil) and registered their friends from the mainland to vormsi to increase the number of trusted voters. actually, they carried out an electoral fraud that was reported even in the national media. ‘wintertime in vormsi too’ won the 2009 election, gett ing 5 mandates of the available 9. two businessmen elected for the vormsi council initiated a wind farm project immediately. this was unacceptable for both the permanent residents and also for rhos. 169 people joined the meeting arranged by the municipality (2010) to discuss the windmill project that was fi nally rejected. it was the very fi rst time when the majority of vormsi people had a joint political action based on a consensus. nevertheless, there have been series of confl icts between permanent inhabitants and rhos’ representatives in the local council of vormsi since the establishment of local government. rhos were always active in infl uencing council members’ decisions. despite its small scale, there are no relationships 243kindel, g. and raagmaa, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245. based on trust on the island: networks are either focused only on the villages or are temporary and dominated by interest groups − related to projects that need approval within the municipal council. similarly to noarootsi, the main motivation of estonian rhos for intervening in local governance was to accomplish their business ideas, for instance, to change the local planning regulations or to get a construction permit. conclusion townspeople´s growing incomes and extending opportunities to spend leisure time in geographically distant areas has increased their desire to possess property in the countryside with beautiful landscapes. vormsi and noarootsi rural municipalities – our case study areas – are coastal villages that were turned into recreational destinations and obtained a highly seasonal character. recreational peripheries may well benefi t from increased temporary population, who may act not only as consumers but also as active community members, able to enrich the bridging and enhancing the social capital of the communities. nevertheless, so far, the involvement of rhos in local leadership and governance has been studied insuffi ciently. this paper was an att empt to reduce this gap by analysing the power relations of the rhos and the permanent population and by discussing whether the restructuring of local power reinforced or reduced peripherality. according to frisvoll, s. (2012), social relations are crucial in the local cultural and economic development of rural peripheries. the synergies may work in both directions. improving interpersonal relations and increasing social capital stimulates innovativeness and competitiveness (horlings, i. 2010) that presupposes vital social relationships between rhos and the local community. otherwise, segregation, competitive behaviour, and the lack of communication between diff erent interest groups tend to erode trust and reduce internal development capacity. thus, culturally heterogeneous places need particularly skilled leadership and wider involvement of interest groups in the decision making processes. our comparative case study showed how weak (vormsi) or imbalanced participatory leadership (noarootsi) raised dissatisfaction and how the ambition of the rhos induced actions such as running for power to realise their own agendas. local leaders of vormsi and noarootsi did not involve rhos equally at the beginning. rhos in turn did not join informal municipal networks; rather, they chose a few local collaborators to communicate with and to trust them as their representatives. as a consequence, personal (business) interests started to dominate instead of collective values. balanced municipal (community based) leadership was not considered important by any parties and the orchestration of various interests (the involvement of potential stakeholders in community development) was either missing or one-sided. as a result, a small number of rhos – notably, young estonian business persons − became strong stakeholders, increased their impact on local governance by incorporating some of the local leaders into their business schemes, and took over institutional power. however, other groups started to play a similar game, accelerating confl icts within the local councils. permanent residents became minorities in terms of the power relations and defending their interests in the municipal councils. the same applies to estonian-swedish communities: they actually own 80 percent of the land, while their infl uence on the municipal decision making is limited. power games in local councils have induced some desperate actions by local people such as going to court or approaching national media to make disputed cases – which they lost at the municipal council − public. this did improve neither the image of the municipalities nor their internal solidarity. however, refl ections in the national media made these places more ‘visible’ probably, contributing to local tourism businesses and recreational home development. such processes call for further studies. kindel, g. and raagmaa, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245.244 we may presume, recreational house owners are defi nitely capable of local leadership and under certain circumstances, they aspire also for being part of it. their intervention defi nitely caused a major change in local governance. it is too early to say whether it had positive or rather negative consequences in the long run, but recreational peripheries are, in many cases, less ‘peripheral’ due to their actions and the social capital they possess. to reduce potential confl icts and release positive synergies, it is a crucial issue to involve rhos in community life and to improve the relationships of diff erent stakeholders (e.g., remote villagers) as much as possible. local leaders as well as civil servants should be more aware of social processes and the ways in which these residents can be involved in local aff airs for the mutual benefi t of all parties. future research should consider the highly complex composition of both permanent and temporary population − there are always more than two groups involved in confl icts, organised oft en by villages and neighbourhoods, along various motives. as changes in leadership raise emotional reactions, an additional objective for future research should be the analysis of the actual (fi nancial, economic) results of the diff erent types of local governance models. moreover, the impact of the media should also be studied − as coastal areas have a very positive image per se, even negative refl ections may be benefi cial to those places. finally, we must also realise that the databases available – including even the population census − do not refl ect the reality of the temporary population of recreational peripheries. references ausdahl, k., khanal, b., raun, j. and ruberg, g. 2014. eff ects of the presence of the temporary residents on permanent residents lives. case-study report. nordplus intensive course, pärnu. barca, f. 2009. an agenda for a reformed cohesion policy. a place-based approach to meeting european union challenges and expectations. independent report prepared at the request of danuta hübner, commissioner for regional policy. dg regio, manuscript, 218 p. bø, e., kindel, g., orre, l. and rohula, t. 2014. estonian-swedish second home owners in noarootsi, three villages; 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www.stat.ee. 14.05.2015 vormsi valla arengukava aastateks 2011-2025 (vva), 2011. htt p://avalik.amphora.ee/vormsivv/document.aspx?id=41592. 14.05.2014 kindel, g. and raagmaa, g. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245.246 geography in visegrad and neighbour countries regional socio-economic processes in central and eastern europe – 20 years in transition and 2 years in global economic crisis edited by ágnes erőss and dávid karácsonyi geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences budapest, 2011. 169 p. during the last twenty years the erstwhile soviet bloc countries in central and eastern europe (cee) have taken distinct routes in post-socialist development, wherein the national trends and internal regional processes proved to be in deep contrast. responses to the challenges of the global economic crisis also varied, repeatedly brought to the surface long existing regional issues, structural problems and ethnic confl icts. human geographers are divided in the assessment of the shift s that occurred during the past twenty years and the exchange of experience is vital for fi nding adequate answers to the new challenges. in order to provide a forum for discussion the geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences with the generous support of the international visegrad fund small grant programme organized a conference in order to induce the revival of contact between the institutes of geography of visegrad countries and their western and eastern neighbours. present volume is a selection of presentations aiming to provide a deeper insight in socio-economic processes and their -------------------------price: eur 10.00 order: geographical institute rcaes has library, h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mail: magyar.arpad@csfk .mta.hu << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice 103book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 91–102. c h r o n i c l e a few days before the christmas of 2017 a sad news shocked the international community of geographers. peter meusburger, a distinguished senior professor at heidelberg university in germany, passed away on the 18th of december at the age of 75 to a tragic illness he had dealt with dignity. with his death the hungarian community of geographers lost its eminent supporter, the hungarian geographical society its honorary member, eötvös loránd university in budapest its honorary doctor, and our journal its advisory board member. peter meusburger was born on 14th march 1942 in lustenau, austria, a small town in the federal state of vorarlberg, on the border of switzerland. he started his school-years in his hometown before attending the secondary grammar school in bregenz. after one year of mandatory military service he went to the university of innsbruck, where he studied geography and english. in the first years, the focus of his academic interest was the human geography of his homeland. he investigated the vorarlberg cross border commuters in his phd thesis, which he defended in 1968 with distinction. while keeping his commitment to science and working at the university as lecturer, his interest soon turned to the geography of education, which he began to scrutinise on the basis of a comprehensive survey of the ministry of education and culture in austria. this field of research became the central topic of his habilitation thesis in 1980, and also of his whole scientific work in the coming decades. in 1982 peter meusburger was invited to heidelberg university, where he received a professorship and was now responsible for managing the institute of geography. the new context and tasks soon revealed his outstanding capacity of organising science and creating innovative frameworks for scholarly work. he established the education geography specialty group of the german society of geography (“deutsche gesellschaft für geographie, arbeitskreis bildungsgeographie”) in 1983, and launched the heidelberg geographical society as founding president two years later. over the next decades he took considerable part of steering the institute, the faculty and also the whole university, the “ruperto carola”, as vice dean, dean, vice rector (1991–1993) and elected member of the senate of the university (1999–2006). peter meusburger made truly pioneering work in the renewal of german language geography and the improvement of its international network. his efforts were motivated not only by the experience he gained as guest lecturer and researcher in oxford (1977), paris (1979), tokyo (1981), beijing (1987) and budapest (1988), but especially by his stay at clark university (worcester, usa) in 1993–1994, which regularly hosted leading scholars of the field for lectures and roundtable talks. in 1997, peter meusburger launched the hettner lectures, a series of ten events until 2006, for which they invited leading personalities of anglophone human geography to heidelberg. in addition to regular lectures, roundtable talks and informal discussions were inherent parts of these events, enabling young scholars and students to exchange ideas with great names of the field. in 2006 he initiated a new project, the ”knowledge and space symposia”, where outstanding experts making research on knowledge have been brought together from various countries and diverse academic fields in order to promote interdisciplinary academic communication. so far 15 symposia have been held in heidelberg. in memoriam peter meusburger (1942–2017) chronicle – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 103–104. 104 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 91–102. beyond organising innovative scientific events, peter meusburger made a great contribution to scientific work by opening up new domains of academic publishing and elaborating new publication forms. his seminal work on geography of education (“bildungsgeographie”, spektrum verlag, 1998) set the framework for a whole discipline, and the volumes of “hettner lectures” and “knowledge and space” became nodal points in the international landscape of scientific publications on geographies of knowledge. he was the main initiator and coordinator of the “wissenschaftsatlas of heidelberg university” (verlag bibliotheca palatina, 2012, with german and spanish editions in 2011 and 2014), which established a novel and truly geographical genre in the global research of education and knowledge. the importance of these achievements is clearly reflected by the numerous prizes and awards peter meusburger received, including the presidential achievement award of the american association of geographers in 2010 and several prizes in germany and austria. several international journals and scientific funds, including the alexander von humboldt foundation and the german research foundation (dfg), and the council of the town of heidelberg regularly relied on his advice and evaluations. it is of utmost importance from the point of view of hungarian geography that peter meusburger played a distinctive role from the 1980s onwards in fostering academic cooperation between german and hungarian speaking geographers, which significantly contributed to the internationalisation of hungarian geography in general. he regularly held lectures at academic events in hungary, and brought hundreds of students to hungary on his field trips. he gave the opportunity to a lot of hungarian scholars to attend scientific visits, research projects and graduate studies in heidelberg, and to publish internationally. at heidelberg university he served for more than ten years (1998–2009) as the rector’s representative for the partnership with eötvös loránd university. over these decades he played an eminent role in disseminating geographical knowledge about hungary in the international scientific domain. he published, both on his own and with german as well as hungarian colleagues together, a number of works on the human geography of hungary, including the volume “transformations in hungary” (physica verlag, 2001), which he co-edited with heike jöns. he and his colleagues were the first to describe and explain several trends of hungary’s geography of labour and knowledge based on hungarian census data from 1980 and 1990. he also was advisory board member of our journal. as an admiration for his outstanding efforts he was elected honorary member of the hungarian geographical society and honorary doctor of eötvös loránd university in 2010, and received the lóczy lajos prize, the highest rank award of the society, in 2015. in addition to his diverse and invaluable academic achievements, it was his humane attitude, open-minded character and legendary helpfulness that became the true hallmark of peter meusburger in the eyes of his colleagues and disciples, including the 164 master students and 27 phd students he supervised, many of whom are prominent geographers now in various countries. professor meusburger, as we commonly called him in hungary, belonged to those few scholars who, instead of “producing” “academic labour force”, created human communities and helped individuals in finding their own way as well as viable forms of cooperation with other people. he often mentioned that it is people who are doing science. many of us will never forget how he asked us to inform him about the exact time of our arrival in heidelberg, so that he can take us by car from the railway station. the many times he not simply replied amazingly quickly to our e-mails in which we sent a new manuscript or asked him for a supporting letter, but sent back a long list of wonderfully nuanced comments or a remarkably detailed recommendation along with some warm encouragement, as if all this generous support had been just natural. we will also remember the feeling we had so many times, that he paid special attention to all of us. the scholarly work of peter meusburger was always permeated by honest curiosity, cheerfulness, and a fine sense of humour in the best austrian traditions. he loved to point out by employing simple everyday examples the weaknesses and unrealistic features of self-important scientific concepts, or to reveal, with a content smile on his face, some erroneous assumptions behind widely accepted and taken for granted theories by presenting well elaborated results of in-depth studies. the impressive combination of purposefulness and peaceful harmony, a precise sense of reality and cheerful optimism, which were so unique to his personality, radiated from him to those in his environment. it was simply fun to be and work with him. the following sentence of him vividly lives in my mind: “thanks god, nothing happens the way one plans.” this special wisdom, so characteristic to him, always made him see, instead of problems, enemies and hopelessness, wonderful new opportunities to learn, think, and work together with others. the memorial service of peter meusburger took place in heidelberg on 12th january 2018. we lost an excellent, internationally renowned scholar, a devoted supporter of hungarian geography, and, what is even more important, an extraordinarily great person with him. we will keep him in our memories and strive to forward to others all what he gave us. ferenc gyuris chronicle – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 103–104. 91book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 91–102. b o o k r e v i e w s e c t i o n doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.67.1.7 hungarian geographical bulletin 67 2018 (1) glückler, j., lazega, e. and hammer, i. (eds.): knowledge and networks. cham, springer, 2017. 386 p. why geo-located social networks matter in how knowledge is created and diffuses in space? according to a central tenet in social sciences, network position of individuals explains much of information access (ibarra, h. 1993), control of flows (newman, m.e.j. 2005), and thus the outcomes of new knowledge creation (burt, r.s. 2004). it is also widely recognised that social ties and personal acquaintance reduce transaction costs and enhance the efficiency of mutual learning (borgatti, s. p. et al. 2009). however, we still need to better understand how social ties form and evolve in space (juhász, s. and lengyel, b. 2017) and how they contribute to socio-economic and technological development (lengyel, b. and eriksson, r. 2017). with the large ict-related datasets now available, we can investigate the structure and dynamics of social interactions at an unprecedented scale (lazer, d. et al. 2009). yet, most empirical works on large-scale social networks neglect the very geography inscribed in all socio-economic relations (fernandez, r.m. et al. 2004), thus falling short of grasping the economic, social, political, and institutional diversity of regions. the recent book edited by johannes glückler, emmanuel lazega and ingmar hammer targets this very important research niche by bringing together a wide variety of scholars from economics, geography, management and sociology. it is the 11th volume of the knowledge and space book series, financed by the klaus tschira foundation, and has been edited from the papers presented at the “topographies and topologies of knowledge” symposium in villa bosch, heidelberg (12–15 june, 2013). this series has grown to be an essential collection of the efforts in understanding the complex nature of knowledge and its relation to places and spaces. in their introductory chapter, the editors stress the necessity to strengthen the conversation between the parallel literatures of social network theory and the geography of knowledge. i completely agree with this central aim of the book and the implicit call for a new interdisciplinary social science research agenda. place and space provide fundamental contexts and also barriers of social relations, and in turn, social networks analysis provides very good tools to investigate the creation and diffusion of complex knowledge in space. glückler and his colleagues provide an overview of the core geography literature focusing on social networks and then summarise the geographical aspects of the sociology literature. after this, the authors set out their theoretical framework of the inter-disciplinary conversation about the interrelatedness of space and connections. they distinguish the roles of space in conditioning network formation from the spatial effects that moderate the network outcomes. in a similar fashion, the authors argue that connectivity influences spatial effects such as neighbourhood diffusion and mediate knowledge sharing if peers are not in physical proximity. finally, they call for a multilevel geographical approach focusing on the interactions between agents. indeed, the complex interdependencies of individuals and organisations need to be considered and therefore we have to analyse horizontal interactions between individuals and between organisations, and we also need to understand how the relations between the individual and organisational layers of networks influence the geographies of knowledge. the book structure is organised into three sections: “knowledge about networks”, “network evolution 92 book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 91–102. and social outcomes” and “network geographies of learning”. each block consists of five chapters. in the first section, the chapters stress the importance of the multilevel approach of spatial social networks analysis from a theoretical point of view. in the opening chapter, nancy ettlinger questions the classic direction of causality between the structure of social networks and economic outcomes, and argues that economic processes shape the evolution of social relations. this chapter is a critical synthesis of economic geography, sociology and business literatures; and the way ettlinger conceptualises economic and social relations makes it an important read for those interested in polarisation and inequalities. the following chapter looks at intercultural competence and learning in the context of globalising labour division and focuses on employees who are sent by the employer firms on foreign assignments. erika spiess develops an interesting framework in which the personal connections of the previous life of these employees foster inter-cultural learning when combined with the new ties created abroad. in the fourth chapter, pengfei li examines the role of family networks in developing regions and claims that the role of family connections in learning weakens when the economies take off. li argues in a very interesting manner that other types of social connections – such as friendship and professional connections – gain importance during fast development, but the transition is not automatic and the collapse of strong family networks might lead to fragmented societies. in the next chapter, laurent beauguitte analyses speeches and votes in the united nations general assembly and observes that nations collaborate more and more on international and global issues and also finds an emerging importance of regional groups of countries. in the final chapter, sarah hall discusses how social networks of graduate and postgraduate students influence the education strategies students make. the second section includes exciting empirical papers that examine the relations between the dynamics of social network formation and network outcomes of individuals and regions. in the seventh chapter, emmanuel lazega analyses an advice network among lay judges and investigates how the mobility of judges and the social networks created thereof shape collective learning. the author gives us a short introduction into how the structure of networks and agency endogenously form each other, then provides a very interesting spinning-top model to describe the cyclical centralisation and decentralisation process in multilevel networks. drawing on a cool case, charles kirschbaum investigates how collaboration over the 40-year evolution in jazz can describe individual musicians’ career and how the style of collaboration in music changed and became more and more competitive over generations. in the ninth chapter, laura prota, maria prosperina vitale and maria rosaria d’esposito analyse collaboration networks in a hightech industrial district in italy. by looking at how the core-periphery structure of the collaboration network changed over time, they contribute to the literature on cluster evolution. in the following chapter, jörg sydow and friedemann koll ask the policy-related question whether regional technological capabilities can be designed by fostering the relations between local agents. the final chapter of the section is authored by martin kilduff, ajay mehra, dennis gioia and stephen borgatti. the authors analyse in an excellent way the emergence of informal leadership in terms of individual behaviour in a high-tech firm and the effect of consequently gained structurally advantageous network positions. the findings suggest that those employees who adopt quickly to temporary social groups and change attitudes accordingly are more likely to be recognised by colleagues as informal leader, and the network position gained is more advantageous for them as for others whose attitudes are more consistent. the content of the third section specifically focuses on the role of networks in new knowledge creation and knowledge sharing. satyam mukherjee, brian uzzi, ben jones, and michael stringer investigate the origins of the impact of scientific publications measured by the number of citations. this chapter is a well reflected paper, in which the authors find that the highest impact papers combine previous work in a conventional way but also introduce some unusual combinations. the authors compare the dynamics of scientific impact in the fields of economics, geography and physics in this chapter and also demonstrate that publications authored by teams have higher impact than solo-authored papers. in the following chapter, johannes glückler and ingmar hammer provide interesting insights into the outcomes of knowledge diffusion by confronting two forms of local interfirm learning: friendly imitation fostered by social connections between firms and unfriendly forms of rival learning incentivised by co-location of firms. their case study on a german it organised network demonstrates that the tension caused by unfriendly rivalry is lowered by social connectedness and sanctions, which points toward better knowledge sharing opportunities in local economies. stefano breschi and camilla lenzi analyse large geo-located co-inventor networks in order to understand how network bridges between local innovation systems induce the dynamics of innovation in cities. their findings suggest that direct external relations bring fresh new knowledge into the local community of inventors and help the renewal of the knowledge base in the region. collecting survey data from questionnaire with civil servants, christopher ansell, martin lundin, and per ola öberg analyse the network of learning across swedish municipalities. the authors illustrate that most of the learning processes occurs between neigh93book review – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (1) 91–102. bouring municipalities and that the social networks of civil servants are shaped by administrative borders of counties. in the final chapter, uwe cantner, susanne hinzmann, and tina wolf look at social relations, knowledge transfer and cognitive proximities as the drivers of innovative collaboration dynamics. the authors report that collaboration ties are not likely to be repeated, which stresses the importance of finding new partners. their findings suggest that firms prefer to repeat cooperation with those firms that has similar knowledge base to their own. being active in the field this volume focuses on, i have very positive feelings about this book. all the chapters are open access and i highly recommend the read for everyone interested in spatial social networks. in general, i think that social networks provide very effective tools to better understand a variety of topics from spatial economic and social processes. this volume brings together a very nice selection of research questions and prompt answers in a way that the reader is motivated to develop new questions and answers. i think this is a great asset of the book. networks are everywhere and the beauty of the theory and methods of social networks is in its interdisciplinary character. the book “knowledge and networks” is an important building block in strengthening cross-disciplinary conversation between social scientists and geographers. i definitely think we have to follow this path and even think we have to extend the conversation to other communities. the emerging field of computational social science already integrates natural scientists interested in social networks and spatial phenomena with social scientists (lazer, d. et al. 2009). although the translation of research questions is challenging, because scholars in the natural science tradition of network science are looking for universal patterns instead of looking closely at the contexts of economic and social phenomena (hidalgo, c.a. 2016), i believe that widening the dialogue is beneficial for both streams of network research. for example, i am very much looking forward to the computational social science translation of key social science cornerstones, such as the multi-level approach including agency and organisation, which is one of my major lessons from the recent book. professor peter meusburger, the father of the knowledge and space symposia series at heidelberg university, passed away with tragic suddenness on 18th december 2017. although he did not directly participate in editing the book or authoring its chapters, and i did not know him personally, i would like to express my gratitude for this remarkable book series he started. professor meusburger devoted a significant share of his research on the spatial transformation during post-socialism and helped the integration of central and eastern european scholars in the international community. interested in spatial social networks, i believe that the path the recent “knowledge and networks” volume follows will further integrate researchers from central and eastern europe in the international discussion, which professor meusburger must have wished for us. may he rest in peace. balázs lengyel1 r e f e r e n c e s borgatti, s.p., mehra, a., brass, d.j. and labiance, g. 2009. network analysis in the social sciences. science 323. (5916): 892–895. burt, r.s. 2004. structural holes and good ideas. american journal of sociology 110. (2): 348–399. fernandez, r.m. and su, c. 2004. space in the study of labor markets. annual review of sociology 30. (1): 545–569. hidalgo, c.a. 2016. disconnected, fragmented, or united? a trans-disciplinary review of network science. applied network science 1. (6): doi 10.1007/ s41109-016-0010-3 ibarra, h. 1993. network centrality, power, and innovation involvement: determinants of technical and administrative roles. academy of management journal 36. (3): 471–501. juhász, s. and lengyel, b. 2017. creation and persistence of ties in cluster knowledge networks. journal of economic geography https://doi.org/10.1093/jeg/ lbx039 lazer, d., pentland, a., adamic, l., aral, s., barabasi, a.l., brewer, d., christakis, n., contractor, n., fowler, j., gutmann, m., jebara, t., king, g., macy, m., roy, d. and van alstyne, m. 2009. life in the network. science 323. (5915): 721–723. lengyel, b. and eriksson, r. 2017. co-worker networks, labour mobility and productivity growth in regions. journal of economic geography 17. (3): 635–660. newman, m.e.j. 2005. a measure of betweenness centrality based on random walks. social networks 27. (1): 39–54. 1 agglomeration and social networks lendület research group, centre for economic and regional studies, hungarian academy of sciences, budapest, hungary. e-mail: lengyel.balazs@krtk.mta.hu human-environment relationships in modern and postmodern geography 87kőszegi, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 87–99. human-environment relationships in modern and postmodern geography margit kőszegi1–zsolt bottlik1–tamás telbisz2 and lászló mari2 abstract in this article we analyse the human-environment relationships in geographical research from the end of the 19th to the beginning of the 21st century. we highlight paradigms, which aff ected our way of thinking about man-environment relations. discussing scientifi c approaches and paradigms in geography the leading scientists who had infl uential thoughts and helped the shaping of a paradigm will also be mentioned. the research on human-environment relations has appeared in geography from time to time, but the connecting paradigms had also diff erent stories through time and space. undoubtedly, the nowadays reviving determinism had the greatest infl uence, but possibilism has also had a signifi cant impact on our discipline. research on human-environment relationships reappeared in a new form through the discourse on global climate change. postmodern, poststructuralist, and postcolonial approaches changed radically the basis of human-environment research. in this paper, we argue that geography needs to renew not only its philosophical basis and theoretical context, but the connections between the two subdisciplines of geography (i.e. between physical and human geography) must be refreshed too. keywords: human-environment relations, determinism, possibilism, ecology, climate change introduction 1 department of regional science, eötvös loránd university, h-1117 budapest, pázmány péter sétány 1/c. e-mails: koszegimargo@gmail. com, agria@gmx.net 2 department of physical geography, eötvös loránd university, h-1117 budapest, pázmány péter sétány 1/c. e-mails: telbisztom@caesar. elte.hu, mari.laci@gmail.com climate change discourse draws the att ention again to the relationship between humans and nature. the widely available and diversifi ed information about this issue has had a signifi cant impact on public opinion and political decision making, therefore, the knowledge of the theoretical background of these scientifi c approaches is very important. research on human-environment relationships has been present in geography from the very beginning. defi nitely, it had great importance in the process of becoming an academic discipline in the 19th century, and it contributed to the duality of geography and brought about the development of anthropogeography (i.e. human geography). in this paper we analyse the changing contexts of geography from the end of the 19th to the beginning of the 21st century. we highlight paradigms, which ruled our way of thinking about human-environment relations. undoubtedly, the nowadays reviving determinism has had the greatest infl uence, but possibilism also had a signifi cant impact on our discipline. beside theoretical considerations, the actual reason for the present paper is a joint physical and human geographical eff ort. our research group works on the exploration of some aspects of the manenvironment relationships within selected spatial units (montenegro in telbisz, t. et al. 2014a; gömör-torna karst in telbisz, t. et al. 2014b and the apuseni mountains [“erdélyiszigethegység” in hungarian] in telbisz, t. et al. 2014c). karst terrains have several special physical characteristics, namely the hydoi: 10.15201/hungeobull.64.2.1 hungarian geographical bulletin 64 2015 (2) 87–99. kőszegi, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 87–99.88 drology, the soils. the relief is diff erent from those of other terrains. thus, we studied whether and how these physical sett ings (e.g. the lack of water, natural monuments, poor soils, etc.) infl uence social features like settlement patt erns, population changes, transport network etc. our approach is modern as we used gis methodology but the studied problems have a long-standing history in geographical thoughts. the foundations of scientifi c thinking: the society–nature dichotomy science has a well-defi ned though not always conscious philosophical view in the background of investigations concerning the relationships between humans and nature: the separation of society from nature. this dichotomy permits the simplifi cation of complex systems and the research of subsystems (harden, c.p. 2012). according to judkins, g. et al. (2008, p. 19) “the separation of humankind from nature, and the search for determinism within this relationship, are mutually constitutive and appear to varying degrees during all moments of human-environment research”. investigation of human–environment relations is one of the most basic questions of humankind. we can use the classical phrase that already the ancient greeks had tried to explain, but we can go back even further, to the old myths of creation too. however, it was only in the second half of the 19th century when this research issue was considered as part of the academic science of geography. zoltán hajdú (2007) considers this theme in a wider context. he agrees that this is one of the fundamental questions of geography, and further on, he introduces the evolution of scientifi c thinking in connection with these relationships. basically, there are two contrasting viewpoints in science that have accompanied human history. the fi rst is that environment controls social processes (determinism), and the second is that society has its own laws and nature is only the frame of its activities (nihilism). ferenc probáld (2012) pointed out that several variants of determinism can be distinguished according to the supposed range of environmentally controlled historical processes or social phenomena, the degree and (in)directness of environmental impact. in hungary, environmental determinism is a common phrase, but nihilism or possibilism is less known either in general or in scientifi c literature. these three phrases express theoretical ideas in the scientifi c approach of human-environment research (castree, n. 2011; harden, c.p. 2012; judkins, g. et al. 2008; lewthwaite, g.e. 1966; peet, r. 1985; probáld, f. 1999). postmodern geographical approaches use the contemporary philosophical thought, namely that the nature is a social construction. it also implies that its meaning is under permanent change depending on philosophical approaches and political aspects too (demeritt, d. 2002). we agree that humanenvironment relations were diff erently evaluated from time to time; therefore, we present here these changes through time and space. the aspects of the newly professionalising geography in the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries the evolution theory of darwinism, the deductive research methods and the newtonian causality largely aff ected the scientifi c thought (grossman, l. 1977). for geography, which was on its way to become an academic discipline, it was a problematic question how to treat the place and role of humans within the great natural system of the humboldtian synthesis. the research on the relations between humans and environment has resulted in the genesis of anthropogeography. from a historical perspective, hajdú (2007) claims, that the research on human-environment relations was a basic topic in the forming geographical science. according to istván berényi (1997) this issue is connected to the classic (early) anthropogeography, which an89kőszegi, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 87–99. alysed the connections between humans and their natural and social surroundings. tibor mendöl (1999), who wrote the history of geography in the middle of the 20th century, gave a diff erent interpretation. according to him, in the end of the 19th century geography was the science of connections and causalities in general. our research group accepts the opinion of probáld (1999), who emphasised that the integrated analysis of spatial phenomena and the investigation of humanenvironment relations are among the most important targets of geographical research. discussing the role of scientifi c approaches and paradigms in geography, scientists who helped the process of paradigm formation should also be mentioned. the research on human-environment relations has appeared in geography from time to time, but the connecting paradigms had diff erent stories through time and space. at the end of the 19th century the german, french, british and american schools were equally engaged in human-environment research and anthropogeography. four scientists got important positions at different universities at the same time, and they were interested in the research of society within the framework of the new science investigating the features of the earth (castree, n. 2011). the german friedrich ratzel, the french paul vidal de la blache, the british halford mackinder and the american william morris davis determined the scientifi c thought of humanenvironment relationships within the new academic discipline of geography. all of them accepted the concept of unifi ed geography that the research of nature and society is feasible within one discipline. with mackinder’s words, they believed, that geography can bridge the gap between physical and social sciences (castree, n. 2011). according to davis the research on the relation between the earth and its inhabitants is the task of geography, this research issue separate geography from other sciences (lewthwaite, g.r. 1966; harden, c.p. 2012). their thought was infl uenced by the evolutionary theory of lamarck and darwin (livingstone, d.n. 2011). we can say that it was a compulsion to them to demonstrate the relationship between nature and society. ratzel, determinism and their infl uence on scientifi c thought the result of the activity of friedrich ratzel from the german school was the determinist paradigm about human-environment relations, which dominated geographical thought for some decades. due to his work this paradigm got scientifi c legitimacy, but later on it had a controversial career in history, not only in a scientifi c meaning. it has been transformed through time and space, but basically it remained the same. according to environmental determinism the environment, the nature controls human activities (livingstone, d.n. 2011). as hajdú (2007) commented environment determines the diverse development processes of society. nature is the independent variable, the cause, while the human evolution and its social features are dependent variables, the answers to the cause (harden, c.p. 2012). environmental determinism was not the product of academic geography, discoveries had already made it popular. this idea was propagated by several earlier writings, and especially the infl uence of climate on people was a popular theory (livingstone, d.n. 2002). in the 18th century, philosophers of the enlightenment already wrote about the connections between the climate and the cultures. geographic discoveries found various cultures at diff erent latitudes, which were dissimilar from the european culture; therefore, the relation between climate and culture seemed quite obvious (coombes, p. and barber, k. 2005). merely a modern science was necessary to legitimate this viewpoint. geography became an academic discipline more or less the same time when western powers demanded the legitimacy of their colonial aspirations (livingstone, d.n. 1992). at the end of the 19th and early 20th centuries this thought was undoubtedly connected kőszegi, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 87–99.90 to geography and the reason for this was the subject of geographical research. according to livingstone determinism served as a perfect basis for academic geography to provide an appropriate framework for the research of society. second, it gave the scientifi c justifi cation of colonial policies and so the spirit of the age made it successful (livingstone, d.n. 2011). peet, r. (1985) confi rms this view in his article about the social background of environmental determinism; according to him this idea was the entrance of geography to modern sciences. darwinian thoughts in geography gave a scientifi c explanation to the question, why it is possible that certain nations are more successful than others in the struggle for world domination (peet, r. 1985). consequently, environmental determinism is basically eurocentric. even nowadays we can meet scientifi c works based on the premise, that the formation of european culture was connected to special environmental features, or certain environmental features made non-european nations less resistant mentally and/or physically (blaut, j.m. 1999; castree, n. 2011). ratzel‘s works are deeply inspired by the evolutionary theory; he studied zoology, biology and anatomy in the 1860s (peet, r. 1985). he was a professor in munich and later in leipzig in the 1880s, when power eff orts of the united german empire became stronger; his thoughts gave the legitimacy of these imperialistic desires. according to berényi (1992), in the works of ratzel the physical environment determines the possibility of human activities, the spatial movement of people and their spatial distribution; therefore the development of a state is the function of the physical sett ings. mendöl (1999) emphasised that ratzel had not claimed that every social phenomenon can be explained by environmental reasons; he just wanted to point those social phenomena, which really refl ect the impact of environmental factors. in ratzelian thought the state is an organism under the rule of biological evolution, like every creature on earth. nations live on a given territory, which feed them; therefore, the need for a larger territory or living space (lebensraum) is instinctively present in their thoughts (anderson, j. 2009). later on, the living space theory had become notorious and compromised due to the book of adolf hitler (mein kampf), the nazi ideology and the events of the second world war. it is one of the reasons why environmental determinism disappeared from scientifi c thought and geopolitics in the second half of the 20th century. however, the infl uence of ratzelian thoughts is far beyond german geography and geopolitics. in his study about the short history of the 20th century geography probáld (1999) discussed the predominance of environmental determinism in american geography in the fi rst part of the 20th century too, thanks to the works of ellen churchill semple and ellsworth huntington. semple was ratzel’s student in the 1890s in berlin. her oft en cited study was published in 1911 (infl uences of geographic environment) and became very infl uential for decades in the united states (peet, r. 1985; harden, c.p. 2012). sometimes, the work of semple is mentioned as a separate geographical approach as environmentalism (lewthwaite, g.r. 1966, probáld, f. 1999). in her convincing theory semple emphasised the vitalising connection between earth and man. man cannot be investigated scientifi cally without the earth, therefore, the aim of geography is to investigate the infl uence of natural factors on historical events (peet, r. 1985). she investigated the eff ects of environment on human mind; this had involved the demonstration of mental features of nations and races. the basic thought, that the cradle of mankind is the hot zone, but the temperate zone off ers the challenges and trigger higher-order development, had already appeared in ratzel’s works. however, semple went further: she described with spectacular examples the direct relation between nature and cultures (peet, r. 1985). as pál teleki (1917/1996), wrote in his seminal work, huntington went as far as to claim that the rise of civilisations is possible only in a certain climatic type of the earth. in the works of semple, huntington and their followers the environmental factors 91kőszegi, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 87–99. were “determinative causes of racial diff erences, cultural practices, moral values, ingenuity and the ultimate capabilities of any given population” (judkins, g. et al. 2008. p. 20). looking back, they are criticisable, because they drew consequences without well-documented causes and eff ects and without systematic research. they generated many stereotypes and legitimated racism too (harden, c.p. 2012). according to peet, r. (1985) determinism was popular in the united states in the early 20th century, because this theory legitimated the declaration of the superiority of the american nation as well as their spatial expansion over the american continent. ratzelian thoughts were echoed in hungarian geography much later. research on human-environment relationships appeared only in the early 20th century due to the works of jenő cholnoky, a prominent physical geographer and géza czirbusz known as the hungarian apostle of anthropogeography. while cholnoky considered humans as one of the natural factors, czirbusz advanced humankind from nature and he emphasised that other, more important internal eff ects have a signifi cant role in the life of society (fodor, f. 2006). czirbusz considered ratzel’s thoughts and determinism with criticism and he called this theory “geographical fatalism”. therefore, hajdú (2007) regards cholnoky a deterministic scientist, whereas he considers czirbusz a possibilistic or even a nihilistic thinker. the ratzelian concept of natural barriers was an important argument in the hungarian struggle for the revision of the borders set by the treaty of trianon (1920). probáld (2012) emphasised the presence of determinism in hungarian geography between the two world wars. he presented several examples to demonstrate that the works of geographers were diff erently aff ected by this idea. only ferenc fodor formulated extremely deterministic thoughts in his late work, when he stated that all functions of the state are deeply rooted in the geographical features of its land. according to him, the character of the nations bears strong imprint even of environments their ancestors lived in many centuries ago. nevertheless, other hungarian geographers, who investigated human-environment relations like pál teleki, tibor mendöl, gyula prinz and andrás rónai were closer to possibilism and the french school. environmental determinism provided a scientifi c basis for the early 20th century scientists, who studied human phenomena in a changing world (frenkel, s. 1992, 1994). according to harden “the concept of environmental determinism, like the theory of continental drift , provided a stepping stone for the advancement of knowledge” (harden, c.p. 2012, p. 740). nevertheless, determinism got more and more critics within the scientifi c community from the 1920s that has led to a paradigm shift in geography aft er the second world war. however, this over-simplifying theory had great popularity and it infl uenced political decisions until the fall of colonizer politics (frenkel, s. 1992, 1994). the critic of determinism: the impact of paul vidal de la blache and the french school the infl uence of evolutionary theory is noticeable in the works of vidal de la blache too (he used the expression ‘struggle for existence’), but as a historian he was rather a social scientist. vidal de la blache accepted the thought of unifi ed geography; nature and society exist in one integrated system in his works, but he examined their relations from the side of the society. teleki (1917/1996) quoted his thoughts about geography: according to him geography received many ideas from other disciplines, but equally offers them a lot, because geography has the possibility to consider things together, that were intimately joined by nature and to understand and to make understand the relations of phenomena, which are present in the whole nature including all of us, humans, and the diff erent landscapes. according to vidal de la blache humans have a relative autonomy from nature, people rate and use natural resources in diff erent ways (berényi, i. 1997). his students emkőszegi, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 87–99.92 phasised the importance of free will: “man is free to pick and choose between the vast but varying range of possibilities presented by his environment” (lewthwaite, g.r. 1966, p 3; teleki, p. 1917/1996). as probáld (1999) wrote, the natural features could not determine the events of history, but provide a more or less wide range of possibilities. the utilisation of these possibilities depends on the cultural or technical development of the society. in possibilistic thought the nature is an eff ective but not deterministic factor in the formation of diff erences between cultures. environment gives possibilities to social activities. the humans as actors create their own culture and their environment through this (anderson, j. 2009). the french jean brunhes, a student of vidal de la blache, emphasised that researchers must concentrate on interrelationships and not on unidirectional relations (lewthwaite, g.r. 1966). according to brunhes, as humans become members of their community and accept their culture through socialisation, they exert an impact on nature too. they become factors aff ecting the environment, but there are many other factors infl uencing the nature, therefore, infl uencing humans too (teleki, p. 1917/1996). this is the essence of the human-environment relationship. his way of thinking was free from overstatements as it is refl ected by his claim that every truth related to human-environment relations can be only approximate, and the overemphasis on precision leads to falsifi cation (brunhes, j. 1913). vidal de la blache examined smaller spatial units as opposed to the expanding state territories of his age; many landscape monographs were created by him and his followers (teleki, p. 1917/1996). he coined the term genres de vie (way of life) and he pointed out that spatial behaviour of human groups is primarily aff ected by cultural features. he did not draw general conclusions, instead he wanted to explore concrete relationships fi rst. that is why he turned back to earlier data collection and classifi cation methodology. he wanted to gather the characteristics of groups with certain ways of life. his research was rather descriptive focussing on the quantitative and qualitative categorisation of all features in a landscape (berényi, i. 1992; mendöl, t. 1999; anderson, j. 2009). according to berényi (1997), the possibilism theory was the successor of determinism in time; the ratzelian thought became an obsolete conception by the turn of the 20th century due to the clear and intense transformation of nature by the upturning manufacturing industry. in fact, vidal de la blache and ratzel were active in almost the same time; therefore, it is more appropriate to say that these two viewpoints lived next to each other. the infl uence of the french school and vidal de la blache penetrated to other countries, too. the concept of synthetic geography of teleki, the prominent hungarian geographer of the interwar period was closely connected to this approach. he was enthusiastic about the ingenuity of landscape monographs, but he considered them methodologically primitive (teleki, p. 1917/1996). according to him, the mission of geographical description is to introduce the characters of landscapes and the comparison of them, searching for typical diff erences and similarities (teleki, p. 1917/1996). possibilism could be used as a kind of scientifi c support to hungarian irredentist eff orts. zoltán krasznai (2003) pointed out that using ideas of the french school in the paris peace conference was a tactical step. according to their concept, the carpathian basin is a complex of landscapes, which complete each other (győri, r. 2009). the monograph of the carpathian basin is the last product of this idea (bulla, b. and mendöl, t. 1947). the infl uence of the french school can be recognised in the theoretical studies of istván dékány and in the works of tibor mendöl, too (hajdú, z. 2007; győri, r. 2009). the predominance of descriptive geography became more and more obvious internationally till the remarkable paradigm shift aft er the second world war. in the 1920s, the scientifi c arguments against determinism in the american geography used the approach of possibilism. these arguments and 93kőszegi, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 87–99. the basis of the human ecological approach are connected to carl sauer (williams, m. 1994; judkins, g. et al. 2008). in addition to the importance of the free will, sauer emphasised that nature off ers or limits certain possibilities, but does not determine the culture (harden, c.p. 2012). he stated that the human behaviour is not dependent on environmental constrains or on logical necessity but rather on the conventions acquired in the culture. his research methodology took into consideration the historical development and used inductive methods like vidal de la blache, he presented how the culture and the physical environment can be studied in an integrated framework and context. (judkins, g. et al. 2008). another similarity, that sauer performed his research using small territorial units too. he called them cultural landscapes, emphasising that they are the results of the joint infl uence of culture and nature (harden, c.p. 2012). in the american geography, the ecological views appeared in the 1920s starting mainly with the research of sauer who worked with some anthropologists at berkeley university. his follower, harlan barrows emphasised that human ecological research can provide the appropriate framework for the unifi ed geography by the exploration of relationships between humans and the environment (grossman, l. 1977; harden, c.p. 2012). the early ecological studies of sauer and his school concentrated principally to the prints of the society recognisable in the cultural landscape (grossman, l. 1977). study of human–environment relations in the bipolar world the new political system formed aft er the second world war established diff erent research conditions, ideas and directions in the opposing countries of the capitalist and the communist blocks. we have to study the theoretical and ideological aspects of both sides in order to outline the further evolution of human–environment research in geography. communism and human-environment relationships. according to hajdú (1999) both determinism and nihilism were present in pre-revolution russian geography, but just after the soviet takeover possibilism became the dominant approach. later on, possibilism changed place with nihilism and social determinism due to the building up of the stalinist system and the ambitious state plans for nature transformations, though communist geographers would have protested against this categorisation. radó, s. (1962) emphasised that soviet geographers equally rejected the bourgeois environmental determinism, the geographical possibilism and the american environmentalism. the scientifi c life of the soviet block was under the rule of one exclusive ideology: the dialectical and historical materialism of marx and engels. this ideology postulates the mutual relations of phenomena; therefore, it offered an intellectual direction to eastern block geographers how to think about human-environment relations (vavilov, sz.i. 1950). according to marx, a connecting process, the work determines the relationship between humans and nature. this process is associated with humans, who transform the environment and through this themselves. nature provides diff erent conditions to people. societies depending on their degree of development use diff erent natural resources during the production. because of this relationship those territories of the earth where natural resources are rich do not force people to develop themselves. several hungarian scientifi c works used the thoughts of marx to explain why the motherland of the capital was not the tropical climate with its overgrowing vegetation, but the temperate zone. certainly, marx was infl uenced by the scientifi c results of his age (evolutionary theory, information from discoveries), therefore, the dialectical and historical materialism helped to develop deterministic thoughts in geography. however, he unambiguously declared that the work and the production hereby the humans are the motive force of events. kőszegi, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 87–99.94 humans were emancipated from the environment through work and production and the society depending on its degree of development dominates nature (smith, n. 1990). not only the investigation of human-environment relationships, but even the hard separation of humans and nature became the ideological basis of the marxist-leninist geography. nevertheless, during everyday research practices these ideas were in the service of actual political reasons and they were interpreted as it was advantageous for decision makers. according to engel-di mauro (2009), the strict catechism followed by geographers was similar to the parody of marx’s works (engel-di mauro, s. 2009). the geographical investigations were under state control, in service of the planned economy. physical and human geography were separated from each other, and the later was replaced by economic geography, which pointed out the research directions (timár, j. 2009). science must be useful for society and it must serve the resolution of tasks set by the state, therefore, only applied research was favoured in the eastern block (vavilov, sz.i. 1950). on the other hand, science in the communist era was based on positivism, searched for objective truth and believed that the world is knowable (vavilov, sz.i. 1950). eastern block geographers were rather thinking in a system of geographical sciences because of specialisation processes dissecting geography (radó, s. 1962). research was structured into two almost completely distinct units: physical and economic geography. physical geography investigated the scene of production, the natural environment; therefore, it prepared the study of economic geography. in the stalinist era, the task of the soviet science was the service of monumental plans, like industrialisation, military preparations or the notorious environment-transformations (shaw, d.j.b. and oldfield, j.d. 2007). practically, it led to the most simplistic interpretation of human-environment relations: society stands above nature and society is able to form and to transform nature in any way according to its needs (shaw, d.j.b. and oldfield, j.d. 2007). as geography served the coloniser ambitions of the western countries earlier, so was it used by the soviet politics to support the actual nature-transforming state plans. it was a total compulsion for them, they did not have a choice; they had to serve the dictatorship. according to hajdú (1999), the science of geography acted in fact in the propaganda of the works, and not in the formulation of plans. in the 1970s the negative environmental eff ects of the grand plans became so obvious that it inspired scientists to reconsider human-environment relationships again. regional landscape research reappeared and new investigations with more qualitative methods as well as research themes from other fi elds of human geography (not economy) could begin (shaw, d.j.b. and oldfield, j.d. 2007; timár, j. 2009). these developments were also valid for hungary, where the sovietisation of science and of geography took place at the end of the 1940s. the end of this era when most studies neglected the environment can be assigned to the study of györgy enyedi (1972). he discussed how much environmental factors were ignored in the study of social development. his work indicated the rethinking of nature-society relations in the early 1970s. the changing western geography and the nature-society dichotomy the concept of paradigm shift can explain the ignoration of human-environment relationships in geography aft er the second world war (kuhn, t.s. 1984). in the western world the quantitative revolution and the spatial science approach, which endured till the 1980s pushed human-nature relationships aside during the second half of the 20th century (probáld, f. 1999). first, the abovementioned paradigm shift occurred mainly aft er the second world war thanks to the specialisation of geographical research. development of geomorphology, climatology, economic geography and political geography in the early 20th century 95kőszegi, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 87–99. was the forerunner of this fragmentation. specialisation of human geography isolated the environmental studies. physical geography focussed on earth surface phenomena, but not in a holistic manner, instead even research on the physical environment was distributed into several sub-disciplines (castree, n. 2011). second, the connection of determinism with coloniser eff orts, racist views and nazi ideas made it undesirable to both policy and society. because of its intolerable situation, scientists discarded environmental determinism in the anglo-saxon world. as we mentioned earlier, environmental determinism was the entrance of geography to modern sciences, therefore, geography had to be rebuilt from its basis. the breaking with determinism pushed into background all kinds of research related to human-environment relationships. but there remained a vacuum aft er it in geographical science, and similar unifying paradigms have never appeared again since that time that would promote the investigation of human-environment relationships (guelke, l. 1989). besides this, probáld (1999) explains the decline of determinism by a change of the way of thinking which appeared in the developed countries in the 1950s and 1960s. this new way of thinking is based upon the absolute faith in technical development that cannot accept any controlling act of nature. he did not call it nihilism, but he considered it as a backlash to the earlier deterministic thought. aft er the second world war the role of science in society has changed radically and geography also had to adjust to it. the quantitative revolution in geographical science as well as the spatial science approach of the discipline further reduced the connections between physical and human geography (guelke, l. 1989). in the second half of the 20th century the human-environment research was basically ignored in geography but continued in other disciplines. historians of the french annales school analysed the relationships of diff erent societies and the space around them (braudel, f. 1949; chaunu, p. 1966). aft er the specialisation of ecological research, there appeared some topics, which promoted the investigation of human-environment relationships, like cultural ecology, human ecology or political ecology. cultural ecology became signifi cant among anthropologists aft er the second world war. besides the relationships between cultures they investigated also the relations between diff erent cultures and their environments (grossman, l. 1977). the ecological idea enriched the works of archaeologists too (renfrew, c. and bahn, p. 1996). thanks to possibilism, human-nature research was present in geography too, but in a changed form and not in the focus of scientifi c att ention. the ecological research as we mentioned above has already appeared in the early 20th century in american geography. cultural and political ecology appeared aft er the second half of the 20th century; they interpreted the causality between humans and their environment from both directions (harden, c.p. 2012). this idea presumed the correlations between special environmental characters and cultural traditions (judkins, g. et al. 2008). cultural ecology became signifi cant particularly in american geography in the 1960s due to the works of julian steward, roy rappaport and cliff ord geertz (castree, n. 2011). they investigated the adapting processes of humans to nature (harden, c.p. 2012). they focused on the changing processes caused by human activities (e.g. the eff ect of soil erosion, burning and cutt ing of vegetation), and analysed mainly the local features of smaller communities (grossman, l. 1977). political ecology investigated how the political and economic structures explained the interaction between society and its environment (harden, c.p. 2012). according to the approach of structuralism in political ecology, the society is the main determining factor through its institutions (judkins, g. et al. 2008). as the structuralism appeared in geography, the models of ecosystems worked out by biologists came also into use. these models were a great leap forward, because ecosystem analysis provides a useful framework to the kőszegi, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 87–99.96 investigation of mutual human–environment interactions (grossman, l. 1977). however, instead of ecosystem analyses, the investigation of spatiality, and spatial analysis became dominant in geography. the building of models and macro-regional investigations became characteristic, therefore, the ecosystem analyses, which were used mainly in small scale research, were not adopted. nonetheless, the ecological research gave dynamics to the study of man-environment relationships again. instead of looking for simple casual relationships, it revealed the complexity of links between humans, society and environment (harden, c.p. 2012). these investigations focused mainly on smaller communities and territorial units of developing countries during the second half of the 20th century (harden, c.p. 2012). new approaches around the millennium the real breakthrough in human-environment research ensued in the 1990s, when the idea that humans have an infl uence on recent climate change was accepted (coombes, p. and barber, k. 2005). the environmental protection movements appeared fi rst in the united states in the 1960s and 1970s and gradually gained political support to study these questions and increased research activities in these fi elds (harden, c.p. 2012). the global climate change discourse received geopolitical importance and turned the att ention to the fragile relation of humans and their environment. the environmental problems emphasised by politicians and the need for solving these problems generated a social claim towards science to study these questions (judkins, g. et al. 2008). in the 21st century, investigation of human-environment relationships have become more signifi cant not only in geography but in other social sciences too. these emerging issues have constituted a real challenge for geography. in the past decades, due to holocene research and new scientifi c methods, the investigation of human impact on natural environment became an important topic (builth, h. et al. 2008; lépy, é. 2012). the climate change discourse raises again the question that environmental changes can radically transform the life of societies. many studies indicated correlation between climate change and cultural disasters (coombes, p. and barber, k. 2005). these studies emphasise the need for understanding these effects in order to reduce, stop or reverse the undesired results (harden, c.p. 2012). there is a peculiar chapter in human-environment research, the investigation of factors, which mean risks to human communities and society needs protection against them (castree, n. 2011). in this viewpoint, the natural factors are the independent variables again; they infl uence the life of communities (harden, c.p. 2012). these viewpoints also gained more importance as recent climate change became a favourite subject. while the once ruling paradigm of environmental determinism was expelled from geography, it appeared again and even fl ourished (!) in other disciplines (hulme, m. 2011). biologists, historians, anthropologists and economists also investigate the role of natural factors in social processes and ask even basic questions like why certain nations are richer than others (schoenberger, e. 2001). while some economists, historians and climatologists formulated extremely deterministic and sometimes absurd statements (e.g. landes, d.s. 1998, behringer, w. 2010), the mainstream geography consistently rejected every sign of environmentalism (e.g. blaut, j.m. 1999; judkins, g. et al. 2008; o’keefe, p. et al. 2009). however, we emphasize that geography must react to these environmentalist thoughts, in some cases even by adopting some less strict forms of environmental determinism (diamond, j. 1997; radcliffe, s.a. 2010). if any connection can be observed between environmental change and subsequent cultural transformation, the geographical community is inclined to think about deterministic relations (nunn, p.d. 2003). since these investigations are connected mainly to 97kőszegi, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 87–99. quaternary research, the neodeterministic approach appears principally in the works of physical geographers (nunn, p.d. 2003; o’keefe, p. et al. 2009). the challenges of the future aft er we get acquainted with several works about human-environment relations, we can support the signifi cance of this topic in our discipline. it is one of the most basic questions in geography; it gave the basis of becoming an academic discipline, and it greatly infl uenced its dual character in the 19th century. the nature-society dichotomy resulted diff erent approaches in diff erent periods and places, and it accompanied the whole history of geography. recently, research on human-environment relationships reappeared due to the discourse of global climate change. many scientists have denoted the risks and unscientifi c nature of classical deterministic thought (e.g. sluyter, a. 2003). however, the ecological approaches, used in anthropology and archaeology, give an alternative, which emphasises the active role of people reacting to climate changes being in a dynamic relation with their own environment – they form and transform it (ericson, c.l. 1999). at the turn of the millennium the scientifi c community takes steps for the integration of ecological approaches with an actor oriented viewpoint. they would like to understand how the individuals can manipulate their own situations in the ecological, structural and cultural framework, in which they live (judkins, g. et al. 2008). despite the popularity of deterministic approach between laics and politicians, the scientific community investigates the human-environment relationships rather from an ecological point of view (builth, h. et al. 2008; lépy, é. 2012; raymond, c.m. et al. 2013). postmodern, poststructuralist, and postcolonial approaches have radically changed the philosophy of human-environment research in social sciences. according to these viewpoints, every representation of the nature is a social construction, the manifestation of some kind of social power. thus, these approaches turn the idea of environmental determinism inside out, and they also point to the fact that the mental separation of nature and society, which is the basic of most human-environment concepts, is a heritage of western philosophy (castree, n. 2011). not only the global problems or the changing ideology of postmodern world induce the science to investigate human-environment relations. due to the information revolution more eff ective equipment and bett er analysis methods are available for the scientifi c community; therefore, it is worth rethinking the relationships between humans and their environment. the geographical science has to renew not only its philosophical basis and scientifi c terms, but the connections between the two subdisciplines of geography (i.e. between physical and human geography) must be refreshed too. the scientific community frequently emphasises the importance of multidisciplinary research and in the case of geography, this multidisciplinary approach can be achieved by coordinating the physical and human geographical investigations. the success of this coordinated research can be a key factor in the survival or renaissance of our discipline. human-environment studies may have an important contribution to these eff orts. perhaps it is time for geography to reconsider its suspiciousness and hypersensitivity against all variants of determinism. acknowledgement: this research has been supported by the hungarian national science foundation, otka 104811 project. the work of tamás telbisz has been supported by the jános bolyai scolarship of the hungarian academy of sciences. kőszegi, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 87–99.98 references anderson, j. 2009. understanding of cultural geography: places and traces. routledge, london, 240 p. behringer, w. 2009. a cultural history of climate. cambridge, polity press, 280 p. berényi, i. 1992. az alkalmazott szociálgeográfia elméleti és módszertani kérdései (the theoretical and methodological questions of applied sociogeography). budapest, akadémiai kiadó, 168 p. berényi, i. 1997. a szociálgeográfi a értelmezése (defi nition of socio-geography). budapest, elte eötvös kiadó, 136 p. blaut, j.m. 1999. environmentalism and eurocentrism. the geographical review 89. 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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(ed.): atlas of poland’s political geography. poland in the modern world: 2022 perspective. drukarnia legra, warsaw, 2022. 392 p. 193book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 193–199. “we have two duties to our friends: honesty and cordiality. perhaps because these virtues are very difficult to practice.” (vincenz, s. 1994 [1943], p. 77.) whether you are a reader with a layman’s interest or a professional with knowledge of the subject, any map lover will be delighted to have a collection of maps of this quality to hand and leaf through. my review is divided into two parts. the first is a closer look at the publication, approaching it from two angles: the ideological and theoretical concept of the atlas on the one hand, and its structure on the other hand. thereafter, the second part of the review evaluates the publication from a specifically “hungarian” point of view. first, i have to note that, compared to the previous edition of the atlas (2018), the material covered has been significantly expanded and deepened. meanwhile, the basic concept has not changed substantially. hence, the book is much more than its title suggests. it is not simply an atlas of the political geography of a country, i.e., an impressive collection of thematic maps on subjects strictly within the scope of the discipline. instead, it is a detailed and accurate portrait of the concept of poland, in addition to its history, political and geographical existence, state institutions, power relations, physical geography, and socio-geographical foundations. it is a kind of self-portrait. the book, as the foreword illustrates, is seeking answers to the question of whether a “simply normal,” in a specifically european sense “everyday” vision of a country is possible. the geographical dimensions of the issues that fascinate and torment polish society on this “historical stage” in this turbulent historical region of europe are strongly linked to the question of borders. virtually every aspect of the ‘spatialization’ of poland, its geography, and all the social conflicts associated with it are reflected in the pages of the map collection. moreover, presenting the conditions of existence for a state is also a great strength of the atlas. the attempt to explore the possibilities of constructing a “simply” eastern european state may well be the most striking in this respect. however, claiming that this work is simply a wellexecuted self-portrait would be misleading. more than that, it attempts to show what the “world” looks like from this particular polish historical-geographical context. it is both a self-portrait and a window into the world, showing the way “poland” sees – and seeks to see – itself and the world. this alone justifies that the work could not be confined to a narrow discipline, i.e., political geography. indeed, the thematic maps (and graphs) on display cover almost every aspect of human geography. even economic geography is represented in its social aspects in numerous maps showing the spatial distribution of various indicators of economic performance, while the maps show the networks that ensure the supply of raw materials. it has been an enormous undertaking to bring together this broad spectrum of approaches: to weave together the strands of different sub-disciplines, which differ in their methodological approaches and means of representation, into a coherent unit. this highlights – in addition to the meticulous work of the staff and professional communities who put together the atlas’s individual sections – the work, ingenuity, solarz, m.w. (ed.): atlas of poland’s political geography. poland in the modern world: 2022 perspective. drukarnia legra, warsaw, 2022. 392 p. b o o k r e v i e w s e c t i o n doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.72.2.7 hungarian geographical bulletin 72 2023 (2) 194 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 193–199. and perseverance of the editor who organized and conceptualized the whole project. by its very nature, this edited collection of maps incorporates almost all the tools and methods of thematic cartography. it contains more than 900 (930, if i counted correctly) thematic maps and sketch maps, as well as, of course, general geographical maps and about 100 figures. the atlas contains an impressive quantity of information in excellent quality. given its stated objective – providing a comprehensive, clear, primarily scientific, representative ‘tableau’ –, methodological issues are marginalized. researchers more deeply involved in the issues presented may miss the methodological descriptions and, in some cases, perhaps a theoretical analysis. however, it is easy to see that their inclusion would have seriously stretched the limits of the work, which are financially constrained. the structure of the work builds on the foundations of the previous edition five years earlier. however, the proportions have been slightly altered by including several new topics and more pronounced presentations. in this sense, the introductory chapter of the map collection (poland in space and time, pp. 23–50) represents continuity for, in essence, it reflects the basic concept established in 2018. the “backbone” of the entire atlas, both in terms of the number of pages and the number of maps published within a given section, is the second chapter, (borders, territory and memory, pp. 51–162), which has been carefully elaborated and partially expanded. it includes over three hundred maps, more than a third of the total. within the 13 conceptual chapters, the section on “historical identity and memory,” which seeks to capture the highly complex theme of “historical identity and memory,” takes place first with 70 high-quality and varied maps. the emphasis on this theme is perhaps one of the most commendable efforts of the whole work. particularly well developed within this section are the detailed changes of poland’s state borders in the 20th century. from a more narrowly interpreted “hungarian perspective,” this section also deserves special attention, for example, for its careful analysis of the changes in the (czecho)slovakian–polish state border. in addition to the presentation of border changes, the background of these changes is also revealed by ethnic geographic maps and historical outlines. from a purely politicalgeographical perspective, however, one of the most remarkable achievements within this chapter may be the sub-chapter (politico-geographical regionalization of contemporary poland, pp. 116–174), which, although it contains only four maps, is of great significance. in terms of scope and number of maps, the second chapter is followed by two sections which, as already mentioned, are relatively outside the scope of political geography in the narrower sense. the third chapter (development, pp. 165–232), presents the country’s socio-economic development indicators broken down by region and mainly in comparison with the european union. this chapter contains the largest sub-chapter (the decade in review. poland compared with the eu, efta, and uk) with 116 thematic maps. all this fits in well with the concept, which, as it has already been mentioned, is not only presenting but also interpreting and, in all its complexity, exploring poland’s self-understanding in the political geography and geopolitical context of contemporary europe. a special section, the fifth chapter (geographical names, pp. 267–312), even exceeds the development chapter in terms of the number of maps (218). with its focus on identity, this section is undoubtedly somewhat “out of concept” but it is also certain that, from the point of view of this rapidly developing new field of research, it may be one of the most exciting parts of the whole work. the fourth and sixth chapters (the state and politics, pp. 231–266, and poles abroad, minorities in poland, pp. 313–318) are the parts of the book that address, by definition, the country’s political geography in the narrower sense, although the sixth chapter could certainly be classified under the umbrella term of ethnic geography too. a series of ‘classical’ electoral geography maps (national elections in 2015–2022, pp. 252–265), which are well edited and represent a high standard, can also be enjoyed within this section, with 35 maps and eight graphics. again, the maps depicting ethnic geography and exploring its spatial context are imaginative and of high quality. perhaps not entirely incompatible with the genre of review is expressing personal opinion. i cannot deny that the seventh chapter, which is in some ways an anomaly, is perhaps the one that left the deepest impression on me while i was scrutinizing the atlas. poland and the “influence” of poles on the world and in the world (and even in space: on the moon and mars) is a subject that stood out for its imaginative execution (polish soft power, pp. 339–376). moreover, this chapter is indeed full of innovative approaches, in both the elaboration of maps and the interpretation of “polish influence.” the chapter is also characterized by a certain “pushiness” – in a good sense –, which is very appropriate. personally, this is where i found my favourite maps in the atlas, which imaginatively and spectacularly show the goal-scoring output of the epoch-making football striker robert lewandowski between 2008 and 2022 (p. 358). although it may seem like a sort of inserted appendix, the final chapter of the atlas plays a vital role as it is seeking to illustrate the impact on poland of the most significant external factors in the last five years, i.e., the covid pandemic and the ukrainianrussian conflict, which escalated into an open war in 2023 (tempus calamitatum, pp. 377–389). if depicting a football star’s “work” is a heart-warmingly refreshing part of the map collection, unfortunately, depressive 195book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 193–199. maps dominate this chapter. two maps stand out on pages 382–384 (nato vs. russia with belarus), which i must admit i pondered at length. i wondered where i was familiar with the numbing impression of spasmodic fears that these maps of the military strength of the opposing camps conveyed, and it took me a while to realize that they were indeed – unwittingly – evoking the world of the similarly depressing propaganda posters of my youth in the 1970s. finally, a few words about the “hungarian aspects” of the work and how they are perceived. first, a critical remark. within the second chapter, which forms the backbone of the work, there is a subchapter consisting of 48 map sketches (central and eastern europe – geopolitical changes from 966–2022). two problems can be raised about the attractive maps in the series, this time from a strictly selfish, “hungarian” perspective. the first is the cropping and spatial framing of the map sketches: unfortunately, these maps only show the tiny eastern part of present hungary’s territory, so no major settlement in present-day hungary “fits” on them and is therefore named. obviously, the map series’ authors and the atlas’ editors must have had severe problems in solving the framing of the cut-outs of the map series, and several objective printing or page-editing difficulties may have played a role in this. nevertheless, from “our” point of view, it is quite painful that in the end, buda (or esztergom and visegrád) as the political centre of a country neighbouring poland, was unfortunately left out of the map. it is true, we might add, that kiev, for example, has also fallen victim to this choice of frame. it is, however, interesting to note that although the name of “pozsony” is shown on the map series from the initial sketch (depicting the situation in 966) to the last one (2022), it is written as ‘bratysława,’ which is somewhat anachronistic before 1918, at least in the light of contemporary hungarian historical interpretation and historical-geographical naming practices. this is, however, undoubtedly only a nomenclature-related dilemma that could be solved in several ways. the “bigger problem” or oddity is that in this series, the maps for 1003 and 1025 (as opposed to the maps of 966 and 962) show the whole territory of present-day slovakia and even a little more than that: the border at tokaj extending to the tisza river, with poland delimited by sharp contours. i do not dispute that there has long been a “polish reading” of specific historical facts and documentary references that could be used as a basis for such an interpretation. i am not aware, however, of any recent radical change in the hungarian historians’ perception of this issue in comparison with the position of györgy györffy (1983), who was still formulating a refutation of these constructions in the 1980s. during almost the entire reign of hungary’s founding monarch, king st. stephen, would the danube bank opposite to hungary’s then “capital city” esztergom have been part of the kingdom of poland? including the whole of the “little danube plain on the left,” and the whole of today’s slovakia and northern hungary, including tokaj? well, i will have to get used to digesting this – for me – “new history,” that is for sure. let me say, albeit in a rather unscientific way, that i do not really believe in it. alternatively, perhaps more accurately: i am not really convinced of the historical validity of this reading. (i might add that the position of the czechhungarian border on several maps in the atlas, up until 1241, differs radically from the way they are depicted in today’s historical-geographical atlases of hungary.) on the hungarian side, we must get used to the fact that this interpretation of history is rather consistent from the polish perspective since we can already find this conception of the state territory in earlier parts of the atlas on page 46. looking through the collection of maps with “hungarian eyes” – if that is how it can be interpreted – we can find many factors rooted in our “common” historical past, with political geographical influences and consequences: historical events and processes, and the presence of history-shaping personalities. however, these do not seem particularly significant or important when viewed through the whole work, i.e., through the “polish window on the world” (as interpretative framework). building on the pillars of a narrative of a ‘common history’ that might be considered more or less common, it is easy to find such clues, but the overall impression may not meet the preliminary “expectations.” yet, this cannot be a coincidence. the atlas does not interpret and “map” poland and the polish society and nation within the – so to speak – familiar central european framework but based on a global scale. it seeks to present a mirror of the world “seen” from poland. on this scale, things are then “put in their proper place,” according to their weight and importance, for example, the ideal of the polish-hungarian historical community of destiny, which has been carefully preserved for generations. poland’s long and perhaps “forever unfinished” struggle for existence: from that perspective, the hungarian threads, while they may be vital in themselves and, in their own right, significant and decisive in their own time, are mere “side threads.” but history is a mass of such side threads woven into a flowing series of events. the vistula, the great river that flows into the baltic sea near gdańsk (ancient hungarian name ‘dancka’) in the far north, is considered by many to be the main artery of polish history and geography, and for good reason. the tributaries flowing into the vistula from the southern side of the carpathian watershed add at least as much to its waters as the hungarian bonds have influenced polish history and geography. that is by no means few or insignificant, and especially not “negligible!” 196 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 193–199. acknowledgement: this publication has been made within the project “geographical perspectives of the trianon peace treaty” (k 125001), supported by the national research, development, and innovation office (nkfih). györgy farkas1 r e f e r e n c e s györffy, gy. 1983. istván király és műve (king stephen and his oeuvre). budapest, gondolat. vincenz, s. 1994. tájak – történelemmel (landscapes – with history). pécs, jelenkor. (originally published in hungarica. gifts of friendship. hungarica. dar przyjazni. in: kalendarz polaka na węgrzech – rocznik 1943, budapest.) 1 elte eötvös loránd university, institute of geography and earth sciences, department of social and economic geography, budapest, hungary. e-mail: gyorgy.farkas@ttk.elte.hu hungarian geographical bulletin vol 72 issue 2 193-196 (2023) györgy farkas: solarz, m.w. (ed.): atlas of poland’s political geography. poland in the modern world: 2022 perspective. drukarnia legra, warsaw, 2022. 392 p. 5_smith.indd 173smith, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 173–188.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.67.2.5 hungarian geographical bulletin 67 2018 (2) 173–188. introduction places around the world seek to attract visitors, inhabitants and investment by dedicating significant resources for those activities. in the competitive, globalized world, it is fundamental to be different, to find the unique selling points (usp) of a certain area. in theory, this needs considerable funds and a long time for realization. however, from a practical point of view, those places that know their own values and can communicate it in a consistent way are successful in the longer term, providing a sustainable future for their inhabitants, investors and visitors. the administrative boundaries and borders often do not coincide with the perceptions of the target groups (e.g. destination in the mental map of a visitor). acknowledging this complexity, this article seeks to map a geographical area, namely the balkans, rather than an administrative area (like a country or a city). in the present-day world, technological advancement affects the image and perceptions of places and image is no longer a one-way communication (govers, r. and go, f. 2009). nomen est omen – tourist image of the balkans melanie s m i t h 1, judit s u ly o k 2, andrás j a n c s i k 3, lászló p u c z k ó1, kornélia k i s s 4, ivett s z i va 4, árpád ferenc pa p p -v ár y 1 and gábor m i c h a l k ó5 abstract the regime change, the south slavic civil war, global recession and their political, economic and social consequences had a significant impact on the tourism market of south-east europe and the balkan region. many potential visitors to the region were affected by their negative associations with past events, even those that happened many years ago. the image of the balkan region has become at times almost synonymous with conflict, turmoil and unrest. however, these perceptions may be changing and are therefore worthy of exploration. the article provides a tourism oriented analysis of the area’s image as a tourism destination. in accordance with the literature, the perceptions are measured by using a customer-based approach. internet-based social media encourages the sharing of recent tourism experiences which can confirm or change associations with destinations. this study provides a content analysis of comments from one of the most popular travel portals (tripadvisor) including key elements of the balkan region’s image. the results of the research show theoretical implications like the importance of emotional image elements, the role of locals, or the complexity of tourism experience. from a practical point of view, the conclusions can induce long term thinking about the selected destination’s branding, and motivation for further research, as well. keywords: balkans, tourism, image, brand, tripadvisor, customer-based, content analysis 1 budapest metropolitan university. h-1148. budapest, nagy lajos kir. ú. 1–9. e-mails: msmith@metropolitan.hu, lpuczko@metropolitan.hu, apappvary@metropolitan.hu 2 university of pannonia. h-8200 veszprém, egyetem u. 10. e-mail: judit.sulyok@gmail.com 3 budapest business school. h-1054 budapest, alkotmány u. 9–11. e-mail: jancsik.andras@uni-bge.hu 4 corvinus university of budapest. h-1093 budapest, fővám tér 8. e-mails: kornelia.kiss@uni-corvinus.hu, ivett.sziva@uni-corvinus.hu 5 geographical institute, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences, hungarian academy of sciences. h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45., corvinus university of budapest, marketing and media institute, h-1093 budapest, fővám tér 8. e-mail: michalko.gabor@csfk.mta.hu smith, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 173–188.174 our study has a dual purpose. on the one hand, it explores the particularities of a selected area’s (the balkans) offer by analysing consumer opinions related to tourism service providers using the balkan name in nonbalkan countries or those generating balkan experiences. in line with current advances in tourism research, the study is based on content analysis that has become more and more popular among tourism researchers. on the other hand, the study proposes exploring the tourism-related substance of the term ‘balkan’ i.e. what makes a service balkan in the visitors’ opinion, by analysing experiences related to the tourist services used in balkan countries. thus, the study seeks an answer to the question of whether the particularities of balkan-related tourist services perceived as balkan by the consumer carry any characteristic signs which can be used to develop a product with the balkan brand name which could be sold successfully in tourism. branding in tourism a successful brand is undoubtedly a powerful tool for differentiation, providing a competitive advantage (tasci, a.d.a. et al. 2007; boo, s. et al. 2009; etc–unwto 2009). a brand has four dimensions, namely awareness, image, quality and loyalty (konecnik, m. and gartner, w.c. 2007), that can be extended by value and experience (boo, s. et al. 2009). tourism researchers agree that image plays the main role (lee, g. et al. 2006; konecnik, m. and gartner, w.c. 2007) in destination branding, so the image is also at the forefront of tourism researchers. brand image (also using the terms brand identity or brand equity in the literature) has its origin in destination image (gartner, w.c. 2014). besides the rational attributes, the emotional level of the brand is widely accepted (laitamäki, j.m. and hämäläinen, t.j. 2008; etc–unwto 2009; moilanen, t. and rainisto, s. 2009; saraniemi, s. 2010; usakli, a. and baloglu, s. 2011), extended by personality characteristics (usakli, a. and baloglu, s. 2011) which means the human dimension enabling a better involvement of the travellers (kumar, v. and najak, v.k. 2014). the brand has furthermore a strong connection with the travellers’ lifestyle and ideal self-congruence (nam, j. et al. 2011; usakli, a. and baloglu, s. 2011; barnes, s.j. et al. 2014). the brand personality is strongly linked to the residents and hosts of the destination, i.e. residents’ identity influences their attitudes towards tourism/tourists (wang, s. and xu, h. 2015), and locals can also be involved in advocacy activities (palmer, a. et al. 2013). in the case of the balkans, the question is whether the very wide array of different countries could come together under the umbrella of the term ‘balkan’? the national stereotypes, which are often unpopular with the locals themselves, even if they are positive (etc–unwto 2009) – can be a limitation in this process. taking a look at some ‘success stories’, like european quartet (visegrad 4 countries), the baltic countries, europe’s marketing overseas or us branding out of the usa, we can see a strong emphasis on promotion rather than on – the very complex – branding. this takes us to the brand architecture. meanwhile, sub-national branding is more effective (etc–unwto 2009) (e.g. andalusia in spain, provence in france or toscana in italy), supra-national brands can have an impact on visitor flows if the countries are quite similar and small, or when they are relatively unknown which can be the case in the balkans. tourism service providers and marketing organizations of various tourist destinations have a great propensity for using attractive-sounding geographical names to emphasize the regional relevance and/or particularities of the various offers (kozma, g. and ashworth, g. 1993; kavaratzis, m. and ashworth, g. 2005). the geographical name can even represent the service itself, i.e. it becomes a symbiotic brand (kozma, g. 1995; papp-váry, a. 2013; kavaratzis, m. et al. 2015). geographically relevant brands gain more significance with distance, which means they orientate the consumers from 175smith, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 173–188. more distant places (etc–unwto 2009). even if ‘places’ are at the forefront of branding today, the available literature mainly focuses on administrative areas which raises the challenge of which administrative areas destinations (like the balkan countries) belong. in the case of the balkans, the situation is quite negative (photo 1). while the geographical associations with other so-called regional brand names which are quite well known in european tourism (such as alpine wellness, carpatair, mediterranean hotels, nordic wellbeing, scandinavian airlines) trigger positive or at most, neutral conceptual associations. conceptual associations related to a tourist destination affect its competitiveness (qu, h. et al. 2011; pike, s. and page, s. 2014). in spite of the fact that the geographical names which embody tourist destinations can create negative images and generate negative conceptual associations, astute product development and marketing communication could shape that fame or notoriety into a competitive edge (tasci, a.d.a. et al. 2007; cakmak, e. and isaac, r. 2012). glasgow, formerly an embodiment of scottish coal mining, acquired the title ‘european cultural capital’ (1990) and essen, the german centre of heavy industry and a citadel of the ruhr region, was declared part of the unesco world heritage (2001). these events helped both take major steps towards leveraging their popularity in tourism (rátz, t. 2006). these examples prove that inherent negative associations can be converted into positive ones by transforming the geographical names into brand names used in tourism. this is largely facilitated by the fact that tourism is one of the economic sectors associated with the highest number and most favourable pieces of news (wto 2002). photo 1. hotel balkan in belgrade: where tourists can be positively disappointed too (photo by michalkó, g.) smith, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 173–188.176 the ‘power’ of the travellers although acknowledging its complexity (garcía, j.a. et al. 2012), many brand studies focus on a narrow aspect of branding (pike, s. 2002). reflecting the ‘power of the travellers’, consumer (or customer)-based analysis (e.g. konecnik, m. and gartner, w.c. 2007; tasci, a.d.a. et al. 2007; boo, s. et al. 2009) are mostly used. recently, stakeholders’ dimensions (marzano, g. and scott, n. 2009; dos santos, e.r.m. 2014) also came into focus, including host communities (dos santos, e.r.m. 2014) or the analysis of official communication messages (e.g. promotional brochures) (brito, p.q. and pratas, j. 2015). the stakeholder perspective of branding considers the actors as decision-makers, accepting that the destination brand is the ’outcome of the achievement of unity and collaboration among the stakeholders’ (marzano, g. and scott, n. 2009, 249). at the same time, there are valuable case studies focusing on a mixture of stakeholders (garcía, j.a. et al. 2012) or a special segment like attendees of conferences (lee, j.s. and back, k.j. 2010). although the intermediary stakeholders (marketing, media) play a fundamental role in tourism, the branding literature gives less attention to them (e.g. among the reviewed studies by pike, s. [2002, 2009] there were no media targeted). on the other hand, opinions of tourists who have previously visited the desired destination play a significant role in the decisions made by potential tourists, which was known as word of mouth in the old days (oh, h. 1999; kozak, m. 2010; martin, w. and lueg, j. 2013) and ‘word of mouse’ or similar today. (table 1) the current reviews and comments posted on various internet forums can influence demand behaviour (jacobsen, j.k.s. and munar, a.m. 2012; munar, a.m. and jacobsen, j.k.s. 2014; ladhari, r. and michaud, m. 2015). controlling word of mouth is extremely difficult, for example, in the case of hotels, it is a common practice that only ‘real’ guests who booked and stayed can share their views. however, the online reviews are available to the service providers who can use them to shape their offers (chaves, m. et al. 2012; mauri, a. and minazzi, r. 2013; luo, q. and zhong, d. 2015). as it is the primary interest of tourist service providers to have up-to-date information about their customers’ satisfaction, they try to follow up on the online reviews they receive, which are also factored into the shaping of their brand (grewal, r. et al. 2003; vermeulen, i. and seegers, d. 2009; torres, e. et al. 2014). among the available portals for providing feedback from travellers, tripadvisor is the leading source. with over 630 million reviews and opinions covering the world’s largest selection of travel listings worldwide – covering approximately 7.5 million accommodations, airlines, attractions, and restaurants – tripadvisor provides travellers with the wisdom of the crowds to help them detable 1. which of the following information sources do you think are most important when you make a decision about your travel plans?* information source eu 28, % recommendations of friends, colleagues or relatives websites collecting and presenting comments, reviews and ratings from travellers personal experience websites run by service provider or by destination counters of travel agencies and tourism offices social media pages (for accommodation, restaurants, transport companies, etc.) newspaper, radio, tv paid for guidebooks and magazines other 51 34 33 17 13 12 11 9 3 *maximum 3 answers were accepted. source: flash eurobarometer 432: preferences of europeans towards tourism. own editing. 177smith, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 173–188. ta bl e 2. s el ec te d to ur is m -r el at ed a ca de m ic a rt ic le s w it h co nt en t a na ly si s a ut ho rs , y ea r m et ho d ol og y* so ur ce ta rg et d es ti na ti on /s eg m en t b an er je e, s . a nd c hu a, a .y .k . 2 01 6. c en n i, i. an d g oe th al s, p . 2 01 7. g al í, n . e t a l. 20 17 . g al -t zu r, a . e t a l. 20 18 . g an za ro li , a . e t a l. 20 17 . k la do u, s . a nd m av ra ga n i, e . 2 01 5. m al en ki n a, n . a nd iv an ov , s . 2 01 8. m ar in er oi g, e . a nd a n to n c la vé , s . 2 01 5. r ag us eo , e . e t a l. 20 17 . r od ri gu es , h . e t a l. 20 17 . t ha n h, t .v . a nd k ir ov a, v . 2 01 8. q t q l , q t q l , q t q l , q t q l , q t q l , q t q l , q t q t q t q l , q t q l , q t t ri pa d vi so r t ri pa d vi so r offi ci al to ur is m s lo ga ns t ri pa d vi so r q & a s ec ti on t ri pa d vi so r t ri pa d vi so r offi ci al to ur is m w eb si te s so ci al m ed ia s it es t ri pa d vi so r, o ta s t re at m en t a br oa d t ri pa d vi so r h ot el s (w or ld w id e) n eg at iv e ho te l r ev ie w s t o p 50 to ur is m d es ti na ti on s (w or ld w id e) c it ie s (t el a vi v, h ai fa , s tu tt ga rt , a th en s) r es ta ur an ts in v en ic e (i ta ly ) is ta nb ul sp ai n b ar ce lo na it al ia n ho te ls m ed ic al to ur is m w in e to ur is ts to c og na c (f ra nc e) *q t = q ua nt it at iv e, q l = q ua lit at iv e m et ho d s. s ou rc e: o w n ed it in g. cide where to stay, how to fly, what to do and where to eat. tripadvisor-branded sites are available in 49 markets, and are home to the world’s largest travel community of 455 million average monthly unique visitors6. from the research point of view, tripadvisor is used in most of the tourismrelated case studies and academic articles dealing with content analysis. over 100 papers used it as source for research since 2016 (gal-tzur, a. et al. 2018). in the case of hotels, other portals (e.g. booking.com or airbnb) are also used regularly by tourism researchers. when talking about a destination such as the balkan area, the selection of the tripadvisor data is appropriate to map the image elements or the destination (table 2.) taking a closer look at the selected social media-oriented and content analysis methodbased tourism research, the usefulness is evident both from the theoretical and from the practical point of view. the social media content (including review sites) is an appropriate tool for tracking image elements (govers, r. and go, f. 2009; kladou, s. and mavragani, e. 2015; marine-roig, e. and anton clavé, s. 2015), and also a very valuable input for identifying brand equity (marine-roig, e. and anton clavé, s. 2015; malenkina, n. and ivanov, s. 2018; thanh, t.v. and kirova, v. 2018). this kind of information is in line with tourism knowledge like tourism image main dimensions (cognitive, affective, conative) (kladou, s. and mavragani, e. 2015), the aida model (malenkina, n. and ivanov, s. 2018) or the experience model (thanh, t.v. and kirova, v. 2018). simply by just being there on a review portal can help potential visitors to reduce uncertainty (raguseo, e. et al. 2017). tracking visitors’ feedback can support understanding their needs, expectations and behaviour (ganzaroli, a. et al. 2017; rodrigues, h. et al. 2017; gal-tzur, a. et al. 2018; malenkina, n. and ivanov, s. 2018), and also the effects of tourism trends can be monitored (marine-roig, e. and anton clavé, s. 2015). 6 information from tripadvisor (www.tripadvisor.com, retrieved in april 2018). smith, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 173–188.178 another important aspect is that content analysis is appropriate for mapping differences between segments (banerjee, s. and chua, a.y.k. 2016; rodrigues, h. et al. 2017), and the geographical location can also influence the ratings (banerjee, s. and chua, a.y.k. 2016). from the practical point of view, the results can support future developments and marketing communication (kladou, s. and mavragani, e. 2015; banerjee, s. and chua, a.y.k. 2016; marineroig, e. and anton clavé, s. 2015; galtzur, a. et al. 2018), or just simply identify need for intervention (e.g. transportation). the balkans as a destination balkan airlines which operated from 1947 to 2002 can now be seen as one of the success stories in terms of using the balkans as a geographical name in tourism (erdősi, f. 2007). the bulgarian national airline flew the balkans name to fifty countries on four continents for five decades, contributing (consciously or unconsciously) to associations with the term balkans in the context of tourism. at the same time, the balkan region, which was named after the balkan mountains located in bulgaria and has often been associated with southeast europe (kocsis, k. 2007), encouraged other tourism businesses to offer their services under this well-known geographical name. one prominent example is the sofia hotel balkan located in the heart of the bulgarian capital, currently operated by the world-famous sheraton chain of luxury hotels. but just as the geographical interpretation of the balkans extends well beyond the boundaries of bulgaria (pap, n. 2013; pap, n. and reményi, p. 2017), travellers can see tourism services offered under the balkans name everywhere in the world. however, due to some of the more negative associations which developed during periods of conflict and war, the use of the geographical name balkans as a tourism-oriented brand in the future requires a broader examination of the term and its inherent associations. tamminen, t. (2004) suggests that the term ‘balkanization’ alludes to instability and conflict, whereas ‘europeanization’ is understood as the adoption of ‘western norms’ and ‘european’ values and practices. matanov, a. et al. (2013) describe how the collapse of yugoslavia in the early 1990s precipitated the worst armed conflict in europe since wwii with war activities spanning ten years, and akova, s. and demirkiran, c. (2013) refer to a multitude of historical conflicts and civil wars, as well as an unstable environment. o’ brennan, j. (2014, 239) states that the western balkans in particular still remains „a region of great fragility, defined by inter-ethnic contestation for territory and power and „mutually antagonistic nationalisms”. rightly or wrongly, therefore, the image of the region has often become synonymous with conflict. as stated by vitic, a. and ringer, g. (2008, 128) „perhaps the most pervasive – and disruptive to tourism’s revival in the balkan states – are the dated, and often inaccurate, misperceptions and images of the civil wars and ethnic barriers that prevailed throughout the 1980s and early 1990s, yet still define the region for many international visitors and tour operators”. whether this is still the case is a subject worthy of further exploration. the term balkans and the content and quality of the services provided by tourism businesses using it are in close relationship, and other associations related to the balkans (external ones i.e. not those generated by tourism) inevitably shape tourists’ attitudes to the balkan name. however, it should be noted here that it is deeply contested as to which countries form part of the balkans, and the authors acknowledge that there are huge variations within the countries which are said to be located in the balkans. on the other hand, tourists’ knowledge of the history, geography and politics of the region may be sketchy at best, but they may still have some associations with the balkans as a concept, region or even destination. the balkans can be seen as a geographical name which is more or less known as a destination for the average person and is likely 179smith, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 173–188. to evoke various tourism-related references (ábrahám, b. 2007; seben, g. 2007). if the balkans as a geographical name became a successful tourism brand, it could facilitate not only the socio-economic development of the region and its geopolitical stability, but also the process of the european union’s expansion and achievement of its security policy objectives (anastasakis, o. 2000). this could be enhanced by the fact that the balkans has become a relatively positive brand name both in fashion and music; for example, bags and wallets made of recycled bicycle tyres are sold by a hungarian-swiss company under the brand name balkantango, while the balkan fanatik music band enjoys international recognition, too. the term balkans has taken on geopolitical dimensions in addition to locational ones. the balkan peninsula which provides the physical geographical boundaries was named after the balkan mountains located in bulgaria (székely, a. 1970). the physical delimitation of the balkan peninsula itself is a topic of professional debates; literature reports 17 different boundaries, while researchers agree that the danube–sava–kupa rivers create a fairly clear line (pap, n. 2013). for centuries, knowing and understanding the balkans have been the objective of travellers, thinkers and researchers from various fields of science (hajdú, z. 2003; bracewell, w. and drace-francis, a. 2009; kőszegi, m. 2010; sanguin, a. 2011; nagy, m. 2012). as mentioned, the balkans is a geographical name with negative connotations, so as a result, associations with and perceptions of the region also incorporate elements which represent the darker side of life (carter, f.w. and norris, h.t. 1996; redepenning, m. 2002; garde, p. 2007; császár, m.zs. and pap, n. 2011). in connection with its role in the history of europe, in particular on account of the wars and delayed development as a result of them, the balkans is a geographical term which does not tend to reflect many positive aspects of life (newman, b. 1945; kaplan, r. 1994; arday, l. 2002; bideleux, r. and jeffries, i. 2007). the images which characterized the balkans at the turn of the 19th/20th century (e.g. “sick man of europe”, “powder keg of europe”) are still present in public opinion related to this region (rutar, s. 2004; hajdú, z. 2007; petrovic, m. 2008). the late modern and postmodern eras in the balkan region were characterized by destructive nationalism, ethnic conflicts, wars and ongoing instability (bottlik, zs. 2009; clemens, v. 2010; pap, n. 2013; iov, c.a. and ivan, a.l. 2014; jovanovića, s. et al. 2015; kadiu, f. 2015). the negative connotations of the balkans are magnified by the term balkanization, which is widespread in british-american social scientific literature as a description of the fragmentation and division of a community or a nation (ellis, m. and wright, r. 1998). from the branding point of view, the balkans name’s negative connotations can be a paradox when emphasizing the positive effect of branding on place identity (etc-unwto 2009), on diminishing negative effects of crisis (etc-unwto 2009; moilanen, t. and rainisto, s. 2009) or on transmitting value (moilanen, t. and rainisto, s. 2009; saraniemi, s. 2010). methodology after considering some acknowledged methods for tourism destination image research, including netnography, big data and content analysis, for this analysis content analysis was chosen. this meant the systematic evaluation of content, which was the texts written by tourists in this case. the research process follows the traditional method of content analysis, namely information-processing where the preselected texts are transformed through systematic categorization into data that can be analysed further (camprubí, r. and coromina, l. 2016). one of the key stages in the study is identifying the content and meanings inherent in the word balkans/balkan. knowing which elements are described in the travel experiences of visitors to balkan countries as being typically balkan, could be used to change the image of the balkans which people have formed. smith, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 173–188.180 for this, we used the database of one of the most popular travel portals, tripadvisor. tripadvisor is a platform for tourists to rate or review destinations and services used by tourists, to create a place of dialogue or forum for the stakeholders and interested parties. it has excellent search capabilities, but also involves many factors which limit the validity of scientific results (ayeh, j. et al. 2013). our analysis was performed based on a database created from information posted on tripadvisor and downloaded before march 7th 2014. to collect the phrases including the word ‘balkans/balkan’ from descriptions of tourist experiences, a relatively simple excel database was created from the set of results using the search terms. the basic sample was created from 3,860 reviews which included the word ‘balkans/balkan’ either in the name of the reviewed facility, the brief title of the review or the body of the review itself (table 3). as our study focuses on the international dimension of the tourism-related aspects of the term ‘balkan’, we restricted our analysis to reviews of citizens from countries lying outside the studied area (i.e. clearly non-balkan), while reviews of posts with unidentified nationality were excluded from start. the database obtained was suitable for grouping reviews by country for the purposes of our analysis, breaking down the experiences related to countries lying in the studied area (1,861 reviews) and those outside (1,999 reviews). in addition to this essential categorization, we used a database suitable for filtering the following information: – exact name of the reviewed place; – type of the reviewed place (accommodation, catering, tourist attraction); – brief informative title of the review. although 22 per cent of the reviews were initially posted on tripadvisor in another language than english, the various longer or shorter reviews and additional pieces of information were available in english thanks to the english language function of the portal. we searched the terms balkan/balkans with british spelling, making sure that information would not be left out of our database because of any misspelling by the reviewers (e.g. missing letters). using the database compiled above, we conducted a content analysis. as part of this, we focused on phrases which included the terms balkan/balkans in the reviews, as well as the words directly associated with them and grouped them according to the content. we applied two approaches in the analysis. firstly, we analysed the balkan particularities of tourist services available in countries outside the studied area. secondly, we dissected the elements of what ‘balkan’ means in the experiences which took place in balkan countries (figure 1). table 3. study sample with the number of opinions in units number of reviews related to the facility located the word ‘balkan’ in the togethername of the facility title of the review about the facility body of the review about the facility in the balkans outside the balkans total reviews 566 904 1,470 113 162 275 1,182 933 2,115 1,861 1,999 3,860 source: own research. fig.1. data analysis process – main research steps. source: authors’ research 181smith, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 173–188. results quantitative results in line with the consulted literature, the database enabled some quantitative analysis. the geographical location of the facility (in the balkan countries or outside) has an effect of the general evaluation: the average rating for the facilities in the balkan countries is 3.90 (standard deviation: 1.218), and 4.05 (standard deviation 1.119) for the ones outside of the region. the reviewer place of origin also influences the perceptions that can be traced in the general evaluation. those reviewers who live in the balkan area, are more positive (average rating of 4.18 with standard deviation of 1.034) than non-balkan people (average rating of 3.95 with standard deviation of 1.185). among the source markets with at least 100 comments, russians (4.46), spanish (4.43), canadian (4.25) and us (4.24) visitors were the most satisfied, whereas the most ‘critical’ were the reviewers from england (with an average evaluation of 2.86). according to the facility type, there are also some important outcomes. the attractions showed the best performance (in this case, the std. deviation is the lowest, as well). at the same time, accommodation – especially hotels – had the weakest performance, which definitely need some developments in the future (table 4). services with the word balkan in their names the database of 3,860 elements processed as part of our study included 1,470 reviews where the word balkans appeared in the name of the reviewed service. we noticed the word balkan was used most often in reviews related to names of restaurants (854 reviews) and hotels (544 reviews). most reviews (904 reviews) commented on service providers located outside the studied balkan countries. we identified 22 non-balkan countries whose tourist services were referenced in reviews with the word balkan in the title. clearly experiences perceived as being balkan can be acquired also when using services of tourism businesses in non-balkan countries, and this may influence global perceptions of the balkan region. however, geographical misunderstandings are not uncommon. for example, it transpires from the reviews that in some cases the balkan atmosphere is associated with the mediterranean region and the balkan cuisine with the turkish one. this data shows that from the image elements of the balkan, the gastronomy has the strongest appeal and potential for ‘export’ (table 5). the ‘balkan’ element in the tourism experience from the qualitative point of view, in the tourist opinions on experiences in balkan countries shared on the tripadvisor travel portal, the terms balkan/balkans in the review body can be grouped into five categories based on the main themes of their content (1,182 reviews). geographical location (180 reviews), cuisine (136 reviews), travel (626 reviews), culture (183 reviews), and atmosphere (57 reviews). although the themes outlined were sometimes overlapping in the bodies of the various reviews, they were limited based on the keyword or main theme of the review (figure 2). tourists visiting the balkans often localize their experiences using the word balkans instead of the geographical name of the country, region, city or territory of their destination. identifying a destination or a service provider as being balkan during a trip to a balkan country means that the tourist has a certain understanding of the geographical scope of the balkans (i.e. a mental map) and is certain about being in the balkans. table 4. average rating by facility type facility type mean standard deviation attraction b&b / inn hotel restaurant speciality lodging total 4.58 3.92 3.55 4.19 4.09 3.97 0.722 1.275 1.285 1.012 1.385 1.178 source: own research. smith, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 173–188.182 for example, a dutch tourist who visited albania praises the hotel where he stayed by saying: “this is one of the best hotels in the balkans.” reviews often identify the geographical location of a country, stating that it is part of the balkans, as did a british tourist visiting montenegro: “montenegro is a new balkan state born out of the wars of the 90s.” dedicating a separate category to travel in our discussion was necessary because the word balkan tends to emphasise the importance of the balkans as a region, and not only of the individual countries in which the tourists find themselves. for example, a swedish tourist who spent the holidays in montenegro reported his experience at the given destination as being specifically balkanic (sic!) rather than montenegrin. he felt that the observations made during the vacation apply to the balkans as a whole and can be replicated in any balkan country: “this is the perfect place for an excellent balkanic vacation.” when an israeli tourist who visited slovenia recommended a hotel in ljubljana, he presented the travel as a balkan trip: “if you’re beginning your balkan adventures in ljubljana and want to start in confidence, may i recommend the austria trend hotel?” when describing the gastronomy, tourists tend to label the offer of a given catering facility as being typically balkan. the meals most frequently mentioned include grilled meat (mutton), fresh vegetables, enticing sweets, tasty wines and home-made liqueurs. the specific offers are hallmarked by cevapcici, kebab, lepinja, rakia and shopska salad. reviews from tourists who mention the balkan cuisine are generally appreciative, as seen in the post of a polish tourist who visited serbia: “after a whole day of visiting belgrade, it is a perfect place to enjoy delicious balkan cuisine.” a british guest in bosnia-herzegovina complained about the quality of coffee served there, but also implies that standards of balkan cuisine tend to be usually high: “the only let down for me has been the coffee, which on at least 2 occasions is not up to balkan standard.” table 5. use of the word ‘balkan’ in titles of reviews on the tourist restaurants of countries lying outside the balkans country number of reviews names in the description of the service reviewed occurrences of the word ‘balkan’ in the review titles denmark 4 herzegovinaankara balkan atmosphere balkan food south korea 1 zelen balkan food israel 4 montenegro nanuchka arnold balkan food balkanian (sic) touch colombia 1 bukara balkan cuisine poland 11 paros banja luka maly belgrad bulgaria magica balbinka balkan night balkan cuisine balkan food balkan and turkish cuisine hungary 2 montenegro balkan foodtaste of the balkans malta 1 transylvania balkan style source: authors’ data collection based on tripadvisor. fig. 2. dimensions of the balkan image with some examples. source: authors’ data collection based on tripadvisor 183smith, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 173–188. the reviews described culture as a specific balkan attraction with a regional dimension that crosses borders. however, the legacy of wars is mentioned frequently. for example, a british tourist visiting mostar in bosnia-herzegovina to see the rebuilt old bridge stated that: “we felt making the effort to visit mostar was well worth it, after watching its demise in the balkan war.” music is another element of culture which is described often and usually positively. a german tourist reporting on his visit to serbia mentions a specific musical trend, turbo folk, a popular music rooted in folk music: “the evening started with international music with a spanish theme and ended with balkan turbo-folk.” atmosphere proves to be a more ambivalent category, with both positive and negative comments. the heritage environment is viewed positively, whereas the infrastructure is frequently not. balkan people are seen as friendly and hospitable by many, but service levels and attitudes are also viewed less favourably. cheating and scams are also mentioned on several occasions. if a tourist feels he does not get the quality of service he paid for, he feels defrauded and sometimes rates the experience ‘balkan’, as an indian customer visiting croatia did: “middle-class hotel with balkan mentality, at monaco prices. no real service. [...] huge disappointment, first (and last) time i was in croatia, cheat other people from now on instead of us.” however, a german citizen’s review about montenegro implies that balkan ‘atmosphere’ can be positive: “budva is definitely a nice party city, balkan feeling is in the air.” summary of results the brief analysis and examples above show that the meaning behind the balkan attribute can be understood relatively easily in the case of tourists who shared their experiences of the balkan countries through the tripadvisor travel portal. the existence of the ‘balkan’ in travellers’ experiences (demand side) could be integrated into the stakeholders’ view, taking advantage of perceptions already measurable. the geographical context of the selected area can be tracked in the database involved in the research. travel experiences were reported as typically balkan probably because the visitors could personally engage in the various elements of the image of the balkans they had (fixed) in their minds. from the main image elements arising in the analysis (based on the categorization of the texts’ content), the gastronomy has the best potential in showcasing ‘balkan experience’ outside of the region itself. gastronomy – namely restaurants – are also in the forefront of image shaping outside of the researched area, as these are the most common facilities, and those with the most positive image. evaluating the results, it seems that the term balkan can be construed as an umbrella concept of two experiences which occasionally overlap: the first is meant to express the simplified geographical identification of experiences from balkan countries on the experiencing parties’ mental map; the second (partially related to the first one) is a rating with an axiological substance, too, which is positive in some cases, contrary to common myths that all associations with the balkans tend to be negative. from the residents’ point of view, the balkans has also an important role in the local identity, as reviewers from the areas tend to be more positive, proud of their values that is reflected also in the general scores. the fact that a tourist rates something as balkan in a tripadvisor post is an expression of the expected experience in most cases. this means that it can be construed as a manifestation of an experience in a balkan country corresponding to the pre-existing expectations (this can be positive, too, for example when tasting balkan cuisine, or negative, for example regarding the facilities or cleanliness in a balkan hotel). but there are cases where the experiences of the tourist acquire a balkan attribute not in the light of expectations, but experiences i.e. the negative ideas about the region in their minds are connected with a case experienced in a heightened state of emotion (e.g. being cheated or being the smith, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 173–188.184 victim of rudeness). although being a crucial element for tourism mobility, among the elements of the tourism value chain, accommodation has the weakest performance. the tourist dimension of ‘balkan’ was expressed best perhaps by a british tourist visiting romania: “this is a balkan country and if you don’t know what this means from a cultural point of view you are missing the charm of visiting foreign places.” the term charm encapsulates well the complex nature of balkan experiences. it implies that visiting a balkan country will be enriched with an unparalleled experience of life and impressions which, as our study confirms, are nourished by becoming aware of the geographical location, the regional character of the territory which transcends the country boundaries, the cuisine, a tourist offer full of challenges, as well as joy, the cultural traditions rooted deeply in history, but also conflict, and the atmosphere. perhaps unexpectedly, experiences rated as being balkan appear mostly in a context where satisfaction is the dominant feeling, therefore, the term balkan does not necessarily carry unfavourable connotations. conclusions this study in no way expresses the complexity of interpretations which abound in relation to the balkans as a geographical or political entity. however, the results of the analysis show important theoretical and practical implications. from the theoretical point of view, the selected methodology in line with recent academic literature (e.g. kladou, s. and mavragani, e. 2015; marineroig, e. and anton clavé, s. 2015) enables the measurement of a realistic image dimension of the selected destination. it is recognized that image creation and brand building are exceptionally complex in tourism and can take many years, if not decades. revisiting the tourism branding literature, regional branding is even less common than national or city level branding. however, the study does underpin the relevance of geographical dimensions of branding, as the term ‘balkan’ is still used quite widely by international visitors to the region, regardless of the country that they are visiting. thus, the results of the content analysis can support the identification of the area’s brand equity (marine-roig, e. and anton clavé, s. 2015; malenkina, n. and ivanov, s. 2018; thanh, t.v. and kirova, v. 2018). regarding the image elements, the study underpins the importance of emotional dimensions, furthermore the need for involvement of the residents (who are the ‘service providers’ meeting the visitors) shaping the environment and communicating through their behaviour (wang, s. and xu, h. 2015). in the case of the researched area, we can also conclude that locals have a strong identity that can be seen as a positive element (reflected in the scores given). the study, also in line with the reviewed literature (banerjee, s. and chua, a.y.k. 2016; rodrigues, h. et al. 2017) underpins the difference between certain segments (e.g. according to reviewers’ place of residence) in the perceptions of the balkans. from a practical point of view, the paper acknowledges the rich national variations which clearly exist in terms of development levels, resources, facilities, services or attractions in tourism. however, accommodation clearly has the weakest performance, meanwhile attractions and restaurants can be a good starting point for communicating ‘balkan’ experience. also from the demand point of view, the analysis underpins the difference of segments, the role of residence (country), and thus, socio-cultural background in perception building. in this regard, the research can be seen as the starting point for new discussions about the balkans as a tourist region, especially for international tourists, many of whom will be too young to personally remember many of the past conflicts in the region. opinions about tourist services using the geographical name balkans can shape the region’s tourism-related image not only by transfers associated with the given location or other service providers (e.g. 185smith, m. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (2) 173–188. media, internet, word of mouth marketing), but also because of the general economic, political and cultural conceptual associations related to the balkans. the use of the term ‘balkan’ in reviews is still somewhat mixed in terms of positive and negative connotations, but the predominance of positive comments is perhaps a hopeful sign of changing attitudes and perceptions to this exciting but as yet, still relatively under-visited region. the results of the research can provide valuable input for future developments and marketing communication (kladou, s. and mavragani, e. 2015; 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(2020, 17) puts it in their book about the spatial aspect of pierre bourdieu’s action theory. field, social space, capital, disposition, and habitus are all essential components of bourdieu’s theory, but what about places? this paper focuses on the importance of geographical space, place and scales in a habitus analysis and tries to show the possibilities the concept of habitus can offer in spatial studies. while research on the relationship between bourdieu’s concept of habitus and spatiality is becoming increasingly popular (berger, v. 2018; németh, k. 2020; reed-danahay, d. 2020), still few scholars (e.g. máté, é. et al. 2022) undertake place-based habitus analyses. the present paper aims to provide an overview of the international academic discourse on place-based (in this case mainly rural) habitus analysis. considering a dozen empirical studies from different perspectives and in different geographical areas, i focus on the specificities of habitus analysis in rural places. after briefly introducing the concept of habitus and its critiques, i will describe the characteristics of habitus studies in rural places by presenting various views. then, i will show how the relationship between rural and urban habitus studies suggests that habitus does indeed contribute to the persistence of urban-rural structures. keywords: habitus, bourdieu’s action theory, urban-rural structures, rural places received december 2022, accepted february 2023. https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6668-6082 jóvér, v. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 75–85.76 demic discourse on place-based (in this case mainly rural) habitus analysis. after presenting the approach and its critiques, i will illustrate the possibilities of applying the concept of habitus as a theoretical framework in research on places. by comparing the defining elements of the methods and interpretations of the habitus of rural places that emerge from each study, i interpret the relationship between urban and rural habitus. as a result, i draw attention to novel aspects of habitus analysis that can contribute to understanding rural-urban relations. methodology this study aims to comprehensively analyse the possibilities of interpreting the habitus of (rural) places. the concept of habitus, often disputed due to specific conceptual weaknesses, offers several different interpretations, mainly related to time and space. the present study does not aim to define habitus. it, however, undertakes to present different interpretations of habitus to show how the use of its concept as a theoretical framework can contribute to an understanding of differences, that are place-based. using the jstor database (january 2022), i will try to shed light on the particularities of habitus research in rural areas and of rural habitus itself in the light of twelve empirical studies (plus one rather theoretical approach from dirksmeier, p. 2006). my paper is based on the different interpretations of habitus depending on the researchers´ stance and the subject, method, and conclusion of the research. i filtered for the common usage of words ‘rural’ and ‘habitus’ in the abstract, since geographical space, and above all rurality, is a key element in the present analysis. this study analyses all search results without exception, regardless of discipline (table 1). the articles analysed here were all written after the year 2000, mainly by sociologists and anthropologists, the research areas are varied. in my view, it is important to underline that the studies analysed here all highlight the dimension of the place. many interpretations of bourdieu’s concept tend to be more concerned with definitional precision, often ignoring the spatial aspects of habitus. in contrast, the present paper focuses on the possibilities arising from examining the relationship between habitus and (rural) places. the concept of habitus and some of its critiques in the second half of the 20th century, pierre bourdieu developed the first comprehensive description of his theory to understand similar patterns of action (bourdieu, p. 1977 [originally written in french, first published in 1972]). habitus, which is part of bourdieu’s theory of action, is also commonly used in table 1. the authors of the empirical studies analysed here* published authors research field research area 2001 2004 2005 2008 2009 2010 2012 2014 2014 2015 2016 2019 ilahiane, h. corbett, m. bender, s. funnell, r. watt, p. pini, b., price, r. and mcdonald, p. benson, m. and jackson, e. koo, a., ming, h. and tsang, b. seeberg, v. ling, m. lai, l. requena-i-mora, m. and moreno, g.m. anthropology sociology anthropology sociology urban studies sociology sociology sociology education sciences anthropology anthropology sociology ziz valley (morocco) nova scotia (canada) japan southwest queensland essex (england) queensland (australia) london neighbourhoods hebei province (china) western china shanghai neighbourhoods rural china spain *with the date of publication, and the author’s research field. 77jóvér, v. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 75–85. everyday language, with a history of the concept going back to the work of aristotle. in one of bourdieu’s formulations (2009), habitus is a system of enduring dispositions that, drawing on experience, functions as a pattern of perception, evaluation, and action in every moment of the present. in bourdieu’s view, actions are often explained by examining the ‘coercive and constraining’ effects of social structure (for more on this, see fáber, á. 2017). in bourdieu’s interpretation, habitus plays a key role in the cementing of existing inequalities. bourdieu argues that everyone has a habitus, which can be interpreted as a stable framework of action. habitus, thus, forms similar individual and social patterns of practice based on experience. but this action frame does not mean a static fixedness of experience of the past, it also gives the possibility to react to the impulses of the present. although habitus is not one of bourdieu’s best-known concepts, it is undoubtedly the most controversial, mainly because of its latent determinism (reay, d. 2004). the concept of habitus has mostly been criticized (king, a. 2000) for providing an “overdetermined explanation of social action” (jackson, p. 2008, 165), essentially ignoring the factor of individual freedom of choice. bourdieu, p. (1990) describes habitus as a limited number of choices that the agent can make. the same habitus can lead to different actions, in which the ‘field’ associated with the action plays a significant role. in bourdieu’s words, “practice is the result of a dialectical relationship between situation and habitus” (bourdieu, p. 2009, 213). the field in question, like habitus, is part of the conceptual framework of bourdieu’s practice theory. in bourdieu’s theory of action, fields constitute the ‘objective’ structural system of social space. the fields interact through their specific ‘rules of the game’ with both the action and the habitus. the habitus itself is activated through contact with the field and results in different practices depending on the context (fáber, á. 2018). an important attribute of fields is that they are “things that objectively exist in reality and can be examined by empirical methods” (fáber, á. 2018, 68). interpreting the interrelationship between field and habitus, the field can be imagined as a social medium, for example, the scientific field, where specific rules of the game prevail. the agent’s habitus reacts with this field to produce practices that conform to the field´s set of rules. this does not mean, of course, that the same habitus in interaction with other fields cannot lead to different actions, nor does it mean that the practices typically adopted in a given field are compatible with the rule system of other fields. in fáber’s interpretation of bourdieu, habitus “operates without problems only in the context in which it has been acquired” (fáber, á. 2018, 57). conceptual considerations for understanding the habitus of rural places besides, the critiques highlighted above, of particular interest here are those related to the application of the habitus concept in geography. in their debate with entrikin, j.n. (2001) and casey, e.s. (2001) on habitus, entrikin argues that the use of bourdieu’s concept in geography (1990) leads to misunderstandings, not only of the individual´s relationship to space but also of key concepts such as place and space. the concept of habitus assumes that agents in similar positions within a given field can be associated with similar dispositions and hence similar actions (jackson, p. 2008). this leaves us wondering how we can attribute a habitus to a neighbourhood, or even a village, and what relationship habitus has to space in general. in various studies of habitus, the influence of family, education, or work often plays a role, but physical space is relegated to the background of the analysis. if we assume, as berger puts it, that “habitus is created by incorporating the constraints of social space” (berger, v. 2018, 142), and if we consider “appropriated” physical space or even a particular place, as social, then we must take into account not only the constraints of social space in the bourdieusian sense but also the character of the space or the place itself. (social reality, according to bourdieu, is objecjóvér, v. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 75–85.78 tified in appropriated physical space, for more on this see bourdieu, p. 1996.) appropriated physical space, whether we think of the relations within a city or the rural-urban divide, is “similarly like fields, a space of struggle” (berger, v. 2018, 149). considering this further, “habitus guides spatial practices and the shaping of spaces” (berger, v. 2018, 148), creating certain structures, and we can assume that these structures also reflect on the habitus that creates them. in my opinion, it may be a conceptual gap to attribute a certain habitus to a concrete place, but the study of habitus in relation to place wants to draw attention to the fact that space or place can also have a structuring, habitus-forming effect, a specific set of rules that essentially shape practice. according to reed-danahay, d. (2020), the concept of habitus is bourdieu’s most important contribution to spatial studies (which is not exclusively limited to social space) and can shed light on the links between social practices and (appropriated) physical space. reed-danahay even concludes in their interpretation of habitus that it is almost inseparable from spatiality. as bourdieu argues “social space tends to be translated, with more or less distortion, into physical space” (bourdieu, p. 2000, 134). consequently, habitus, which is closely related to the position in social space, is also linked to physical space. in reed-danahay’s interpretation, for bourdieu “social space is an underlying structure of symbolic classification that is expressed and constructed by the positioning of and relationships between habitus and physical space” (reed-danahay, d. 2020, 16). in the following, i will show that considering the empirical studies discussed here, research in rural areas shows specificities not only in the methods of analysis but also in the interpretation of habitus. different perceptions of habitus in rural settings – literature review researchers of habitus have used various methods to reconstruct the creation and persistence of spatial and social structures. in spatial studies, there have been few examples of analogous studies, and most of them have focused on urban space (e.g. lindner, r. 2003; neuhaus, f. 2015). in urban habitus, the daily routine appears as a part of habitus to a different extent (neuhaus, f. 2015), i.e., a set of semi-consciously repeated daily actions, like going to work or shopping. in contrast, the authors focus on other elements in the rural habitus, such as the role of family, tradition, or work in shaping the habitus. studies of urban habitus tend to focus on the functioning of the city and the impulses that affect it, while the increasingly competitive field of cities requires diversity and specificity to be marketable. (although not using the concept of habitus, building on lifestyles, attitudes and daily activities fabula, sz. et al. [2021] illustrates essentially similar results on urban diversity.) consequently, the habitus of cities presents a more colourful, less uniform picture than that of the rural habitus, in which general preconceptions of the city and urban existence play an important role. urban and rural concepts, however, coincide in the analysis that habitus is based on opposing dispositions. rural habitus cannot be characterized regardless of the urban habitual elements, and also the characteristics of cities or urban districts can be better interpreted in the light of the rural habitual elements. considering the studies discussed here, the rural habitus gives the impression of a counterpart to dirksmeier’s specific conception of the urban habitus. dirksmeier, p. (2006) relates urban habitus in general to the capital of the individual living in the city. (according to bourdieu’s (1990) theory, every individual has capital that is not necessarily material but can be economic, symbolic, or cultural). in dirksmeier’s theory, ‘urban behaviour’ is a kind of surplus on the scale of an individual’s capital. the extent of the surplus may vary according to the perception of a given urban space and may accordingly influence the individual’s position in the social space. in this interpretation, the acquisition of ‘urbanity’ (certain habits, behaviours, dialects) 79jóvér, v. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 75–85. may represent a capital surplus for an individual living in a rural area, even if no real change in the individual’s social status occurs (for more about the habitus as ‘social sense of place’, see németh, k. 2020). take, for example, the memorable ‘up-and-coming’ figure in classic literature, julien sorel, who expected his spatial mobility to lead to progress in social space. moving from the countryside to the city or from a small town to the capital can often mean an increase in cultural capital and prestige. these indicate above all the acquisition of a set of tools (‘place-based cultural capital’) that makes the agent compatible with the new environment. an example could also be pierre bourdieu, who “from a rural family in the south of france, became an emblematic figure in french intellectual and scientific life” (fáber, á. 2017, 45), and in the process, bourdieu’s habitus underwent an organic change. this could also imply that the possession of a rural and an urban habitus are mutually exclusive, with the individual either possessing the ‘surplus capital’ of urbanity or not. as in the case of urban spaces, stigmatization and selective belonging can be observed in rural studies. selective belonging is a form of response to stigmatization (wacquant, l. 2007) when a group of residents of a neighbourhood with a dubious reputation wants to distance themselves from the community. to do so, they draw cognitive (or even tangible) boundaries around themselves to portray their neighbourhood as better situated (watt, p. 2009). whether it is the ziz valley in morocco (ilahiane, h. 2001), or peckham in london (benson, m. and jackson, e. 2012), habitus can play a key role in the (de)valuation of certain places. conscious reflection, based on which the agent shapes their actions, clothing, etc. to ‘fit the place’, can over time become semi-conscious, and automatic. this mechanism impacts the ‘quality’ of the place, contributing to the maintenance of existing structures. this is not only a feature of cities and neighbourhoods but can also be observed in rural areas, within or between municipalities, and can be the basis of segregation. people with different ‘place-based’ habitus can often no longer recall the real cause of the conflict over time. their experiences in the past persist in their habitus and influence the structures of the present. in the words of jackson, habitus can be “a central mechanism in the reproduction of political, social, and economic structures” (jackson, p. 2008, 166). exploring rural habitus – different approaches to ruralism in the following, i present the defining elements of the rural habitus. by highlighting the differrent interpretations of habitus according to the researcher’s views, as well as the object, method, and conclusion of the research, i will try to show how the concept of habitus can help to understand spatial differences. in their study of habitus in morocco, ilahiane, h. (2001) focuses on a marginal social group, the haratin (freed slaves), living in an area close to the sahara. they consider habitus as a norm of action that drives the individual to do the ‘right thing’. hence, the practice is a product of habitus, and the agent reproduces the belief about the right action, excluding the possibility of other modus operandi. the author presents, through indepth interviews and by reflecting on historical factors, the coexistence of three groups of people who have lived in the same area for a long time, the arabs, the berbers, and the haratins. the haratin people have historically been an ‘oppressed’ social group, like women, but gradually gained the right to land ownership and political representation as a result of french colonialism. despite the change in power relations, however, the ever more common hostility towards each other and the discourse of ‘us and them’ has not decreased but come to the forefront. according to the formerly ‘privileged’ inhabitants, the habitus of the haratins stigmatizes the perception of the whole region, and they foresee the birth of a new somalia. here, the image of somalia is being used by politicians as a negative vision. (for more on the spajóvér, v. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 75–85.80 tial dimensions of fear produced by politics and othering, see sági, m. 2022a.) despite the disappearance of legal distinctions, the society living here does not question the negative preconceptions of the other side, and the antagonism is deeply embedded in their actions. ilahiane, h. (2001), in their interpretation of habitus, sees the individual as highly vulnerable to the habitus of their group, which may be explained by the strong structuring influence of religion. despite the economic capital and power acquired by the haratins, ‘monsieur le capital and madame de la terre’, in marx’s words, still haunt the habitus of the villages of the ziz valley (ilahiane, h. 2001). funnell, r. (2008) has researched the role of rural habitus in individual decisions in small rural towns in southwest queensland. in their interpretation, habitus is not a pure academic concept. funnell draws attention to rural forms of disposable capital, which can be sharply divided along the lines of biological sex. the body and the experiential capital that is embedded in it play a key role in their study of local men. similar to funnell, r., bender, s. (2005) writes about the importance of embodied capital. he examined the relationship between body and place in a japanese community, analysing the tradition of “taiko” drumming. of the studies analysed here, bender’s research highlighted the most the importance of embodied capital and the connection between ’local bodies’ and ’local places’. the body capital gained in rural places, the experience of physical work in a rural environment, and a strong physique are difficult to build on in the context of urban living because they are not necessarily advantageous for administrative work traditionally associated with cities. funnell, r. (2008) highlights not primarily the social structures in rural areas but the prejudices against urban life, which make holders of capital acquired through agricultural activity stay due to the limited utility of their experience. the author, like bourdieu, argues for the role of education, and gender, in shaping habitus. similarly, the close link between rural habitus and agriculture is emphasized in another study of rural australia (pini, b. et al. 2010). in their study, the authors analyse the emergence of certain categories, such as the rural working class, and the role of education, constructed in the context of the urban-rural contrast. they, like funnell, r. (2008), describe gender, the development of physical skills instead of theoretical knowledge acquired in school, and, in this context, the body with its embedded habitus as key factors in the rural habitus. this form of embodied capital is a recurrent element in habitus linked to rural places, which, in contrast to urban habitus analyses, divides habitus according to gender. in the authors’ approach, education and teachers have a great responsibility in shaping the construction of rural areas, whether encouraging or cautioning students to continue their education. their point of view reflects the assumption that for the individual, further education is likely to open the way to an urban habitus. corbett, m. (2004) examines, in their work on nova scotia, a frequent conclusion of policy analyses, which argues that the primary cause of rural ‘underdevelopment’ is the under-education of rural youth. through indepth interviews, they describe the quality of ‘place-bounded cultural capital’ that plays a decisive role in decision-making through the habitus of interviewees. the issue of gender is also important in corbett’s (2004) study, where they characterize educational institutions as traditionally gendered. they argue that women in the study have fewer opportunities to make a living through physical labour, and, thus, more women typically take their chances on the school benches. (similarly to corbett, albeit with a different approach was taken, timár, j. and velkey, g. [2016] write about the structuring effect of gender on the migration decisions of people living in rural spaces.) considering women’s experiences in the field, corbett, m. describes the school as a choice that generally offers the possibility of social and spatial mobility. in school, the individual gains the81jóvér, v. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 75–85. oretical knowledge from unfamiliar places rather than practical knowledge from the place they know, i.e., ‘alienation’. corbett concludes that the educational system and the place-bound habitus work against each other, with place-bound cultural capital, seemingly conflicting through education-acquired uniformed capital, opening the way to disaffiliation. requena-i-mora, m. and moreno, g.m. (2019) investigated environmental awareness in the habitus of a rural community in spain by conducting in-depth interviews. they described rural communities as generally less wasteful, although the people they interviewed rarely described themselves as environmentalists. according to the authors, environmental awareness is not a conscious good deed in rural areas, but merely a mode of action ingrained as a result of socialization. taking their conclusions further, the same element of habitus, environmental behaviour, can be both reflexive and unconscious, depending on the place. what is a conscious pattern of action in the case of the urban socialized agent (although it may become routine over time) is a natural way of practice in the rural habitus, the individuals do not reflect on their actions in this way, nor do they identify themselves as environmentalists. whether it is the study of the formation of an individual´s life course or the habitus of place, agricultural activity is a recurrent element in the rural concepts of habitus mentioned in this paper. the moroccan conflict referred to above was based on the distinct roles played by certain ethnic groups in agriculture, historically established and long legally regulated, while others contrasted rural cultural capital with urban cultural capital. the rural habitus, in the light of these studies, limits the capital that can be acquired by the agent, who, by choosing to try urban life, forgoes the knowledge offered by tradition and picks up an urban habitus. in the urban context, the rural habitus and its capital seem to be incompatible with action. considering these studies there is an equivalence between rural habitus, agricultural activity, and the identification of rural areas, which contributes significantly to the low prestige of rural cultural capital in an urban context. according to funnell, r. (2008), the traditional division of labour in rural habitus remains unchanged despite its change with the restructuring of agriculture. in their statement, funnell, r. couples the urban-rural relation with the dimension of the ‘agriculture-industry contrast’, one of the most dominant elements in the construction of the countryside. perhaps one of the most important findings of the studies analysed here is that almost all of them show urban habitus and the quality of urban capital forms over rural ones. this raises further questions about habitus´ role in preserving differences, given that the habitus studies themselves assume a strongly questionable hierarchical relationship. the above-mentioned habitus studies, however, do not reveal what kind of habitus is eventually created by multiple migrations between urban and rural areas over the course of life, whether there is a transition between the two, or what commuting entails (for more on this, see németh, k. 2020). in their study on habitus, koo, a. et al. (2014) analyse the impact of migration on the individual. their interviewees are school-age children who, during their studies, are forced to relocate to large cities due to their parents’ pursuit of better income opportunities. they then eventually return to their rural residence due to the specificities of the chinese education system. almost all of those interviewed have suffered a decline in their academic performance after returning to their school of origin, and their cultural capital gained in the city has not been of use in the rural school. to achieve what the authors call a ‘higher-qualified’ effect, students who landed at urban schools acquired over time the dialect, dressing habit, and behaviour of the citizens, which were of little value and made integration more difficult upon their return. according to seeberg, v. (2014), the disproportionality of the education system is a major contributory factor to the location-dependence of the ability to jóvér, v. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 75–85.82 build on cultural capital and, thus, cementing the urban-rural divide. ling, m. (2015), writing on the stigmatization of vocational schools, describes a similarly contradictory relationship. while the tastes and dressing of students from rural places change, the biggest tension is caused by the change in their work preferences. by studying in an urban school, students prefer indoor office work, which ling, m. (2015) sees as conflicting with the state´s agenda of reproducing low-skilled service workers. the results of these studies suggest that not only the rural habitus is not adaptable to an urban context but also those with an urban habitus have difficulties in thriving in rural areas, and, thus, calling into question the hierarchical relationship suggested by previous findings. during mobility, the context of action changes, not only the place where the action takes place but also the field. whether mobility is a commute or a permanent change of location, the reflection on the changed context affects the individual´s habitus if the action toolkit they possess is not compatible with the new context. in addition, going back to the stable nature of habitus described above, it is important to mention németh’s argument (2022) about hadas’ concept of plural habitus (hadas, m. 2021), according to which if habitus is constantly changing, how can it be defined as a (more or less) stable system of dispositions? bourdieu, p. assumed (in reeddanahay’s interpretation, 2020) that the individual longs to feel at home and that mobility is linked to the feeling of happiness that this implies. those who choose to migrate or commute in the hope of a ‘better life’ may acquire a very particular habitus. the newly emerging secondary framework of action, often called the split habitus, can prevent individuals from feeling ‘at home’ and comfortable in the spatial and social context in which they act. as a result of spatial mobility, the actor needs multiple sets of tools (for more on this, see hadas, m. 2021). moving between places often creates a sense of being an outsider, in essence never really feeling at home (reeddanahay, d. 2020). certain habitus-shaping factors, such as gender, race or class, and capital embedded in the body, are more strongly reflected in rural than in urban habitus studies. the authors of the habitus studies presented above (ilahiane, h. 2001; funnell, r. 2008; pini, b. et al. 2010) analyse the role of habitus almost exclusively in shaping men’s choices. rural habitus in their reflection is characterized not only by the dominant element of agriculture but also (perhaps due to the individual positioning of the researchers) by masculine dominance and certain invisibility of other genders. the importance of gender in shaping habitus has been stressed by bourdieu, p. and by those who have further developed his concept (mcclelland, k. 1990; reay, d. 2004). belonging to gender, or not belonging to the dominant gender, can be embedded in the individual´s habitus in a comparable way to belonging to a religion, social class, race, or any group (for more about the powerful structuring effect of gender in urban spaces, see sági, m. 2022b). habitus leaves its mark on the body through actions, whether it is a strong physique due to physical work or a disposition to do or not to do certain things. the inclusion of geographical space, location, and scales (like the body itself) in a habitus analysis, and the use of the concept of habitus in geography in general, can, in my opinion, make an important contribution to the understanding of existing urban-rural differences. in the following, i briefly summarize the findings of the empirical habitus studies listed here, with a particular focus on the interpretation of habitus, the methodology, and certain recurrent elements (body, gender, and class) that may contribute to the persistence of urban-rural differences. furthermore, i am to provide a clearer understanding of the interpretations of the rural habitus, especially in the light of the studies analysed here. on the other hand, if i take into account that for bourdieu reality is relational and “places and spaces are defined in relation to each other” (berger, v. 2018, 149), then an understanding of urban habits(es) and their study is essential to the analysis of rural habitus. 83jóvér, v. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 75–85. the majority of the studies listed here try to capture the rural habitus (more precisely, the habitus of different specific places with very similar elements) through the individual or group, mainly based on interviews. most concentrate on the role of the rural place in shaping individual choices and life courses (corbett, m. 2004; funnell, r. 2008; pini, b. et al. 2010; koo, a. et al. 2014; seeberg, v. 2014; ling, m. 2015). they seek to show how the rural habitus (and the associated embodied agricultural capital, weak exchange-valued symbolic capital, family demands, etc.) contributes to the maintenance of existing structures. similarly, ilahiane, h. (2001), bender, s. (2005), watt, p. (2009), benson, m. and jackson, e. (2012), and requena-i-mora, m. and moreno, g.m. (2019) examine the persistence of structures through habitus, but they focus on practices rather than life course. the dimension of time appears in a completely different way in these studies, but they also highlight the structuring role of habitus. however, i would highlight two of the studies listed, which use a different method of analysis, moving away from the individual. both shavit and lai look at a specific mediator (shavit, z. [2013] websites, lai, l. [2016] the spaces of a traditional home) and use them to demonstrate the relationship between place and habitus. i consider that this is a way of overcoming the contradiction that bourdieu’s notion of habitus is primarily about the individual or the group and that these studies are trying to say something about space, but mostly about specific places. with varying emphasis, the body is a recurring scale in the studies. bender, s. (2005) (connection of local bodies to local places) and pini, b. et al. (2010) (choosing body over mind) are more explicit about embodied capital being inseparable from the place, but others (such as funnell, r. [2008] or requena-imora, m. and moreno, g.m. [2019]) also write about practices, embodied capital, linked to place. gender is also a frequent element in close connection with the body, and is an important structuring factor about the rural habitus. the ‘traditional’ gender roles, the practices expected of the male body (physical work) and the spaces linked to it, as well as the spaces traditionally associated with women (in these studies, duties linked to the home, or school), determine the forms of capital that can be acquired or that are to be acquired, reinforcing the resulting possible emigration (mainly women) or staying (men). the most dominant central factor in writings about the conflicting field of urban-rural relations (corbett, m. 2004; watt, p. 2009; pini, b. et al. 2010; benson, m. and jackson, e. 2012; shavit, z. 2013; koo, a. et al. 2014; ling, m. 2015; requena-i-mora, m. and moreno, g.m. 2019) is class. class is an important category in shavit’s bourgeois construction of the idyllic rural (2013), in watt’s selective belonging of the middle class (2009), in ling’s stigmatization of migrant students (2015), in requena-i-mora‘s and moreno‘s everyday practices of urban post-materialism versus rural poor (2019), in benson’s and jackson’s middle-class practices of space-making (2012), etc. they, following bourdieu’s views, see the rural habitus as the result of a conflictual relationship between dominators and oppressed, which contributes to the maintenance of structures. the oppressor in this relation may be a capital-owning class, or even (as in all the china-focused studies cited here) the state itself. as a result of the symbolic violence exerted by oppressors, rural places, in the light of these studies, can be associated with a number of different socio-spatial constructions of urban-rural relations, from the idyll to the “troubled places” (corbett, m. 2004), through post rural (shavit, z. 2013), or quasi rural (watt, p. 2009). these are all spatial categories that are closely related to perception, action patterns, and thereby to habitus. conclusions hence, bourdieu’s concept of habitus (1990) is difficult to separate from place-boundedness and can, therefore, not only be understood in the context of social space. the rural habitus studies discussed here portray rural jóvér, v. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 75–85.84 habitus as the agent´s capital, which plays a decisive role (depending strongly on factors such as gender or class) in shaping an individual´s choices and life course. the analytical aspects of the rural habitus concepts examined here reflect a ‘multi-layered’ habitus, in which family plays a primary role, followed by educational experience and work, and the role of geographical place is also crucial. differences in spatial habitus studies may arise from the different choices of study methods (justified by the urban/ rural context). rural habitus studies use indepth interviews providing a more nuanced understanding of individuals’ dispositions than either quantitative (neuhaus, f. 2015), or qualitative (molotch, h. et al. 2000; lindner, r. 2003) studies in urban spaces. overall, the spatial habitus studies show a hierarchical relationship between urban and rural areas. considering rural habitus analyses, the availability of urban habitus offers the actor more opportunities, while the value of rural capital decreases as one moves away from the rural area. however, urban capital cannot always be utilized in a rural context. to use the metaphor of blondeel, p. 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(12): 2874–2892. jóvér, v. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 75–85.86 hungarian geographical bulletin vol 72 issue 1 75-85 2023 vanda jóvér: a new way to understand urban-rural relations: habitus studies of rural places 1_zacháry.indd 3zacháry, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 3–19.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.68.1.1 hungarian geographical bulletin 68 2019 (1) 3–19. introduction the application of stable isotope analysis has proved to be an extremely useful tool for tracking various changes in the earth’s systems. since the discovery of isotopes in the 1910s, stable isotope geochemistry has provided essential information for geosciences, first for chemistry and geochemistry and later for biochemistry and ecology (dawson, t.e. and siegwolf, r.t.w. 2007). with the help of stable isotopes, paleo-environmental reconstruction became an achievable tool (epstein, s. et al. 1953), as did the study of the atmosphere and the hydrological cycle via the isotopic signature of precipitation (dansgaard, w. 1964). stable isotopes also help the more precise identification of extinction events (pálfy, j. et al. 2001). these are just a few examples of the possible application of stable isotopes in geochemical questions. today, stable isotope analyses cover almost the entire spectrum of geoscience research and in some areas their application is mandatory (demény, a. 2004). the carbon isotope composition of organic and inorganic compounds alters in the course of exchange processes in the vegetation-soil-atmosphere cycle, leaving an isotopic imprint on plant, soil and atmospheric carbon pools and fluxes (werner, c. et al. 2012). these isotopic imprints allow, for example, the tracking of newly assimilated c incorapplications of stable carbon isotopes in soil science with special attention to natural 13c abundance approach dóra z a c h ár y 1,2 abstract since the invention of the isotope ratio mass spectrometer in the late 1930s, isotope analysis has shed light on many key processes in the earth’s ecosystems. stable isotope analysis was first applied in the field of chemistry and geochemistry in the 1940s, while the use of isotopic fractionation for various biochemical reactions was elaborated later. the knowledge gained from isotope research led to a better understanding of the dynamics of the biosphere and to the more efficient study of interactions between the geosphere and biosphere. in soil research, stable isotopes are ideally suited to provide a wider insight into the element cycles in soil ecosystems. stable carbon isotopes, in particular, have been in the focus of soil research, since soil organic matter (som) plays an important role not only in soil fertility, soil water management and many other physical, chemical and biological soil functions, but also in the global carbon cycle. if processes connected with these soil functions are isotopically labelled with stable carbon isotopes, the key reactions of c input, exchange and output in the soil and other soil organic matter functions can be studied accurately. the 13c abundance approach is one of the useful methods applying natural stable carbon isotope differences in the atmosphere-plant-soil system to track the stability of organic carbon in these reservoirs. the turnover of som, particularly the rate of decomposition and the partitioning of c between the different soil co2 efflux sources are in the focus of soil science research, which can be studied in detail with the help of natural 13c abundance method. thus, analysing the isotopic composition of co2 exchange between the soil and the atmosphere not only helps to gain more information about the impact and role of som and its various forms but also to predict ecosystem responses to global changes. keywords: stable c isotopes, 13c natural labelling, soil organic carbon turnover, isotope fractionation 1 geographical institute, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences, hungarian academy of sciences, h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mail: zachary.dora@csfk.mta.hu 2 institute for nuclear research, hungarian academy of sciences. h-4026 debrecen, bem tér 18/c. zacháry, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 3–19.4 porated in plants, then migrating to the soil, stored within the soil ecosystem or lost to the atmosphere (brüggemann, n. et al. 2011). paleo-environmental studies (schwartz, d. et al. 1986; cerling, t.e. et al. 1989; fox, d.l. and k och, p.l. 2004; barta, g. et al. 2018) use stable carbon isotopes in soils or paleosols to track past changes in vegetation and climate. stable carbon isotope methods related to landscape evolution, land use change and erosion studies (paul, s. et al. 2008a; häring, v. et al. 2013; alewell, c. et al. 2016; brandt, c. et al. 2016, 2018) make it possible to trace the origin and stability of carbon in different systems during diverse processes. today, stable isotope information permits scientists to address issues that seemed intractable using other methods. the stable isotope data generated with these methods have provided insights into a wide range of complex processes on temporal and regional scales from seconds to millennia and from cells to net ecosystem flux partitioning (dawson, t.e. et al. 2002; dawson, t.e. and siegwolf, r.t.w. 2007). this review provides the theoretical background of stable isotope research, using examples of major processes resulting in carbon isotope fractionation to illustrate various types of isotope fractionation and highlighting the stable carbon isotope variation in the earth’s main reservoirs, focusing in particular on soil ecosystems. it details the applicability of stable carbon isotope research in soil sciences, with special attention to the 13c natural labelling approach. the natural abundance of stable carbon isotopes has been widely used to probe the turnover of som and to differentiate the diverse sources of co2 efflux from the soil. these results provide a clearer picture of the fate of organic carbon in the vegetation-soil-atmosphere cycle. isotope nomenclature and fractionation determining the absolute abundance of isotopes is difficult, because absolute variations in isotopic abundance based on physical and biological factors are small (to the order of a few percent) (ehleringer, j.r. and rundel, p.w. 1989), so relative isotope abundance is conventionally calculated as follows: r = rare isotope abundant isotope where r is the ratio of the rare isotope to the abundant isotope. the ratio r of a sample is generally compared to that of a known standard material, which provides high precision and repeatability over the long-term. because of the small variations present in nature between the isotopic compositions of the sample and the standard material, the ratios are expressed using the conventional δ notation, introduced by craig, h. (1953), in parts per thousand: δ (‰) = rsample rstandard – 1 (x 103) the unit of δ is “‰” or “permil” (also per mill). the worldwide standards for the six conventional elements are v-smow (viennastandard mean ocean water ) for h, v-pdb (vienna-pdb, a replacement standard for the original calcium carbonate found in belemnitella americana in the cretaceous peedee formation in south carolina, usa) for c, air n2 for n, v-smow for o, v-cdt (troilite from the canyon diablo iron meteorite) for s and nbs-28 (quartz sand) for si (hoefs, j. 2009). the basis for isotope geochemistry is the fractionation of isotopes, i.e. ’the partitioning of isotopes between two phases of the same substance with different isotope ratios’ (hoefs, j. 2009), which results in different isotopes of the same element having different distribution patterns in the environment. the fractionation factor (α) is the difference in the ratio of the product isotope ratio (rp) to the reactant isotope ratio (rr): α = rp rr , (1) (2) (3) 5zacháry, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 3–19. in general, isotope effects are small, α ≈ 1, so it has become common practice in recent years to replace the fractionation factor α by the deviation of α from 1, referred to as the ε-value: ε = α – 1 (x 103) the ε-value represents the enrichment (ε > 0) or depletion (ε < 0) of the rare isotope in the product compared to the reactant isotope and approximates the fractionation in parts per thousand, making it similar to the δ value (mook, w.g. 2001; hoefs, j. 2009). isotope fractionation is often referred to as ‘discrimination’ in biological systems, meaning that specific enzymes discriminate against the heavier and favour the lighter isotope (dawson, t.e. et al. 2002). isotope fractionation is caused by mass-dependent and mass-independent mechanisms, of which the latter is less frequent. isotope exchange reactions (or equilibrium isotope distribution) and kinetic processes are the main mass-dependent processes. equilibrium isotope fractionation the distribution of isotopes is controlled by the lowest energy state of the system (ohkouchi, n. et al. 2015; trumbore, s.e. et al. 2016). the energy state of a molecule is based differences in translation, rotation and vibration energy, among which differences in vibrational energy are predominant. therefore, this is the source of isotope partitioning (hoefs, j. 2009). the vibrational energy of a molecule depends inversely on the masses of the atoms in the molecule (bigeleisen, j. 1965). as a consequence, isotopes partition differently for various types of chemical bonds and for the phases of the same molecule (e.g. for h2o as vapour, liquid or ice). the heavier isotope prefers molecules with stronger bonds and phases with less entropy (e.g. a solid versus a liquid versus a gas) (trumbore, s.e. et al. 2016). equilibrium isotope fractionation occurs in nature especially between the phases of the co2 – h2o – h2co3 – caco3 system. one typical example is the isotope equilibrium between gaseous co2 and dissolved bicarbonate (hco3 −): 13co2(gas) + h 12co3 ↔ 12co2(gas) + h 13co3 (5) in this fractionation the 13r (see above) is 0.0111421 for co2 gas (g) and 0.0112372 for bicarbonate (b) at 20 °c (mook, w.g. 2001), so the fractionation factors are 13αg/b = 0.9915 and 13εg/b = −8.46‰. figure 1. illustrates the different ε-values for different phases of the co2 – h2o – h2co3 – caco3 system. this figure also shows the temperature dependence of isotope fractionation. in general, isotope fractionation is higher at a lower temperature, while it becomes zero at a very high temperature, based on the different vibrational frequencies of the molecules (hoefs, j. 2009). another example of equilibrium fractionation is the precipitation of calcium carbonate from water. in this case the heavier c isotope will partition into the calcium carbonate, which has fewer degrees of freedom because it is solid. the δ13c of c in calcium carbonate will be enriched to a greater extent (~10‰) (4) fig. 1. temperature-dependent equilibrium isotope fractionation for the different phases of the co2 – h2o – h2co3 – caco3 system. – a = dissolved co2; b = dissolved hco3 −; c = dissolved carbonate ions; g = gaseous co2; s = solid carbonate. the different phases are shown with respect to dissolved hco3 −. source: redrawn from mook, w.g. 2001. zacháry, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 3–19.6 than that of atmospheric co2 in equilibrium with water from which the calcium carbonate is precipitated (mook, w.g. 2001; trumbore, s.e. et al. 2016). kinetic isotope fractionation in comparison with equilibrium fractionation, kinetic fractionation occurs in nonequilibrium conditions when a reaction is irreversible, such as evaporation, diffusion, dissociation or biologically mediated reactions (bigeleisen, j. and wolfsberg, m. 1958; hoefs, j. 2009; ohkouchi, n. et al. 2015). kinetic processes depend primarily on differences in the reaction rates of isotopic molecules: the lighter isotope will react and diffuse faster than the heavier isotope at a given temperature (hoefs, j. 2009). as a consequence, the preferential enrichment of the lighter isotope is observed in the reaction products compared to the heavier isotope (mook, w.g. 2001; michener, r.h. and lajtha, k. 2007; hoefs, j. 2009; ohkouchi, n. et al. 2015; trumbore, s.e. et al. 2016). one prominent example of stable c isotope fractionation is the process of photosynthesis: 6co2 + 6h2o + light → c6h12o6 + 6o2 , (6) where the 13r of the reactant (atmospheric co2) = 0.9926, and the 13r of the product (plant material) = 0.9724 (trumbore, s.e. et al. 2016), giving fractionation factors of 13ε = 0.9796 and 13α = −20.4‰. another kinetic process is the mineralization (bacterial decomposition) of soil organic matter to methane, resulting in an ε-value of about −55‰. although natural processes are not purely kinetic or irreversible, they are often referred to as non-equilibrium fractionations (mook, w.g. 2001). mass-independent fractionation some fractionation processes do not exhibit the mass-dependent effects described above. mass-independent fractionation was observed in meteorites by clayton, r.n. et al. (1973) with the use of oxygen isotope diagrams and was interpreted by thiemens, m.h. (1999). in this kind of fractionation, allègre, c.j. (2008) reported that isotope differences do not depend on the mass difference but on the symmetry of the molecule. mauersberger, k. et al. (1999), however, demonstrated experimentally that it is not the symmetry of the molecule which is responsible for fractionation but the difference in its geometry. new research indicates that mass-independent isotope fractionations are more abundant than originally thought and serve as a novel form of the isotopic fingerprint (hoefs, j. 2009). stable carbon isotope variation in the earth’s reservoirs of the three naturally occurring c isotopes, 12c and 13c are stable, representing 98.89% and 1.11% of the c atoms on earth, respectively (meija, j. et al. 2016). both stable isotopes were originally created by nucleosynthesis in stars and their abundance has remained constant since their synthesis (trumbore, s.e. et al. 2016). however, the relative abundance of stable c isotopes may vary in the earth’s various carbon reservoirs (atmosphere, biosphere, hydrosphere, lithosphere), resulting in naturally occurring variations greater than 120‰, from heavy marine carbonates (δ13c values +20‰) to light methane (δ13c values –110‰, figure 2). the systematic differences in the δ13c values of various carbon reservoirs have been known since the work of nier, a.o. and gulbransen, e.a. (1939). stable carbon isotope studies in soil science norman, a.g. and werkman, c.h. (1943) conducted the first soil tracer study on 15n-labelled soybean residues, examining their decomposition in the soil. since then many types of research have used tracers to track the fate of som constituents and dynamics in soils. stable 7zacháry, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 3–19. carbon isotope measurements in soil science studies have become more and more significant in the past decades, as soil plays an important role in the global carbon cycle. the significance of stable carbon isotope research in soil science was summarized by brüggemann, n. et al. (2011), who provided a comprehensive overview of the complex network of carbon transformation and transport processes in the plant-soil-atmosphere continuum and demonstrated that research using c isotopes makes it possible to track the fate of c molecules and to integrate information on physical, chemical and biological processes in ecosystems across space and time. kuzyakov, y. (2011) stated that isotopic tracers are the most frequently applied and most powerful tracers because of the nearly identical chemical and biochemical properties of isotopes of a single element. isotope labelling in soils is based on the fact that biological, chemical and physical fig. 2. δ13c variations in selected carbon-bearing materials. source: redrawn from meija, j. et al. 2016. zacháry, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 3–19.8 fractionation processes in nature are uniquely δ13c labelled, and that this labelling is inherited in the soil. this labelling happens naturally. another technique for understanding c dynamics in soils is to artificially alter the c isotope content of assimilated c using enriched stable (13c) or radioactive (14c) c compounds (co2, whole plant residues or plant monomers and polymers) in short pulses (pulse labelling) or over long periods (continuous labelling) (kuzyakov, y. 2006). stable c isotope fractionation processes in the atmosphere-plant-soil system the atmospheric co2 photosynthesis of plants and the different mechanisms involved were reported by bender, m.m. (1971), who was the first to describe differences in the δ13c values of various plant species. reviews published from the 1980s onwards (e.g. o’leary, m.h. 1981; farquhar, g.d. et al. 1989; hayes, j.m. 2001) provided the biochemical background of carbon isotope fractionation during photosynthesis. it was concluded that there are three different mechanisms of photosynthetic co2 fixation: the c3 (calvin-benson) pathway, the c4 (hatch-slack) pathway and the crassulacean acid metabolism (cam). plant photosynthesis strongly discriminates against the heavier carbon isotope, so the uptake of this isotope by c3 and c4 plants averages 19‰ and 4‰ less, respectively, than the atmospheric ambient δ13c (figure 3) (boutton, t.w. 1996; hoefs, j. 2009), which is −8‰ compared to the v-pdb standard (see figure 2 and 3). the cam pathway is a modification of photosynthetic carbon fixation resulting in δ13c values ranging from –10 to –28‰ (boutton, t.w. 1996). after co2 photosynthetic fixation by plants, further fractionation processes take place, resulting in different δ13c values for different compounds in plants (park, r. and epstein, s. 1960). lignin, lipids and cellulose are depleted, while sugars, amino acids and hemicelluloses are enriched in 13c relative to the bulk plant material (boutton, t.w. 1996). therefore, within a single plant δ13c differences between substances may be as much as 9‰ for c3 plants and 10.3‰ for c4 plants (hobbie, e.a. and werner, r.a. 2004). kinetic isotope effects seem to be the cause of these 13c differences (hoefs, j. 2009). fig. 3. isotopic composition of c3 and c4 plants compared to atmospheric co2 and the c isotope ratio measurement standard. source: redrawn from ehleringer, j.r. and cerling, t.e. 2002. 0 50 100 150 200 fr eq ue nc y –40 –30 –20 –10 0 10 c plants₃ c plants₄ a tm os ph er ic c o ₂ st an da rd vp d b –4‰ δ c=–19‰�� δ c ( )�� ‰ 9zacháry, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 3–19. in addition, microbes in the soil also discriminate isotopes. the term ’preferential substrate utilization’ or ’preferential decomposition’ refers to the phenomenon whereby microorganisms select certain individual substances in plant residues and decompose them to co2 (werth, m. and kuzyakov, y. 2010). microbes, especially the bacteria prefer easily decomposable substances (e.g. glucose, sucrose) enriched in 13c rather than lignin and lipids. this preferential substrate utilization is more significant than the 13c-depletion effect of the metabolism (co2 from microbial respiration is 13c-depleted compared to the substrate from which it is derived) (šantrůčková, h. et al. 2000). as a consequence, the co2 emitted during decomposition is enriched in 13c, while 13c-depleted som remains in the soil, as the preferential utilization of the 13c-enriched som fractions means that 13c is lost more rapidly than 12c (ågren, g.i. 1996). application of natural c isotope fractionation the differences in δ13c values between c3 and c4 plants have great importance for soil science since the δ13c of som in the steadystate system is nearly identical to that of the source vegetation from which the organic matter was derived (boutton, t.w. 1996). this is the basis for numerous stable carbon isotopic applications in soil science. the natural labelling or δ13c natural abundance method is based on 1) the above-mentioned physiological difference in the photosynthetic fixation of co2 in c3 and c4 plants and 2) the assumption that the δ13c natural abundance signature of som is identical to the δ13c natural abundance signature of the plants from which it is derived, because the isotopic difference between c3 and c4 plants is much larger than the isotopic changes occurring during som decay (balesdent, j. and mariotti, a. 1996). thus, growing c4 plants on a c3 soil or vice versa can be considered as in situ labelling. with this method the rate of loss of the c derived from the original vegetation and the incorporation of c derived from the new vegetation can be estimated (balesdent, j. et al. 1987). as a consequence, the natural labelling approach makes it possible 1) to calculate the turnover rate of c derived from the original vegetation (six, j. and jastrow, j. 2002) and 2) to separate the different sources of soil co2 efflux (kuzyakov, y. 2006). fig. 4. the basis of c3–c4 vegetation change for natural abundance 13c labelling. the figure represents the replacement of som derived from previous vegetation a by the new vegetation b. source: redrawn from balesdent, j. and mariotti, a. 1996. so il c co nt en t t₀ t cb ca δa₀ δb δa δvega δvegb zacháry, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 3–19.10 in natural labelling experiments, in contrast to artificial labelling, the isotope differences are smaller, but they have the advantage that no artificially enriched compounds are required. for example, as described by gunina, a. and kuzyakov, y. (2014), the δ13c natural abundance approach is able to estimate c flows under steady-state conditions without applying artificial tracers. in addition, the distribution of 13c between the pools is more uniform than in artificial pulse labelling methods (kuzyakov, y. 2005). one of the strengths of the method is the easy application under field conditions, because there is no need for artificial labelling equipment or isolation from the atmosphere (kuzyakov, y. 2006). therefore, this technique is one of the best for the study of field soil dynamics (paul, e.a. 2016). nevertheless, the method has some shortcomings (kuzyakov, y. 2006): (i) c3 plant/c4 soil pairs or vice versa are rare under field conditions; (ii) the maximum δ13c variation of co2 between c3 and c4 plants is only about 14‰; (iii) there is a 13c discrimination by plants caused by temperature, water availability, air humidity, n supply, light intensity and plant properties (root length, plant sex). figure 4 illustrates the basis of the c3–c4 vegetation change method representing the two photosynthetic pathways a and b (balesdent, j. and mariotti, a. 1996). at the time of the vegetation change (t0) som has an isotopic composition δa0 close to that of the original vegetation. as this som from vegetation a progressively decays, it is partially replaced by som derived from the new vegetation b. at a given time t, the total som content can be expressed as c = ca + cb and the isotope composition δab of som under mixed vegetation is the following: δab (ca + cb) = δab (c) = δaca + δbcb where ca and cb stand for the amount of som from the old (a) and new (b) vegetation, respectively, and δa and δb are the δ 13c values of som derived from vegetation a and b, respectively. as ca = c – cb, eq. (7) can be rewritten as follows (amelung, w. et al. 2008): δab = δbcb + δa (c–cb) = δbcb + δa (1 – cb) (8) c c c c hence, the contribution of plant b to the total c content can be calculated as follows (balesdent, j. and mariotti, a. 1996; amelung, w. et al. 2008): f = cb = (δab – δa) / (δb – δa) c expressed as the fraction of new carbon in the soil (f). because δa and δb cannot be measured directly in the mixed cropping system, they must be estimated. the natural labelling method assumes that δb is equivalent to the isotopic composition of the new vegetation (δveg b, see figure 4), and δa to the initial δ 13c of the soil or of the control soil remaining under the initial vegetation (δref a). hence, the new portions of vegetation b are estimated as follows (balesdent, j. and mariotti, a. 1996; amelung, w. et al. 2008): f = (δab – δref a) / (δveg b – δref a) many studies (balesdent, j. and balabane, m. 1992; six, j. et al. 1999; dignac, m.f. et al. 2005; paul, e.a. et al. 2008b; pausch, j. and kuzyakov, y. 2012; schiedung, h. et al. 2017; poeplau, c. et al. 2018) have applied the 13c natural abundance approach to calculate the proportion of c derived from the new vegetation/fresh organic input. based on eq. (10), this technique allows also the percentage of c derived from different treatments and amendments to be calculated. for example, lynch, d.h. et al. (2006) estimated the percentage of c derived from different c4 compost treatments and the retention of compost c in a temperate grassland (c3) soil in nova scotia. measurements took place one and two years after the application of the compost treatments (corn silage, dairy manure and sewage sludge) and showed that , (7) (9) (10) 11zacháry, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 3–19. the fraction of som derived from compost was around 33% for most of the treatments. the results indicated that the fraction of compost retained in the soil was the highest for corn silage compost one and two years after the treatment (~ 95% and 90%, respectively). another possible application of the 13c natural abundance method is connected with land use change studies (e.g. yamashita, t. et al. 2006; jakab, g. et al. 2018a; zhang, q. et al. 2018). agricultural land use disturbs the natural som system, e.g. by affecting the aggregate size and stability of som (bilandžija, d. et al. 2017; jakab, g. et al. 2018b). with the help of 13c natural abundance these effects can be examined in more detail, as stable carbon isotopes widen the scope of land use research. for instance, the effect of land use changes on the aggregate systems in the soil or how different land use types influence the fraction of c derived from the new vegetation can be examined with the help of 13c natural abundance approach (john, b. et al. 2005; yamashita, t. et al. 2006; paul, s. et al. 2008a,b; liu, y. et al. 2018). in addition, 13c natural abundance has been successfully applied to trace sediment and som transfer during erosion (papanicolaou, a.n. et al. 2003; alewell, c. et al. 2008; schaub, m. and alewell, c. 2009; zollinger, b. et al. 2014). the source of eroded soil sediments or suspended organic matter and the rate of soil erosion and redistribution can be monitored by the δ13c signature of soils. turnbull, l. et al. (2008) used the δ13c signals of eroded material of soils over a c4 grass to c3 shrub transition. they concluded that variations in δ13c values of som in bulk eroded sediment can be used to trace changes in erosion dynamics over events of different magnitudes and over different vegetation types. jacinthe, p.a. et al. (2009) determined the amount and source of eroded soil organic carbon retained in c3 grass filters receiving runoff from areas supporting c4 vegetation. novara, a. et al. (2015) measured the δ13c values of different soil profiles sampled along a sicilian vineyard slope and quantified the rates of erosion. e s t i m a t i o n o f t h e t u r n o ve r r a t e o f c p o o l s the carbon turnover rate is the rate of c cycling from one pool to another. if the system is in the steady-state condition (i.e. input into the pool is equal to the output), the value of the turnover rate is the ratio of the input amount per time unit to the total pool amount. in this case, the mean residence time (i.e. the mean period of residence of c in the given pool) is the inverse of the turnover rate (kuzyakov, y. 2006). based on the simplest assumption, som consists of a homogeneous, single c pool, which decomposes exponentially following first-order kinetics (stanford, g. and smith, s.j. 1972). for the amounts of som from the old vegetation: ca = (ca + cb) exp ( – kt) where ca and cb stand for the amount of som from the old (a) and new (b) vegetation, k is the decay rate constant and t is the time since vegetation change. the mean residence time (mrt) can be calculated as the inverse of the decay rate constant as follows (amelung, w. et al. 2008): mrt = 1 = –t/ln (1 – f) k som pools dominated by turnover times ranging from a year to several hundreds of years have been calculated with the help of the natural labelling approach (balesdent, j. and mariotti, a. 1996). carbon turnover time is not just an important indicator of som dynamics, but is a key parameter in coupled climate-carbon cycle models (e.g. earth system models). hence, there is an urgent need to accurately estimate the turnover times of som to predict the future sizes of the terrestrial c sinks and sources and to obtain a better understanding of climate-carbon feedback (carvalhais, n. et al. 2014; he, y. et al. 2016; wang, j. et al. 2018). balesdent, j. et al. (1987) were the first to use the natural 13c abundance method on two french sites which originally had c3 type veg, (11) (12) zacháry, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 3–19.12 etation. they cultivated maize (c4 type vegetation) to achieve a c3/c4 vegetation change. an organic carbon turnover rate of 22% was calculated from the δ13c values of soils sampled at one experimental site after 13 years of maize cultivation, with different annual rates. this suggested that the decay of som cannot be described using a single carbon pool model. a turnover time of 36 years was calculated for this site assuming an exponential decay. at another experimental site, where continuous maize cultivation for 23 years was applied after pine forest clearing, two treatments were used: in the first, leaves and stalks were incorporated back into the soil, while in the second, leaves and stalks were removed for the last 17 years. the percentage of organic carbon derived from maize was calculated for different particle size fractions in the topsoil (0−30 cm) and subsoil (30−40 cm) horizons. the turnover of the coarse sand fraction (200−2,000 mm) was found to be the most rapid, while the fine clay fraction (<0.2 mm) contained most of the som. since then, a number of studies have used the 13c natural abundance method for som turnover rate calculations for different purposes, but the work of balesdent, j. et al. (1987) forecast the major questions of som research which have since been studied with this method. these are the 1) estimation of the turnover time of different physically and/or chemically separated som fractions representing distinct som fractions connected to different soil textures or minerals (martin, a. et al. 1990; bonde, t.a. et al. 1992; balesdent, j. et al. 1998; shang, c. and tiessen, h. 2000; liao, j.d. et al. 2006; dalal, r.c. et al. 2013); 2) estimation of the turnover time of different som pools (bernoux, m. et al. 1998; derrien, d. and amelung, w. 2011); 3) estimation of the turnover time of som derived from different treatments or land uses (six, j. and jastrow, j. 2002; zach, a. et al. 2006; novara, a. et al. 2013); 4) comparison of the turnover time of som at different soil depths (bernoux, m. et al. 1998; flessa, h. et al. 2017). a combination of these topics is embedded in many other studies. for example, collins, h.p. et al. (1999) investigated the soil c dynamics in the corn belt region of the central usa. they calculated the per cent of c derived from corn after conversion to a monoculture of c4 corn and the mrts of the c3 soils. the proportion of corn-derived c decreased with soil depth and was minimal in the 50–100 cm depth increments of finetextured soils. the mean residence time of non-corn c (c3) ranged from 36 to 108 years at the surface and up to 769 years at the subsoil depth. it was shown that clay minerals effectively protected the organic matter in the case of older c3-derived c (longer mrts), while no such protection was observed for the younger c4-derived c (shorter mrts). john, b. et al. (2005) estimated the turnover times of different density fractions of som (free particulate organic matter with a density <1.6 g cm−3, light occluded particulate organic matter with a density of <1.6 g cm−3, dense occluded particulate organic matter with a density of 1.6−2.0 g cm−3 and mineralassociated som with a density >2 g cm−3) and of som from different depths. they calculated turnover times of 54, 144 and 223 years for the 0−30 cm, 30−45 cm and 45−60 cm horizons, respectively. the mean turnover times for the density fractions were found to be the following: 22 years for the free particulate organic matter, 49 years for the dense occluded particulate organic matter, 63 years for mineral-associated som and 83 years for light occluded particulate organic matter. lisboa, c.c. et al. (2009) calculated the turnover time of different som fractions (>250 mm, 53−250 mm, 2−53 mm, <2 mm) applying a two-pool (active and slow decomposition rate) exponential model for a forestto-pasture chrono-sequence in the brazilian amazon. except for the >250 mm fraction no difference was detected between the fractions in the active pool phase, whereas in the slow pool phase the fractions were separated according to their turnover rates: the clayassociated som (fraction <2 mm) had the greatest turnover rate (>2,500 years), the microaggregate and silt-associated som had medium turnover rates (498 and 210 years, 13zacháry, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 3–19. respectively) and the particulate organic matter (>250 mm fraction) had the smallest turnover rate (~ 1 year). panettieri, m. et al. (2017) studied the different turnover times of fractionated water-stable aggregates (larger macro-aggregates with 2.0−7.1 mm, macro-aggregates with 0.200−2.00 mm, microaggregates with 0.050−0.200 mm and silt + clay fraction with <0.050 mm) of permanent cropland and temporary grassland plots after nine and three years of maize cultivation, respectively. the calculated turnover times for the two land uses were similar for the micro and macro-aggregates but different for the silt + clay fraction. namely, the mrt of the silt + clay fraction of grassland soil was twice as of the cropland soil confirming that this smallest fraction is affected to the greatest extent by land use practices, and particularly tillage. it could be explained by the increased degradation of som due to higher aeration caused by tillage. soil co2 efflux source determination besides the estimation of som turnover time, the 13c natural abundance method is well applicable to partition the co2 fluxes from the soil (cheng, w. 1996). the evaluation of the contribution made by different c sources to soil co2 efflux is also a key parameter in determining whether the soil is a net source or sink of atmospheric co2 (kuzyakov, y. and larionova, a.a. 2005). according to kuzyakov, y. (2006) there are five main sources of soil co2 efflux (figure 5): 1) microbial decomposition of som (termed basal respiration), 2) microbial decomposition of som affected by recent input of rhizodeposits and/or fresh undecomposed plant residues (termed priming effect), 3) microbial decomposition of partly decomposed dead plant remains, 4) microbial decomposition of rhizo-deposits of living roots (termed rhizomicrobial respiration) and 5) root respiration (respiration of assimilates by roots of autotrophic plants). these co2 effluxes represent different c pools with different turnover rates and mrts (see figure 5). the pedogenic or anthropogenic acidification of soils containing caco3 is also a source of co2 efflux in the soil, but its contribution is only significant on the geological time scale and not on the sub-annual to decadal time scales used in soil research studies (kuzyakov, y. 2006). with the help of the 13c natural labelling approach, it is possible to separate the sources of soil respiration. growing c4 plants on a c3 soil or vice versa and tracing the δ 13c value of co2 efflux from the soil allows the separation of som-derived from plant-derived co2 (see figure 5). if additional data on the δ13c values of microbial biomass and roots is available, root and rhizomicrobial respiration can also be partitionated, as can the separation of som-derived basal respiration from the microbial decomposition of plant residues. natural c3/c4 vegetation differences are also used to partition the autotrophic (root respiration) and heterotrophic (other 5 respiration sources in figure 5) soil respiration in many studies (e.g. rochette, p. and flanagan, l.b. 1997; giardina, c.p. et al. 2004; millard, p. et al. 2008). millard, p. et al. (2010) were the first to quantify the proportion of som-derived co2 in a forest soil using 13c natural abundance discrimination, with carbon input derived solely from c3 photosynthesis. for this, measured δ13c values of root respiration (−27.60 ± 0.51‰) and som-derived respiration (−25.10 ± 0.88‰) were used as the end points of a two-component mixing model using the small isotopic difference between them. the calculated mean percentage of som-derived co2 was 0.61 ± 0.28. by adding c4 plant residues to a c3 soil or vice versa and measuring their contribution to the total co2 efflux it is also possible to separate the co2 originating from plant residues and that derived from the microbial decomposition of som. in addition, by comparing soil with added residues to control soil with no residue addition, the priming effect can be calculated using the 13c natural labelling approach (kuzyakov, y. 2006). for zacháry, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 3–19.14 example, kuzyakov, y. and cheng, w. (2001) applied the 13c natural abundance method to partition the soil-derived and root-derived (root respiration plus rhizomicrobial respiration) co2 from c4 prairie soil planted with c3 wheat in a 7-day laboratory experiment. photosynthesis was greatly reduced and, on average, 75% of total co2 efflux from the soil proved to be root-derived and 25% soil-derived. when the priming effect was compared for planted and non-planted soils a positive priming effect (42 mg c kg−1 h−1 and 33 kg c ha−1 d−1) was recorded during the first 3 days, whereas without light, the priming effect decreased and was negative due to the reduction of exudation. werth, m. and kuzyakov, y. (2009) used the natural 13c labelling approach to partition root respiration, rhizomicrobial respiration and basal respiration under field conditions in a loamy haplic luvisol in stuttgart, germany. they used the δ13c values of som, roots, microbial biomass and total co2 efflux from the soil and applied isotopic mass balance equations to calculate the contributions of the three sources of co2 efflux. the δ 13c values from a bare-fallow plot were used to calculate the 13c fractionation between som and co2 and between microbial biomass and co2 and the contribution of different co2 sources was estimated, taking into account the 13c fractionation. the calculations revealed significant changes between the results with and without 13c fractionation. it was therefore suggested that the isotope fractionation processes of 13c should be embedded in studies dealing with co2 efflux partitioning. werth, m. and kuzyakov, y. (2010) reviewed the possible uncertainties connected with 13c fractionation in the 13c natural abundance method, with special attention to the partitioning of co2 efflux. it was concluded that even a small variation (±1.0‰) in the δ13c value of the ’endmembers’ of the mixing equations led to strong uncertainties. in addition, if significant isotope fractionation takes place, the uncertainties increase significantly. as possible solutions, they recommended various approaches to reduce uncertainties: 1) to increase the difference in δ13c value between the two ’endmembers’ (if necessary, using artificial labelling); 2) to estimate the fractionation of individual processes in the specific study, not using mean values estimated in other studies; 3) to analyse the δ13c values of individual substance groups or substances (i.e. compound-specific isotope analysis). conclusions the 13c natural abundance approach occupies an important place among the isotope applications used in soil research, especially for the calculation of som turnover and the partitioning of co2 efflux sources. the 13c natural abundance approach combined with other methods is a useful tool to measure the effect of different humaninduced changes on organic carbon storage, such as land use change, erosion and soil management. along with the traditional methods of watershed monitoring, slope fig. 5. main sources of soil co2 efflux and c pools in order of turnover rates and residence times. source: redrawn from kuzyakov, y. and gavrichkova, o. 2010. 15zacháry, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 3–19. measurements and rainfall simulation experiments or tracer applications (rare earth elements or radionuclides), stable carbon isotope measurements provide additional spatial information on soil erosion dynamics. in addition, the 13c natural abundance approach in combination with photogrammetry or remote sensing could be useful to precisely monitor areas affected by different land use changes. with the combination of 13c natural abundance method and 14c labelling, the contribution of carbon sources to the carbon pools can be distinguished in more detail and the priming effect connected to the processes can be calculated. the measurement of the natural 14c abundance of som extends the timescales for c cycling to millennia supplementing the turnover times ranging from a year to several hundreds of years calculated by the 13c natural labelling approach. the physical fractionation of soils combined with isotope labelling provides another possibility to estimate the turnover times of physically defined som pools. data obtained using the 13c natural abundance technique provide important information on som dynamics, which has been in the focus of interest in recent years due to the significant role of soil in the global carbon cycle. the determination of the turnover time and size of the active and passive soil reservoirs is essential for the evaluation of whether they serve as potential sources or sinks for atmospheric co2. therefore, techniques such as the 13c natural abundance approach, not only lead to a better understanding of processes in the global carbon cycle but also provide fundamental information for climate change mitigation. acknowledgements: the research was supported by the european union and the state of hungary, co-financed by the european regional development fund in the project of ginop-2.3.2-15-2016-00009 ‘icer’ and by the únkp-17-3 new national excellence program of the ministry of human capacities and by the development and innovation fund of hungary (nr. nkfih 123953). the author is grateful to barbara harasztos for her help in the language editing. references ågren, g.i., bosatta, e. and balesdent, j. 1996. isotope discrimination during decomposition of organic matter: a theoretical analysis. soil science society of america journal 60. 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(6): 1400–1419. zacháry, d. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 3–19.20 7 literature.indd 247literature – hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 247–251. l i t e r a t u r e hungarian geographical bulletin 64 2015 (3) 247–251. world soils contain approximately 1,500–2,000 gtons of organic carbon in the top two meters. this large carbon reserve can increase atmospheric concentrations of co2 by soil misuse or mismanagement, or it can temperate the ‘greenhouse’ eff ect by proper land use and soil management. the recognition of importance of soil carbon reservoir on the climate and soil fertility led to increasing scientifi c activity on this fi eld. specifi c workshops and conferences on soil organic carbon (soc) are a manifestation of increasing scientifi c activity. the number of publications concerning soc has been also increasing steadily since early 2000s. actually, more than 1,500 papers per year cited by diff erent scientifi c search engines. international union of soil science (iuss) organised a conference on global soil carbon in june 2013, in madison (wisconsin, usa). 90 presentations were presented by more than 140 scientists from 35 countries. organisers have invited 48 authors and teams to participate in this book. chapters are grouped in four sections: i. soil carbon in space and time; ii. soil carbon properties and processes; iii. soil use and carbon management; iv. soil carbon and the environment. all of papers focus on novel and intriguing research from all over the world. the fi rst part of the book is an overview of the recent status of soil carbon research in the world’s science. it summarizes the history, the recent scientifi c potential and new tendencies of these studies. several authors emphasize importance of low carbon saturation of soils due to the agriculture and other human activities. however, capacity of the carbon sink depends on the land use (changes) and cultivation techniques, process of the carbon storage is proportional to molecular interactions between organic and mineral phase. the macro-scale studies are actually prevailed by soc monitoring studies. the microscale researches on soc follow these trends and deal with its chemical composition and structural properties. this part of the book provides a brief inventory of new developments for monitoring systems and the latest novel micro-morphological and analytical techniques for som. some of previously introduced analytical methods for studying soc and molecular and microbial processes of soil organic matter (som) are overviewed in the second part of the book. some of the chapters introduce applications of novel techniques (e.g. x-ray fluorescence molecular spectroscopy, quartz crystal micro-gravimetry) and few articles delineate new applications of traditional hartemink, a.e. and mcsweeney, k. (eds.): soil carbon. progress in soil science, springer, heidelberg– new york–dordrecht–london, 2014. 506 p. literature – hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 247–251.248 methods, such as uv-vis spectrometry and refl ectance measurements. most of the chapters deal with molecular structures of som and molecular processes of carbon storage in soils. chapters of the third part contain large scale studies: carbon management on diff erent landscapes and the agro-technical aspects of the carbon sequestration. selected teams have introduced new achievements to increase soc absorption in the soils of the croplands and grasslands from tropical and subtropical third world countries through the temperate zone (europe, us) until the boreal areas. chapters of the fourth part (soil and the environment) are loosely aggregated. some of the chapters are reviews on state of the art of soil mapping and on the relationship between climate change and soil carbon management. most of the papers are overviews on the recent status of soc researches of an area. soil carbon is a new and high quality element of the springers’s progress in soil science series. several the authors (e.g. mcbratney, a.b.; monger, c.; poch, r. etc.) belong to the top soil scientists of the world. this is an essential handbook for soil scientists, geographers and environmentalist to receive up to date knowledge about soil carbon. zoltán szalai – gergely jakab 9_kronika.indd 355chronicle – hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 343–344.hungarian geographical bulletin 64 2015 (4) 355–356. c h r o n i c l e professor andrei alekseevich velichko, doctor of sciences in geography, head of the laboratory of evolutionary geography of the institute of geography russian academy of sciences (ras, moscow), passed away on november 11, 2015. andrei alekseevich received a degree in geography at the moscow (lomonosov) state university in 1953 and belonged to the school of k.k. markov. soon his interest turned to the complex problems of paleogeography of the late cenozoic ranging from the stratigraphy of glacial and periglacial zones to the reconstruction of paleoclimatic events as they are refl ected by the evolution of landscapes. his life work was closely associated with studies on the interaction of primitive humans with the natural environment and his fi rst contribution was a study on the geological age of the upper paleolithic in the central part of the russian plain (1961). velichko’s book entitled natural process during pleistocene (1973) has become a manual for generations of geographers. during the sixty years of his professional career the impact of environmental change was increasingly observed at a global scale under an ever intensifying anthropogenic pressure. it was recognised as early as the 1960’s, but it had taken time until a bilateral soviet–american scientifi c program was launched under the aegis of environmental protection. as part of this collaboration national monographs were presented: on late quaternary environments of the soviet union edited by a. velichko was published in the usa (minnesota, 1984) whereas another one on late quaternary environments of the united states edited by s.c. porter came out in russian (leningrad, 1986). these volumes had vital signifi cance as they presented both research methodology and the fi ndings of investigations. since its foundation (1928) the international union for quaternary research (inqua) has emphasized the research of the evolution of natural components (inland and mountain glaciology, loess, permafrost, geomorphic processes, soil cover, vegetation and fauna) in an interdisciplinary manner as of an utmost importance. the union has put an aim of encouraging joint research, discussion and publication on the problems of quaternary. accordingly, a. velichko formed in memoriam andrei velichko (1931–2015) a team of researchers at home, where he became the head of laboratory of p a l e o g e o g r a p h y of the institute of geography, proceeding as laboratory o f e v o l u t i o n a r y geography from the 1990’s. at the inqua congress in 1977 he was elected as president of a newly formed commission on the paleogeographic atlas of the quaternary. supported by the conveners of the commission márton pécsi (then president of the commission on loess) and burkhardt frenzel (rpg on terrestrial paleoclimatology, frg) a project of an atlas-monograph was launched in the mid-1980’s, edited by the three professors and involving a broad circle of international experts. eventually, it was completed by 1991 and published as paleoclimates and paleoenvironments of the northern hemisphere (late pleistocene–holocene). thirty years ago a 1 ºc rise in global annual mean temperature was predicted by 2010 (the scenario at holocene climatic optimum) and 2 ºc increase by 2030 (situation at the last interglacial climatic optimum). the atlas contains various (sometimes confl icting) scenarios to reconstruct the last climatic macrocycle of the recent geological past (last interglacial/glacial/holocene). the chronostratigraphical correlation at a global scale has been a challenge to the geosciences. considerable eff orts were made to reconcile various quaternary time scales that suggest or refl ect cyclic climatic and environmental change (radiation changes by milanković, 18/16o ratio in deep-sea deposits, changes of magnetic susceptibility in sequences, fl uctuations of co2 pressure in polar ice, pollen spectrum changes etc.). works on the atlas prompted a close cooperation between the department of geomorphology, geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences (gri has) headed by m. pécsi and chronicle – hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 343–344.356 velichko’s department of paleogeography. it started in autumn 1986, when a scientifi c session was held at the has (budapest) and field excursions were organized featuring key sections in hungary (paks, basaharc) with the participation of german, hungarian, polish, soviet (russian, georgian) specialists. two years later comparative studies were performed at basaharc (hungary, visegrád gorge) and bogolyubovo (russia, vladimir oblast’). as the study of quaternary deposits, primarily of loess-paleosol sequences provides information on the amplitude, character and speed of past climate changes, the two key localities were investigated by experts from both, hungarian and russian workshops by sampling for a subsequent laboratory analysis. velichko was a prolifi c writer producing more than one hundred scientifi c contributions, and edited numerous books. volumes of studies published in hungary contain several articles writt en by him. the international geosphere-biosphere programme was initiated by icsu in 1986 to coordinate international research on globaland regional-scale interrelationship between earth’s biological, chemical and physical processes and their interactions with human systems. later its core project past global change (pages) emerged with a special reference to investigations into paleoclimatic cycles in the geological past. professor velichko was very active participant in this project and his last visit to budapest was associated with a session here in 2008. in 2014 a project was launched under professor velichko’s professional guidance. commemorating the 120th anniversary of the expedition led by vladimir obruchev, russian and chinese quaternary researchers carried out large-scale sampling of loess deposits from key exposures of eurasia to deepen knowledge on the terrestrial paleoclimates and past landscapes of this huge area of the earth. in april 2014 a. velichko was decorated with the grand gold medal of the russian geographical society (rgs) awarded for scientifi c proceedings. the preamble reads: ‘for the development of geography, for creation of atlases and monographs on the landscapes and climate and for active participation in the international geographical union and russian geographical society’. a recent volume of studies under his editorship deals with the initial human settlement in the arctic under conditions of pervasive environmental change. fine arts were very familiar to him. velichko had a gift in drawing, and illustrations such as geological profi les drawn by him have already been incorporated in geomorphological contributions. he belonged to geografi ya–geozhivopis (geo-graphics–geo-painting), a civil society founded under the aegis of rgs in 2005 that organised exhibitions and published albums over the past decade. at least three generations of geographers keep the memory of andrei alekseevich velichko, a prominent scholar of international renown, close friend of hungarian colleagues, a global citizen with amiable personality. lászló bassa << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 20%) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec61966-2.1) 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice contribution to regional division of slovakia based on the application of the reilly's model 237 hungarian geographical bulletin 61 (3) (2012) 237–255. contribution to regional division of slovakia based on the application of the reilly’s model marián halás and pavel klapka1 abstract the objective of the present article is an application of three versions of the reilly’s model in a regional division of slovakia at two levels: from the point of view of potential natural gravity towards regional centres, and from the aspect of an alternative proposal of administrative division of slovakia at the regional level. in this contribution the geometric version of the reilly’s model serves only as a complementary tool for an assessment of a regional organisation of slovakia. a crucial part lies in the application of the topographic version; the oscillatory version possesses a correcting and refi ning role. functional urban regions have been used as basic spatial zones in our analysis. the geometric version of the model is used for a preliminary assessment of possible infl uences of centres. let alone several exceptions caused by physical geographical conditions (e.g. an overrated sphere of infl uence of žilina) this version provides a relatively realistic image of the slovak regional system. keywords: regional division, potential spatial interactions, reilly’s model, slovakia introduction geographical space is not a homogeneous entity and individual geographical components are not distributed uniformly in the space, i.e. they are represented by diff erent intensities in distinct regions. in most cases there is a natural tendency to balance these diff erences. as an example from physical geography the occurrence of horizontal fl ows of various types can be put forward. for instance in case of diff erent values of atmospheric pressure the “polarity” is balanced by the fl ow of air masses. such fl ows posses a character of vector or gradient. an analogical situation can be witnessed also in case of human geographical partial components. horizontal fl ows (of people, products, informa1 palacký university, faculty of science, department of geography, 17. listopadu 12. 779 00 olomouc, czech republic. e-mails: marian.halas@upol.cz, pavel.klapka@upol.cz 238 tion etc.) occur in the social and economic environment as well. geography mostly refers to them as the spatial interactions. they represent an aggregation of individual mobility and contacts. as for the fl ows of people they are conditioned by the activities of individuals. the spatial behaviour of individuals is aff ected by their needs and eff orts to optimise spatial movements (or spatial location) in order to gain economic and social benefi ts. socio-economic spatial interactions substantially aff ect the geographical organisation of the society and express the interdependence among the sections of geographical space (regions) of diff erent hierarchical levels. the primary information on spatial mobility of the population and spatial interactions is based on the migration data, particularly on the labour and school commuting. the labour commuting, which is the basic platform for regionalisation tasks, was recorded in the former czechoslovakia for the fi rst time in the 1961 census. since then the data on main commuting fl ows have been available only in ten years intervals. other data on the spatial interactions (for instance on passenger traffi c volumes, att endance of shopping malls etc.) are very complicated to acquire and in some cases they are subject to business secret. if such insuffi ciencies cannot be supplied by questionnaire surveys (these would be very demanding and practically not applicable on the whole state territory), geographers frequently resort to the use of potential spatial interactions when handling the regionalisation tasks. these approaches rely on the assumed non-homogeneity of geographical space and have been inspired by the laws of physics, for instance by the newton law of universal gravitation. the partial objective of the article is to apply basic geometric and topographic versions of the reilly´s model on the territory of slovakia. spheres of infl uences of individual sett lements reached by the geometric version will serve as a base for the selection of the centres and subsequent application of the topographic version of the reilly´s model with a modifi ed parameter. the primary objective of the article is, then, a delineation of regions in slovakia aimed at putt ing forward an alternative proposal of an administrative division of slovakia at the level of regions (i.e. nuts 3), and their grouping into the nuts 2 regions. this analysis will employ the potential spatial interactions. the proposal will att empt to take into account the rule of spatial justice and the size of the nuts 2 regions recommended by the eu. the delineation of the nuts 3 regions in slovakia is not correct and is subject to persistent harsh criticisms from the independent scientifi c public (for instance deliberate distribution of the hungarian minority between the bratislava, trnava and nitra regions, inadequate demarcation of the spiš historical territory etc.). our alternative proposal has made use of the reilly´s model since the higher levels of the administrative system (nuts 2 and nuts 239 3 regions) cannot be delineated according to real commuting or migration fl ows (for instance the gravity zone of bratislava reaches far eastern slovakia). this claim is supported by the fact that such a task has not been undertaken by the slovak geography so far. one of a few options of such a construction based on the quantitative data processing is presented in the article. theoretical background and methods geography (or spatial science) saw the fi rst application of simple models inspired by the newton law of gravitation in the 19th century (ravenstein, e.g. 1885). the issue of spatial interaction modelling had further developed during the inter-war period when william j. reilly (1929, 1931) defi ned the so called law of retail gravitation, which was based on the real interactions observed in texas during the second half of the 1920s. however, the theoretical explanation of socio-economic spatial interactions based on the gravitation concept occurred aft er the second world war, when stewart, j.q. (1948) formulated his concept of social physics and used the term demographic force as an analogy to gravitation force used in the natural sciences. stewart´s work refl ected the conclusions reached by zipf, g.k. (1947) regarding the principle of minimum eff ort which is very important for the spatial interaction modelling since it is closely related to a “resistance” exerted by the geographical space towards the spatial interactions. the law of retail gravitation has been further modifi ed on the basis of the above mentioned works by converse, p.d. (1949) and huff, d.l. (1964). converse mathematically expressed the breaking point between the spheres of infl uences of neighbouring centres, whereas huff was the fi rst to express the theoretical probability of choice of shopping centre by customers (not applied on the concrete territory). derivation of the interaction models has not been limited to a mere analogy to the newtonian physics. wilson´s derivation is based on the entropy maximising method inspired by the second law of thermodynamics (wilson, a.g. 1970) and it shows that the reilly´s model and equation identifying the breaking point is only a special case of the so called unconstrained interaction model. originally the reilly´s model was constructed as a tool identifying the retail att raction and was based on purely formal relations. it was applied mainly to determine the tendencies of the population to travel to selected centres in order to reach diff erent types of services and to identify the borders of infl uence between centres within simple graphical schemes of the sett lement system (e.g. fotheringham, a.s. and o´kelly, m.e. 1989). a diff erent type of task was and mainly currently is a delineation of tributary areas of shopping centres, i.e. points carrying the masses are not conceived as sett lements (e.g. 240 lee, m.l. and pace, r.k. 2005; baray, j. and cliquet, g. 2007). a note should be made here that not all mentioned works are products of geography but of spatial economy as well. lee and pace (2005) deal with a spatial distribution of retail sales between the shopping centres in relation to their mutual location in houston, baray and cliquet (2007) besides the application of the gravity models discuss the possibility of mathematical morphological analysis for delineation of shopping centres’ tributary areas. in slovakia the reilly´s model was used by očovský, š. (1973) to delineate the tributary areas of shopping centres in slovakia, in the czech literature the topic was discussed by e.g. maryáš, j. (1983), hlavička, v. (1992) or řehák, s. (2004). although originally the reilly´s model was intended to identify the retail att raction, currently it can also be used – despite some objections made by berry, b.j.l. (1967), regarding however rather its original use – for the assessment of geographical organisation of a territory, suitability of its administrative division, of its historical or future development, and for general regionalisation tasks (hubáčková, v. and krejčí, t. 2007; halás, m. and klapka, p. 2010; klapka, p. and niedźwiedźová, k. 2010). the law of retail gravitation formulated by reilly, w.j. (1929) states that the portion of realised shopping visits in two competing centres (sett lements) depends on the size of these centres (increasing size of a centre brings increasing portion of visits in it) and on the distance between these centres (increasing distance from a centre brings decreasing portion of visits in it). mathematical expression of this relation is: , where ba, bb are number of visits in centres a, b from the place (sett lement) examined; ma, mb are masses (weights) of the centres a, b given by their population; da, db are distances from centres a, b. parameter n was set by reilly to 1 and parameter n to 2, which is of course the full analogy to the gravitation law. border of the infl uence spheres of two competing centres a, b is made by a set of points possessing the equal number of visits to the centres, i.e. ba/bb = 1. if we keep n = 1 we get by adjustments the equation valid in case that ma ≥ mb where dab is a distance of centres a, b; db is a distance of smaller of the two centres from the infl uence breaking point of these centres along their shortest link. in practice it means that the border between 241 infl uences of two centres is a set of points whose distance from the centre a is a k-multiple of the distance from the centre b. in case that ma ≠ mb we get a circle as a dividing set of points. its construction is described in detail by řehák, s., halás, m. and klapka, p. (2009). weights of centres ma, mb can be defi ned in various ways according to the character of phenomena to be modelled. in original works the weights were given either by the populations of centres or by the fi nancial expression of the retail sales. in case of a delineation of the economic infl uence the econometric indices can be used, such as the size of shopping area, number of occupied job positions or the number of entrepreneurial subjects (used e.g. by hubáčková and krejčí, 2007). the results are basically analogous to those reached by the use of the population as the weight of a centre (see conclusions of several reports cited by maryáš, 1983). löffler, g. (1998) in his complex outline states that generally the population, number of fi rms in the service sector, number of job opportunities and the so called “commuting balance” can be used as weights. however, it is the population that is the simplest and most universal factor expressing the weight of a centre. it is most suitable for general tasks of approximation of complex human geographical regionalisation of a territory and for proposals of administrative division of a territory as well (other indices can be distorted by a functional specialisation of some centres). in the present applications a potential (theoretical) att raction to a centre at a general level will be applied, therefore the most complex and universal factor, which is the population of the centres as of january 1, 2009, will be used. according to the way of areal delineation three basic versions of the reilly´s model have been defi ned: geometric, topographic and oscillatory (řehák, s., halás, m. and klapka, p. 2009), each of them having its reason in a particular orientation and phase of the research. the simplest geometric version of the reilly´s model works in isomorphic space, i.e. with distances in air kilometres, without the communication network being taken into account. the border of the infl uence spheres of two centres is always a circle, in the case of centres of equal weight this border is straight line. the advantage of the geometric version is seen particularly in cases of preliminary assessment of possible infl uences of centres when surveying larger territories, with a well designed communication network and without distinct natural barriers. this version can also be very well used for the identifi cation of the infl uence spheres crossing the national border and in historically conceived tasks for generalised retrospective analyses of the sett lement system. the topographic version of the model does not work with an isotropic plain but with some more or less tangible geographical characteristics of a territory, for instance with communication network, which also refl ects the 242 physical geographical conditions of a surveyed territory to a certain extent. this version already employs the spatial zones (e.g. municipalities) and with distances separating the centres of these spatial zones along the elements of the communication network, such as roads or railways. the border between the infl uence spheres is confi ned to the borders of the spatial zones, when each zone can be unequivocally assigned. the topographic version can be used for classic regionalisation tasks and for testing the suitability of the spatial division of a territory. the oscillatory version of the reilly´s model is not inherently aimed at the regionalisation but at the identifi cation of transitory belts. the construction of these areas has its reason particularly when employing the spatial zones as in the preceding version. it identifi es those zones that are located near the border of the infl uence spheres of the centres. delineation of this transitory belt can be achieved by sett ing the span of the belt, for instance in a form (0.9 · k; 1/0.9 · k ). the oscillatory version of the model can be applied at the beginning of detailed study of att raction, but also at the fi nal stages of research as a correction of the resulting regionalisation. a special att ention should be paid to the n parameter choice in the basic equation of the reilly´s model. maryáš (1983) reminds a long time discussion about the values of this parameter (e.g. also schwartz, g. 1962) and claims that for centres of lower orders the needed tributary area had been reached by application of the distance parameter with the value at least three. the construction of the model shows that it can be calibrated by the n parameter estimation, while the classic version of the reilly´s model had worked with the value n = 2. reilly had chosen two having said that the mode of his sample had belonged to the interval from 1,51 to 2,50. if we strive to work exactly and take into account the att raction/gravity as the analogy to the laws of physics we have to use the value two. however, the parameter choice has to refl ect the character of a phenomenon to be approximated or the nature of the application task (if we focus on the practical use). the selection of centres is an important part of the reilly´s model application. it can follow several criteria. the simplest is selection according to the size criterion where the population number of the centre or potential population of its infl uence sphere can be taken into account. the selection of the centres can use existing versions of regionalization based on the real interactions when it is possible (at a given hierarchical level) to adopt these centres. in this article the geometric version of the model will serve only as a supplementary tool of the assessment of the regional division of the slovak territory. observed infl uence spheres of individual centres will be taken into account when selecting later the centres for individual variants of the possible territorial divisions. the application of the topographic version will bear the 243 major signifi cance (see below), the oscillatory version will serve a practical purpose as a correcting and refi ning tool for the results of the topographic version. since the reilly´s model will be used for regionalisation with several diff erent objectives, details of the method will be provided in the ensuing text in the places where it is applied. existing regionalisations of slovakia, basic spatial units the literature presents several regionalisations of slovakia. one of the most important of them is the delineation of the so called daily urban systems, generally known as the functional urban regions (fur further on). bezák, a. (2000) has delineated two versions of functional urban regions (fur 91-a and fur 91-b) on the basis of 1991 labour commuting data having employed a relatively sophisticated method. the second system (marked as fur 91-a), except for the inner coherence and outer separation, has met the criterion of minimal population size of the region (35,000 inhabitants) as well. in this article (precisely when applying the topographic version of the reilly´s model) bezák´s furs 91-b have been used as basic spatial units. they had been delineated only on the basis of a scientifi c data processing without inclusion of a minimum size of a region, and at the same time considered to present the primary regionalisation of the slovak territory convenient for the analyses of the spatial data or for further geographical processing. slovak districts cannot be used as basic regions, since their delineation was purposefully and strongly political and the criterion of spatial justice was not obeyed. in the north of slovakia the status of a district capital was assigned even to the small centres (such as bytča, kysucké nové mesto, turčanské teplice) and these districts do not match their counterparts in the southern slovakia in terms of their size (for instance nové zámky, levice, rimavská sobota, trebišov). in geographical scientifi c literature no regionalisations of slovakia have been found at a hierarchical level higher than the system of fur, that would aim directly at the proposals of the territorial administrative division. it can be considered as a relatively serious defi ciency, since particularly this level (nuts 3) acts as regional self-governments that are delineated in a very poor and biased way in slovakia (their delineation in 1995–1996 was strongly infl uenced by the political intentions of the government coalition of the time). hierarchically higher regional system delineates nuts 2 regions, i.e. basic territorial units of the eu countries serving (among others) for the distribution of main fi nancial fl ows into the regional policy of the eu. we register only several scientifi c proposals of the division to the regions, i.e. nuts 3 level (e.g. bačík, v. and sloboda, d. 2005; sloboda, d. 2006), which are all already bett er than current territorial administrative division, but are not supported 244 by the exact quantitative processing of the data on real or potential population fl ows. moreover, these proposals employ the districts delineated in 1996 as basic spatial units, which had not been constructed very transparently either (see the preceding paragraph). application of the geometric version of the reilly´s model on the slovak territory the geometric version of the model serves in the article only illustrative purposes and presents a preliminary view of the possible application of the reilly´s model. as the parameter we have set the most frequently used value n = 2 and the selection of centres followed a simple population criterion. the original intention for the centre selection has been the level of 25,000 inhabitants, which has been later lowered to 24,000. the reason for this has been an inclusion of rimavská sobota (its population was 24,446 as of january 1, 2009), which could be in further applications, regarding its location in less exposed areas in terms of the population, seen as a potential regional capital. in this chapter we turn our att ention to a brief commentary of the geometric version results of the model (figure 1) in relation to major geomorphologic barriers or to the comparison of the results of the topographic version of the reilly´s model. despite the fact that the geometric version of the reilly´s model cannot be completely ideally applied on the dissected territory in terms of landforms, it is generally able to approximate the sett lement patt ern and regional structure of slovakia. even when using the direct geometric distance it is possible fig. 1. potential infl uence of centres of sett lement system in slovakia , 2009 245 to identify the main direction of the so-called central slovak communication barrier (more in lukniš, m. 1985) mainly along the borders of infl uence spheres of banská bystrica or prievidza (in the north-eastern part), martin, ružomberok and liptovský mikuláš. in comparison to the real situation the prievidza infl uence sphere is actually reaching southwards (the infl uence of žiar nad hronom and žarnovica, both having less than 24,000 inhabitants, has not been taken into account). the same situation holds true for the poprad and spišská nová ves infl uence spheres, when the infl uences of rožňava and revúca have not been considered. the bratislava infl uence sphere is relatively compact according to the geometric version, forming circa 50 km wide crescent reaching approximately 80 km to the north and 80 km to the southeast. on the contrary the košice infl uence sphere forms several lobes or projections towards rožňava, stará lubovňa, medzilaborce, and trebišov (all towns below 24,000 inhabitants). the spheres of infl uence of bratislava and košice have the so called exclaves, i.e. they do not obey the contiguity principle. the infl uence of bratislava, intersected by the sphere of infl uence of komárno, reaches the region of štúrovo; the infl uence of košice, intersected by the spheres of infl uence of humenné and michalovce, reaches the north-easternmost part of the country. the geometric version overrates the infl uence sphere of žilina and pushes it signifi cantly to the north-east, where it comprises a large part of the orava region. this territory would actually belong to martin or ružomberok (unless the infl uence of dolný kubín is taken into account), particularly as a result of very poor transport connection of the kysuce region (and thus žilina) to the orava region. in other instances the geometric version of the reilly´s model relatively aptly approximates the basic features of the slovak regional system (e.g. central považie region etc.) and in general off ers a relatively relevant information. application of the topographic version of the reilly´s model on the slovak territory: potential natural interactions att empting to approximate the potential natural interactions by the topographic version of the reilly´s model, it is necessary to use the variant directly following the newton´s law of gravitation, i.e. the variant with the value of the parameter n = 2. this fact has been tested on the territory of the czech republic (halás, m. and klapka, p. 2010), when the areas of the municipalities with extended authority (further on referred to as mea areas) have been used as basic spatial units. the comparison of potential natural interactions reached by the topographic version of the reilly´s model (using the parameter n = 2) to the real commuting interregional fl ows (i.e regionalisation by hampl, m. 2004) 246 has provided a high degree of correlation. the majority of the mea areas has been a part of the same mezzo-region; 94.8% of the population belonged to the same mezzo-region according to both methods. moreover, out of remaining 5.2% of the population that has been assigned to diff erent mezzo-regions, almost one half (exactly 2.5% of the population) is concerned with the tradeoff s between the hradec králové and pardubice mezzo-regions. it is caused by the advantageous location of the city of pardubice on the major railway line, while this study takes into account the road distances only. as it has been already mentioned, the basic spatial units (zones) that have been tested in terms of their affi nity towards centres are furs 91-b, when the road distances among their centres have entered the model as a distance variable between the zones. the model thus has used the road distances between our centres and fur 91-b centres. the distances have been set by the škoda auto route planner (www.skoda-auto.com/cz) and they have had a character of the fastest connection in terms of the time needed. each fur 91-b has been assigned in the way described in the method above to the so-called mezzo-region (approximately the level of the nuts 3 region). during the fi rst phase 8 regional capitals have been defi ned as the mezzo-regional centres (figure 2), later four others have been supplemented (figure 3). the main results are generally comparable to the geometric version of the model. the dominance of larger centres documents a regular co-existence of bratislava with such centres as trenčín, trnava and nitra in the west of slovakia and similar situation occurs in the case of košice and its co-existence with other centres in the east. bratislava forms the infl uence sphere reaching along the borders with the czech republic, austria and hungary (from the town of myjava to the town of šahy). this sphere is signifi cantly conditioned by the eccentric position of bratislava within the state territory of slovakia. the infl uence sphere of košice comprises almost the whole eastern slovakia with the exception of small tributary area of prešov that is made up by fi ve furs only. the patt ern in the central slovakia (cities of žilina, banská bystrica and partly also trenčín and nitra) approximates the regional administrative division quite well, since this territory lacks a signifi cantly dominant centre (figure 2). the cities of trenčín and particularly of trnava form reduced infl uence spheres in comparison to other regional capitals. therefore other centres capable of forming the infl uence spheres comparable to those of trnava and trenčín have entered the second phase of the topographic version of the reilly´s model (aimed at potential natural interactions). the cities of martin, poprad and michalovce have not been doubted as regional centres in this respect. in the south of slovakia a decision has had to be made whether insert the city of lučenec or rimavská sobota in the set of the regional centres, since their spheres of infl uence have considerably overlapped. the fi nal decision has favoured lučenec, since it has been able to att ract more population in this version. 247 fig. 3. regional division of slovakia based on potential natural interactions (12 centres) fig. 2. regional division of slovakia based on potential natural interactions (8 centres) when compared to the preceding situation the regional patt ern in the west of slovakia has not been adjusted and the central slovak communication barrier has remained in its extent and position as well. the larger part of the infl uence sphere of žilina has been att racted by the city of martin (including the whole orava region and the west of the liptov region) and the fur liptovský mikuláš has joined the regional centre of poprad. the south of the infl uence sphere of banská bystrica has been taken over by the city of lučenec, which has also att racted the fur of rimavská sobota originally being a part 248 of the košice region. in the eastern slovakia the sphere of infl uence of prešov has retained its extent. the part of the spiš region, originally belonging to the regional centre of košice, has been transferred to the regional centre of poprad. finally the zemplín region has joined the sphere of infl uence of michalovce. should the contiguity constraint of the delineated region be obeyed, the results in the north east of the state territory had to be corrected (the furs medzilaborce and snina). these two exclaves are primarily att racted to the infl uence sphere of košice according to the potential natural interactions (this fact is witnessed in the geometric version of the model as well – fi g. 1). their fi nal regional affi liation has been determined by their secondary affi nity, then. the population characteristics of the delineated regions are presented in table 1. application of the topographic version of the reilly´s model on the slovak territory: proposals of territorial division the att empt to propose the alternatives to the territorial administrative division (further on only territorial) of slovakia by the application of the topographic version of the reilly´s model has employed a higher value of the parameter n. the application of the higher parameter is necessary because when constructing a possible territorial administrative division, the rule of spatial justice has to be obeyed. it ensures that the extreme most locations of municipalities in individual regions have the comparable distance from their regional capitals. the value of the parameter has been set on the basis of extensive statistical testing. table 1. population characteristics of regions of slovakia (potential natural interactions) regional capital population in 1,000 share of capital in population, %total capital hinterland bratislava nitra košice žilina poprad banská bystrica prešov trenčín martin michalovce trnava lučenec total 1,026.4 738.5 667.9 528.7 408.6 361.8 344.2 333.3 298.0 256.3 241.7 208.2 5,413.5 428.8 84.1 233.7 85.3 54.6 80.1 91.3 56.8 58.4 39.5 67.7 27.5 1,307.9 597.6 654.4 434.2 443.3 354.0 281.7 253.0 276.5 239.6 216.7 173.9 180.6 4,105.6 41.8 11.4 35.0 16.1 13.4 22.1 26.5 17.0 19.6 15.4 28.0 13.2 24.2 249 in the preceding study on the czech republic (halás, m. and klapka, p. 2010), the f-test (with the level of signifi cance 0,05 used for the comparison of the current territorial division and regionalisation according to the topographic version of the reilly´s model and increasing the values of n gradually by 0,1) has produced the optimal value of the parameter n for the purpose of territorial administrative division (n = 5). statistical sets in both compared divisions have been acquired as the maximum distances of the mea area capital from the selected regional centres. the level of signifi cance 0.05 has been reached also at the parameter with the value 5.0 (test criterion f has counted for 3.04 and for the last time it has been lower than the critical value of f-distribution for m x m degrees of freedom f = 3.28; the number of regional centres has been m + 1. while f-test demands for a comparison with other (preferably existing) patt ern, its application on the slovak territory would not be correct. the current territorial administrative division of slovakia, including the selection of eight regional capitals, can be considered as insuffi cient from the scientifi c point of view and thus cannot be used for statistical testing. therefore, the value n = 5, statistically tested in the czech republic, has been applied in case of slovakia as well. this approach appears to provide an optimal compromise between the elimination of increased infl uence of the largest centres (bratislava and košice) and the partial fulfi lment of the principles of spatial justice. the argument for the use of the same parameter lies in the fact that both countries (czech republic and slovakia) have a similar disproportion in hierarchy of their largest centres in terms of their order (seen for instance also in the zipf curve etc.). these centres serve as potential capitals of nuts 2 and nuts 3 regions, then. the selection of regional capitals (centres) is an important question. during the fi rst phase the current regional capital, except for trnava and trenčín, have been employed. the two exceptions mentioned are not capable, due to their relative location to žilina and particularly bratislava, of forming the infl uence spheres comparable to the remaining six regional capitals. this variant has also substituted the city of zvolen for banská bystrica. the reason for this step has been twofold: 1) zvolen is capable of generation of larger tributary area, in comparison to the city of banská bystrica it att racts the fur rimavská sobota in addition; 2) the variant with six resulting regions asks that zvolen/banská bystrica should comprise the furs in the jihoslovenská kotlina basin and the city of zvolen possesses a more advantageous central location within the resulting region, i.e. the sum of distances (simple and weighted by the population) from all centres of furs to zvolen is lower than to banská bystrica and thus the city of zvolen appears to be a bett er option for the regional capital in terms of the principle of spatial effi ciency. the result (figure 4) can be considered as optimal: six selected centres (regional capitals) manage to form comparable natural tributary areas and generally this variant of the possible territorial administrative divisions seems 250 fig. 4. proposal of possible administrative division of slovakia (regional level, 6 centres) to be balanced. the population characteristics of the delineated regions are presented in table 2. even though the territorial division of slovakia with six regions can be seen as appropriate, it unfortunately does not match the eu criteria of the recommended population size of the nuts 3 regions. it should vary according to the rules between 150,000–800,000 inhabitants. the optimal number of regions in slovakia following the eu normatives is somewhere between 12 and 16. therefore, the reilly´s model for such a patt ern of regional division has been applied once more. the possibility of merging the nuts 3 regions into the nuts 2 regions has been taken into account in the examination as well. the nuts 2 regions should have the population between 800,000 and 3,000,000 according to the eu recommendations. table 2. population characteristics of proposed regions of slovakia (potential modifi ed interactions, 6 centres) regional capital population in 1,000 share of capital in population, %total capital hinterland žilina nitra bratislava košice prešov zvolen total 1,129.0 1,118.9 994.1 824.8 763.4 583.3 5,413.5 85.3 84.1 428.8 233.7 91.3 42.5 965.7 1,043.7 1,034.8 565.3 591.1 672.1 540.8 4,447.8 7.6 7.5 43.1 28.3 12.0 7.3 17.8 251 the fi rst important step is a selection of centres, again. eight regional capitals entered the model, the city of banská bystrica has not been substituted for by the city of zvolen this time, since neither of the two arguments used in the variant with six regions has remained valid. without any doubt the cities of martin, poprad, michalovce and one of the pair lučenec and rimavská sobota has had to be included in the set of the regional capitals. using n = 5 the model has produced such a regional patt ern that has had to be refi ned in several cases. first, the tributary area of nitra has appeared to be too large and it exceeds together with the city of nitra itself the level of 800,000 inhabitants. it seems to be necessary to form a region with a centre in komárno or nové zámky, then. this adjustment makes the region of nitra to fulfi l the demanded size level and proves that the cities of komárno/nové zámky are capable of forming the area comparable to other potential regions (i.e. exceeding the level of 250,000 inhabitants) as the only other centres in slovakia. finally the city of nové zámky seems to act as a more advantageous centre of the region due to its central location in the formed region and due to the fact that it meets bett er the demands of the spatial effi ciency (the sum of distances weighted by the population from all municipalities is lower in case of nové zámky than in case of komárno). no other city or town is able to form a tributary area comparable to the above-mentioned examples, therefore 13 regional capitals appear to be an optimal number taking into account the recommended size criteria. all other transfers of the furs from one region into another have been based on the application of the oscillatory version of the reilly´s model only, which means in cases when the tested fur has been located at the boundary of the infl uence spheres of two regional capitals within the span (0.9 · k; 1/0.9 · k) (see methodology). thus the region of trnava has been joined by the fur skalica (otherwise the region of trnava would have been too small and the region of bratislava too large) and by the fur myjava. the fur liptovský mikuláš has been transferred from the region of poprad to the region of martin, while preserving the historical border between the liptov and spiš regions, and, moreover, this transfer has enabled a simpler division to the hierarchical higher nuts 2 regions. the choice of the regional centre between the cities of lučenec and rimavská sobota has remained question that has not been easy to answer. the city of lučenec manages to form a litt le larger area though (the diff erence is in the fur veľký krtíš the variant of the centre in lučenec, and in the fur revúca – the variant of the centre in rimavská sobota), but the fur veľký krtíš oscillates between banská bystrica and rimavská sobota, and the fur revúca has a poor accessibility to the proposed regional centre in lučenec and never can be assigned to its region. there is just the only way to solve these problems satisfactory. if the city of rimavská sobota is made a regional capital than both questioned furs rimavská sobota and veľký krtíš remain in the region. other variants only raise other and more even problematic questions to cope with. 252 the resulting alternative proposal of the territorial administrative division with 13 regions is presented in figure 5. it also shows an alternative division to the nuts 2 regions: the current names west, central and east can be preserved. all three proposed regions manage to follow the demanded population span, individual treatment of the city bratislava is considered as irrelevant. bratislava is not a metropolis with a million of inhabitants and in this phase it is not necessary to approach to the division of the nuts 2 regions in an expedient manner in order to maximise the fi nancial infl ow from the eu funds. the population characteristics of the delineated regions are presented in the table 3. tab. 3. population characteristics of proposed regions slovakia (potential modifi ed interactions, 13 centres) regional capital population in 1,000 share of capital in population, %total capital hinterland bratislava nitra martin michalovce košice žilina trnava banská bystrica prešov trenčín poprad nové zámky rimavská sobota total 735.6 630.8 515.3 436.5 430.0 386.8 372.6 361.8 344.2 333.3 333.2 267.5 265.8 5,413.5 428.8 84.1 58.4 39.5 233.7 85.3 67.7 80.1 91.3 56.8 54.6 40.5 24.2 1,340.5 306.8 546.8 456.8 397.0 196.3 301.5 304.9 281.7 253.0 276.5 278.6 227.0 241.5 4,073.0 58.3 13.3 11.3 9.1 54.3 22.1 18.2 22.1 26.5 17.0 16.4 15.1 9.1 24.8 fig. 5. proposal of possible administrative division of slovakia (regional level, 13 centres) 253 conclusion from the standpoint of natural conditions and prerequisites and from the standpoint of socio-economic regional disparities slovakia is a considerably diversifi ed country, therefore its regionalisation at any hierarchical level is a very demanding challenge. the results reached can be infl uenced to a considerable extent by the choice of regionalisation criteria, therefore these tasks cannot be taken as completed and could become a subject of further discussions. the regionalisation employing the potential spatial interactions and the comparison of the results to the current territorial division of slovakia (or to its proposals) has shown according to our opinion the viability of the reilly´s model and its versions also in the solution of current regionalisation tasks. the results can be used also for the assessment of the characteristics of the sett lement system in slovakia and regional infl uence of its centres. the application of the reilly´s model can vary according to the nature of the solved task. the resulting regionalisations have confi rmed several well-known facts. the specifi c position of the cities of bratislava and košice in the regional and sett lement systems of slovakia remains unchallenged. the capital city of bratislava, despite its eccentric location, can be seen as a natural centre of the country, while the city of košice is able to supply some functions of the country´s capital for the territory of the eastern slovakia. lukniš´ macro-regionalisation into two central and two corridor regions has been confi rmed as well, while the central slovak communication barrier can be identifi ed in all results of the regionalisation tasks. other centres, excluding bratislava and košice, are classifi ed at the minimum as one or two hierarchical levels lower. none of them signifi cantly dominates since their development is limited either by natural barriers or the location within the vicinity of two largest centres. the absence of one dominating centre and signifi cant geomorphologic barriers causes that the regionalisation of the central slovakia is less problematic. therefore the smallest number of the diff erences between individual proposals of this article and between current and past territorial divisions is witnessed in this territory. the resulting regionalisations are signifi cantly dependent on the selection of centres, while this issue is considered as a key question in the regionalisation tasks. the variant choices of centres can considerably aff ect the potential territorial divisions (e.g. poprad, michalovce etc.). in this place 12–13 years old discussion of the potential “komárno region” can be mentioned when the main argument raised has been homogeneity instead of nodality. the alternative proposal of 13 regions put forward in this article comprises this independent region in the south of slovakia (with the centre in the city of nové zámky). however, a note should be made here that the method presented in 254 this article is a mere theoretical expression of spatial interactions and is not able to reveal a possible infl uence of national diff erentiation of the territory on the existing nodal relations. the results that have been reached in the article are in our opinion interesting in any case. they confi rm the insuffi cient and problematic territorial delineation of current regional self-governments including the selection of their centres. a comparison of the results reached by the use of potential spatial interactions with the regionalisations constructed on the basis of real commuting or migration relations would be a very interesting research task for the future, then. acknowledgement: this study was supported by the grant agency of as cr under the contract kjb 300860901 (quantitative methods and synthesizing graphic methods in approximation, projection and modelling of geographical phenomena) and the contract iaa 301670901 (spatio-temporal organization of daily urban systems: analysis and assessment of selected regions). references bačík, v. and sloboda, d. 2005. župný variant 2005. návrh na zmenu územného členenia sr. bratislava, konzervatívny inštitút m. r. štefánika. baray, j. and cliquet, g. 2007. delineating store trade areas through morphological analysis. european journal of operational research 182. 886–898. berry, b.j.l. 1967. geography of market centres and retail distribution. 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(6): 627–650. 256 hungary in maps edited by károly kocsis and ferenc schweitzer geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences budapest, 2009. 212 p. ‘hungary in maps' is the latest volume in a series of atlases published by the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences. a unique publication, it combines the best features of the books and atlases that have been published in hungary during the last decades. this work provides a clear, masterly and comprehensive overview of present-day hungary by a distinguished team of contributors, presenting the results of research in the fi elds of geography, demography, economics, history, geophysics, geology, hydrology, meteorology, pedology and other earth sciences. the 172 lavish, full-colour maps and diagrams, along with 52 tables are complemented by clear, authoritative explanatory notes, revealing a fresh perspective on the anatomy of modern day hungary. although the emphasis is largely placed on contemporary hungary, important sections are devoted to the historical development of the natural and human environment as well. in its concentration and focus, this atlas was intended to act as hungary's 'business card', as the country's résumé, to serve as an information resource for the sophisticated general reader and to inform the international scientifi c community about the foremost challenges facing hungary today, both in a european context and on a global scale. examples of such intriguing topics are: stability and change in the ethnic and state territory, natural hazards, earthquakes, urgent fl ood control and water management tasks, land degradation, the state of nature conservation, international environmental confl icts, the general population decline, ageing, the increase in unemployment, the roma population at home and the situation of hungarian minorities abroad, new trends in urban development, controversial economic and social consequences as a result of the transition to a market economy, privatisation, the massive infl ux of foreign direct investment, perspectives on the exploitation of mineral resources, problems in the energy supply and electricity generation, increasing spatial concentration focused on budapest in the fi eld of services (e.g. in banking, retail, transport and telecommunications networks), and fi nally the shaping of an internationally competitive tourism industry, thus making hungary more att ractive to visit. this project serves as a preliminary study for the new, 3rd edition of the national atlas of hungary, that is to be co-ordinated by the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences. ------------------------------------------price: eur 20.00 order: geographical institute rcaes has library h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mail: magyar.arpad@csfk .mta.hu << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice 3kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 3–22.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.72.1.1 hungarian geographical bulletin 72 2023 (1) 3–22. introduction direct or indirect dependence on the cryosphere is present in many natural, social, and even economical processes. one of the cryosphere’s components is snow, which displays substantial seasonality in most regions. due to climate change, shorter snow periods are likely to occur in the future and the shift in the seasonality of snow may have far reaching effects, especially in the northern hemisphere. snow plays an essential role in surface energy fluxes via its albedo (e.g. thackeray, c.w. and fletcher, c.g. 2016), it determines runoff conditions (e.g. würzer, s. et al. 2016), soil moisture (e.g. harpold, a.a. et al. 2015), soil temperature (e.g. zhang, y. et al. 2008), evaporation (e.g. neto, a.m.m. et al. 2020), has an impact on ecosystems (e.g. peng, s. et al. 2010) and, indirectly, even on wildfires (e.g. kitzberger, t. et al. 2017). snow also has socioeconomic effects because it may influence freshwater availability (barnett, t.p. et al. 2005), transport and infrastructure (e.g. jeong, d.i. and sushama, l. 2018), winter tourism and sports (e.g. steiger, r. et al. 2017; morin, s. et al. 2021). due to the change of temperature values and precipitation patterns, the distribution of snow in space and time is also changing. in the past decades, a decline of snow cover has already been observed worldwide (ipcc 2019). several studies have focused on global and regional changes of snow, which have concluded that, in general, snowmelt started earlier, and overall snow depth and snow coverage decreased (e.g. klein, g. et al. 2016; fontrodona bach, a. et al. 2018; marke, t. et al. 2018; brown, i. 2019; mudryk, l. et al. 2020; notarnicola, c. 2020). 1 department of meteorology, institute of geography and earth sciences, elte eötvös loránd university, pázmány péter sétány 1/a. h-1117, budapest, hungary. e-mails: kiaqagt@staff.elte.hu, prita@nimbus.elte.hu future changes of snow-related variables in different european regions anna kis1 and rita pongrácz1 abstract snow has an important role in the climate system and also has environmental, natural and socio-economic impacts. temperature, precipitation, snow coverage, snow depth and snowmelt are analysed in this study for 1971–2099 based on euro-cordex simulations. in order to measure uncertainty, three different scenarios (rcp2.6, rcp4.5, rcp8.5) and five different regional climate models are taken into account. the investigation focuses on eight regions, characterised by different climatic conditions (maritime, continental, boreal). relative changes of the selected parameters are calculated for 2021–2050 and 2069–2098 compared to the 1971–2000 reference period, in addition to the evaluation of the simulated reference. the relative role of the three main uncertainty factors (internal climatic variability, model selection, and the used scenario) is also analysed. according to our results, model selection and internal variability possess the most important roles. based on the multi-model mean, mean temperature and precipitation total in the cold season will increase, the snow cover period will become shorter (the higher the radiative forcing change in the scenario, the greater the decrease), and snowmelt is likely to occur earlier in the northern region. thus, the warming trend seems to have a greater effect on the snow-related variables than increasing precipitation trends. these projected changes may have a huge impact on winter tourism and sports, hence, appropriate adaptation strategies will be crucial. keywords: snowmelt, snow coverage, snow depth, euro-cordex, climate change received january 2023, accepted march 2023. mailto:kiaqagt@staff.elte.hu kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 3–22.4 snow plays an important role in people’s lives, therefore, to build appropriate adaptation strategies taking into account the changing conditions is essential, and starts with analysing the simulated future trends. the aim of this study is to use high-resolution model simulations to investigate such future trends in snow-related variables. specifically, we focus on the comparison of eight european regions with different climatic conditions and topography. it is novel in our study that the three main sources of uncertainty in climate simulations are also assessed for all snow-related variables. next, data and methods are presented, then the results are shown with a discussion. finally, the main conclusions are summarised. data and methods cordex simulations are frequently used to investigate snow-related variables in the context of climate change (e.g. terzago, s. et al. 2017; xu, y. et al. 2019; matiu, m. et al. 2020). for the present analysis five euro-cordex simulations (jacob, d. et al. 2014) were used (table 1). the selection criteria were that the regional climate model (rcm) simulations should be available (i) at 0.11° resolution for europe, (ii) for the period 1971–2099, (iii) on a monthly basis, (iv) taking into account the rcp2.6, rcp4.5 and rcp8.5 scenarios representing a wide range of future pathways from a mitigation-involved (with national commitments) scenario to a business-as-usual (i.e. no mitigation) future (van vuuren, d.p. et al. 2011). the downloaded variables, beside temperature and precipitation, are the following: snow area fraction (%), snow depth (m) and surface snowmelt (kg·m-2s-1). matiu, m. et al. (2020) discovered special biases in simulated data: unrealistic meaningless values were found in the alps, for example in the case of snow depth and snowwater equivalent (terzago, s. et al. 2017). this problem emerged only in some grid points, so matiu, m. et al. (2020) eliminated them from the analysis by using critical threshold values. we also found some unrealistic values in the rcm simulations, so following the study of matiu, m. et al. (2020), an upper limit, namely 10 m, was introduced in the case of snow depth. furthermore, in the case of snow cover, values under 1 percent are turned to zero in order to eliminate the extremely small values. the evaluation of the reference period 1971– 2000 was carried out in order to quantify the reliability of the rcm simulations. for this purpose, we used the era-20c reanalysis database (poli, p. et al. 2016). since the spatial resolution is different in the rcm simulations and the era-20c database, we compared spatial averages. we note that the choice of the reference database is an important factor regarding evaluation, i.e. the goodness of the rcm may depend on the selected reference database. an interpolation was performed using the nearest neighbour method, as matiu, m. et al. (2020) noted that bilinear interpolation resulted in false data in the minimum and maximum values of snow cover. in order to compare the changes in locations with different climatic conditions, sub-regions within europe were defined (figure 1). four mountainous (elevation > 500 m) areas were selected, namely, northern scandinavia (nsc), southern scandinavia (ssc), the alps (a) and the carpathians (c). the northern and southern parts of the british isles (nbi and sbi, respectively) with an elevation higher than table 1. the gcm-rcm pairs applied in the present study* gcm/rcm racmo22e cclm4-8-17 aladin63 rca4 mohc-hadgem2-es cnrm-cerfacs-cnrm-cm5 ichec-ec-earth ncc-noresm1-m x x – – – – x – – x – – – – – x *all the three scenarios are available for snow-related variables. 5kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 3–22. 200 m were also selected in order to represent the maritime climate in the comparison. moreover, two lowlands (elevation < 200 m) were chosen: finland (f), which lies in the boreal, northern belt, and the carpathian basin (cb), which has continental climate. the results presented in the next section refer to the spatial averages of these individual regions. analyses of the longer period 1901–2010 based on era-20c regarding to these eight regions within europe can be found in our former investigation (kis, a. and pongrácz, r. 2021). as rcm simulations usually have biases, when we analyse the future trends, we do not focus on the absolute values of the variables, but on their changes. this enables us to provide the general trends of changes with acceptable accuracy. the relative changes of snow related variables for the period 2021–2050 and 2069–2098 (representing the end of the 21st century with a slight shift due to the fact that some simulations end earlier than 2100) are analysed. as mentioned above, the reference time period is 1971–2000 in every case and the changes are summarised for a so-called cold season. in this study, the definition of the cold season is based on monthly mean temperature, therefore, it does not necessarily cover the same length and months in the different regions (figure 2). in order to determine this period, the average monthly temperature was determined for each year between 1971 and 2000 based on era-20c. if at least in one month it was under 0 °c, then it was considered to be the part of the cold season. the longest cold season occurred in northern scandinavia (from october to may), while in the southern british isles it consisted only of one month (february). we also evaluate the uncertainty sources of projections. in climate studies, three main sources of uncertainty are usually considered: internal climatic variability, climate models and scenarios (hawkins, e. and sutton, r. 2009). in order to quantify the importance of these uncertainty sources we calculated their contributions to the overall variability, fig. 1. the eight regions analysed in this study. kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 3–22.6 and determined their role compared to each other. for the model-related uncertainty, the range between the model simulations is calculated and averaged over the three different scenarios for each month and variable. for the scenario uncertainty, the spread between the multi-model means for each scenario is considered for each month and variable. we note that internal variability refers to inter-annual variability of monthly values in this study (hence, it is not directly comparable with the study of hawkins, e. and sutton, r. [2009]). to determine it, first, the ranges of the simulated values for the 30 years are calculated for each month, then the mean range of the five rcm simulations over the three scenario is determined. after these calculations, for each month and each region the relative importance of each uncertainty factor is determined, i.e. the value of the related uncertainty is divided by the sum of the three uncertainty values. results and discussion evaluation of the reference period temperature is usually underestimated by the rcms, but the annual distribution is simulated well. the differences between the multi-model mean and the era-20c database are smaller (< 3 °c) in the winter months in the mountains. however, in the maritime regions, the greatest discrepancies occur in winter. in the lowlands there is a good agreement, the average yearly difference is below 0.5 °c. in the case of precipitation, an overall overestimation occurs, however, the annual distribution is captured quite well. snow depth is greatly overestimated by the rcms, which can be explained by the simulated precipitation excess and the negative temperature bias. snowmelt simulations also show overestimation in the reference period, however, again, the annual distribution is captured well. in the case of snowmelt, the best agreement occurs in lowlands; this agreement may be related to the temperature and precipitation simulations, which are more reliable in these regions as well. as an example, figures 3 and 4 are presented, showing the evaluation results for the alps (as a mountainous region) and the carpathian basin (as a lowland). based on these evaluation results, we cannot select one best rcm. matiu, m. et al. (2020) also found that we cannot choose the one and only best model to simulate snow-related fig. 2. the length of the winter time period (when monthly mean temperature is < 0 °c at least once during 1971–2000) in the different regions. 7kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 3–22. fig. 3. mean monthly values of temperature, precipitation, snow depth and snowmelt in the alps in 1971–2000, based on the individual rcm simulations and the era-20c database. fig. 4. mean monthly values of temperature, precipitation, snow depth and snowmelt in the carpathian basin in 1971–2000, based on the individual rcm simulations and the era-20c database. kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 3–22.8 processes, as different variables are captured well by different rcms. however, by using difference between the future and reference periods, climate change can be analysed reliably. projected relative changes use the values for the reference period (the difference is divided by the reference value), therefore, the overestimation of these base values results in underestimation in the case of snow depth and snowmelt as well. since bias in the lowlands is lower than in the mountainous regions, the underestimation of projected changes is smaller. so in order to develop appropriate adaptation strategies on regional levels, these projections serve as the least changes to take into account for the corresponding scenario. projected temperature and precipitation changes an increase of mean temperature is projected for all the eight regions based on rcp8.5 (figure 5). the greatest increases (> 5 °c) are simulated for finland and the carpathian basin and it is at least 2 °c in scandinavia. this may be explained by the arctic amplification (zhang, j. 2005). because of this increase, the mean temperature in the cold season will be above the freezing point in finland, while it was -4.5 °c in the reference period according to the simulations, so this change may have a significant effect on the length of the snow period. the least warming (< 0.5 °c) is likely to occur in the british isles where the maritime climate prevails. the mean precipitation sum in the cold season will increase, with the greatest changes in scandinavia. former studies (ipcc 2013) also support that there will be more precipitation in northern europe in the 21st century compared to the reference period. to conclude, higher temperature and more total precipitation are projected for the future, but the climatic relation of the selected regions compared to each other will remain the same in the cold season. the projected temperature change is significant in every fig. 5. the mean temperature and the mean precipitation total in the cold season in the reference period (full circles) and at the end of the 21st century (empty circles) based on the multi-model mean of five rcm simulations using the rcp8.5 scenario. 9kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 3–22. region according to every simulation based on the t-test, but in the case of precipitation there are exceptions. our results for multimodel means are similar to other studies where more simulations are considered (e.g. coppola, e. et al. 2018). projected changes of snow-related parameters the relative changes of snow depth are analysed for the regions with higher (figure 6, a) and lower elevation (figure 6, b) for the cold season. one dot represents one specific rcm simulation, which shows the mean change in the cold season. according to global climate model (gcm) simulations, in general, snowfall is likely to be less in the 21st century (e.g. krasting, j.p. et al. 2013; o’gorman, p.a. 2014), however, at higher elevations an increase may occur both in annual snowfall (krasting, j.p. et al. 2013) and in snow depth (li, y. et al. 2019), but the latter one is more limited because of the enhanced melting (raisanen, j. 2008). the changes are usually more pronounced for 2069–2098, especially in the case of rcp4.5 and rcp8.5. in the case of rcp2.6, the projected changes for the two time slices are quite similar, as this scenario assumes relatively stable radiative forcing during the 21st century. it is clear that the higher the emission, the greater and the more accelerated the decrease of snow depth by the end of the 21st century on average. this is reasonable, as the higher the radiative forcing, the higher the temperature, which has an important role in forming precipitation and in snow-melting processes, which also determines snow depth. the changes are mostly significant, with a few exceptions especially in the case of rcp2.6, in 2021–2050. in the alps, the rcm simulations and the projected changes for the different months are close to each other and the uncertainty related to the choice of the model is quite low, which could be a consequence of detailed sensitivity studies for this region resulting in calibrating the parametrisation constants according to this region. the greatest average decreases, which exceeds 60 percent by the end of the 21st century, are projected for the british isles, the carpathian basin and finland, i.e. over the regions with the mid-elevations and over lowlands, where generally warmer conditions dominate. in the scandinavian regions, the rcm simulations show that the projected decrease for 2021–2050 and 2069–2098 are 4–41 percent on average according to the rcp2.6 scenario, while the mean changes simulated for the end of the 21st century are -22 – -57 percent in the case of rcp8.5. overall, topography plays an important role in snow depth changes as less snow accumulates in lower elevated regions compared to mountains. the relative changes of snow cover are also analysed for the cold season. the greatest average decrease (86%) is projected for the period 2069–2098 in the carpathian basin and in the southern british isles, representing the warmest areas among the eight selected regions of this study. the smallest (< 12%) changes, based on the multi-model mean, are simulated for the coldest, scandinavian regions, in the case of rcp2.6 and rcp4.5. considering the average changes in the cold season, most of the simulations show significant changes in the case of rcp4.5 and rcp8.5. the annual distribution of regionally averaged snow cover and snowmelt are presented in figure 7 based on the multi-model mean. a threshold of 5 percent in the case of snow cover and 15 mm in the case of snowmelt was introduced in order to filter small values, therefore, in the carpathian basin snowmelt (> 15 mm/month) occurs only in the historical period, in february and march. snowmelt will occur earlier within the year (in 2069–2098 taking into account the rcp8.5 scenarios most changes are significant). under the rcp8.5 scenario, the snowmelt period starts even in the winter months in southern scandinavia, so in addition to general snow accumulation, melting may already start in the coldest part of the year by the end of the 21st century. we also note that in the historical period snowmelt occurred in finland between march and may, but due to climate change, it will shift to subkis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 3–22.10 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 20 69 – 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 20 69 – 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 20 69 – 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) rcp2.6 rcp4.5 rcp8.5 relative changes of snow depth a hadgem2_racmo22ecnrm_aladin63 ichec_cclm4-8-17 ncc_rca4cnrm_racmo22e -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 20 69 – 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 20 69 – 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 20 69 – 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 2 06 9– 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 2 06 9– 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 20 69 – 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 20 69 – 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 2 06 9– 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 20 69 – 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 2 06 9– 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 2 06 9– 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 20 69 – 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) rcp2.6 rcp4.5 rcp8.5 b -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 2 06 9– 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 20 69 – 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 20 69 – 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 20 69 – 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 20 69 – 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 20 69 – 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 2 06 9– 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 2 06 9– 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 2 06 9– 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) a p ls ca rp a th ia n s n o rt h e rn s ca n d in a vi a so u th e rn s ca n d in a vi a ca rp a th ia n b a si n fi n la n d n o rt h e rn b ri ti sh i sl e s so u th e rn b ri ti sh i sl e s 11kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 3–22. fig. 6a.,b. relative changes of monthly mean snow depth in the cold season taking into account the three different rcp scenarios. the different colours indicate different rcm-simulations. the solid dark grey lines show when the relative changes for 2069–2098 are the double of the relative changes for 2021–2050. the light grey lines indicate no change from the midto the late-21st century. -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 20 69 – 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 20 69 – 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 20 69 – 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) rcp2.6 rcp4.5 rcp8.5 relative changes of snow depth a hadgem2_racmo22ecnrm_aladin63 ichec_cclm4-8-17 ncc_rca4cnrm_racmo22e -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 2 06 9– 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 2 06 9– 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 2 06 9– 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 2 06 9– 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 2 06 9– 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 2 06 9– 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 2 06 9– 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 2 06 9– 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 2 06 9– 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 2 06 9– 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 2 06 9– 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 2 06 9– 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) rcp2.6 rcp4.5 rcp8.5 b -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 20 69 – 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 20 69 – 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 20 69 – 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 20 69 – 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 20 69 – 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 20 69 – 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 2 06 9– 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 2 06 9– 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 r el at iv e ch an ge fo r 20 69 – 20 98 ( % ) relative change for 2021–2050 (%) a p ls ca rp a th ia n s n o rt h e rn s ca n d in a vi a so u th e rn s ca n d in a vi a ca rp a th ia n b a si n fi n la n d n o rt h e rn b ri ti sh i sl e s so u th e rn b ri ti sh i sl e s kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 3–22.12 stantially earlier within the hydrological year. in the case of rcp2.6 it is only a one-month shift, but rcp4.5 and rcp8.5 project the start of snowmelt already for december by the middle and the end of the 21st century (naturally, this does not imply that all the snow melts in this month). in the alps, the snowmelt period will be shorter, which is in line with the results of the multi-model simulations, namely, the snow cover period will also become shorter. coppola, e. et al. (2018) found that snowmeltdriven runoff is shifted earlier in the year because of higher temperature values, which results in earlier snowmelt in the alpine region. a shift in peak runoff may have severe effects on water supply in certain regions, as the highest demand occurs in summer and autumn (barnett, t.p. et al. 2005). the greatest changes in snow cover are projected for the end of the 21st century taking into account the rcp8.5 scenario with the greatest radiative force change. snow cover will be less than 5 percent from june to september in the scandinavian regions, fig. 7. the length of the period when snow cover exceeds 5 percent and snowmelt exceeds 15 mm/month in 1971–2000 (dark blue), 2021–2050 (green) and 2069–2098 (grey) based on the multi-model mean for the different regions in the case of the three rcp scenarios. (corresponding abbreviations for the regions are shown in fig. 1.) 13kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 3–22. while the exceedance of the 5 percent threshold totally disappears in the maritime climate dominating in the southern british isles. changes similar to those in scandinavia are projected for the alps as well, which is in line with former investigations focusing on this domain, as less snowfall is likely to occur in the future (soncini, a. and bocchiola, d. 2011; piazza, m. et al. 2014; schmucki, e. et al. 2017), especially in low-elevation areas (frei, p. et al. 2018), furthermore, the simulated higher temperatures enhance snowmelt, which results in the decrease of snow (raisanen, j. 2016). in finland, markedly shorter periods with more than 5 percent snow cover are projected for the future compared to the historical period. shifts can be recognised for the future in the carpathian basin, where the multi-model mean of the simulations shows that it occurred from november to march in the historical period. for 2021–2050, according to rcp2.6 and rcp4.5, a later onset of snow coverage (december or january) is projected. if the rcp8.5 is taken into account, a substantial reduction is projected by the late-century (the snow cover period covers only january–february). the period when snow cover exceeds 5 percent will start later in all regions, except for scandinavia and the alps, where only the end of this period shifts. this may be related to that, despite the warming trend, due to the boreal and mountainous conditions, it will be cold enough even in october (to favour snow formation) in these regions. in addition, if our analysis used daily data instead of monthly values, a delay in the start probably would appear in these two regions as well. the greatest decrease appears in those regions where a warmer climate can be found, i.e. the continental carpathian basin and maritime british isles. the length of periods when snow cover exceeds 70 percent (as representing a substantial coverage) is presented in figure 8. only five out of the eight regions are shown in this case, as in the carpathian basin and in the british isles the multi-model mean of simulated snow cover always remains below 70 percent in the investigated time periods. this quite high threshold gives the potential e.g. for skiing, which is one of the most important determining factors for winter tourism, and the economic consequences highlight the key role of such analyses. several studies showed (e.g. breiling, m. and charamza, p. 1999; elsasser, h. and messerli, p. 2001; hopkins, d. and maclean, k. 2014; damm, a. et al. 2014, 2016; haanpää, s. et al. 2015; demiroglu, o.c. et al. 2018) and our results also underpin that climate change may have a negative effect on skiing, winter sports and tourism, hence adaptation will be necessary to sustain these activities. according to rcp8.5, by the end of the 21st century, substantial snow cover will be only fig. 8. the length of the period when snow cover exceeds 70 percent in 1971–2000 (dark blue), 2021–2050 (green) and 2069–2098 (grey) based on the multimodel mean for the different regions in the case of the three rcp scenarios. (corresponding abbreviations for the regions are shown in fig. 1.) kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 3–22.14 in the scandinavian regions. in the case of rcp2.6 and rcp4.5, a one-month shorter snow cover period exceeding 70 percent is simulated both in northern and southern scandinavia. a one-month shrinkage is projected for boreal finland also taking into account rcp2.6, while in the case of rcp4.5 snow coverage will exceed 70 percent only in january and february by the end of the 21st century; in the historical period it lasted from december to march. in the alps and the carpathians, snow cover will be less than the critical threshold value by the end of the 21st century (except for rcp2.6), and in the alps already for 2021–2050 in case of the rcp8.5 scenario. most of the changes are significant, especially in 2069–2098. in the following, two regions are highlighted where skiing and winter tourism represents an important sector: the alps (becken, s. and hay, j.e. 2007) and southern scandinavia (https:// archive.nordregio.se/en/maps/09-other/majorwinter-resorts-in-scandinavia/). in figure 9 (alps) and figure 10 (southern scandinavia) the changes of the 10th, 50th and 90th percentiles of snow depth are shown for 2069–2098 compared to the median of 1971–2000 taking into account the rcp2.6 and rcp8.5 scenarios. as the different rcm simulations are shown here (indicated by different colours), not only the multi-model mean, but the range of the rcm simulations can be assessed, too. the greatest changes (which are clearly higher in the case of rcp8.5 compared to rcp2.6) on average are projected for the late cold season, i.e. march and april in the two selected regions, when there is more snow and, thus, greater changes are possible. the 10th and 50th percentiles of snow depth show decrease in every month according to every rcm simulation, but we note that in the case of rcp2.6 these changes are small in the alps in the ichec_cclm4-8-17 simulation. in the case of rcp2.6, the 90th percentile of snow depth will increase, but under the rcp8.5 scenario, almost all simulations show a decrease, especially in the alps. comparing the two presented regions, the greatest changes are projected for southern scandinavia, which may be connected to that the mean temperature of the cold period will increase by more than 2.1 °c according to the simulations, while in the alps it is under 1.8 °c. the changes of the difference between the 10th and 90th percentiles were also investigated. we found that overall this range is projected to be somewhat smaller, especially in the alps. in the southern scandinavian region there are some months (in late-winter and early-spring), when an increase occurs, mainly in the case of the cnrm_racmo22e simulations. the decrease of this inter-percentile range indicates that the inter-annual variability of individual months is also likely to decrease. sources of uncertainty the relative role of the three main sources of uncertainty is calculated for each month, variable and region. in figures 11 and 12 the maximum value of the y-axis (1.0) is the sum of the range of inter-annual variability of individual months (the effect of internal variability on 30-year mean values would be much smaller ), the range between models and the range between scenarios. overall, the choice of the rcp scenario has the smallest (< 25%) importance (see figure 11). in general, snow depth depends on internal variability more than the other two factors, especially in the continental, carpathian regions. however, in the alps from december to march, the internal variability and the choice of the model plays an equally important role in uncertainty, as well as in scandinavia in january and february. in the scandinavian regions the relative importance of the rcp scenario is greater in october, november and april compared to the period from december to march. in the alps and the carpathians, snow depth and snow coverage showed greater dependence on the rcp scenario than in the case of snowmelt (see figure 12). in finland and in the carpathians the scenario’s importance increases in april and may (14–17%) as the radiative forcing’s effect clearly determines temperature, which plays a key role in snowmelt processes. comparing the regions, the greathttps://archive.nordregio.se/en/maps/09-other/major-winter-resorts-in-scandinavia/ https://archive.nordregio.se/en/maps/09-other/major-winter-resorts-in-scandinavia/ https://archive.nordregio.se/en/maps/09-other/major-winter-resorts-in-scandinavia/ 15kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 3–22. est role of the scenario occurs in scandinavia. in the case of snow related simulations, the choice of the model has a greater role in the mountainous areas (e.g. snow depth and snow cover in the alps or snowmelt in southern scandinavia), while evaluation showed that the overall goodness of simulating precipitation depends on topography. fig. 9. the 10th, 50th and 90th percentiles of simulated snow depth changes for 2069–2098 compared to the median values (the 50th percentiles) of 1971–2000 taking into account rcp2.6 (top) and rcp8.5 (bottom) in the alps. the vertical lines represent the interval between the 10th and 90th percentiles of projected changes, while the symbols refer to the changes of the 50th percentile. the different colours (symbols) indicate different gcms (rcms). -1.2 -1.0 -0.8 -0.6 -0.4 -0.2 0.0 0.2 0.4 o n d j f m a m sn ow d ep th c ha ng e (m ) rcp8.5 -1.2 -1.0 -0.8 -0.6 -0.4 -0.2 0.0 0.2 0.4 o n d j f m a m sn ow d ep th c ha ng e (m ) rcp2.6 gcms cnrm ichec hadgem2 ncc gcms racmo22e aladin cclm4-8-17 rca4 kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 3–22.16 fig. 10. the 10th, 50th and 90th percentiles of simulated snow depth changes for 2069–2098 compared to the median values (the 50th percentiles) of 1971–2000 taking into account rcp2.6 (top) and rcp8.5 (bottom) in southern scandinavia. the vertical lines represent the interval between the 10th and 90th percentiles of projected changes, while the symbols refer to the changes of the 50th percentile. the different colours (symbols) indicate different gcms (rcms). 17kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 3–22. fig. 11. the relative importance of the so-urces of uncertainty in the simulations of snow depth on a monthly scale for each region, projection by 2069–2098 compared to 1971–2000. the ma-ximum value of the y-axis (1.0) is the sum of the range of inter-annual variability of individual months, the range between models and the range between scenarios. kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 3–22.18 fig. 12. the relative importance of the sources of uncertainty in the simulations of snowmelt on a monthly scale for each region, projection by 2069–2098 compared to 1971–2000. the maximum value of the y-axis (1.0) is the sum of the range of inter-annual variability of individual months, the range between models and the range between scenarios. 19kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 3–22. conclusions snow-related variables are analysed in this study based on euro-cordex simulations focusing on eight sub-regions within europe. these selected regions can be characterised by different climatic conditions, namely, maritime, continental and boreal. three rcp scenarios were taken into account in order to compare the effects of mitigation. based on our investigation, the following conclusions can be made: – compared to the internal variability and the choice of the rcm, the selection of the scenario has a smaller role in the uncertainty of projections. – for the future time periods both the mean temperature and precipitation total will increase in the cold season in the selected regions according to the multi-model mean of the rcm simulations. the greatest temperature increase is projected for the boreal regions, which can be related to arctic amplification. – snow depth is likely to be less in the future: the higher the radiative forcing, the more the relative change of snow depth. the changes are not linear, i.e. the projected change is greater by the end of the 21st century compared to the period 2021–2050. the greatest relative changes are likely to occur in maritime british isles and the lowland areas. – snowmelt is projected to start earlier within the year in most regions, it may already start in the winter months in scandinavia for instance. – under the rcp8.5 scenario, substantial snow cover (> 70%) will be present only in the scandinavian regions by the late century. on the one hand, the projected increase of winter precipitation in europe, except for the mediterranean area (ipcc 2021), may lead to more snowfall, on the other hand, the fraction of snow may decrease due to rising temperatures, which also enhance snowmelt. our results indicate a decreasing trend in snow-related parameters, which is in good agreement with former studies. for example, in northern europe a decrease in snowfall is likely to occur, except for the coldest areas, where an increase is projected (raisanen, j. 2016). furthermore, because of the later start of the snowfall season and the increased snowmelt, snow amount is also likely to decrease (raisanen, j. 2016). de vries, h. et al. (2013, 2014) investigated snowfall on hellmann days (i.e. when the daily mean temperature is below freezing) in western, central and northern europe and found that it is likely to decrease by 20–50 percent (a decrease of the frequency of hellmann days is also projected, by about 75%) by the end of the 21st century; however, at higher elevations the change is not significant. not only in europe, but also in america, a decrease in the values of snow-related parameters is likely to occur in general (e.g. xu, y. et al. 2019; mccrary, r.r. et al. 2022), which may result in altered runoff conditions (rauscher, s.a. et al. 2008) and a series of hydrologic changes like surface and subsurface water storage or streamflow (siirila-woodburn, e.r. et al. 2021). skiing and winter tourism will be impossible in regions located more to the south, or these sectors will have to face great challenges and find adaptation strategies to the changing climatic conditions (e.g. damm, a. et al. 2014; joksimovic, m. et al. 2018; moreno-gené, j. et al. 2018; spandre, p. et al. 2019). even if snow management, i.e. snowmaking, is carried out, then certain weather conditions are still necessary: it has to be sufficiently cold, the wind speed should not be too high and the wet bulb temperature also has an impact (morin, s. et al. 2021). the decrease of snow-related parameters has several critical effects on other processes (e.g. energy budget, evaporation, floods) and sectors (e.g. water management, agriculture, forestry, energy supply) as well, so mitigation of climate change should be a paramount goal. acknowledgement: research leading to this paper was supported by the following sources: the hungarian national research, development and innovation fund under grants k-129162 and pd138023, and the national multidisciplinary laboratory for climate change (rrf-2.3.1-21-2022-00014). furthermore, we thank the cordex program for the regional climate model simulations, and the ecmwf for compiling the era-20c and making it available. kis, a. and pongrácz, r. hungarian geographical bulletin 72 (2023) (1) 3–22.20 r e f e r e n c e s barnett, t.p., adam, j.c. and lettenmaier, d.p. 2005. potential impacts of a warming climate on water availability in snow-dominated regions. nature 438. 303–309. available at https://doi.org/10.1038/ nature04141 becken, s. and hay, j.e. 2007. tourism and climate change: risks and opportunities. clevedon, channel view publication. breiling, m. and charamza, p. 1999. the impact of global warming on winter tourism and skiing: a regionalised model for austrian snow conditions. regional environmental change 1. 4–14. available at https://doi.org/10.1007/s101130050003 brown, i. 2019. snow cover duration and extent for great britain in a changing climate: altitudinal variations and synoptic-scale influences. international journal of climatology 39. 4611–4626. available at https://doi.org/10.1002/joc.6090 coppola, e., raffaele, f. and giorgi, f. 2018. impact of climate change on snow melt driven runoff timing over the alpine region. climate dynamics 51. 1259‒1273. available at https://doi.org/10.1007/ s00382-016-3331-0 damm, a., köberl, j. and prettenthaler, f. 2014. does artificial snow production pay under future climate conditions? a case study for a vulnerable ski area in austria. tourism management 43. 8–21. available at https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tourman.2014.01.009 d a m m , a . , g r e u e l l , w. , l a n d g r e n , o . a n d prettenthaler, f. 2016. impacts of +2 °c global warming on winter tourism demand in europe. climate services 7. 31–46. available at https://doi. org/10.1016/j.cliser.2016.07.003 demiroglu, o.c., dannevig, h. and aall, c. 2018. climate change acknowledgement and responses of summer (glacier ) ski visitors in norway. scandinavian journal of hospitality and tourism 18. 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https://doi.org/10.1007/s10584-011-0148-z https://doi.org/10.1175/jhm-d-15-0181.1 https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-019-52880-5 https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-019-52880-5 https://doi.org/10.1029/2005gl024216 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.coldregions.2007.07.001 7 literature.indd 249literature – hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 247–251. at the beginning of 2015 a substantial volume was published in hungarian language edited by the prominent hungarian sociologist viktória szirmai which contained studies on spatial inequalities and social well-being in the hungarian context. actually, the english version of the volume entitled “from spatial inequalities to social well-being” summarises the main results of the most exciting studies. eight papers selected for the english version are obviously not enough to walk around the whole subject in detail, but more than enough to outline the main context of contemporary spatial inequalities and wellbeing in hungary and to provide a careful analysis of the country-specifi c situation. in my review i try to summarise the main fi ndings of the book in order to provide additional information to the public and researchers interested in the topic. in her short introduction entitled „the history of researching social well-being in hungary” viktória szirmai outlines the main concept of the volume. she emphasises that the core concept of the book (i.e. ‘social well-being’) builds on the theoretical construct of a. joseph stiglitz, nobel prize-winner american economist. the well-known stiglitz report published in 2009 stated that the gdp is an inappropriate index to measure social progress, thus, new indicators and analytical tools are needed for describing and modelling of social processes. instead of one-dimensional indicators on production and economy so typical for the 1970s and 1980s the emphasis should be placed on the sophisticated measurement of social well-being. viktória szirmai draws the readers’ att ention to the fact that the stiglitz model unfortunately does not take into account the spatial aspects, namely national and regional characteristics. this is actually the main aim of the volume, to shed light on regional variations of social well-being of those living in metropolitan and rural areas trough empirical surveys. the main question of the comprehensive research was how well-being is determined by spatial location and social structural positions of the population? the initial statement of the study „social well-being issues in europe: the possibility of starting to establish a more competitive europe” refers to the fact that european economy has lost its competitive advantages against other world regions since the 1980s, which resulted a gradual downsizing and reducing of welfare measures within national economic policies. due to the withdrawing welfare systems in the last couple of decades rising urban poverty and intensifying migration processes could be detected throughout the eu member states. next to impacts of globalisation processes the transformation of the welfare systems and administrative structures can also be mentioned, which induced polarisation processes in the regional structures: new spatial dependencies and disparities have emerged in western europe. due to the emerging socio-economic diff erentiation spatial diff erences became more pronounced. the study comes to the conclusion that in the last two decades eff orts in europe to solve (or at least to soft en) socioeconomic and environmental problems have failed, and the civil sector could not show resounding success in this fi eld either. that is the reason why the author assumes that the stiglitz model could bring a new approach and more likely could lead to success in improving european competitiveness. the chapter on „international study of public policies on well-being” provides an overview on the emergence and development of european welfare policies and examines how the question of well-being appears in signifi cant international documents. considering the achievements and failures of modviktória szirmai (ed): from spatial inequalities to social well-being. kodolányi jános university of applied sciences, székesfehérvár, 2015. 187 p. literature – hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 247–251.250 ernisation in the central and eastern european (cee) countries and based on the results of the un-habitat sustainable cities programme the paper points out that social transformation of the cee countries is actually completed, the standard of living has improved considerably but very unevenly, and signifi cant concentrations of unemployment has emerged. according to the authors, large cities and metropolitan regions prevail in the sett lement development contrary to small towns and rural regions, and regional development has become uneven. with regard to demographic trends low birth rates and aging are the prime challenges to be solved in the cee countries. the economy is characterised by a lack of co-operation, the social housing sector is weak due to the privatisation and a dramatic rise of housing and living costs could be observed in these countries. thus, the european union’s urban development policy could not convey the urban development patt erns and models everywhere in europe. actually, the new model for social well-being policy should be based on the characteristics of the local society and they should be conveyed clearly, the needs and satisfaction of local residents must be taken into account, and well-being for urban residents should appear as a priority issue in these policies. the study comes to the conclusion that european urban policies provide a mix of legislative and business models, and although elements of well-being issues appear oft en, well-being seems not to be the main objective of these policies. the chapter on „the socio-demographic structure of the hungarian metropolitan regions” deals with the socio-demographic conditions of 9 hungarian metropolitan regions based on empirical analyses focusing on demography, migration, education and income conditions. authors come to the conclusion that social conditions in metropolitan areas on the countryside are less favourable than in budapest. demographic indicators are deteriorating on the countryside, mainly due to the declining population fi gures and the growth of outmigration. demographic and social diff erences among the major provincial cities and budapest have clearly grown during the past decade. in the next study „the spatial social characteristics of hungarian metropolitan regions and the transformation of the core-periphery model” we get an insight into the transformation of the spatial structures of the investigated metropolitan regions. the chapter is based on comparative analyses of empirical research results carried out in 2005 and 2014 with the same methodology. results of the fi rst survey in 2005 showed that inner-city areas could be characterised by a strong socio-spatial hierarchy, and the social status of the population clearly dropped towards the periphery. due to the outmigration of middle-class people to the suburbs inner-urban areas became strongly diff erentiated, whereas the social upgrading of the periphery gained momentum. results from 2014 survey suggest a strong regional and social polarisation. on the one hand, the spatial expansion of higher status strata could be detected, on the other hand, the level of social exclusion has clearly increased. while inside the compact cities spatial disparities somewhat decreased, the social status of neighbourhoods levelled out, at the peripheries (both inside and outside the city-limits) new bett er-off residential areas emerged. this could be predominantly traced back to the outmigration of higher status groups. the process is labelled by the authors as ‘suburbanisation inside the city’. anyway, according to the empirical data the status of the city centre has nowhere diminished, and thanks to the sporadic gentrifi cation processes the core cities will most probably maintain (or even increase) their socio-economic status. the upcoming study „social well-being characteristics and spatial-social determinations” examines the already well-known metropolitan regions but this time the characteristics of well-being are addressed. authors detect the patt erns of stiglitzian dimensions (i.e. material living standards, health, education, personal activities, political voice and governance, social connections and relationships, environment, insecurity) on intra-urban and regional scale in hungary. according to the investigations they conclude that due to the strengthening weight of the middle class, and the ongoing polarisation within the society the inner-city will most probably continue to play a leading role in the core-periphery model, however, the transition zone seems to become more mosaic-like. the chapter entitled „well-being defi cits in disadvantaged regions” provides a comprehensive assessment of the so-called ‘objective’ and ‘subjective’ well-being in four disadvantageous micro-regions. in order to explore the level of ‘objective’ well-being in the case study areas educational att ainment, labour market position and fi nancial situation of the population are compared in the fi rst section of the study. diff erent characteristics of ‘subjective’ well-being are presented through the analysis of diff erences in term of happiness and satisfaction. all indicators for objective and subjective well-being are the weakest in peripheral marginalised communities, and diff erences are most pronounced in the case of objective well-being. among determining social and economic factors for well-being defi cits aging, decreasing population, stagnation of the local economy, lack of industrial activities and reduction in employment can be mentioned. peripheralisation, economic marginalisation and negative demographic processes could not be signifi cantly improved even by government measures. in the fi nal chapter of „how can we get from spatial inequalities to social well-being?” the editor of the book concludes that globalisation produces inequalities and the global economy actually works in inequalities eff ectively. international research on 251literature – hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 247–251. competitiveness also testifi es this experience. over the past decades a signifi cant deconcentration (of jobs and people) has taken place, and urban areas have been torn to developed and underdeveloped areas. in particular, social and spatial diff erences have become very conspicuous especially between metropolitan and rural disadvantaged micro-regions. thus, in the coming years it would be important to reduce regional disparities and to support the development of well-being. the way out could be the assessment of the level of well-being of various social strata in urban and rural areas, and aft er defi ning well-being defi cits diff erentiated steps should be performed in order to increase the well-being of these social strata. we can conclude that the aesthetically pleasing, properly illustrated book gives a good insight into the social well-being issue of metropolitan and rural areas in hungary. the merit of the book is that the outcomes are predominantly based on empirical research and a comparative and interdisciplinary approach is applied. the quality of the book could have been further improved with valuable photos, which could have provided a bett er understanding of local conditions to foreigners and readers without knowledge of local (hungarian) circumstances. in any case, the book is a good starting point for those who deal with social diff erentiation of metropolitan areas in cee and more specifi cally in hungary, or want to get deeper insight into the subject of social well-being. honourable is the work of the editor because the joint research and publishing of the book have successfully contributed to the cooperation of sociology and geography. tamás egedy 7_book reviews.indd 393book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (4) 393–404.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.67.4.7 hungarian geographical bulletin 67 2018 (4) b o o k r e v i e w s e c t i o n seegel, s.: map men: transnational lives and deaths of geographers in the making of east central europe. chicago–london, the university of chicago press, 2018. 320 p. one hundred years ago, fighting ceased on the major fronts of the great war. both the victorious allied powers as well as the defeated central powers started to prepare for peace. though the guns had fallen silent, the peace preparations mobilised armies of experts, and in particular geographers, for a new struggle, one that required geographical expertise and scientific reasoning to justify new borders and to defend the integrity of state territory. it was in this geopolitically-charged post-war context that geographers who had been working in academia were called upon to serve their nation. the one-hundredth anniversary of the end of the great war, therefore, is perfect timing for the publication of steven seegel’s “map men: transnational lives and deaths of geographers in the making of east central europe”. focusing on four east central european geographers and one american geographer, seegel’s book tells the story of five scholars well known in the history of geography who either contributed to the making of the new borders or fought to defend the old ones in the immediate post-war period. the oldest of seegel’s main characters is albrecht penck, born in leipzig in 1858. he studied at leipzig and from the mid-1880s served as a professor of physical geography at the university of vienna for two decades. he was appointed chair of geography at the university of berlin at the peak of his career, and became without doubt the most influential german geographer after the turn of the century. polish geographer eugeniusz romer was born in 1871 in lemberg/lwów/lviv, a city that then belonged to the austro-hungarian empire. he studied in kraków, and it was on leave to berlin and vienna that he was introduced to the ideas of ferdinand von richthofen and penck respectively. romer was appointed chair of geography at the university in his home town a few years before the outbreak of the great war. like romer, the ukrainian stepan rudnyts’kyi was also a son of galicia and an austrian citizen. born in peremyshl/przemyśl in 1877, he first studied philosophy at the university of lemberg/lwów/lviv, and later turned to geography. he attended penck’s lectures in vienna, habilitated at lemberg, and was allowed as a privatdozent to teach in geography in ukrainian. next among seegel’s geographers is isaiah bowman, who was born in ontario, canada, and who was a descendant of german swiss emigrants. his family moved from canada to the usa when he was young. at harvard, he studied under william morris davis, and after defending his thesis, he taught at yale. the youngest among the five geographers that seegel studies is count pál teleki, who was born to a transylvanian-hungarian aristocratic family in budapest in 1879. teleki studied law at the university of budapest, and worked at the institute of geography at the university under the supervision of lajos lóczy. his book on the history of the cartography of the japanese islands brought him considerable renown as a geographer, and he was elected general secretary of the hungarian geographical society in 1910. seegel’s is a story of the several links that connect these geographers. all of them loved to travel, to be outdoors, and to do fieldwork. they were connected through an international scholarly network (bowman, romer, and teleki participated in the 394 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (4) 393–404. transcontinental excursion of the ags in 1912), and many of them were in correspondence for decades. above all, they shared a passionate love of maps. according to seegel’s interpretation, theirs was not a harmless romance. hidden behind a veil of objectivity and civility, the maps they created and revered were tools of nation building, imperialism, and propaganda. the maps themselves were not independent of their makers, seegel argues, and so through the maps we can catch a glimpse of the personality of their authors. as seegel writes, “the book’s core argument is that interest in maps was often pathological, a sign of frustration and unfulfilled personal ambition” (p. 3). “map men” is not the kind of story that has a happy ending. it is, instead, a dark drama whose protagonists’ lives end in tragedy. the characters of this drama are most definitely not positive heroes in seegel’s estimation. according to seegel, the “mobile yet place sensitive” map men were “illiberal, provincial, pre-1914 hyphenated anglophile germans … who envisaged geography as a new megascience” (p. 3). they were “germans” in the sense that all of them spoke german fluently, and all of them were close to german science and german geography. “their grasp of maps and geography,” seegel claims, “was largely antimodern, anti-urban, and, in some cases anti-semitic” (p. 3). more than this, maps and geography were mobilised by these men “as defence of privilege and europe’s grand explorer tradition in east central europe” (p. 3). both penck and teleki, moreover, were dedicated to irredentism after world war i. the maps that they produced and circulated were neither neutral nor purely scientific products. they were, in fact, “affective, not just rational tools” (p. 4). prior to the great war, these map men had taken the opportunity to participate in a flourishing international network of scholarly life. with respect to “scientific pursuits,” it was a time in which “the men saw little contradiction between nations and internationalism” (p. 40). the war, however, changed everything. the geographers became “stateside experts” (p. 227). contradictory national interests turned them against one another. in his efforts to help create a new poland, for example, romer confronted both penck and rudnyts’kyi, with the germans supporting the ukrainian claims much more than the polish ones. teleki, advocating the hungarian cause, trusted in the power of personal relationships in vain in 1918-20. romer, by contrast, was successful in bending bowman’s ear. as collegial bonds started to weaken, friendships were replaced by cold emotions, even open hostility. perhaps as consolation, service to the state opened up new vistas for these geographers after the war. almost all of them participated in organising and leading geographical and cartographical projects that were closely connected to political goals, though none of them were as successful at fulfilling political ambitions as teleki, who twice served as prime minister of interwar hungary. with the notable exception of the american bowman, the lives of the east central european geographers ended in tragedy. rudnyts’kyi was the first to suffer a tragic fate. immediately after the war he worked in vienna and in prague, but later accepted the invitation of the ukrainian ssr to serve as a professor in kharkov in the mid-1920s. when stalinisation gained momentum, he was deemed to be a ukrainian nationalist and “propagator of fascism in geography” (p. 143). (rudnyts’kyi had never joined the communist party.) the ukrainian academy of sciences expelled him, after which he was stripped of his professorship, imprisoned, and finally executed in 1937. four years later teleki would die at his own hands. as prime minister at the outbreak of world war ii, teleki presided over some tangible revisionist successes, but he was not able to restrain the growing nazi german influence in hungary, and he committed suicide when the german troops crossed the hungarian border to attack yugoslavia in april 1941. both penck and romer, by contrast, lived out the remainder of their lives in a form of exile. though not a member of the nazi party, penck agreed more or less with its goals, but when the heavy air raids started, he fled from berlin to the relative safety of his daughter’s home in prague, and died there in the spring of 1945. romer, in turn, hid in a catholic monastery as the war raged all around him. in the end he could never return to lwów/lviv, as the city was annexed to the soviet union after the war. he died in kraków in 1954. seegel’s work on the life and career of the five geographers is an outstanding scholarly achievement. the array of sources and literature used for the book is really impressive, even more so if we take into account that seegel’s extensive use of archival sources and printed material required a fluency in german, polish, ukrainian, and hungarian that is truly rare. only very few scholars are able to do such comparative work. more importantly, however, seegel has produced a strong and convincing argument that clearly illustrates how politics and ideology were intertwined with scientific work. at the same time, “map men” also underlines how strongly the personality, faith, ambition, and fantasies of these five scholars influenced their scientific results. scientific knowledge is inseparable from its maker, and maps are no exception. it has, in fact, become somewhat of a truism that a map is not an impartial mirror of the earth’s surface or of the spatial distribution of human phenomena, but rather is a socially-constructed scientific product that delivers its message visually. seegel’s work illustrates this reality in novel and convincing ways. it is worth noting that the above-mentioned relationship between an author and his or her work is true in case of book reviews, too. i do not in any way want to pretend that my opinion of seegel’s recent work is definitive or final. i can review this book only from the perspective of an east central european, or more precisely, a hungarian geographer. in my opinion this work 395book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (4) 393–404. is important for us, as it destroys myths, and forces us to face up to many inconvenient truths. compared to the usual hungarian interpretation, seegel’s study clearly illustrates the value of conclusions that are drawn by a researcher who interprets east central european history from an outsider’s perspective. many good essays and books have been written on teleki in hungarian, for example (chief among them balázs ablonczy’s book published both in hungarian and english: ablonczy, b. 2007). seegel adds much to our knowledge. particularly valuable is seegel’s analysis of teleki’s romantic phantasies of the american west. largely based on karl may’s novels (which remained favourite reading for teleki even as an adult), fantasies of the american west had a profound impact on teleki’s geographical and political thought (pp. 16, 36, 51, 114). despite the many strengths of seegel’s study, what is missing from a geographer’s standpoint is geography itself. we are well informed about how the bodies and souls of these five geographers influenced their scientific work, but we gain little knowledge with respect to their scholarly thoughts. readers, therefore, might understandably come to the conclusion that geography was a kind of pseudo-science in the early twentieth century, and that it was nothing more than a useful vehicle for the articulation of political dreams and personal ambitions. i am sure that the geography of the first half of the twentieth century was more than that, and it is perhaps misleading if we judge too harshly one-hundred-year-old scientific concepts using early-twenty-first century norms. seegel also frequently refers to the map men’s ‘illiberalism,’ which seems anachronistic. speaking from the hungarian perspective, nobody used this word in hungary before 2010. it would therefore be prudent to deploy this notion cautiously in a historical context, unless of course the goal is to speak directly to present political issues. to be fair, this is indeed one of seegel’s goals. writing of one of teleki’s books, for instance, seegel argues that: “on europe and hungary went beyond conservativism, for it imagined an exceptionalist hungary-led europe united in an illiberal vision” (p. 149). this interpretation seems more relevant to an analysis of a contemporary hungarian politician’s declarations than it is to teleki’s thinking, and i would find it tenuous to parallel two historically separated politicians in this way. seegel’s narrative, moreover, is very dark, and succeeds in creating the atmosphere of a real géographie noire (p. 135). in many ways, he has rendered his drama excessively bleak. in my opinion, these geographers may not have been irreproachable heroes, but neither were they excessively evil malefactors. they were mortal human beings, who found themselves in a very desperate situation, and they did what they thought had to be done. there are some details concerning teleki and interpretations of hungarian history that may have been approached differently by a hungarian author. most hungarian geographers will admit that teleki’s famous “carte rouge” was a biased visual representation of statistical data, and that teleki chose a cartographical method that supported the hungarian point of view concerning the integrity of greater hungary at the paris (trianon) peace talks in 1920. but only a few would agree with seegel’s opinion that “teleki asserted population density even ahead of nationality. he followed the linear logic of modernisation, that the density of assimilated magyars increased as peasants moved to the city, became literate and settled naturally into st. stephen enclaves” (p. 65). similarly, a number of hungarian scholars would question the following: “in the map’s surreal and subliminal codes, its message was the defeat of the little entente, marginalisation of romanians and jews, and omission of rural lands and indigenous peoples, whisked out of history” (p. 69). seegel’s interpretation implies that the presence of the ethnic hungarians, who lived in the territories ceded from hungary between 1918 and 1920, was a result of hungarian assimilation and colonisation, and, further, that teleki exaggerated their importance by utilising inappropriate and ultimately falsifying cartographical tools. there is, of course, some truth in the claim that the increase of the urban population in the non-hungarian regions or the settlements in délvidék (today vojvodina, serbia) exemplified these processes. but the truth is that the vast majority of the 3.3 million ethnic hungarians who lived in the territories that hungary lost were themselves inhabitants of the “rural lands,” and that the hungarian people were arguably one of the “indigenous peoples” in these regions. unfortunately, seegel also provided inaccurate data concerning the territorial losses of hungary. he writes that “the country lost roughly two-thirds of its population, one-third of its territory” (p. 86), when in fact hungary lost two-thirds of its territory, roughly 60 per cent of its population, and one-third of its hungarian speaking population. teleki has been a controversial figure in hungary’s political history. as seegel indicates, his commemoration was a matter of debate even after the turn of millennium (pp. 220–221). teleki’s geographical thought was also complex. seegel puts teleki among the “anglophile german map men” and emphasises the impact of ratzel’s theories on teleki’s geography (pp. 37, 50, 128). at the same time, he writes little about the fact that contemporary french geography also had a significant influence on him, and that it was at least as important (if not even more so) as the german influence on teleki’s thinking. historians of hungarian geography usually stress that it was teleki who broke with the strong german orientation in hungarian geography, turning instead to the french géographie humaine (krasznai, z. 2012, pp. 73–74). teleki and his disciples were wary, for example, of gyula prinz’s geographical work, and in par396 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (4) 393–404. ticular of “his highly unusual germanophilia within the hungarian academia” (fodor, f. 2006, p. 718). by the same token, nobody at the time regarded teleki as a germanophile. the same goes for teleki’s political credo. despite his apparent anti-semitism, he was dismissive of nazi ideology, and as prime minister he endeavoured to shield hungary from the influence of nazi germany. teleki was aware of the german plans for the future of eastern europe. in contrast to seegel, i do not believe that “teleki was too blind to grasp that he was being mapped colonially from an imperial berlin in 1938-39” (p. 182). teleki’s political and geographical legacy will no doubt remain controversial, and it is in light of this that seegel’s research is an important contribution to our knowledge of him. at the same time, however, seegel’s harsh judgment of teleki and his geography is exaggerated. can it truly and accurately be said of him that “[t]his hodgepodge geography of the transylvanian count, not without hackneyed ideas or prejudice draped in science, was surely characteristic of an insecure man who dabbled in studies of the natural world” (p. 131)? in the final analysis, seegel’s compelling new book should become compulsory reading for those who are interested in the history of twentieth-century geography, and above all, for those who are scholars of east central european history and geography. seegel’s comparative study on the life and work of five geographers is an outstanding scholarly achievement. collecting and reading the archival and printed sources was a demanding task in itself, and seegel has constructed a strong and convincing narrative. “map men” is a dark and tragic story devoid of positive heroes and a soothing ending. although i do not agree with every detail of the book, the book’s core argument is sound. “map men” is a sad but true story, which in itself is a pity, as it points to uncomfortable truths about our own past. róbert győri1 1 department of social and economic geography, institute of geography and earth sciences, eötvös loránd university (elte), budapest, hungary. e-mail: gyorirobert@caesar.elte.hu. the research has been supported by the national research, development and innovation office–nkfih, contract number k 125001. r e f e r e n c e s ablonczy, b. 2007. pál teleki. the life of a controversial hungarian politician. wayne (nj), hungarian studies publications. fodor, f. 2006. a magyar földrajztudomány története (the history of hungarian geography). budapest, mta földrajztudományi kutatóintézet. krasznai, z. 2012. földrajztudomány, oktatás és propaganda (a nemzeti terület reprezentációja a két világháború közti magyarországon) (geography, education and propaganda [the representation of national territory in hungary between the world wars]). pécs, idresearch kft/publikon kiadó. economic convergence and polarisation: towards a multi-dimensional approach 187benedek, j. and moldovan, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203. doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.64.3.3 hungarian geographical bulletin 64 2015 (3) 187–203. introduction in the last decades we have experienced a general growing tendency of regional inequalities. however, the views on the intensity and direction of regional inequalities diff er widely from one author to another, depending on the scale, timeframe and methodology of the analysis. in europe the majority of the authors seem to agree that while the disparities of national economies decreased in the last decades, sub-national economic inequalities have been increasing. such processes were fuelled by the rapidly growing metropolises and national capitals (london, paris, brussels, vienna, prague, bratislava, bucharest etc.) and the parallel peripheralisation of rural and old industrial regions. in addition, the fi nancial crisis has stopped the decreasing tendency of regional inequalities between member states from 2008 on. the cohesion reports of the european commission (ec) have clearly indicated these polarisation and peripheralisation tendencies at sub-national level and proposed the strengthening of territorial cohesion by guiding one third of the eu budget to the reduction of economic and social disparities in 2014–2020 (ec 2004, 2007, 2010, 2014). however, despite this consensus, there is still a confusion resulted by the employment of the diff erent concepts used in the quantitative studies of mainstream economic and regional science (convergence/divergence) and in qualitative approaches applied in economic geography, spatial planning and sociology (centralisation/peripheralisation, polarisation, marginalisation). this paper off ers a critical review of diff erent theoretical concepts focusing on regional inequalities. we have selected theories and concepts relevant to the convergence/diver1 hungarian department of geography, faculty of geography, babeş-bolyai university, ro-400006 cluj-napoca, str. clinicilor 5. e-mail: jozsef@geografi e.ubbcluj.ro economic convergence and polarisation: towards a multi-dimensional approach józsef benedek1 and aura moldovan1 abstract the current increase of regional inequalities in europe, and in particular in central and eastern europe (cee) has led to the reconsideration and revival of the concepts of “polarisation” and “convergence” in academic fi elds like regional economics, economic geography and spatial planning as well. in contrast to the classical view on these concepts determined by functionalism and topology, the new theoretical and empirical perspectives are emphasising a multidimensional perspective. in addition, there is an important debate about the relation between economic inequalities and growth. this article provides a critical overview and assessment of the theoretical and empirical work on regional inequalities with special emphasis on theories of economic and social polarisation, regional economic growth, convergence, and social inequalities. we att empt to combine two powerful concepts of polarisation and convergence, emphasising their relational and multi-scalar nature. building on this basis, we propose a multidimensional concept of socio-economic polarisation, which comprises processes of convergence and divergence, growth and mobility in economic and social dimensions. keywords: regional inequalities, economic convergence, polarisation, central and eastern europe benedek, j. and moldovan, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203.188 gence and polarisation debates2. the neoclassical and the new theories of growth are considered as the mainstream approaches in this fi eld, thus, main statements and developments must be discussed here. historical polarisation and sociological theories – more ‘heterodox’ in content and methods, and marginal in the fi eld of economics – shall also be discussed below to deliver important arguments towards the development of a multiscalar and multi-dimensional approach on regional inequalities. our paper is focused on the connection of polarisation and the socio-economic processes of diff erentiation. drawing on a literature survey, we summarise the facts of the main theoretical and empirical approaches discussing the problems of convergence and spatial polarisation in the fi rst section. in the second, we propose a multidimensional concept of polarisation and convergence, which comprises economic and social dimensions. we conclude with our fi nal remarks and with prospects for further research in the third section. economic growth, convergence and polarisation: theoretical approaches core-periphery structures in economics have always been defi ned as process-centred, unlike approaches in economic and urban geography that employed a traditional defi nition that is rather location-oriented and static and where the new process-oriented perspective off ered by introducing the term “peripherialisation” (lang, t. 2012; kühn, m. 2015) seems to be a promising innovation. 2 the research leading to these results was conducted in the frame of the project “socio-economic and political responses to regional polarisation in central and eastern europe” (regpol²), coordinated by the leibniz institute for regional geography, leipzig/germany. the project received funding from the people programme (marie curie actions) of the european union’s seventh framework programme fp7/2007–2013/ under rea grant agreement no 607022. the basic position of mainstream economics is that, regional inequalities relate strongly to economic growth. therefore, the main focus of the economic literature related to regional inequalities is whether economic growth produces increasing or decreasing inequalities. furthermore, the economists rely on the so-called convergence-studies as analytical approaches to understand the relations between growth and inequalities. apart from the question, whether economic growth leads to an increase or decrease of socio-spatial inequalities, three other important issues are related to the above-mentioned concepts: first, taking into account the important regional variability of economic growth, how can the diff erent economic growth rates between regions be explained? second, how important is the spatial context for these diff erences? third, what are the consequences of the spatially diff erentiated economic growth for spatial policy, or more explicitly, which are the recommendations for regional policy in order to diminish regional inequalities and increase territorial cohesion? in the following subsections several theoretical approaches will be summarised and critically evaluated to reveal, how these basic concepts contribute to the understanding of regional inequalities. we discuss traditional approaches on growth and convergence (the neoclassical exogenous growth theory, the post-keynesian theories, and the export base theory, as laid out in the 1950s), as well as contributions from economic historians and more heterodox approaches (economic and spatial polarisation approach; sociological approaches on inequalities).these are followed by an account of the most recent theoretical developments (new economic geography, new growth theory) and by an overview of the recent empirical work on convergence. the selection of literature is not meant to be exhaustive. it focuses on widely cited concepts and their selection was inspired by the works of schätzl, l. (1998), benedek, j. (2004) and kühn, m. (2015). we have summarised the – – – 189benedek, j. and moldovan, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203. main statements of the analysed approaches, evaluated according to the following key questions: how the development of inequalities is explained and what tendency for the evolution of regional inequalities is expected. traditional models of economic growth studies on economic convergence are rooted in the neoclassical theory of economic growth. the dominant concept between 1950 and 1980 was the solow-model of exogenous growth, where the output is determined by three factors: capital, labour and technological progress (solow, r.m. 1956). technology is assumed to be a public good, while technological progress (including advances in basic science) is assumed to be exogenous. this means that technological progress has the same contribution to economic growth in all regions, leading to the assumption that gdp per capita should grow at the same rate in all regions (fagerberg, j. 1995). nevertheless, due to the diff erent regional initial conditions and, accordingly, to the different regional capital-labour ratios, poorer regions (with low capital-labour ratio) are growing faster than the richer ones, thus, regional inequalities tend to decrease and fi nally, should disappear. the model off ers a simple explanation for the evolution of regional inequalities: under the assumption of constant returns to capital, once a region achieves its steady-state as a result of longterm development, it will grow at the rate of technological progress. the farther is the region from its steady-state, the larger its growth rate of gdp per capita can be. as a consequence, poor regions will tend to grow faster than richer ones, which could result in income convergence (solow, r.m. 1956; mankiw, n.g. et al. 1992). in this model, convergence is determined by the capital fl ows directed from regions where it is abundant to regions where it is scarce, in order to achieve the highest rate of profi t on capital. one of the weak points of the neoclassical growth theory comes from the fact that it is not concerned with regional diff erences in the use of production factors and in the organisation of fi rms. another weak point is the assumption on the free fl ow of production factors that is refuted by empirical facts. for example, a major share of capital transfers and foreign direct investments are taking place between advanced economies (schatz, a.j. and venables, a.j. 2000). moreover, the labour has no unlimited mobility due to the high living costs, the diff erences in social and cultural environments, the accessibility of jobs etc. under these circumstances regional inequalities between rich and poor regions can not diminish. in addition, empirical work has proved that capital and labour costs explain only a small part of actual growth (fagerberg, j. 1995). as a consequence, the equalisation of inter-regional inequalities as stated in the neoclassical theory is not confi rmed by the empirical results, being thus less adequate in explaining regional inequalities. keynes’ theory focused on demand and on state interventions, considered investments as a key factor for economic development, and did not address the question of convergence directly. the latt er problem is discussed explicitly in the post-keynesian theory such as in the harrod-domar model relying on the assumption that the import determines the growth of regional economies (harrod, r.f. 1939; domar, e.d. 1946). regional investments exercise three types of eff ects on growth (schätzl, l. 1998), such as income effects, capacity eff ects (increasing production capacities and increasing capital stock) and complementarity eff ects (forward linkage effects on the suppliers’ sector and backward linkage eff ects on the consumption). the theory suggests that equilibrated growth occurs when the demand growth has the same intensity as the growth of production capacity, refl ected through income and capacity eff ects. all these eff ects contain a spatial component: capacity eff ects generated by investments are connected to a location, their spatial distribution and characteristics being linked to the factors determining the spatial distribution of investments. the inbenedek, j. and moldovan, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203.190 come eff ects and the complementarity eff ects are spatially diff use, being more intensive in the place of investment and decreasing with the distance from the place of investment. the export base theory represents a variety of keynesian growth theories. it concentrates accordingly on the demand side, more exactly – unlike the former one – it focuses on the external demand (north, d. 1955). the key argument is that the export activities realised in one region generate a cumulative regional development process. the size and time persistency of external demand for certain products or services determines the regional growth via multiplier eff ects, while a declining export demand generates the decline of the whole region (malecki, e.j. 1997). one of the weak points of this theory lies in its methodology: it distinguishes basic and export oriented activities and sectors, thus, calls for a very detailed and not always accessible statistics. in addition, the above-mentioned diff erentiation is highly dependent on the size and delimitation of the region. another constraint is related to the urban economies, which are realising an intense internal commerce, the export sectors having a lower share. the theory induces a major reduction by the exclusive focus on the export activities, neglecting important internal growth factors like the increase of the internal consumption, the change of the consumption function, endogenous technological development etc. (schätzl, l. 1998). the sociological approaches on inequalities social theories in sociological approach have long been considered with inequalities, looking at how various resources are being distributed within a society (eapn 2014) and also at the resulting social diff erences between various groups. social inequality in this sense can be found wherever the accessibility of social goods and powerful positions are systematically restricted, thereby favouring or impairing the lives of the aff ected individuals or groups. inequalities manifesting e.g. in limited access to occupational, educational and fi nancial opportunities might lead to social exclusion and marginalisation. at the same time, exclusion from social networks of power – having litt le to no chance for infl uencing the decisions aff ecting daily lives – also contributes to such marginalisation. indicators used to measure social inequality and marginalisation empirically can be assigned to one of four interconnected dimensions: wealth, knowledge, organisation (understood as the status of a profession within an organisational hierarchy) and association (or social capital) (kreckel, r. 2004). this means – very broadly – that socially marginalised groups are characterised by low income, a low level of education, a high level of unemployment and no access to power holding social networks. it is important to note that all these four dimensions are mutually dependent and each one explores a signifi cant side of the structural heterogeneity, which is determining the distribution of resources. however, one dimension is being emphasized for the purpose of capturing inequalities, and that is wealth – or, indicating the lack of wealth, poverty (kühn, m. 2015). in the eu social policy inequality is analysed mainly through the distribution of income. moreover, non-fi nancial assets (such as property, shares or investment, especially, housing) are increasingly considered while analysing the wealth of households (eapn 2014; maesrti, v. 2015). nevertheless, sociological studies are concerned mostly with social relations that individuals, households and groups are embedded in and which shape the patterns of social inequality (kreckel, r. 2004). more complex studies on social inequality and social exclusion supported by the eu also include non-fi nancial indicators such as life expectancy at birth, access to services (education, health and housing), old age dependency, share of foreign-born population, nutrition and sustainability (copus, a. 2014; thiry, g. 2015). 191benedek, j. and moldovan, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203. in order to link social inequality to the peripheralisation discourse, it is helpful to consider kreckel’s conceptualisation of peripherality (2004) as a structurally embedded constellation of conditions, which results in limited access to generally available and desirable resources (material or symbolic) for the people and groups aff ected, leaving a restricted room for autonomous action to them. in our interpretation, the diff erence between marginalisation and peripheralisation is the following: the fi rst term refers to sociostructural exclusion, to pushing a group of people to the edge of social hierarchy, while we consider the second as the socio-spatial dimension of the process. peripheralisation, thus, can be described as the gradual decline in socio-spatial development in relation to the dominant centre (keim, k.d. 2006). the importance of the spatial dimension for social inequality is acknowledged also by eu social policy. one of the key factors used by eu policy-makers to determine which groups of people are at risk of living in poverty is “living in a remote or disadvantaged community where access to services is worse” (eapn 2014, p. 32). the structural disadvantages that people in peripheries face are limiting their capacity to improve their situation and raises the risk of falling into a vicious circle: given the lack of services including educational facilities, and the limited choices of career paths in peripheral areas, those who have resources for migration will leave, further diminishing the human capital and the chances of change in the region they leave behind (massey, d. 1990). moreover, apart from the actual lack of physical and social infrastructures, the inhabitants of marginalized places have to deal with the negative eff ects the image of backwardness, spread “from above”, through political, popular and scientifi c discourses, as well as “from below”, through daily routines and interactions (wacquant, l. 2007). uneven development has always been a major theme in social theory. famously, karl marx compared the level of development between societies, looking at the modes of production at a national scale. his interpretation of the law of capitalist accumulation includes the criticism that any emergence of wealth and capital concentration goes together with poverty and oppression. moreover, marx views uneven development as intrinsically linked to the transition from one mode of production to another: as an old mode declines and a new, more progressive one rises, diff erent growth patt erns are created, resulting in uneven development (bond, p. 1999). developing the marxist approach by adding a spatial component explicitly, david harvey (1996) sees the increasing inequalities in development as a result of the competition between diff erent places for att racting investments. in this process, the diff erentiated return on investment creates or destroys certain spatial and class confi gurations – on a local, regional and national scale (bond, p. 1999). depending on how successful they are in att racting investments and capital, the spaces described by harvey enter core-periphery (dependent) relations with each other, as lang, t. et al. (2015) argued. moreover, henri lefèbvre (1991) linked uneven spatial development specifi cally to real estate investments, through which, inequalities in capital accumulation are transposed into space (residential patt erns; unequal provision of urban services). while neither poverty nor inequality are bound to certain physical spaces and can be found in all types of societies, sociological studies have a strong urban bias (gottdiener, m. and budd, l. 2005). the inequalities within cities have been increasing since the 1980s, due to suburbanisation processes and the resulting concentration of poverty in the central urban areas. nevertheless, sociological studies are also concerned with global interconnectedness of countries and cities and the uneven development within the global labour market that resulted in the rise of major cities as high command centres. the process produced an increasing power concentrated in central urban areas on the one hand, and the expansion of commercial spaces dispersed across space on the other benedek, j. and moldovan, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203.192 (gottdiener, m. and budd, l. 2005, p. 73). sassen, s. (1991) considers these major cities as ‘global’ ones, and describes their rise as hosting processes of growing polarisation in terms of occupational and income structures. a very similar image, focused on the polarised occupational structure within global cities, is described by mollenkopf, j. and castells, m. (1991). each of the cited scholars is concerned with migration fl ows that play a crucial role in enabling this process of polarisation due to the expansion of lowskilled and poorly paid jobs occupied by immigrant workers in global cities. however, the above concepts have been criticised for employing unstable, value-laden concepts and for oversimplifying the empirical reality by reducing it to a simple dichotomy. hamnett, c. (2001) argued that the phenomenon described by sassen in global cities is rather caused by professionalisation, typical of post-industrial societies than polarisation. moreover, shift ing the focus from individuals (as sassen discussed it) to households might produce a clearer image of the occupational structure in global cities, as it would shed light upon the increasing inequality between households (work-poor and work-rich households), as it was argued by hamnett. the household focus might also support the shift from the dichotomic view of polarisation processes (command centre vs. production periphery) towards a deeper (multidimensional) understanding of this socio-spatial phenomenon (gottdiener, m. and budd, l. 2005. p. 66). what all these sociological theorists have in common is that they have a critical view on inequality and stratifi cation, and consider them as the results of the modern capitalist relations of exploitation and exclusion in which, some individuals or social groups benefi t at the expense of others. in capitalist societies, the diff erences between cores and peripheries is seen as the result of capital investments, concentrated in urban and suburban sett lements, where the rate of return is the highest. the investment sets off a cumulative eff ect, creating jobs and generating tax revenues, enabling public investments to bett er infrastructure and the quality of life. the resulting highly diff erentiated life chances of the respective residents support the reproduction and the enhancement of socio-spatial inequalities (gottdiener, m. and budd, l. 2005). the argument continues by considering the forms of social inequalities typical of modernity and capitalism, shaped not by the independent achievements of individuals or social groups, but by their ascribed characteristics. thus, inequalities are considered to be persisting at various scales, while the gap between rich and poor is deepening (korzeniewicz, r.p. and albrecht, s. 2013). the general weakness of the sociological approach to inequalities lies in the vague defi nition of the concepts of core and periphery (kühn, m. 2015). this also means that the identifi cation of spatial core-periphery structures, at any scale, remains a subjective matter. even though, sociologists have focused on the inequalities in cities, we agree with kühn (2015) on that the poverty concept can easily be transferred to regional scale: if a large number of households or municipalities experiencing poverty are concentrated in a particular area, it should be considered as a periphery at regional scale such peripheries are the results of deindustrialisation, ageing and demographic shrinkage, lack of investment, low level of income and out-migration of higher educated and young people (kühn, m. 2015). historical approaches historical approaches embrace all contributions of economic history to studying economic development and growth. the theories elaborated on this ground advanced the idea of the multi-stage and linear economic development path (gerschenkron, a. 1962). one of the most infl uential models was proposed by walt w. rostow (1971), that combines economic (productivity, investments, knowledge), demographic (mobility), political (role of the state) and socio-cultural factors to identify fi ve stages of economic growth: traditional society, 193benedek, j. and moldovan, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203. transition to take-off , take-off , maturity and high mass consumption epochs. certain economic sectors are dominant in each stage, and the take-off is driven by industrialisation. whereas, john friedmann’s (1973) four-stage core-periphery development model (preindustrial, incipient industrial, advanced industrial and post-industrial stages) suggests a clearer spatial accent, assuming that each stage of development corresponds to a certain type of spatial structure (schätzl, l. 1998). in his model, the spatial structure evolves from an initial equilibrium situation − with a high level of isolation between sett lements and a low level of spatial interactions − into a complex spatial structure, with a high level of functional interdependencies between the core and the peripheral regions. in the fourth stage of development, a new spatial equilibrium emerges characterised by low level of regional inequalities. the four-stage model developed by harry w. richardson (1973) rests on a similar logic; nevertheless, this concept is more complex and introduces the idea of reverse polarisation. it att aches the decentralisation process of economic activities in the third stage of economic development, when investments and population migration are oriented from the core regions to the centres of the peripheries, producing a more balanced urban and regional structure (schätzl, l. 1998). it is obvious that historical approaches have contributed largely to the regional inequality debate, by combining a large number of economic, social and institutional factors and also by off ering an alternative narrative to the formalised neoclassical models. moreover, these models combine the time and space dimensions, re-interpreting the processes described otherwise in the formal models, such as spatial diff usion, agglomeration and concentration. the latt er processes can be explained by the concepts of polarisation and depolarisation, as they appear in the four-stage model of richardson. nevertheless, detailed analysis of the above concepts revealed their weak points, such as their descriptive character, the linear, one-way logic of economic development – that limits their explanatory power on economic decline and crisis − and the lack of empirical fi ndings on the fi nal (equilibrium) stages of development characterised by declining regional inequalities. theories of economic and spatial polarisation the theories of polarisation include the seminal works of gunnar myrdal (1957), albert o. hirschman (1958), francois perroux (1950), nicholas kaldor (1957) and the later developments of these theories, i.e. the concepts of development poles and the core-periphery models. unlike the neoclassical theories, the theories of polarisation consider interregional inequalities growing, since the development advantages created in a region have a cumulative character determining the spatial and sectoral polarisation of socio-economic development. this cumulative process is triggered by the change of independent economic variables like the demand, income, investments or production (schätzl, l. 1998). the change of one variable induces a change of other variables, generating a cumulative process of polarisation. thus, the equilibrium analysis specifi c to neoclassical theories was replaced by the concept of circular cumulative causation, introduced fi rst by myrdal (1957) and kaldor (1957). according to this concept, the intensity of interregional inequality is determined by the intensity of two eff ects: the backwash eff ects through the migration of mobile production factors (labour, capital) from the peripheries to the core regions, and the spread eff ects emanating from the spatial diff usion of innovation, production and services from the core regions toward the peripheries. generally, the backwash eff ects are more intensive than the spread ones, which generates growing inequality tendencies. exceptions are represented by the core economies where inequalities are decreasing due to the development of infrastructure and communication. benedek, j. and moldovan, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203.194 the other basic assumption of polarisation theories is that polarised development is generated by the unequal regional distribution of growth factors (labour, capital, technology, infrastructure, investment and consumption functions, natural resources) and by the limited mobility of such factors. the concept suggests that relations emerging between core regions and peripheries are characterised by strong dependence and the economic growth of cores is possible only at the expense of the peripheries. later, the concept of growth poles was developed further by perroux (1988) and by jacques-raoul boudeville and josé ramón lasuén (schätzl, l. 1998). their key assumption is that the growth poles are urban centres which polarise a larger region, where a single major fi rm or an economic sector generates a growth process and interregional inequalities. as a consequence, the latest approaches to the growth poles adopted the idea of sectoral polarisation that leads to regional polarisation and to the establishment of spatial growth centres. the intensity of polarisation eff ects depends on the market share and on the size of the dominant economic sector. the factors for the concentration of development in growth poles are related to the localisation advantages of production factors. the possibility of spatial diff usion of growth towards peripheries is admitt ed. an important contribution to the polarisation theories came from lasuén, j.r. (1973) who argued for that the explanation of unequal economic development can be reduced to the unevenly distributed technological innovation process (diff usion and adaptation). this process has two components: a temporal one, represented by sectoral innovation poles, and a spatial one, represented by urban poles. these two poles are strongly interconnected, thus, the urban network determines the diff erentiation of the innovation process concentrated in a relatively small number of urban agglomerations of the advanced economies. meanwhile, innovation in non-core economies and in smaller urban centres rests on external development factors and on adoption through imitation or diff usion. the intensity of adoption depends on the innovation capacity of the regional or urban economy that reinforces spatial concentration and polarisation. the main weaknesses of polarisation theories lie in their rigid framework and the lack of explanatory power of historical turning points in regional development (kühn, m. 2015). the core-periphery models of world-system theories and the dependency theories add a power dimension to the relations of cores and peripheries (friedmann, j. 1973; wallerstein, i. 1974). according to these theories, the core regions (or countries) are innovative, play an active role in the international trade, export capital, produce high incomes, have high productivity and a stable political system. in contrast, peripheries are less innovative, they depend on capital import, have a minor role in international trade, low incomes and productivity, and they are unstable politically. as a consequence, peripheries are dependent on the centres and disadvantaged by unequal terms of trade. wallerstein distinguishes semi-peripheries that are economies with both characteristics of the core and also of the periphery (wallerstein, i. 1974). semi-peripheries experience the highest mobility, and their prospective ascension to the status of a core region is determined by state interventions. the proponents of these theories do not consider the elimination of spatial inequalities by any development policy. from a geographic point of view, the above mentioned global core-periphery model can be identifi ed at sub-national scale as well, emerging as a north–south divide (uk, italy) or west–east disparities (hungary, china, germany), depending on national factors. the weak point of the core-periphery models is represented by their strong focus on conflicting relations between centres and peripheries, reduced to a simple dualism of a powerful centre and a weak periphery (kühn, m. 2015). nonetheless, the theories of polarisation off er a relevant theoretical framework for the analysis of regional in195benedek, j. and moldovan, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203. equalities. their core-periphery concept is a useful analytical concept for the description of the spatial outcomes of polarisation processes, and their central idea of growing interregional inequalities corresponds to the main empirical fi ndings. new approaches to unequal development and growth the new economic geography (neg), grounded by paul krugman and developed by a range of economists and economic geographers during the last two decades off ers a new perspective on the mechanism of unequal regional development, based on the agglomeration process of industrial activities. neg uses the new trade theory introduced by alfred marshall (external economies, agglomeration), and two modelling techniques such as the dixit-stiglitz model of monopolistic competition and the iceberg function (krugman, p.r. 1991). according to the neg’s two-region model, a core-periphery structure evolves that determine their relationships: one of the regions ends up as an industrial core region, the other region becomes an agricultural periphery. the central element of the model is the mobility of manufacturing workers determined by interregional wage diff erentials. this induces a process of cumulative causation in the region with higher wages, where additional workers att ract more fi rms as a result of increasing demand, which in turn att racts more workers from the periphery. this cumulative process might come to an end in two ways: – first, if the centripetal (agglomeration) forces (market size, mobility of workers, positive external eff ects) are dominant, it results in a cumulative-circular, divergent and asymmetric development model, with one region achieving the core status, while the other becoming periphery. – second, if the centrifugal (dispersion) forces (immobile factors, e.g. natural resources, negative external eff ects, competition) are dominant, a regional convergence model prevails with low interregional diff erences. krugman (2011) considers three factors that can modify the relation between centripetal and centrifugal forces: a) economies of scale in industrial production, b) transportation costs, and c) demand for industrial goods. the traditional growth models were seriously challenged by the endogenous (new) growth theories represented by paul r. romer, robert lucas, robert j. barro and xavier sala-i-martin in the 1980s. technological progress was considered as an endogenous growth factor (determined by r&d, advanced education facilities etc.) by them, playing a central role in economic growth through increasing returns. as a consequence, the endogenous growth theories offer a picture with growing inequalities and economic divergence, where the driving factor is represented by the spatial concentration of knowledge and the spill-over eff ects generated by r&d (romer, p.m. 1986). new growth theories pay much att ention to the theory developed by romer, which brings a novelty by considering monopolistic technological knowledge and imperfect market conditions. another novelty was added to the debate by considering the dispersion eff ects resulting from industrial research. these dispersion eff ects are considered a major factor of technological development, in contrast to other new growth theories that propose different factors, like competences obtained by practice (’learning by doing’), or the dispersion eff ects resulted from capital investment (ács, j.z. and varga, a. 2000). nevertheless, the lack of spatial dimension in new growth theories has limited their adaptation in economic geography (sternberg, r. 2001). new concepts in this fi eld explain regional convergence or divergence and regional differences by factors like the diff erences in the human capital, increasing returns, learning effects, fi rm agglomeration, interregional knowledge transfers and in innovation diff usion. recent studies added a further dimension to classical convergence studies by including the questions of income distribution and benedek, j. and moldovan, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203.196 the growth rates of income (tselios, v. 2009; amarante, v. 2014; castells-quintana, d. and royuela, v. 2014). for example, as tselios (2009) suggested, there is a convergence not just in the growth rate of income, but also in growth rates of income inequalities. moreover, while earlier concepts relied on macroeconomic variables (e.g. gdp per capita), recent studies have adopted a new microeconomic dimension (tselios, v. 2009; rodríguez-pose, a. and tselios, v. 2015), based upon household income data from the european community household panel (echp). generally, the lack of adequate regional data on household and individual income is one of the main reasons for the dominance of the macroeconomic approach. it is a crucial question, because economic growth measured by gdp per capita has no relevance at individual scale, even though, the income distribution affects regional growth (easterly, w. 2001; dollar, d. and kraay, a. 2002; ezcurra, r. 2007; rodríguezpose, a. and tselios, v. 2010). even more intriguing is the fact that empirical studies show convergence in incomes, in contrast to gdp per capita changes in europe (ezcurra, r. and pascual, p. 2005; tselios, v. 2009). furthermore, recent studies introduced new concepts in the economic convergence/ divergence debate and suggest that regional inequalities have a cyclical evolution: phases of growing inequalities and divergence are followed by phases of declining inequalities and convergence. however, according to quah, d.t. (1996), economic growth and convergence are related, but they are logically distinct processes. it means that one can occur without the other (quah, d.t. 1996). an important dimension of the regional convergence debate is the role of spatial interaction eff ects, geographical location and proximity disregarded in the neoclassical convergence studies. regions are open to a range of economic and demographic fl ows, like knowledge spill-over, interregional trade, capital mobility, spatial mobility (migration and commuting); moreover, other types of regional spill-over and their eff ect cannot be neglected, as they are important factors of regional growth. spatial spill-over aff ect the economic growth strongly, while the convergence process is diff erent across spatial regimes (ertur, c. et al. 2006). therefore, spatial autocorrelation cannot be eliminated from the growth models without the risk of imposing serious restrictions to the model. thus, we should not overlook spatial eff ects across borders and the spatial structures within regions. in growth theories, the concept of polarisation is used to describe processes of spatial concentration of economic growth. thus, polarisation should be considered a special case of economic divergence, moreover, the process of polarisation − the concentration of economy (and population) in certain urban centres − is contributing decisively to the production and reproduction of core-periphery structures. a new approach in the convergence studies has been suggested by sala-i-martin, who found a slow convergence inside the group of developed countries (sala-i-martin, x. 1996). this fi nding was reinforced by other studies, and, as a consequence, a new approach has been developed called club convergence (baumol, w.j. 1986; quah, d.t. 1995). its key argument is that the convergence occurs inside of groups of countries or sub-national regions (convergence clubs), while the inequalities between the groups (clubs) have a growing tendency. this process is described as polarisation emphasising the spatial clustering (concentration process) of economic growth and it is viewed as a diff erent phenomenon from inequality. accordingly, regional polarisation is estimated by considering density functions for the distribution of gdp per capita. important empirical evidence was brought for the existence and persistence of regional polarisation in the form of convergence clubs at the top and bott om of income distribution, while the middle-class clubs are vanishing (quah, d.t. 1997; castro, j.w. 2003; smetkowski, m. and wójcik, p. 2012). another major contribution of this new approach is the possibility of multiple equilibrium and 197benedek, j. and moldovan, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203. steady-states to which similar economies converge. however, empirical studies in club convergence have brought new evidence that poorer regions are trapped in clubs or, with other words in a group of regions at a lower level of development and with no chances of a way out (mora, t. 2005; benedek, j. and kocziszky, gy. 2015). the evaluation of diff erent theoretical approaches on inequalities in this section, we argue that the abovediscussed theoretical approaches can be grouped according to key assumptions and fi ndings (table 1). 1. a group of approaches largely relies on hard production factors (capital, labour, technological progress) in explaining the evolution of regional economic inequalities. the traditional growth theories (neoclassical, post-keynesian and the export base theories), the new growth theories and the neg constitute this group. in these approaches multiplier eff ects – generated by investments, imports or exports – contribute to growth transmission largely and to amplifying inequalities. the weak points of these theories are related to their assumption of economic equilibrium and also the imperative of a rational and balanced spatial distribution of economy as there is no equilibrium situation, in which the interests of each economic actor are considered (plummer, p.s. 2000). thus, development and growth cannot be equal in all regions, and the steady-state situations are relative and unstable. finally, the idea of long-term convergence of growth and inequalities between countries and sub-national regions was refuted by empirical studies. 2. the second group of approaches – historical and sociological theories – embraced non-economic or ‘soft ’ factors in their explanations for regional inequalities, such as the availability of services, quality of housing, accessibility, regional structure, characteristics of local or regional markets, the role of local administration, quality of life, quality of workforce. this group fi lls the gap opened up by quantitative models relying on ‘hard’ development factors, which cannot explain the diversity of regional development paths satisfactorily. they focus largely on the local perspective of development in which, the region appears as a strong entity with endogenous capacities for growth. their weak point is related to the multi-stage detable 1. theoretical approaches to regional inequalities in comparison group of theories theoretical approach tendency of regional inequalities reasons for increasing/diminishing inequalities traditional models of economic growth neoclassic post-keynesianism export base diminishing diminishing diminishing production factor mobility and diminishing marginal product of capital multiplier eff ects, spatial eff ects of investments export activities sociological theories social inequality and marginalisation growing capitalism, new international division of labour, the logic of capital accumulation historical theories historical approaches diminishing reversed polarisation, integration theories of economic and spatial polarisation polarisation world-system, dependency growing persisting or growing dominance of centripetal forces polarisation eff ects, position in the world economy new theories on unequal development and growth endogenous growth new economic geography persisting or growing persisting or growing regional concentration of knowledge and technology transport costs, spatial concentration of industry, mobility of industrial workforce source: authors’ own compilation. benedek, j. and moldovan, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203.198 velopment model which should be passed by every region in order to obtain a higher development status. for this, the model cannot explain deviations from this general trend generated by structural factors (diff erences in the internal structure of the regions), historical paths (historical accidents) or by diff erent regional adaptation capacities. 3. the third group of approaches is represented by polarisation, world-system, and dependency theories representing a structuralist position, as they place cores and peripheries in the context of a globally overarching system. they are anchored in global processes, where the macroeconomic and political structures and the positioning of the region in the historically emerged core-periphery system determine regional development. thus, the conditions of economic growth for peripheral regions are defi ned by the domination of core regions resulting in a core-periphery international division of labour with diff erent rates of accumulation. summarising the reviewed literature, we can conclude the followings: polarisation is linked to the complementary notion of convergence/ divergence; it is focused on space-dynamics, where some regions rise while others fall; these processes are shaped by economic and social dimensions; polarisation has varying characteristics on diff erent spatial scales, from global to local. we think, the discussed concepts of polarisation and convergence/divergence provide arguments for a more comprehensive and interdisciplinary approach in researching spatial inequalities. like polarisation, the concept of convergence can be viewed as a multi-dimensional process that can be explained as the interaction of economic and social dimensions. the new approach we propose should include the combination of the concepts of polarisation and convergence/ divergence and provide a framework for the operationalisation for the empirical research using the tools offered by spatial econometrics. in recent studies (benedek, j. and kocziszky, gy. 2015; benedek, j. et al. 2015), – – – – new evidence was provided, that economic and social development in cee is going hand in hand with growing regional inequalities and polarisation. in addition, the peripheral regions of the cee at sub-national level seem to be trapped in the ’convergence clubs’ of backward regions diverging from the group of economically dynamic regions. we think, further research in this fi eld can contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of polarisation and peripheralisation from a quantitative perspective. however, it is necessary to defi ne the main economic and social dimensions, and to identify the main factors determining polarisation. some of the latest studies are also going in this direction (duro, j.a. 2008; liargovas, p. and fotopoulos, g. 2009; smetkowski, m. and wójcik, p. 2012; tselios, v. 2014; li, g. and fang, c. 2014; rodríguez-pose, a. and tselios, v. 2015; royuela, v. and garcía, g.a. 2015), proposing a new concept of convergence/divergence, interpreting them as multi-dimensional processes. this contrasts with the established neoclassical and endogenous growth theories still operating with a one-dimensional economic convergence concept. the multi-dimensional approach to convergence/divergence refl ects upon some of the concerns formulated in recent years and reacting to the inadequacy of the concepts and of the instruments used for the measuring regional inequalities – which are still based on the economic dimension of development. thus, there is a growing recognition of the need for including the social dimension in the analysis of regional inequalities expressing people’s desire for a bett er quality of life and social welfare. the question is highly relevant to the regional policy of the eu, trapped in a simplistic gdp per capita approach to delimiting the regions ‘lagging behind’, largely neglecting the basic interests of local, regional or even national communities. one can observe that economic growth oft en has no signifi cant infl uence on the income of the households and on the improvement of the social indicators expressing the 199benedek, j. and moldovan, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203. quality of life (easterly, w. 1999; rodríguezpose, a. and tselios, v. 2015). nevertheless, the research conducted by becker, g.s. et al. (2005) showed that the income and health inequality trends are decupled at a global scale: while income disparities have a growing tendency, cross-country inequality in different dimensions of health is diminishing (becker, g.s. et al. 2005). this suggests that social convergence can occur without economic convergence. at the same time, it calls for a regional social policy beside the existing regional policy. the studies reviewed above refer to a multi-dimensional convergence process at cross-country level and propose a new and alternative methodology for the analysis of convergence and divergence processes. rodríguez-pose, a. and tselios, v. (2015) used sen’s index of social welfare in the european context, while other studies proposed a large set of social indicators for the analysis of social disparities at international level. for instance, more and more the social and demographic components of human development index (e.g. life expectancy, infant mortality, educational enrolment, or the literacy rate) are used to contribute to international comparative studies. moreover, studies based on micro level (personal or household) data give accounts of the processes of social convergence in europe, e.g. rodríguez-pose, a. and tselios, v. (2015), who used microeconomic data of the european echp in their analysis. their main question was whether the absence of a strong convergence in gdp per capita in the eu makes the convergence in social welfare also weak or absent. they have found major social welfare disparities between diff erent regions of europe, including a clear northernsouthern divide. welfare levels in the southern periphery − covering greece, southern italy, spain, and portugal − are typically half of the eu average. in general, regions with similar welfare levels cluster together. the above methodological innovations provided an empirical contribution to the work of “the commission on the measurement of economic performance and social progress” that defi ned the concept of well-being considering the following dimensions: material living standards (income, consumption, wealth), health, education, political representation and governance, social and personal connections, environment, economic and physical insecurity (stiglitz, j. et al. 2010). concerning the results of multi-dimensional convergence studies, there are some important remarks that have to be made. methodological shortcuts are inevitable, like in the case of one-dimensional studies, which means that the results are highly dependent on the period under research, on the geographical scale and on the used indicators. while the international comparison proved a strong connection between the economic and the social convergence, studies focused on sub-national/regional scale revealed the opposite situation: social convergence has occurred without economic convergence (rodríguez-pose, a. and tselios, v. 2015; royuela, v. and garcía, g.a. 2015). it is worth to consider this last issue, as it suggests that living standards can be improved even in the absence of economic growth or economic convergence. it is in this direction that the “the commission on the measurement of economic performance and social progress” has formulated as one of its key messages: “…the time is ripe for our measurement system to shift emphasis from measuring economic production to measuring people’s well-being.” (stiglitz, j. et al. 2010, p. 312). conclusions and future prospects we can summarise our contribution to the question of convergence and polarisation around two ideas. 1. first, our paper argues that alternative interpretations of convergence are possible, and that this concept can be related to other theoretical approaches than growth theories. moreover, we have argued for the multidimensional perspective of convergence and divergence that means the combination of benedek, j. and moldovan, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203.200 social and economic dimensions is needed to understand the interrelatedness of social and economic factors infl uencing development. this new approach would enable a more proper operationalisation of the technological factor, taking into account the fact that the reduction of the technological gap needs not only good imitation strategies, but also the development of social capabilities. in addition, the multidimensional approach can properly integrate the contributions of sociology studies focused on the question of social inequalities and social polarisation at the micro scale. they contribute to the rescaling of the research by concentrating on the households as basic research units. this rescaling was strongly supported by the proponents of recent microeconomic studies on household level income inequalities as well. we think, the defi nition of social polarisation in sociology (as the shrinkage of the middle class) can be adopted in the economic approaches as well and interpreted as the shrinkage process of semi-peripheries. baumol’s (1986) idea on convergence clubs strengthens this fact, bringing evidence for a vanishing middle category club, while richer regions are becoming even richer and the poorest ones poorer. 2. second, we have raised arguments to prove that processes like convergence, divergence, economic growth, spatial mobility and innovation are strongly interrelated. as we mentioned in the introductory part, the concept of polarisation describes the spatial concentration of economic activities and population. at a high intensity of the concentration, core−periphery structures are reinforced, as the core regions att ract more capital and population, while peripheries are shrinking both in economic and demographic terms. thus, polarisation leads to increasing divergence, and this way, to increasing regional inequalities. the opposite process happens when capital and population spreads to peripheries, leading to convergence and diminishing regional inequalities, a process which can be termed as „depolarisation” (an antithesis of polarisation). however, we have pointed out that economic growth and convergence are not necessarily interrelated, since one can occur without the other. research on the links between these processes needs more att ention in the future. growth increases economic output and decreases income inequality, but we do not know if the growth in poorer and highinequality economies would lead to catching up with the richer ones (tselios, v. 2009). all this shows that convergence is a basic concept which refl ects on polarisation, regional inequalities, and income distribution. as suggested by various theoretical approaches (neg, polarisation theory), we think, there is a need to drive the future att ention toward the impact of territorial mobility in both the core and the peripheral regions. we have two major reasons to do so. first, due to the fact that signifi cant fi nancial and political eff orts have been made to provide certain public services in remote areas, the focus of the analysis should be on how the spatially diff erentiated migration processes aff ect the population thresholds necessary to assure public services like education, health care etc. second, the focus of future studies should be on the agglomeration eff ects generated by the migration processes in core regions, such as the capital or the regional urban centres − revealing the turning points at which, population agglomeration is not able to generate positive eff ects anymore and is likely to turn into dispersion. references ács, j.z. and varga, a. 2000. térbeliség, endogén növekedés és innováció. 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(1): 221–243. wacquant, l. 2007. territorial stigmatisation in the age of advanced marginality. thesis eleven 91. 66–77. wallerstein, i. 1974. the modern world-system. capitalist agriculture and the origins of the european world-economy in the sixteenth century. new york, academic press, 410 p. benedek, j. and moldovan, a. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203.204 changing ethnic patt erns of the carpatho–pannonian area from the late 15th until the early 21st century edited by: károly kocsis and patrik tátrai hungarian academy of sciences, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences budapest, 2013 this is a collection of maps that visually introduces the changing ethnic patt erns of the ethnically, religiously, culturally unique and diverse carpathian basin and its neighbourhood, the carpatho-pannonian area. the hungarian and english volume consist of three structural units. on the main map, pie charts depict the ethnic structure of the sett lements in proportion to the population based on census data et the millennium. in the supplementary maps, changes of the ethnic structure can be seen at nine dates (in 1495, 1784, 1880, 1910, 1930, 1941, 1960, 1990 and 2001). the third unit of the work is the accompanying text, which outlines the ethnic trends of the past fi ve hundred years in the studied area. the antecedent of this publication is the „series of ethnic maps” published by the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences from the middle of the 1990’s, which displayed each of the regions of the carpathian basin (in order of publication: transylvania, slovakia, transcarpathia, pannonian croatia, vojvodina, transmura region, burgenland, hungary). this work represents, on the one hand, the updated and revised version of these areas, and, on the other hand, regions beyond the carpathian basin not included on previous maps. thus, the reader can browse ethnic data of some thirty thousand sett lements in diff erent maps. 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice consumer value dimensions of rural tourism in hungary 127kulcsár, n. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 127–141. consumer value dimensions of rural tourism in hungary noémi kulcsár1 abstract considering the geographical and historical characteristics of hungary, rural tourism could be one of the key tourism products since the country misses extraordinary natural att ractions, seaside or high mountains. hungary has always been an agricultural country and it is rich in cultural landscape with traditional small villages and rural hospitality. as in hungary theoretical research on consumer value factors in rural tourism is completely missing the primary aim of our investigation was to conduct a niche survey in rural tourism, which can contribute to the bett er understanding of the demand side of the market and crystallise the factors with value to tourists. the aim of the pilot study based on qualitative research is to identify and measure consumer value dimensions. in our qualitative research fi rst we completed indicators identifi ed by secondary sources with further indicators, as the result of a small sample consumer survey, then we have refi ned the created list of indicators on the basis of expert opinions. as the next step of the research we have conducted a quantitative questionnaire-based survey, by which the aim was to identify, interpret and analyse the motivations of rural tourist and the indicator-based consumer value with its major dimensions. in this paper we discuss only the latt er phase of our research in more detail. the basis of success of rural tourism in hungary can be the identifi cation of tourists’ motivations, att itudes, as well as factors that carry value for them, since it may reveal useful information both scientifi cally and practically. keywords: consumer value, value dimensions, motivation, rural tourism, hungary 1 school of tourism, leisure and hospitality, bkf university of applied sciences, h-1148 budapest, nagy lajos király útja 1–9. e-mail: nkulcsar@bkf.hu introduction at the beginning of the third millennium we can see that the desire for experiences and intellectual challenges is strengthening and becoming more and more intertwined with the shift ing of consumer behaviour from material values towards ethical and intellectual values. this is a clear reaction to the materialistic orientation of the consumer society. instead of strongly materialistic factors, in the “new economy” intellectual skills and abilities are the major creators of value, in the economic sense. however, a high level of material consumption is also necessary so that post-materialistic values could come forward. complete industries were built upon these values, such as the production of organic food or sports equipment, as well as rural tourism off ering experiences (szabó, k. and hámori, b. 2006). in global tourism rural tourism is a refreshing phenomenon, which can help domestic and foreign tourists to learn about, bett er understand and sustain our country, our culture and our traditions, as well as to increase their respect to nature, to meet their desire for authentic experiences, all of which can signifi cantly contribute to economic growth. today, the study of the role and opportunities of rural tourism has growing importance in academic research and professional community; however, in the policy of tourism, at national level, it hardly enjoys priority, because of its economic performance. the importance of the issue is also supported by the fact that the number of european conferences organised by the tourism world organization has been steadily growing. this paper seeks to answer the questions in what forms and dimensions value-oriented doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.64.2.4 hungarian geographical bulletin 64 2015 (2) 127–141. kulcsár, n. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 127–141.128 consumption appears in rural tourism, and which value elements have more and which have less relevance. the study is based on a database comprising information on the attitude of 352 hungarian rural tourists, their consumer values, and their major dimensions. theoretical background interpretations of rural tourism in europe the defi nition, the identifi cation of rural tourism, as well as the description of its elements have been the target of several research papers. the international literature provides a wide range of defi nitions for the meaning of rural tourism (roberts, l. and hall, d.r. 2003). taking the focus of the supply into account, several other terminologies are available (agro-, eco-, farm-, green-, etc. tourism) regarding tourism based upon the resources of families living in rural areas. the meaning of these defi nitions may diff er from country to country, depending on the local ”country” categories, traditions and cultural relations. in the majority of cases, however, the analysis of other content features is also required besides the defi nition, such as the institutional background, the structure of the countryside and the sett lements, geographic features, existing sectoral policies, etc. the drawback of such a multitude of defi nitions is that uniform regulation is not possible or only with diffi culties. the defi nitions of rural tourism can be rather diff erent regarding the fact that in certain countries the emphasis is laid on the farms and the role of nature, while in other countries on the agricultural activities outside the cities (hall, d.r. et al. 2005). based on the motivations of tourists diff erent layers of rural tourism can be crystallised. international practices also point out two levels of rural tourism, which in our assumption are an internal (core) service and an external (supplementary) service (figure 1). the above mentioned classifi cation points out that today, regardless of the fact whether the countries consider this form of their tourism as farm-tourism, agro-tourism, green tourism or rural tourism, etc. basically two topics are in the focus: – one of the topics which can be found in most cases is being close to nature, and the services attached to it (sledging, riding a horse cart, trekking, etc.) and programmes, including sports (cycling, mountaineering, raft ing, horse-riding, etc.) and activities encouraging relaxation or learning (walking in nature, animal watching, collecting herbs or picking mushrooms, etc.). – the other topic is being in the countryside, including rural culture, traditions and lifestyle, in which the focus is on rural, village or farm lifestyle, agricultural activities around the house, the role of domestic animals, gastronomic specialities and last but not least the relationship between the guest and the host, which is unique. similarly to the approach of perales, r. (2002) on traditional-modern rural tourism, we regard the presence of ”being in the countryside” as a traditional core service, while ensuring ”to be close to nature” as a complementary service. nevertheless, the weight of the layers in the touristic services i.e. which type of service has a bigger value for the tourists (the traditional or the modern) is questionable. the directions of development and the criteria of success can be identifi ed in possession of this information. interpretation of rural tourism in hungary the defi nition of rural tourism applied in hungary does not clearly defi ne producttype tourism. the interpretation of rural tourism is becoming more and more wide-range, the boundaries of the defi nition are gett ing ”blurred” and in the hungarian literature, besides rural, the terminology of countryside or countryside-rural is continually appearing. its basic characteristic is its complexity and the fact that it embraces several other products. apart from providing accommodation in a village environment (on the host’s 129kulcsár, n. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 127–141. premises), rural tourism can include cultural off ers, gastronomy, wine tourism, walks in the nature, health tourism, horse-riding and children’s camps (szabó, g. 2006). the term ”rural tourism”, widely used in the european literature can be translated as countryside or village tourism as well, but regarding its direction and content elements, it can mainly be interpreted as the hungarian – not real value – village tourism (see antal, k. 1996; kovács, d. 2002; szabó, g. 2006; csizmadia, l. 2011). similarly to the international literature, the hungarian interpretation of village tourism is also extremely colourful. in the hungarian interpretation there is no clear dividing line between rural and countryside tourism. the national association of rural and agrotourism (fatosz2) uses the term ”village tourism” as a synonym for the most general form of rural tourism (szabó, g. 2006). the term of ”village tourism” known in hungary does not clearly defi ne a type of touristic product. it is rather its complexity and its 2 „falusi és agroturizmus országos szövetsége” in hungarian. fig. 1. the direction of tourist motivation in rural tourism of european countries. source: compiled by the author on the basis of eurogites 2011, dettori, d.g. et al. 2004, maestro, r.m. et al. 2007, zobena, a. et al. 2005, vofkori, l. 2004, turner, c. 1993. kulcsár, n. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 127–141.130 feature of embracing other products which can be regarded as a principle feature. in accordance with the interpretation of the strategy for the improvement of tourism, the narrow defi nition of rural tourism is ”making use of the complex touristic facilities and the supply of the village, jointly off ering village lifestyle, local traditions, culture and where it is available, agricultural facilities. in the broader sense of the meaning, rural tourism provides host accommodation anywhere, except for in spa and health resorts, including the village-like parts of any sett lement (off ering accommodation, catering and programmes) if the location and the activity meet the typical system of requirements of rural tourism” (mne3 2011:48). in its supplyside, but also demand-oriented defi nition, the ministry emphasizes that experiencing new, authentic adventures, the desire to learn and get the knowledge are the most fundamental touristic motivations today. among the definitions found in the hungarian literature we can fi nd the following features of rural tourism: it supplements the family income, it is a touristic activity carried out in the countryside, and a provision of complex services in catering, accommodation and programmes, att ached to agriculture and nature. on the basis of all these we can assume that the interpretation of rural tourism from the hungarian point of view is a complex form of tourism, in which village lifestyle and all the att ached activities appear as the core (the basic) service of rural tourism, as the supplement of other services off ered in the broader environment. the market of rural tourism has been undergoing signifi cant transformations. on the one hand, due to the processes aff ecting the countryside, and on the other hand, because of new regulations, and the eff ects of the new classifi cation and specialisation systems targeting quality growth. the characteristics of 3 ministry for national economy – – – rural tourism in hungary can be summarised both by the supply and demand sides. a) supply side organised rural tourism was operated in hungary already before world war ii. holidays with full board were possible in several villages. after world war ii, the system of rural tourism that had been systematically built up since the 1930s was liquidated. the organisation operating before the war had assisted rural tourism by promotion and professional propaganda of accommodations. the establishment of accommodations was achieved by the integration of villages into the system, the preparation of the hosts and making them interested in the development of their own sett lements (szabó, g. 2011). in the 1970s there was a shift in the objectives of tourism development in hungary, when eff orts were made to make tourism territorially more balanced in the country by the exploration of new destinations and the creation of new att ractions (szabó, g. 2011). the new area of village tourism starting from the late 1980s has individual characteristics and important experiences. aft er that rural tourism development in hungary shows an interesting example of the diversifi cation of household resources and exploration of hidden or unused local values for tourism development. spontaneous development, which was the dominant characteristic of those years have been gradually replaced by a more organised and bett ermanaged activity (kovács, d. 1997). in the 1990s a national body (association for rural tourism) was set up with a county level organisational structure established later, now operating as a professional body called national association of rural and agrotourism (fatosz). for the qualifi cation and quality assurance of rural tourism accommodations a criteria system was worked out. the eff ective marketing activities of rural tourism were also born by the end of the 1990s. figures on the – – – – 131kulcsár, n. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 127–141. fig. 2. the amount of rural accommodation and capacity in hungary (1998–2013). source: based of fi gures by hcso (2014a) number of registered hosts and the capacity of accommodation in villages have been available in hungary since 1998 (figure 2). until 2009 the capacity had been rising annually, however, aft er 2009 the number dropped to about 4 thousand hosts due to the economic crisis, and the generation change. in addition, in accordance with the 239/2009 government decree, rural accommodation is defi ned as accommodation at a sett lement below the population threshold of 5,000 inhabitants, and below the population density of 100 inhabitants/ km2, thus as a combination of these eff ects the capacity almost halved aft er 2010. the number of hosts falling out of the circle of rural tourism for administrative/statistical reasons is considerable. this also meant that due to the new legal regulations beds in sett lements with over 5,000 populations, including towns with scatt ered farmsteads on their outskirts, or rural parts of small towns, were no longer registered as village accommodations in 2010. due to the changing regulation village tourism can only be registered in sett lements below a population density of 100 persons/km². the new administrative rules clearly worsened the positions of rural tourism. providing village accommodation is typical mainly in northern hungary, and in the western and southern transdanubia regions, where 60 percent of all the capacity is concentrated, while the fi gures are the lowest in the central hungary region, with only 2 percent of the total capacity (figure 3). to support high quality services a national trade marking system has been established since 2011. joining the “sunfl ower” national trademark system is not obligatory, but it contributes to distinguish good quality service providers from non-qualifi ed services, to strengthen consumer consciousness and to provide guidelines for the easier selection of services. the qualifi cation system awards 1 to 4 sunfl owers to the village accommodations, depending on the comfort level and the equipment of the accommodation. the number of qualifi ed accommodations was increasing approximately by 200 units per year refl ecting the success of system. currently 765 rural tourism accommodations are offi cially qualifi ed (fatosz 2014). in the future, the new system of accommodation classifi cation, as well as the use of national trademark, the improvement of rural tourism products, and the crea– – – kulcsár, n. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 127–141.132 tion of specialised houses off ering special products may all encourage the quality improvement of supply, thus can contribute to the increase of tourism. b) demand side the demand of rural tourism in hungary was focused on inexpensive vacations for families with children, but this has changed in the past decade, however, we have to note that the price still determines the guests’ decision. the demand side of rural tourism is closely related to the general motivation trends of tourism. tourists show a growing interest towards unspoilt natural landscapes, clean and beautiful nature. the focus is on the desire for complete silence and tranquillity, for “perfect” recreation which may bring about the appreciation of “untouched” rural areas as tourism destinations, too. another trend is the individualisation, – – the appearance of individual demands and desires of the guests. the chances of places with unique image – smaller, friendlier boarding houses – and of destinations suitable for the satisfaction of hobby needs – e.g. nature watch, bird photography – are improving. similarly, the demand for theme products, products of defi nite units of off ers is increasing. satisfaction of the hobby needs and the individual requests will become a major demand trend. it is also true, that the positions of hosts who are unique but are also able to meet high quality demands tend to improve. the tourists expect tidy, well-kept and comfortable accommodations and an environment in the destination that off er at least the level of their own homes. this is a great challenge for hosts in the villages. a clear-cut demand is, in addition to the comfortable accommodation, the intimate and familylike atmosphere and the civilised and tidy environment (szabó, g. 2011). fig. 3. distribution of rural accommodation capacity in hungary (on 1 january 2013). source: compiled by the author based on hcso (2014b) 133kulcsár, n. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 127–141. the peak year of the registered demand in rural tourism in hungary was 2008 (figure 4). the number of guest nights in that year exceeded 744,000. in the following years demand gradually shrank, and by 2013 the number of guest nights fell by almost 50 percent, as compared to the peak year (hcso 2014a). the decrease had several reasons (szabó, g. 2012): shrinking market due to the economic crisis; the earlier introduced government regulation, which regulated the classifi cation of accommodations unfavourably; changes of the tax regulations in 2010, which terminated the tax exemption of rural accommodation provision (up to the income of 800,000 huf, ca. 3,000 eur) and also that of the linked services (up to the income of 400,000 huf). the majority of guests in rural tourism (90%) are definitely hungarians today. while the proportions of foreign and domestic guests were almost equal around the millennium, but since then signifi cant rearrangement has taken place. in 2008, the best year of rural tourism so far, the number of guest nights by domestic guests was approximately six times higher than the number of nights spent by foreigners (szabó, g. 2011). – – – in rural areas of the european countries qualified accommodations have moved towards programming and now they have unique, special off ers. hungary also has taken the fi rst steps in this direction. services also have to adjust to the expectations of the customers (e.g. specialisation of farms: active, equestrian, eco, health, wine). improving the competitiveness of rural tourism enjoys high priority both in hungary and abroad. the issue of competitiveness and the improvement of the quality of life are important parts of hungarian strategies focusing on the development of tourism. these strategies place the emphasis on touristic development trajectories that are guided by value-orientation and market demand, the starting point of which is that the values provided by tourism, the experiences and the motivations of tourists are equally considered4. 4 we use the terminology of experience in a positive sense here. the term experience in english language means the knowledge or practical wisdom gained from what one has observed or a way that creates a memorable event. in hungarian language separate terms are distinguished for these defi nitions, but we have to take into consideration that the english term is context-dependent. – fig. 4. the number of guests and guest nights in rural tourism in hungary (1998–2013). source: based on fi gures by hcso (2014a) kulcsár, n. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 127–141.134 the role of consumer value the concept of consumer value can be examined from diff erent aspects: we can take the approach of product-oriented sales (schmitt, b.h. 2003 in: kozma, m. 2009), kotler’s marketing concept (see kotler, p. 2003 in: hou, l. and tang, x. 2008), as well as the recently introduced crm5, or consumer experience management (schultz, d.e. 2003 in: kozma, m. 2009). according to these new interpretations consumer value refl ects the largely subjective (hofmeister, t.á. et al. 2003) or personal opinion of the consumer as to what extent the received product or service meets his expectations (parasuraman, a. et al. 1985). according to chikán, a. and demeter, k. (2004) consumer value is created if the benefi t of the consumer from a given transaction exceeds the complete cost of the possession of the received product and the service package. this subjective defi nition of value is rather comprehensive, which we can unfold through the defi nition of value dimensions (gelei, a. 2006). value dimensions deconstruct customer value into its elements, showing which major components or dimensions of the received productor service package can signifi cantly contribute to the growth of customer value (walters, d. 2002 in: gelei, a. 2006). as a summary, we can say that the literature defi nes customer value in one-dimensional and in multi-dimensional sense of the meaning. researchers defi ning customer value along one dimension, place the emphasis on the transactional value, where the consumer values the diff erence between the received product/service and the price paid for acquiring it. other authors oft en defi ne customer value as a multidimensional perceived value, describing it as ”complex” (lapierre, j. 2000), ”having several factors” (babin, b.j. et al. 1994), ”dynamic” (woodruff, r.b. 1997; parasuraman, a. and grewal, d. 2000) or ”subjective” (zeithaml, v.a. 1988). 5 customer relationship management the analysis of multi-dimensionality is a relevant approach for the unfolding of consumer value dimensions present in tourism. the following dimensions can appear among the components of consumer value: on the one hand, dimensions may appear that derive from rational (cognitive) decision and focus on functionality (e.g. the price and quality of the service elements), on the other hand, aff ective dimensions may turn up that have an eff ect on the consumer product-related perception (such as atmosphere, feelings, relationships, experiences). the basis of every company’s (in this case, touristic service providers) long-term success and competitiveness is the long-lasting satisfaction of their consumers, which occurs if they can create value for them. therefore, the defi nition of consumer value components and dimensions is highly critical in tourism as well (yuan, y-h.e. and wu, c.k. 2008). in the fi eld of tourism there are relatively few studies on the identifi cation and measurement of consumer value dimensions (sánchez, j. et al. 2006), nevertheless, we can assume, based on the achieved results, that due to its being so abstract, impossible to conserve, heterogeneous and complex, the one-dimensional (trade-off ) model of value would be too simple to defi ne consumer value with. instead of the functional (mainly price and quality based) approach, the socio-psychological approach might be appropriate (williams, p. and soutar, g.n. 2000). we can say that consumers can acquire values from diff erent types of experiences. experience value compared to consumer value focuses on value components, which are preserved in the consumer aft er these experiences. thus, there are a lot of similarities between experience value and consumer value, yet, research on experience value is rare. yuan, y-h.e. and wu, c.k. (2008) used the consumer value concept for the measurement of experience value, since most researchers of the fi eld agree that the major dimensions of consumer value are made up of emotional and functional characteristics. – – 135kulcsár, n. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 127–141. research methods despite the fact that models of consumer value have already been adapted in the literature on tourism, empirical studies are not very widespread. the basis of success of rural tourism in hungary could be the identifi cation of tourists’ motivations, att itudes, as well as factors that carry value for them, since it may reveal useful information both scientifi cally and practically. in our quantitative research a double questionnaire survey was carried out. we conducted our survey in cooperation with the national association for rural and agrotourism. within the frame of this cooperation, the association helped us choose and get in contact with touristic service providers in the regions of hungary, where the number of guests in rural tourism is outstanding and the activity of the enterprise is successful. sampling was based on expert recommendation. using the method of non-probability sampling, we sent questionnaires to 25 touristic businesses distributed in all counties and regions, where they had it completed by their guests with the method of convenience sample. our aim was to study the characteristics of guests participating in rural tourism at a certain point in time, thus, we must also take caution to not use results from this sample to generalize to a wider population. we sent out 300 questionnaires altogether. out of the received 148 questionnaires, we could process 132 questionnaires. when selecting the subjects an important principle was representativeness and randomness, which means that the sample should approximately have the same features statistically as the mass (guests taking part in rural tourism) to be analysed. nevertheless, since in hungary the characteristics of the guests are not known, and we do not have exact fi gures about the basic mass is the conditions of representativeness cannot be controlled. we forwarded our retrospective online questionnaire (n = 220) to tourists who already took part in rural tourism in the last 3 years and who have valuable observation. with the double questionnaire survey our aim was to investigate if there is a signifi cant diff erence in the answers of consumers interviewed on the location and in the form of retrospective online research. the questionnaire consisted of closed, nominal ordinal, semantic diff erential questions and questions measured on the likert-scale. research results during the analysis we applied descriptive statistics, primarily frequency analyses, and multi-variant data analysis techniques, crosstabs-analysis, and factor analysis with the help of spss 18 statistical program package. based on the major aspects of the analysis, the results of the questionnaires conducted on the fi eld (n = 132) and online (n = 220) were compared, so that we can learn basic diff erences. it was also important to investigate whether the composition of the samples from two diff erent sources is diff erent or not. independent two-sample t-test was used to test the signifi cance. the compared data (gender (p = 0.074), sender region (p = 0.367), tourist motivation (p = 0.956), interpretation of rural tourism (p = 0.476) and region of holiday (p = 0.258)) confi rmed that the composition and preference of the two samples did not contain any signifi cant diff erences, moreover, they rather tended to strengthen each other, so we will continue to analyse the data together, in a 352 subject sample. the content and interpretation of domestic rural tourism – based on consumer responses in our research we were particularly interested to know how today’s touristic trends (etc 2006) – individual consumption, conscious travelling, the search for authenticity and value, complex touristic packages – can infl uence hungarian rural tourism. what is the key motivation of tourists when they choose rural tourism, and what does rural kulcsár, n. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 127–141.136 tourism mean to them? the fi ndings show that in hungary the consumers of rural tourism choose this form in order to experience the countryside (27.8%), but apart from that, there is a group of consumers for whom undisturbed relaxation in itself is a major motivation (26.1%) (figure 5). examining the motivations by age groups, we can see a signifi cant, medium strong relationship between the variants (figure 6). on the basis of the fi ndings we can say that 35 percent of young adults and 30.5 percent of the middle age people arrive at the destination with the purpose of experiencing the countryside in a complex way. also in the same age groups, the motivation of relaxation is 29.1 and 23.7 percent respectively. in the group of young adults, relaxing in a peaceful environment has a stronger motivational force (31.1%) than complexity (24.6%). for the elderly generation the major motivation to select rural tourism besides relaxation (17.2%) and complexity (17.2%) is the vicinity of nature (13.8%), experiencing nostalgia (13.8%) and real hospitality (13.8%). at the level of 95 percent validity we can see a significant correlation between the motivation of consumers and the receiving fig. 5. distribution of the sample based on motivation, source: kulcsár, n. 2013 fig. 6. distribution of motivations according to age (χ2 = 38.367; df = 24; p = 0.032). source: kulcsár, n. 2013 137kulcsár, n. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 127–141. destinations too. tourists looking for the complex experience of the countryside as well as peaceful relaxation, willingly choose northern hungary, western transdanubia and central transdanubia for the location of their holidays. travellers seeking to experience genuine hospitality mostly choose the northern hungary region (28.6%). if the guests want to experience a nostalgic atmosphere, they prefer to choose the region of the southern great plain region (32.1%), as well as northern hungary. for sports lovers the primary destination is hilly northern hungary (21.4%) and central transdanubia (17.9%). regarding most motivational factors (culture, nature, calmness, sport, hospitality), northern hungary is the most popular region, yet those travelling to seek nostalgic feelings, usually choose the southern great plain region as their destination. the order of motivations can change according to age groups, destinations, residence and people travelling together. on the whole, from the fi ndings of the research we can draw the conclusion that in the fi rst place tourists choose rural tourism because of the values of nature and local programmes, while visiting the sights of the surrounding area comes in the second place and in the third place learning about the country lifestyle and activities around the house could be recorded (table 1). we can conclude that in accordance with the european trends in tourism the majority of consumers in rural tourism travel to experience the complexity of country lifestyle, culture, nature and authentic programmes, although the most important for them is discovering the values of nature and recreation in fresh air in a beautiful environment. thus, a new model of hungarian rural tourism could be set up based on international practices (see figure 1 above) and our pilot study where nature-orientation is in the internal, essential circle, while country lifestyle, culture and heritage belong to the circle of supplementary services. consumer value dimensions in rural tourism in order to identify the latent structures behind the consumer’s responses namely the consumer value dimensions of rural tourism, fi rstly 33 value indicators were identifi ed, and their importance was examined. the consumers indicated on a 1–4 point evaluation scale how important the diff erent indicators are. aft er all a factor analysis on these value indicators was carried out. the main aim was to measure the dimensions and relevance of these factors, sett ing up the order of their importance. the factor analysis was conducted with varimax rotation. the method serves data compression and the identifi cation of data structure, where the number of initial indicators is contracted into factor variants, which are directly non-observable. the adaptability of indicators for factor analysis was tested by the kaiser-meyer-olkin (kmo)-criterion, and the variance quotient methods. aft er the factor analysis of indicators linked to the physitable 1. order of preference of programs ranking programme preference online on site together 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. hiking and discover the nature visiting the main att ractions of the surrounding area gett ing acquainted with farm activities around the house* participating in traditional programmes** visiting festivals silent passive activities*** 544 638 802 806 814 916 387 383 460 459 547 536 931 1,021 1,262 1,265 1,361 1,452 *e.g. vintage, bread baking, canning, **e.g. craft s, folk-dancing, ***e.g. reading, board games. source: kulcsár, n. 2013 kulcsár, n. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 127–141.138 cal environment and human interactions, 10 factors were separated6: f1. host attitude: it is important for the guests that the host is helpful and friendly, and has information about the touristic attractions and events of the area. f2. att ractive accommodation: it is important for the guests that the accommodation is nicely decorated both inside and outside. f3. clean, well-equipped accommodation: it is important for the guests to have clean and well-maintained accommodation, equipped with comfortable furniture. f4. interaction and activity at the accommodation: it is important for the guests to have a stay which is rich in impulses, i.e. to have personal contacts and be part of the programmes during their stay. f5. authentic accommodation: it is important for the guests that the rural accommodation represents authenticity and has the typical features of traditional folk architecture both inside and outside. f6. peaceful relaxation: it is important for the guests that during their holiday they have a harmonious relationship with the local people and with other guests, not disturbing each other’s activity. f7. presence of animals: it is important for the guests to see domestic and farm animals on the host’s premises. f8. nicely arranged, clean sett lement: it is important for the guests that the accommodation is located in a clean, nicely arranged and peaceful sett lement surrounded by nice environment. f9. online availability: it is important for the guests also to receive information of the host’s services and get in touch with him online. f10. cheap accommodation close to a major attraction: it is important for the guests to have a low-priced accommodation, not far from the major tourist att ractions of the area. finally, aft er the factor analysis we averaged all factors based on the value of impor6 in our research the method of factor analysis was principal component analysis. the number of factors was determined based on the elbow criterion and the explained variance. tance of their indicators7. as a result, we got the importance of the given indicator group (factors), from which we drew the conclusion that for guests the most important group of indicators during their rural holiday is the orderliness and cleanliness of the sett lement (destination), followed by the neat and attractive arrangement of the accommodation, while the third group of indicators in rank is the personality, preparedness and helpfulness of the host (table 2). interpreting the order of the factors we can conclude that for rural tourists indicators linked to the conditions of the physical environment are of greater importance than those linked to the human factors. apart from this we can see that the strive for ”modernisation” is valid for the analysed circle of consumers. based on the results of the factor analysis and the ranking regarding value indicators, we conclude that for tourists in rural tourism functional (quality, price) value dimensions are of primary importance, they have a greater value than aff ective experience dimensions (recreation, human relations and activity, environment) (table 3). the answer to our research question is that for consumers the most important value dimension in rural tourism seems to be quality, i.e. the functional arrangement of the accommodation and the host. these are followed by factors like peaceful relaxation, and appropriate price in the third place, and experience through personal interactions and programs in the fourth position. the fi ft h value dimension is the experience in an authentic country environment. conclusions the primary aim of our research was to conduct a survey in rural tourism, which can contribute to the bett er understanding of the demand side and crystallise the factors with value to tourists, helping the bett er elabora7 importance of indicators come from consumers’ responses given to the survey questions with an evaluation scale (1 = not important; 4 = very important). 139kulcsár, n. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 127–141. table 2. the order of importance and dimensions of rural tourism’s consumer value factors ranking value factors number of indicators mean dimensions 1. 2. 3. nicely arranged, clean sett lement (f8) att ractive accommodation (f2) host att itude (f1) 2 3 7 3.63 3.51 3.49 functional (quality) 4. peaceful relaxation (f6) 3 3.42 aff ective (experience – rec-reation) 5. 6. 7. clean, well-equipped accommodation (f3) online availibility (f9) cheap accommodation closer to major att ractions (f10) 5 2 2 3.39 3.29 3.17 functional (quality) 8. interaction and activity at the accom-modation (f5) 4 2.98 aff ective (experience – human interactions, activities) 9. 10. authentic accommodation (f5) presence of animals (f7) 2 1 2.89 2.64 aff ective (experience – milieu) source: kulcsár, n. 2013 tion of development strategies and matching the supply to consumers ‘expectations. we believe, the scientifi c signifi cance of this study lies in the fact that the interpretation and measurement of consumer value seen in rural tourism is going to fi ll a gap in the literature of tourism management. based on the research fi ndings, it will be possible to plan the supply or product development and the marketing strategy of the product in practice. as a conclusion we can also note that the characteristics of hungarian rural tourists have slightly changed compared to what was seen years ago (see kiss, k. 2001). according to this earlier qualitative research the participation of city professionals, mainly pensioners or families with small children was signifi cant, but young people without children were also a major segment of demand. in our current study, the group of elderly professionals represents a smaller proportion, with mainly the middle-aged professionals making up the demand of rural tourism, who travel to seek the countryside atmosphere. the second most important segment is the group of young people wanting to escape from the city, who usually travel with their children. they look for the safe and beautiful countryside, where they can show the fl ora and the fauna, the features of life outside the city, to their children. in our sample young people who are att racted to the countryside by relaxation and entertainment facilities were under-represented. we cannot say that rural tourism is mostly chosen by people in favour of traditional values, who do not want to keep up with the accelerated modernisation or are not aff ected by the idea of globalisation. guests with protable 3. order of importance of consumer value dimensions ranking consumer value dimensions number of factors mean 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. functional (quality) aff ective (experience – recreation) functional (prize) aff ective (experience – human interactions, activities) aff ective (experience – milieu) 5 1 1 1 2 3.46 3.42 3.17 2.98 2.77 source: kulcsár, n. 2013 kulcsár, n. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 127–141.140 gressive ideas but with less commitment to traditional values are also represented in a similar proportion in domestic rural tourism. on the other hand, we can say that most guests consider themselves materialistic, so for them it is important to buy the service at the lowest possible price, although this does not mean the highest priority. these conclusions are aff ected, on the one hand, by the type of product, since compared to most touristic products rural tourism off ers its services at more favourable prices, but on the other hand, we must not forget that recent unfavourable changes in the world economy also had an impact on tourism. for our sample it was not of major importance to have authentic accommodation, and that it represents folk style in its architecture or equipment. they prefer to stay in a house which is well-equipped according to contemporary requirements or expectations. having animals around the house is important for the segment where parents want to show them to their children. in our opinion own local values are losing their signifi cance, which is the eff ect of the spread of global values, and the fact that today’s tourists seek a high level of comfort. our fi ndings also showed that although gett ing the experience is important for rural tourists, in hungary it does not outrun functional value dimensions. for the interviewed consumers, the most important value dimension was quality, that is, the functional arrangement of the accommodation and the personality of the host. it was followed by peaceful relaxation, then appropriate price in the third place, while in the fourth place we can fi nd the need for experience through 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(3): 2–22. zobena, a., sumane, s. and kalnina, a. 2005. rural tourism in latvia. rauna tourism association. case study analysis. htt p://www.nuigalway.ie/research/ idari/downloads/rural%20tourism%20in%20latv ia.pdf (04. 02. 2007.) kulcsár, n. hungarian geographical bulletin 64 (2015) (2) 127–141.142 since the disintegration of the ussr, the western world has shown an ever-growing interest in ukraine, its people and its economy. as the second-largest country in europe, ukraine has a strategic geographical position at the crossroads between europe and asia. it is a key country for the transit of energy resources from russia and central asia to the european union, which is one reason why ukraine has become a priority partner in the neighbourhood policy of the eu. ukraine has pursued a path towards the democratic consolidation of statehood, which encompasses vigorous economic changes, the development of institutions and integration into european and global political and economic structures. in a complex and controversial world, ukraine is building collaboration with other countries upon the principles of mutual understanding and trust, and is establishing initiatives aimed at the creation of a system that bestows international security. this recognition has prompted the institute of geography of the national academy of sciences of ukraine (kyiv) and the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences (budapest) to initiate cooperation, and the volume entitled “ukraine in maps” is the outcome of their joint eff ort. the intention of this publication is to make available the results of research conducted by ukrainian and hungarian geographers, to the english-speaking public. this atlas follows in the footsteps of previous publications from the geographical research institute of the hungarian academy of sciences. similar to the work entitled south eastern europe in maps (2005, 2007), it includes 64 maps, dozens of fi gures and tables accompanied by an explanatory text, writt en in a popular, scientifi c manner. the book is an att empt to outline the geographical sett ing and geopolitical context of ukraine, as well as its history, natural environment, population, sett lements and economy. the authors greatly hope that this joint venture will bring ukraine closer to the reader and make this neighbouring country to the european union more familiar, and consequently, more appealing. ukraine in maps edited by: kocsis, k., rudenko, l. and schweitzer, f. institute of geography national academy of sciences of ukraine geographical research institute hungarian academy of sciences. kyiv–budapest, 2008, 148 p. -----------------------------------------price: eur 35.00 order: geographical institute rcaes has library h-1112 budapest, budaörsi út 45. e-mail: magyar.arpad@csfk .mta.hu << /ascii85encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain 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/hrv (za stvaranje adobe pdf dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke. stvoreni pdf dokumenti mogu se otvoriti acrobat i adobe reader 5.0 i kasnijim verzijama.) /ita 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/leaveuntagged /untaggedrgbhandling /usedocumentprofile /usedocumentbleed false >> ] >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [2400 2400] /pagesize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice 7_book reviews.indd 401book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (4) 393–404. herb, g.h. and kaplan, d.h. (eds.): scaling identities: nationalism and territoriality. lanham–boulder– new york–london, rowman & littlefield, 2018. 294 p. both scale and identity tend to be increasingly popular, albeit contested concepts in the realm of human geography. discussions around scale have come a long way from the 1980s. from early on, scale seemed to be an appropriate tool to interpret an increasingly complex world, and has become widely used in a myriad of investigations. however, increased scholarly attention cast doubt on the explanatory power of scalar divisions first, then called into question their ontological status. it was not until the first decade of the new millennium that, in a programmatic call, the elimination of scale was proposed (marston, s.a. et al. 2005). while such concepts like actor-network theory (latour, b. 2005) and flat ontology (jones, j.p. iii. et al. 2007) seem to fill the void left in the downsizing of scale, one may find that scales are not neglected at all, but a re-conceptualisation has been going on. likewise, the notion of identity has been debated for quite a long time as scholars attached different associations to it. prior to the post-structuralist turn (see among others deleuze, g. and guattari, f. 1988), identity was deemed socially and institutionally embedded, so the dominant view conceptualised it as a collective or institutional mechanism of control and domination (malešević, s. 2003). however, as the postmodern condition favoured a relational approach (murdoch, j. 2006), identities have come to be viewed as multiple, fluid and flexible. despite the notion’s conceptual ambiguity, as we are currently witnessing that identity politics, being articulated within the wider context of culture wars, appear to be gaining momentum again, identity inevitably remains a trivial matter in social sciences. such rapid changes in scholarly literature in relation to post-structural perspectives demand prudent attitude towards scale and identity, something the editors of „scaling identities”, guntram h. herb and david h. kaplan, are completely aware of. the editors are well-known experts in the field, their long-term commitment has already been proven since this volume’s predecessor „nested identities” (herb, g.h. and kaplan, d.h. 1999). right in the introduction, the editors insist on the ever-changing nature of scales, and they acknowledge that in the previous volume a conceptualisation in a dynamic manner, regrettably, was missing. this is indeed a sympathetic attitude which deserves respect. in the introduction the editors explicitly express that a move beyond eurocentric national identity narratives is desired, and we could not be more delighted with this intention as nine out of twelve case studies take place outside of europe. the book, on its surface, explores topics around the very notions of scale and identity. nevertheless, it becomes clear that it is national identity and its spatial articulation what is aimed to be discussed. this does not mean automatically, however, that identities coalesce around the national scales, because identities are in a constant flux. this volume contains five thematic sections, consisting of a total of 14 chapters. the first two chapters, marked by the editors themselves, offer profound theoretical insights into national identities, emphasising their interrelatedness with place and scale. herb is primarily concerned with issues revolving around identity and territory. as he traces their relationship throughout multiple examples, we may feel that a tangible and quantifiable subject of power can only have a troublesome interaction with its elusive counterpart. speaking more clearly, an ethnic group’s nation-building strategy attempts to exert control over an utmost piece of territory, but so do others, and if these territories overlap, conflicts arise. herb concludes that these will continuously occur as far as ’us-them’ distinction will remain a central characteristic of national identity. thereafter, doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.67.4.9 hungarian geographical bulletin 67 2018 (4) 402 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (4) 393–404. kaplan examines why a sense of belonging is so often related to nations. however, the national scale does not exclude either lower or higher scales, but a nested coexistence is given. moreover, in the wake of globalisation, flows in the form of transnationalism, diasporas and hybridity transcend scales to an increasingly larger extent. part two pays tribute to the multi-faceted social processes through which identities are being consolidated. this part is opened by corey johnson’s intriguing study about german nationalism. for the collective memory, relation between germany and nationalism is practically identical to the third reich’s short-lived but destructive cultural policies. johnson deliberately steps out of this historical period, drawing attention to german discourses of nation and identity prior to world war ii. german nationalism, as johnson points it out, has not come from nowhere. in the aftermath of the successful unification in 1871, a common political-territorial umbrella was given for german people, but „allegiances and identity politics in the new empire were highly parochial and cleavages along regional, class-based, urban-rural, as well as linguistic and religious lines were pervasive” (p. 55). so german-ness needed to be discovered through a rescaling of local affairs and through internal othering (e.g. orientalised catholics). the latter has been repeatedly brought about after the reunification in 1990, treating the economically backward regions as a risk to well-being of the nation. the author uses the case of the monument to the battle of the nations located in leipzig to reflect on scalar relationships between the local and the abstract (supra) national. being one of the largest battle monuments, it was originally intended to represent german pride, but, particularly during the communist era, became the symbol of friendship between german and russian people as they have been fighting together against the napoleonic regime. nowadays, festivities around it tend to celebrate european peace, marking a new shift in the scaling of german identity. in the next chapter, david keeling addresses the tensions between territorial and sociocultural aspects of identity, epitomised by the modern identity of argentina (argentinidad). given the vast territories, loose connections between inhabitants – including both indigenous people and those coming from europe – hindered the solidification of a modern state. however economic progress might have taken place from the 1880s, the challenge was to „define an acceptable state-based territorial, rather than local, identity” (p. 74) what brought on a constant headache for national elites has been reconciling a cosmopolitan, europeanised cultural identity with an authentic one, imbued with ethnic and colonial heritage. the latter signifies latin american commonalities too, binding together various scales from the local to supranational. in chapter 5, kefa m. otiso illuminates why tanzania is being perceived as having the most developed national identity in africa (on the basis of an afro-barometer survey). this fact could cause more surprise if we take into account that an ethnically diverse country is given, where nation-building projects took quite different trajectories between zanzibar and the mainland. otiso argues that under external threat identities operating on a micro-scale (e.g. families and households) are being forced to create meso-scale units (e.g. clans and ethnic communities). in that vein, taking advantage of consecutive colonial rules’ subjection, the tanzanian state has been proclaimed on favourable grounds. the next key element lies in julius nyerere’s presidency, under whom almost every aspect of the society was nationalised and de-ethnicised. however, the so-called utanzania’s (tanzian-ness) bright idea nowadays faces major challenges as the transition from socialism to capitalism – paralleled by the resignation of nyerere – surfaced such issues as the growing tension between muslims and christians. part three sets forth supranational identities. as first within this section, alexander b. murphy explores a meaningful european identity. as we may all assume, the very idea of a european identity has yet to be espoused by its population. that is to say, europeans do not seem themselves as clearly europeans, but they rather attach to the identities operating at national or regional scale. nonetheless, it would be misleading to compare european identity with other identities, because „european identity coexists with other identities – state, regional, ethnic and local – in a way that is not strictly hierarchical”, hence it is no more than a „cultural-territorial construct to which meaning is attached” (p. 112). diffusion of such a meaningful european identity requires a smoothly functioning and cohesive european union first. but growing eu-scepticism, brexit, enduring impacts of the economic crisis, and falling turnouts at european elections, to name but a few, do not confirm that. on the other hand, in murphy’s opinion, the european union was able to establish a discursive space, in which a european identity can unfold. in the next chapter, gary s. elbow investigates whether a regional caribbean identity does exist. he vividly deconstructs the homogenous image of the caribbean by distinguishing several scales and subregions, where identities are being expressed. we may find how the colonial history and associated languages shape the elusive notion of caribbean identity. unsurprisingly, as elbow argues, geographical location has little to do with this scale of identity. then in the search of a general sense of caribbean-ness, he turns to material and performative aspects of identity. for example, carnivals show that „the specific elements vary from place to place, but their general characteristics make up an afro-european tradition expressed at the macroscale” (p. 129). another case worth to underline are the writings of gabriel garcía 403book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (4) 393–404. márquez that both retain his colombian coastal origins and grasp a macro-level caribbean identity. what does the notion arab homeland cover, and what role does palestine play in it? karen culcasi’s chapter revolves around such crucial questions in a macro-region characterised by never-ending struggles over territory and identities. neither the arab homeland nor palestine are internationally recognised or clearly defined, so he resorts to official maps. the included maps reveal altogether that no singular delineation of the arab homeland exists, though culcasi assesses that the prevalent use of arab language and arab league membership decide commonly whether a certain country belongs to it. this empirical study is completed by another compelling inquiry as culcasi does not settle for official cartographic texts. drawing on interviews with palestinians living abroad, he asserts that for most of the respondents, arab unity is just a desired myth. furthermore, even if they are rhetorically linked to the arab homeland, they retain a strong sense of localism taking shape in the palestine identity. this relationship becomes even more strained when we took into consideration the different mappings of palestine, which invoke hybrid scalar conceptions as the ordering of territories into scales „can be simultaneously conformed to and defied” (p. 151). drawing on his observations, culcasi stands firm against hierarchical and universalist approaches, because the concerned region is made up by „multiscaled, transnational and hybrid territorial entities” (p. 152). the fourth part, entitled “connecting identities”, begins with steven e. silvern’s lucidly written study about native american identities. this chapter asserts that indigenous people, after quite a few centuries of suppression, have once reclaimed their agency in determining their future within a settler colonial state. this unprecedented cultural resurgence has been unfolding simultaneously at three scales. in this vein the local scale has been the subject to re-imagine placebased identity through reconnecting indigenous people with their physical environment. regional scale sets the stage for another opportunity of expanding indigenous identity as the formerly imposed borders of the reservations are getting permeable through treaty rights. on a national level, silvern presents in a subtle way how identities are being scaled up by the spread of information and communication technologies. notwithstanding these positive multi-scalar dynamics, the author shares his concern about colonialist imaginaries’ prevailment, with a wink to the prioritisation of neoliberal economic interests. at this point of the book, we may have collected some sort of knowledge about the often-manifested tensions between minority regionalism and majority nationalism. in chapter 10, takashi yamazaki adds more flavour to this issue by turning our attention to okinawa prefecture, where a wide array of influences has been shaping local identity. a cursory investigation would suggest that okinawans (though characterised by multiple socio-spatial cleavages) were ’japanised’, but with the islands’ several re-borderings and vast distances from japanese centres, okinawan identity has far more layers than a centralised, nationally imposed one. therefore, yamazaki distinguishes four different, albeit intertwined scales of identity, each of which having a collective category (islander, okinawan, ryukyuan, and japanese, respectively). he also sheds light on the re-instutionalisation of national identity through the education system, not solely on ideological grounds but in the threatening shadow of chinese geopolitical endeavours of socioeconomic interests as well. in the next chapter, susan m. walcott scrutinises the almost inscrutable idea of chinese national identity. sketching an overview of china’s history, she attempts to grasp what the multi-faceted chinese characteristics would entail. thereafter, walcott calls into question this essentialist position by numerous arguments. first, periphery identities, especially in tibet and xinjiang, are hard to fit into historical meta-narrative, through which a construction of congruent chinese identity is sought. second, the globally scattered chinese diaspora also poses a constant challenge to chinese-ness via the emergence of hybrid identities. walcott differentiates the ostensible mass of chinese migrants, inter alia, by the historical period when migration took place, and the place of origin. additionally, in the midst of interstate turmoil, both hong kong and taiwan has seen a reification of distinct identities. kurdistan set the tone for fragmented identities in the fifth part of the volume. carl t. dahlman and sanan moradi trace the evolution of the deeply flawed kurdish history, seeking to answer how the kurds have become the largest (approximately 33 million) nation without a state. the authors illuminate that in the medieval ages kurdistan has been stuck between the turkish ottoman empire and the persian empire, a situation getting even more complicated with the appearance of british and russian imperial interests. thus, the region has come to be seen as a frontier, with no singular kurdish geopolitical orientation. the expression ’kurds have no friends but the mountains’ indicate not just the harsh consequences of realpolitik but intra-kurdish rivalries as well. more contemporarily, we are still witnessing a fractured kurdish nationalism: „while oil, gas, and islamist militants might flow easily across the partition, kurdish unity does not” (p. 236). in concluding, authors pour fantasies around kurdish unity into a pessimistic mould because territorialised self-interests and contesting geopolitical agendas will probably keep kurdish people divided. in chapter 13, george w. white explores the contested identities in transylvania, a well-known topic among hungarian geographers. in theorising the discussion, he moves away from the popular view of ethnic differences, proposing instead a more fluid conceptualisation that does not see the multiethnic 404 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (4) 393–404. character doomed to be the subject of conflicts. in that vein he argues for a transylvanian identity based on a blend of different cultures, hoping that „if shared history is a component of shared identity, then a shared transylvanian identity exists at some level” (p. 246). this bright prospect has been over-shadowed by mutually exclusive nationalist discourses though, as transylvania is considered a special constituent of both romania’s and hungary’s national consciousness. fragmentation remains the core issue in pablo bose’s chapter, drawing the attention to indian diasporas and their linkages to national identity. it is no wonder that one could find it difficult to illustrate a monolithic indian national identity among diasporas, exemplified in this chapter by the great variations between those from punjab and kerala. yet another scene where scale and place matters. bose explores the so-called khalistan movement (a sikh-centric political project), the goal of which is to establish a sovereign country, with territories encompassing not only punjab but the broader region, now being part of pakistan. what makes this case particularly interesting is the process through which a regional issue is being pushed to a broader scale by the international sikh community’s militancy. kerala represents an adequate counter case. being a remittancebased economy (in fact, one out of every four indians working in countries of the persian gulf originate from there), bose addresses another spatial relation, where ’outsiders’ are involved directly in internal affairs. juoni häkli is in charge of the afterword, which is entitled “transcending scale”. based on his concluding words, despite “none is willing to go as far as to simply reject the concept of scale tout court (…), scale, it seems, has been somewhat scaled down in terms of theoretical ambition and vigor” (pp. 274–275). as häkli duly recognises, scale could retain its useful role for ordering analytical observation, but one need to be aware of future post-structural methodologies. the value of this book is beyond doubt. in an inextricably complex world, where nationalisms tend to be a cornerstone in geopolitics, fluid notions of territory, nation and identity need to be addressed. where the volume most successful is in weaving together wholly different place contexts around clear-cut lens of investigation. accordingly, every chapter places scale and identity at its centre in a thought-provoking way. the structure of the book is well-balanced, and the easy-to-read case studies have the potential (and even the danger) to sustain the interest for quite a long time. this comprehensive volume will surely serve as a point of departure for anyone who is interested in geographies of identity. tamás illés1 1 doctoral school of earth sciences, eötvös loránd university (elte), budapest, hungary. e-mail: tamas. illes92@gmail.com. the research has been supported by the national research development and innovation office (nkfi), contract no. k 124291. r e f e r e n c e s deleuze, g. and guattari, f. 1988. a thousand plateaus: capitalism and schizophrenia. london, athlone press. herb, g.h. and kaplan, d.h. (eds.) 1999. nested identities: nationalism, territory, and scale. lanham, rowman & littlefield publishers. jones, j.p. iii, woodward, k. and marston, s.a. 2007. situating flatness. transactions of the institute of british geographers 32. (2): 264–276. latour, b. 2005. reassembling the social: an introduction to actor-network theory. oxford, oxford university press. malešević, s. 2003. researching social and ethnic identity: a sceptical view. journal of language and politics 2. (2): 265–287. marston, s.a., jones, j.p. iii and woodward, k. 2005: human geography without scale. transactions of the institute of british geographers 30. (4): 416–432. murdoch, j. 2006. post-structuralist geography. london–thousand oaks–new delhi, sage. 2_kovacs_et_al.indd 119kovács, k.z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 119–139.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.68.2.2 hungarian geographical bulletin 68 2019 (2) 119–139. introduction environment-related pressure on our society is intense. the attentive use and management of environmental resources are crucial for future generations’ prosperity. better observation, understanding, protection, and enhancement of our environment is only feasible with the active involvement of citizens. although our political, economic and administrative structures may be designed to tackle our environmental concerns through scale and strategic decisions, citizens often feel as though they are un-engaged, silent observers (mcglade, j. 2009; liu, h.y. et al. 2014). formal institutions like eu water framework directive, flood risk directive and citizen observatory based soil moisture monitoring – the grow example károly zoltán kovács1, drew hemment2, mel woods3, naomi k. van der v e l d e n 4, angelika xaver5, rianne h. g i e s e n 6, victoria j. b u r t o n 4, natalie l. g a r r e t t 7, luca z a p pa 5, deborah long3, endre d o b o s 1 and rastislav s k a l s k y 8 abstract grow observatory is a project funded under the european union’s horizon 2020 research and innovation program. its aim is to establish a large scale (more than 20,000 participants), resilient and integrated ‘citizen observatory’ (co) and community for environmental monitoring that is self-sustaining beyond the life of the project. this article describes how the initial framework and tools were developed to evolve, bring together and train such a community; raising interest, engaging participants, and educating to support reliable observations, measurements and documentation, and considerations with a special focus on the reliability of the resulting dataset for scientific purposes. the scientific purposes of grow observatory are to test the data quality and the spatial representativity of a citizen engagement driven spatial distribution as reliably inputs for soil moisture monitoring and to create timely series of gridded soil moisture products based on citizens’ observations using low cost soil moisture (sm) sensors, and to provide an extensive dataset of in situ soil moisture observations which can serve as a reference to validate satellite-based sm products and support the copernicus in situ component. this article aims to showcase the initial steps of setting up such a monitoring network that has been reached at the mid-way point of the project’s funded period, focusing mainly on the design and development of the co monitoring network. keywords: citizen science, citizen observatory, crowdsourced data, soil moisture monitoring 1 institute of geography and geoinformatics. university of miskolc. h-3515 miskolc, egyetemváros. e-mails: ecocares@uni-miskolc.hu, ecodobos@uni-miskolc.hu 2 university of edinburgh, e-mail: drew.hemment@ed.ac.uk 3 university of dundee. e-mails: m.j.woods@dundee.ac.uk, d.long@dundee.ac.uk 4 permaculture association (britain). e-mails: naomi@permaculture.org.uk, victoria@permaculture.org.uk 5 department of geodesy and geoinformation, tu wien, gußhausstraße 27–29, 1040 wien, austria. e-mails: angelika.xaver@geo.tuwien.ac.at, luca.zappa@geo.tuwien.ac.at 6 hydrologic research, delft, the netherlands, rianne.giesen@hydrologic.com 7 met office, united kingdom, natalie.garrett@metoffice.gov.uk 8 international institute for applied systems analysis, laxenburg, austria skalsky@iiasa.ac.at kovács, k.z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 119–139.120 the aarhus convention require citizen participation. despite the long history of ‘citizen observatory’ (co) quality assurance for the scientific use of citizen science generated data is still missing (freitag, a. et al. 2016). nevertheless, robust examples exist, such as, the national audubon society christmas bird count which has been running since 1900 in north america, the data collected by observers over the past century allow researchers, conservation biologists, wildlife agencies and other interested individuals to study the long-term health and status of bird populations across north america (butcher, g.s. et al. 1990; hochachka, w.m. et al. 2012). the chosen subject of observation itself has an influence on how successful a citizen observatory will be. examining the motivations of citizen science participants can give insights into why certain initiatives are more successful than others (clary, e.g. and snyder, m. 1999; rotman, d. et al. 2012; geoghegan, h. et al. 2016). citizen science projects are dominated by biodiversity topics rather than the abiotic environment (pocock, m.j.o. et al. 2017), possibly because experiencing and improving the environment is a common motivator of citizen observations (west, s.e. 2015). weather and climate is also a popular topic (gharesifard, m. et al. 2017) because this has an impact on citizens’ everyday life. sufficient data and validation have been collected to initiate commercial applications for citizen observation data in weather forecasts. the grow observatory monitors soil properties, aiming to engage a target audience of smallholders, and community groups practicing sustainable growing. the participants’ motivation is mostly focussed on: improving their immediate environment; growing crops; getting the most out of their land through sustainable practices, without harming the environment and concerns about soil degradation. emotional motivation is evident for the stakeholders, but to engage and train participants to generate an observation dataset of high scientific standards poses challenges. grow observatory during the funded period of the project aims to organize a co, which is viable after the funded period. to engage and train core groups of stakeholders all over europe is a must to reach this goal. the first half of the project was to establish the framework, develop the training and communication tools and strategies, to define and engage communities around europe. as soil formation is slower than the humaninduced degradation processes, it can be considered a non-renewable or a conditionally renewable resource. to sustainably manage soils over a large geographic scale, sophisticated environmental monitoring infrastructure is required and society of environmentally conscious citizens. by the continuous observation and documentation of our environmental conditions, both regular individuals and scientists can learn the impact of the related activities. awareness raising is one of the most important goals of the grow observatory project. the soil has various physical, chemical and biological properties, which define its ability to support its functions. soil moisture is the amount of water present in the soil. it defines the thermal buffering capacity of warming and cooling the environment, the amount of available water for biomass production. soil is a reservoir of a significant amount of continental freshwater from the water cycle as well. soil moisture is an ever-changing property of the soils. it is influenced by climate, soil texture and structure, organic matter content and above all land use and land-cover (várallyay, g. 1989). detailed observation of the spatial and temporal distribution and variation of soil moisture is fundamental for drought and flood modelling, global climate predictions or the precise use of agricultural land (várallyay, g. 2010). soil moisture serves as a key input parameter in wind and water erosion estimations and is a driving parameter of soil biological activity and diversity, organic matter development, hence carbon sequestration (lavelle, p. et al. 2006). one of the biggest threats to agricultural land is soil compaction and soil moisture is a principal parameter influencing soil strength, so it is a particularly helpful characteristic when assessing the likely magnitude of the soil shearing resistance and 121kovács, k.z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 119–139. hence the inherent vulnerability of subsoil to compaction. long term soil moisture measurements describe the soil moisture regime, which defines salinization processes on salt-affected soils. for these reasons and more, it is extremely important for soil moisture to be measured. in situ measurements have been historically used as the main source of information on local moisture conditions (várallyay, g. 1994; makó, a. et al. 2010). several techniques have been developed for measuring in situ soil moisture, each having specific advantages, characteristics and measurement accuracy (robinson, d.a. et al. 2008; dorigo, w.a. et al. 2011b). the most commonly used instruments measuring soil moisture over a small area which hence were the only representative of the conditions a few centimetres around the sensor. even though a large number of local and regional soil moisture networks are operating worldwide, they lack common standards (e.g. observed variables, sensor types, sensor setup, etc.) and the generated data are often not freely available. the international soil moisture network (ismn, https://ismn.geo.tuwien.ac.at/) (dorigo, w.a. et al. 2011a, b) is an international initiative trying to overcome such issues. in situ soil moisture observations are collected from various networks distributed all over the globe, harmonized in terms of the sampling interval, units, and data format and made freely available to the public through a web portal (ipcc, 2007). in europe, there are fewer than 250 stations available in the ismn providing information about the water content of the soil. it is, therefore, evident that there is great potential offered by cos (e.g. grow) to contribute with an unprecedented stream of data from thousands of sensors. nevertheless, european-wide and global analysis based on ground observations would remain challenging because such measurements are spatially sparse. due to the high spatial variability of soil moisture, a huge number of stations would be necessary. however, the high costs related to installation, operation and maintenance of the sensors, as well as the limited accessibility of certain regions, make the setup of such a network not feasible (gruber, a. et al. 2013). to fill this gap, remotely sensed data from optical/thermal and microwave instruments are being used to retrieve soil moisture globally (wang, l. and qu, j.j. 2009). in particular, microwave sensors, both active and passive, have proven successful for estimating dielectric properties of soil, thus, leading to the estimation of soil moisture (mohanty, b.p. et al. 2017). furthermore, when compared to optical/thermal sensors, microwave remote sensing has the great advantage of observing the earth’s surface independently from the weather (i.e. cloud cover) and solar conditions (i.e. both during day and night). several satellitederived datasets have been available for the last two decades, providing long-term records of global soil moisture conditions. the use of coarse-scale observations (10–50 km) from active or passive sensors is well established and used for operational purposes. for example, remotely sensed soil moisture products from the advanced scatterometer (ascat) aboard metop (wagner, w. et al. 2013), the soil moisture and ocean salinity (smos) (kerr, y.h. et al. 2012) and soil moisture active passive (smap) (chan, s.k. et al. 2016) missions have been extensively evaluated and found widespread use (grainger, a. 2017; bauer-marschallinger, b. et al. 2018). however, such coarse scale products do not meet the requirements of many applications, such as irrigation management, erosion/ landslide prediction, and catchment-scale hydrologic processes. the recently launched sentinel-1 mission is scanning the earth’s surface at unprecedented spatial resolution (backscatter retrieved at 20 m). in particular, sentinel-1 is a mission of the european earth observation program copernicus, consisting of two identical satellites, sentinel-1a and sentinel-1b, launched in april 2014 and april 2016 respectively, and carrying a synthetic aperture radar (sar) system. the soil moisture retrieval from sentinel-1 poses some challenges because of the complex influence of terrain roughness and vegetation on the backscattered signal and is, therefore, available at a 1 km spatial resolution (bauer-marschallinger, b. et al. 2018). this product is currently in prepkovács, k.z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 119–139.122 aration for operational dissemination through the copernicus global land service (https:// land.copernicus.eu/global/products/ssm). regardless of the sensor used to estimate soil moisture, satellite-derived products are becoming more and more valuable for local to global monitoring of the earth status. the calibration of algorithms and validation of products are of vital importance, therefore, so too are spatially distributed in situ monitoring networks providing long-term reference measurements (mohanty, b.p. et al. 2017). the grow observatory aims to demonstrate a co can deliver widespread uptake, robust science, societal impact, and by prototyping new innovative services, be a sustainable business model for long-term operation. citizens’ observatories are a concept developed at the european union (eu) level. cos are communities of stakeholders which include citizens, scientists, policymakers and others collaborating on research, and in this case for environmental monitoring, whose issues have impacts related to land cover and land use. a soil moisture participatory monitoring network is a step forward in environmental monitoring. a european-wide network of stakeholders interested in the state of soil on local, regional, national and eu level generates not only data and other observations but also discussion and knowledge-sharing related to soil protection, land use, soil conditions, and climate monitoring, documentation on growing practices and harvest data. the basis for the professional and scientific framework of the dialogue of participants of the co is provided by the widespread and accurate communication and training materials, face-to-face workshops. the value of the common knowledge generated by the co is worth as much for the community as much the generated quality data is important for science. methods and procedure functional citizen observatories can take a number of routes to development, many are bottom-up initiatives developing organically to address a matter of environmental concern, with an initial momentum. to address the specific scientific needs, the grow observatory is taking the example and top-down organizes a soil moisture citizen-based monitoring network. demand exists for the science part, and for part of professional land users also, the formulation of the real return value is still a must. the grow observatory set out to demonstrate a complete ‘citizens’ observatory’ system for monitoring sm, land use and landcover, contributing in situ data for satellite validation, creating useful data products and applications, and overcoming barriers to uptake. grow entails a particular approach to mobilizing citizens and stakeholders from science and policy in data collection, data awareness, and data innovation. this approach was described and formalized in the first year of the project as a framework, in order that it can be effectively developed, evaluated and replicated. the grow citizens’ observatory framework is here proposed as a process model underpinned by four cross-cutting values. together these documents an ideal and conceptualized representation of the grow citizens’ observatory (figure 1, table 1). one of grow’s distinguishing features among other projects is its aim is to focus on ‘closing the loop’, moving from citizen issues fig. 1. grow citizens’ observatory model 123kovács, k.z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 119–139. ta bl e 1. t he fr am ew or k st ag es o f g r o w c it iz en s’ o bs er va to ry g r o w p ha se s d es cr ip ti on a ct iv it ie s sc op in g m ap id en ti fy is su es , p os it io ni ng m is si on s, in fr as tr uc tu re , p ar ti ci pa nt s, d at a, s er vi ce s, c ri te ri a r es ea rc h ci ti ze ns , e xp er ts , p ol ic y m ap pi ng is su es a nd c on ce rn s pl at fo rm a nd p ro d uc t d ev el op m en t g ap a na ly si s c it iz en s ci en ce b es t p ra ct ic es fo r c o ’s c om m un it y bu ild in g r ec ru it m en t, on -b oa rd in g ci ti ze ns , e xp er ts , p ol ic ym ak er s e ng ag em en t a nd c om m un ic at io ns w it h ki nd re d n et w or ks c om m un it y st or yt el lin g t he m es m ed ia p ar tn er sh ip c om m un it y ch am pi on s d is co ve ry e d uc at io n an d b ui ld in g un d er st an d in g, c on te xt , s ci en ce , p ro to co ls , m is si on a im s an d o bj ec ti ve s l ea rn in g an d tr ai ni ng d at a lit er ac y pe er a nd s oc ia l k no w le d ge e xc ha ng e se ns in g d at a ga th er in g an d o bs er va ti on s us in g te ch no lo gy a nd w it h ci ti ze ns , s ha ri ng d at a se ns or d is tr ib ut io n d ep lo ym en t d at a up lo ad a nd a cc es s a w ar en es s d at a lit er ac y, a na ly si s, a pp lic at io n an d a ct io n w eb in ar w or ks ho ps c el eb ra ti on d at a ac ce ss , a gg re ga ti on sh ar in g in si gh ts sc ie nt ifi c or e xp er t i nt er pr et at io n c ri ti ca l r efl ex io n w it h ci ti ze ns in no va ti on n ew d at as et s, p ro to ty pi ng a nd te st in g se rv ic es w it h us er s, v al id at in g c o p la tf or m a nd in fr as tr uc tu re d es ig n fo r ne w s er vi ce s b us in es s pr op os al s n ew r es ou rc es a nd a ss et s fo r co m m un it ie s r ob us t p ro to co ls a nd d at as et s a d vo ca cy p ol ic y, s oi l, se rv ic es , t ec hn ol og y, r ob us t d at a, c o a pp ro ac h c ha m pi on in g b ila te ra ls c ha ng e: in p ra ct ic es , p ol ic y, u pt ak e e xt er na l a pp ro pr ia ti on su st ai na bi lit y of th e pr oj ec t, to ol s an d o ut pu ts in te rv en ti on s kovács, k.z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 119–139.124 and data collection to development of critical innovative services with the value given back to citizens, experts, and policymakers. the challenge generally for cos is moving from a top-down contributory model of citizen science to a more distributed model, and to sustain community building and engagement throughout the project cycle. the grow model structure outlined in figure 1 provides a mechanism to develop and overview the whole cycle and set the direction when planning, developing, delivering and evaluating the primary steps to: 1. generate, share and utilize data and information presented and adapted to a range of stakeholders; 2. address community, science and policy challenges; 3. innovate in services using grow data for land and soil issues of participants: citizens, decision-makers and scientists. results, the concept and elements of grow having used the model described above, the following major elements and tools have been developed to support the public engagement process and to structure the sensor data and the important covariates provided by citizen science activities into a functional platform to store the data and make it publicly available for any further scientific or commercial use. the monitoring system has two main factors influencing the final database quality. the human factor is the depth of engagement, the level of knowledge and interest. the backend system and sensor infrastructure is the technical factor. the results are grouped and presented in these contexts. elements of engagement tools developed and integrated into the procedure grow missions the definition of a grow mission is a period of coordinated citizen science activity, that can involve observations, sampling, and sense-making, designed to deliver a clearly stated output linked to a grow ambition. each mission represents a complete cycle through the seven stages of the grow framework. grow missions bring together a community of citizens and stakeholders in science and policy to collaborate on research for environmental monitoring, whose issues have impacts related to land cover and land use. pilot missions were delivered in the first year of the project to test project concepts and infrastructure, and two main missions were then defined from year two of the project: a) changing climate mission this mission is open to those located in 9 grow places which were selected using key criteria through an open call. we are focusing the sensors in a limited number of areas because a high density of measurements is the most valuable to science. additionally, there is a limited supply (15,000) of the lowcost soil sensor we are using in grow. in this mission, we are deploying several thousand soil sensors around europe, which send soil moisture data back to the grow observatory. these data are used to validate soil moisture readings taken by european space agency satellites and to inform decisions by food growers and policymakers, ultimately the ambition is to help society adapt to extreme climate events. b) living soils mission this mission is open to anyone, anywhere. the aim is to develop and support an active network of small-scale growers and gardeners who grow food by using and collaboratively investigating, practices that regenerate soils and create resilient ecosystems. two key elements are the provision of scientifically robust information on selected regenerative practices such as using mulches, reducing digging or tilling, and growing polycultures via free massive open online courses (moocs). this was combined with a citizen experiment on polycultures called the great grow experiment, which was designed to enable individual growers to investigate whether growing three crops together in a polycul125kovács, k.z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 119–139. ture or separately in monocultures was more productive. a final element is the sharing of planting and harvesting times for key crops to improve localized growing advice available in the grow observatory app. grow places grow places (gp) are an innovation for the delivery of a co sensor network. they contribute to the mission of delivering a viable, high-density distribution of sensors across geographically diverse areas, using geographic and scientific criteria, designed for scientific exploitation, and enabled by the participation of a place-based community. grow places were specified as focus areas for citizen science activity, that provide grow with a mechanism to establish direct contact with local growing communities in europe (figure 2). they have been defined as a solution for sensing activities and to meet the geospatial requirements of the ‘gridded product’. up to 15,000 flower power soil sensors (parrot drones sas, paris, france) are available to participants in grow places. these are a formally commercially available product, a detailed description can be found in description and technical details of the sensors used in grow observatory. grow places are carefully selected areas where the capacity of engagement and the spatial and technical requirements of the soil moisture monitoring network meet. to create a representative spatial coverage of sensor deployment a clustered-nested monitoring network was designed. the grow place areas represent the regional heterogeneity of europe, selected by climatic regions. within these 50–100 km wide windows, there are the local clusters nested, which cover the topographic, microclimatic and soil heterogeneity. the degrees of freedom of the networks’ coverage is limited by the available stakeholders and clustering communities, but this way of constructing the network can provide results from the beginning. the details of the selection method described in spatial coverage, the relation of observation network development and engagement process. community champions community champions (cc) are ‘ambassadors’ on the ground. they support local community participants through the provision of a sensor and materials needed for the sensing survey as well as ‘meet-ups’ to provide support and training for participants. through the community champions, grow is able to build a network of engaged participants in each grow place. ccs are the regional organizing force on each gps, they are directly and continuously connected to project partners, feedback and action are through cc organization. online community grow’s online community is central to meeting grow’s ambitions to engage thousands of people in sustainable soil management and food growing. the online community has access to training materials, information sheets and support materials. our communication strategy brings novelty through the application of the ‘storytelling method’. through grow’s online commu-fig. 2. grow places around europe kovács, k.z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 119–139.126 nity and tools (discussion forum, knowledge base, learning platform, social media), users can upload and explore data, discuss findings and share stories. the aim is to promote deeper engagement – as the primary goal is for the participants to talk to, learn from and support each other, rather than receiving top-down information from the grow team. experimenters’ community the great grow experiment, part of the living soils mission took a different approach to engage and work with the community. it delivered an innovative hypothesis-driven rather than an observation-based approach to citizen science. this was founded in training citizens in how to do research in their growing space as well as in how to implement the experiment and interpret their own results. as such, it requires the intensive investment of both time (across the growing season) and growing space for participants and is likely to attract fewer participants than simpler observation-based approaches (bonney, r. et al. 2009). experimenters were supported from may to october 2018 with regular emails, a dedicated online forum, and monthly live meetings where they could learn from the scientists running the experiment and share insights with each other. mooc courses assisted in training citizens, culminating in helping experimenters to graph and understand their own experiments. this approach not only enhanced a sense of community and learning, but also provided valuable insights into the progress of the experiment, issues with crops, and technical limitations for data input. in later online meetings and in the final mooc, initial results were shared and discussed, allowing participants to contextualize their own findings with those of others. we have observed this approach achieved a high level of deep engagement, for the participants. this committed small group of individuals is making clear plans for continuing experimenting on their own and involving their communities. online learning – grow massive open online courses (moocs) an innovative element of grow is providing rigorous training for citizens in scientific protocols for data collection. this is seen as an approach to improve data quality and validity by enabling cohorts of citizens to receive training and grow their confidence in providing data. data quality of measurements is a particular challenge in citizen science (hecker, s. et al. 2018), especially with a large number of participants distributed over a wide area, or even an entire continent. it is widely acknowledged that the ways in which citizens learn and gain knowledge are changing, with new tools and educational materials available to foster citizens’ autonomy and responsibility for change through lifelong learning. in addition to training in techniques, each mooc also offers a recruitment opportunity. it builds a cohort of learners who become familiar with grow’s aims and activities and who can access and sign up the grow observatory’s wider activities outside the moocs. online learning is the tool of quality assurance and also important in raising interest, develop communities and cluster common knowledge. elements of database development the data provided by the co is the output and the tool for further engagement. the quality and applicability of the resulting database is the best measure of the cos functionality. in order to structure the contributions and make them accessible for any further use, the following tools and elements were developed and integrated into the framework. data quality assurance and data governance 1. sensing handbook and sensing manuals the sensing handbook and sensing manuals are printed and downloadable 127kovács, k.z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 119–139. training resources in use by participants, translated in the local language of grow places, that communicate the mission objectives and instructions for: – identifying a suitable location for the sensor; – placing and registering the sensor; – carrying out the land survey; – troubleshooting and accessing support. 2. sensing infrastructure the grow observatory aims to set-up a pilot citizen soil moisture monitoring network with 15,000 deployed sensors eu-wide from the beginning. the data, generated by the co will be incorporated in geoss and used to validate for soil moisture sar remote sensing data. the gridded product creation and sentinel-1 soil moisture model ground-truthing were the two main aims for grow soil moisture data. the scientific criteria and quality assurance were designed to satisfy these aims and form the basis of the soil moisture sensing aspect of the co. the intention is to develop the platform further to connect other brands and do-it-yourself (diy) soil sensors. the upper 10 cm of soil dynamic properties vary fast in time and highly within a small area. sensor measurements’ inaccuracy can be dissolved in the real range of values. to be aware of the quality of the generated database the sensors were tested two ways. one is against professional, calibrated probes and the other is in the laboratory, measuring real values of water content as described below. the flower power sensor logs soil moisture, soil surface temperature, light intensity, and conductivity measurements every 15 minutes. the device can store 80 days’ worth of measurements which is accessed with a mobile app through low energy bluetooth connection. the application to connect the sensor to mobile devices only runs on android and ios systems. batteries will last for 6 months in summer and 4 months in the winter period, on average (depending on temperatures). the measured values are: – air temperature (range: – 5 °c to + 55 °c; accuracy: +/– 1.5 °c). – light (range: 0.13 to 104 [mole × m-2 × d-1]; accuracy: +/–15%). the light sensor is calibrated to measure photo-synthetically active radiation (par), defined as light in the wave length between 400 and 700 nm. – soil moisture (range: 0 to 50 [v/v %]; accuracy: +/– 3%). – fertilizer level / conductivity (range: 0 to 10 [ms × cm-1]; accuracy: +/– 20%). the soil moisture measurements are the main focus of the co, but the other values documented give good environmental data of the current state of soil and weather. information about the sensor location is generated the first time data are uploaded using an internet connection from the device to the parrot cloud. this can generate inaccuracy in the geolocation entered in the database since the internet connection is needed at the sensor location. the ability to amend sensor coordinates is included in the collaboration hub (ch) but requires a european wide campaign to train and motivate users to use it. 3. quality check of sensing infrastructure fp sensor performance compared to professional probes. in order to evaluate the performance of the flower power soil moisture sensors, they were placed alongside professional probes in two different study areas, located in austria and italy. the main study area is the hydrological open air laboratory (hoal, http://hoal.hydrology.at; blöschl, g. et al. 2016) located in petzenkirchen, austria. hoal is an agricultural catchment covering 66 ha and equipped with soil moisture stations (20 permanents and 11 temporaries). the permanent stations are located in pasture and forest, while the temporary stations are installed in agricultural fields and are removed on a regular basis to allow for field management. the majority of the stations are equipped with spade time domain transmission sensors, one station uses the decagon 5tm sensor to measure soil moisture. the sensors are installed in a horizontal position at different depths: 0.05 m, 0.10 m, 0.20 m, 0.50 m and 1.00 m. in addition, there are two professional soil moisture stations kovács, k.z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 119–139.128 installed 20 km north of petzenkirchen, in dietsam, austria. they are located in grassland and equipped with decagon 5tm sensors in a depth of 0.05 m and 0.10 m. a total of 37 flower power soil moisture sensors were placed on the 30th of april 2017 alongside the technical grade sensors in the hoal catchment, four on the 24th of may 2017 in dietsam. up to the beginning of 2018, 7 additional sensors were placed in petzenkirchen and 3 sensors had to be replaced in dietsam. in total, 51 flower power sensors were used to evaluate their performance in comparison to 31 professional probes in austrian test sites. the flower power sensors are installed vertically, providing information about the water content of the first ten centimetres of soil. the comparison period between professional and flower power sensors ranges from 2 to 10 months (due to different installation dates and/or removal caused by field management practices). the second study area consists of two sites located in umbria, italy. the first site ‘petrelle’ is part of the network ‘umbria’ (brocca, l. et al. 2011), which is part of the international soil moisture network (ismn, http://ismn. geo.tuwien.ac.at/; dorigo, w.a. et al. 2011a, b 2013). the ‘umbria’ station is equipped with thetaprobe ml2x sensors, installed vertically (0.05–0.15 m and 0.15–0.25 m). the second site consists of two professional stations of the network ‘hydrol-net_perugia’ (morbidelli, r. et al. 2014), which is part of the ismn as well. at these professional stations, tdr trase sensors are horizontally installed at a depth of 0.05 m. 2 flower power sensors were installed next to one professional probe from the ‘umbria’ network and 4 flower power sensors were installed alongside two professional stations of the network ‘hydrol-net_ perugia’. the flower power sensors were installed in the middle of november 2017 and provided data for more than two months. as shown in figure 3 good agreement of the temporal variability between the flower power and the professional soil moisture sensors can be observed in both study areas. for the sensors located in austria, a stronger response of the flower power sensors to precipitation events is visible which can be explained by the different sensor positioning. a more or less pronounced bias between the soil moisture levels from the low-cost and the professional probes can often be observed, and is not surprising due to the lack of site-specific calibration of the flower power sensors. however, for satellite validation, the soil moisture relative variability is of higher importance than the absolute values. therefore, the scientific goals of grow remain inviolate, but accurate measures of absolute water content in the soil would be more valuable for farmers and growers. fig. 3. time series plots of flower power and 5tm (0.10 m depth) soil moisture readings in dietsam, austria 129kovács, k.z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 119–139. 4. laboratory testing of flower power sensors flower power sensors were validated in laboratory conditions in four different kinds of soils and two different setups; 28 sensors were deployed on four different kinds of soils (seven sensors for each: clay loam; sandy loam; loam; loamy sand). two different experimental setups with four sensors were installed into the same container for cross-validation and three sensors were installed in separate containers with large diameters to test the measured soil volume and for cross-correlation. first, four different types of natural soils were selected and prepared and laboratory tested for basic chemical and physical properties. the volume of the samples was measured and recorded and then the soil was saturated with water and the weight of saturated soil recorded. the saturated soil samples were dried naturally for 31 days in an undisturbed room and the weight was measured each day with exact time records. the actual soil moisture content was calculated for each measurement and the measured values were compared with the downloaded flower power sensor data for the same time. statistical analysis to define the measurement uncertainties and its soil type dependencies were performed. conclusions were that there is a clear correlation in the levels of uncertainty identified. flower power sensor measurements on dryer soils have larger positive divergence from the actual measured value, of around 40 per cent moisture content and overestimated moisture when below 40 per cent actual value, and underestimated it above 40 per cent actual soil moisture. the cross-validation among the sensors was more or less constant, except in very dry conditions due to the cracking of the soil. flower power measurements had a severe distortion in dry soil moisture conditions (< 20%) and can almost double the real value. in the most common soil moisture range (20% to 40%), the estimation differences are less than 20–25 per cent. within the sensors, variation does exist but is negligible, but cross sensor variation can reach 15 per cent. the deviation from the lab measured values show a very strong trend line – the deviation increases towards the dry section. there are significant differences between the different soil types, but the same trends can be observed in flower power sensor measurement uncertainty (figure 4). the sensors performance measuring the real water content was not so reliable, but sensitive enough to detect spatial variability of soil moisture. measurements for direct fig. 4. deviation from the laboratory measured soil moisture, based on four repetitions of fp sensor measurements for all conditions kovács, k.z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 119–139.130 agricultural decision making are not sufficiently accurate, but by empirically the sensor user can get information as within sensor variation is negligible. the purpose of creating continuous soil moisture maps by extrapolation gives some difficulties but to represent spatial variability of soil conditions the sensors are suitable. other parameters measured by flower power sensors were not validated as soil moisture is the primary dataset to be used for the project aims. 5. grow observatory mobile app the grow app provides three services to growers: it provides a local growing, planting and harvesting advice for small scale growers, gives practical information on specific growing approaches that will also improve soils and ecosystems, and it allows the submission of site description for the changing climate mission. information on suitable crops is derived from grow’s edible plant database and is interrogated based on the phone’s gps to show crops that are suitable for the location and time of the query. each crop has detailed information on site requirements and cultivation. the practice-based information highlights the value of specific regenerative practices as well as guidance on how to implement them. the site information data gives step-by-step guidance for a consistent land-survey for the placement of each sensor including the categorization of side position, slope, canopy cover, and aspect-oriented site photos to enable a consistent comparison of sites. 6. data platform development the data collected in grow is made available to growers and other interested stakeholders through the grow data platform (figure 5). the two grow front-end services, the collaboration hub and the grow observatory mobile app, are both connected to the grow user account database. this ensures that participants can use their grow user account for both services and data collected by the user through different channels can be combined. data from the flower power sensors is collected in the field using the flower power mobile application. after a flower power account has been created in the mobile application, it connects to the sensor via bluetooth and uploads the data to the flower power database. fig. 5. the grow data platform (in the green box) and connected external applications and tools 131kovács, k.z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 119–139. growers register their sensor with grow through their user account in the collaboration hub. after successful registration, the grow sensor database starts to request and store all sensor data collected by the user from the flower power database. the collaboration hub requests these data from the grow sensor database and displays them in the user’s personal pages. the visualization includes line graphs of the sensor observations and a map with the sensor location. if the location is not correctly registered, users can adjust their sensor location in the collaboration hub and the corrected location is saved in the grow sensor database. the grow observatory mobile app requests information about suitable plants for the user’s location and time of year from the edible plant database. data collected in the mobile app by users performing the land survey is stored in the land survey database. scientists and companies interested in working with the data collected in grow can access all data or a selection based on geographic extent or time span through the grow api. these data are also discoverable through the geoss portal (http://www.geoportal.org/), where earth observation data from archives all over the world can be searched. individual users who would like to access the sensor data they collected, can use the mydata download tool. this is a simple program that asks the user to provide the username and password of their flower power account, after which it requests all data for this user from the flower power database. for each sensor that the user owns, the program creates a text file with the data. 7. grow data governance and infrastructure standards and infrastructure are central to grow – or, indeed, to any co – and need to be developed and maintained beyond the life of an individual project. grow is underpinned by standards and infrastructure that are detailed below. the values of grow relating to handling and sharing data are set out in the grow data governance statement. these, in turn, reflect the core values of the project. 8. service innovation through innovation, grow aims to deliver services based on collaborative data to enhance the grow experience for its stakeholders and create an interface with specialist data users in science, policy, and business. through a human-centred design approach, the needs and interests of users and specialist audiences in science, industry, and policy were scoped in the early stages of the project. this user research underpins service design and development to achieve an effective transfer of environmental knowledge to policy and other specialist communities and the widespread uptake of grow data and information. 9. observatory policy interface (opi) one of grow’s aims is to promote and enable more effective and inclusive participatory governance around the management of soils. soil-related problems are complex, uncertain, multi-scale and impacts upon multiple actors and stakeholders. the opi helps to inform the underlying assumptions and resulting assertions to establish how participants can inform policy through data gathering and active engagement. this is supported by leveraging established relationships with the policy community to communicate findings to policymakers and forums. 10. data dissemination and visualization the collaboration hub (ch) is a place to be part of the grow community and to connect and discuss with other stakeholders. it is where people connect their soil sensors to the grow database and where participants can visualize and compare their observations to regional and local environmental data. data visualization and interpretation is one of the project’s most important tool of engagement, education and raising interest. most participants operating sensors are generally aware of the soil conditions of their property and can manage this instinctively by experience. but the recorded dataset, which documents the changes and anomalies throughout time, offers a higher level of knowledge. the ch is the platform where the recorded and interpreted soil moisture data and the participants’ knowledge and kovács, k.z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 119–139.132 experience are joined together. local groups can discuss and analyse the measured values, participants of different professional levels interpret their soil conditions. 11. interpretation of measured soil moisture different levels of data visualization have been developed within the grow project. the first encounter with the measured soil moisture data occurs when a user connects the sensor with the smartphone to download the logged measurements. the flower power smartphone application connects to the sensor, downloads the data and then uploads to the service provider’s data storage cloud. on the server side, averaging is made to make the dataset scalable then the processed dataset is downloaded to the device, where a scalable graph view visualizes the measured values. the app contains a global plant database of 7,000 species and varieties and the graph view compares the actual values to the plants’ water, light and temperature needs. further data visualizations are planned for grow’s ch so participants can compare their observations to regional and local environmental data. one visualization will display long-term average characteristics of the water balance in the plant-soil-atmosphere system at the site of the sensor. long-term monthly mean values of potential evapotranspiration, actual evapotranspiration, rainfall, and mean daily temperature which together defines periods in the year with specific soil hydrologic situations such as water surplus, water utilization, water deficit, and water recharge having a potential impact on cultivated plants/agroecosystems. other ecological interpretations of the measured soil moisture will display the temporal record of actual soil moisture in the top-most soil layer (0–10 cm) as measured with soil moisture sensor (volumetric %) at the site/parcel with soil moisture measurements. there are plans to display background static values of soil moisture ecological intervals (re-calculated into volumetric %) estimated for the soil texture class taken from the underlying soil map/grid based on gps coordinates of the sensor. 12. grow gridded product visualization gridded products generated from point measurements and user’s land and soil observations are the visual interpretation of the collected data and the continuous extension of point measurements for the entire area of the grow places. the quality of the estimation for the area between measuring points depends on the distribution of the sensors and the quality of the explanatory variables (other sources of environmental data available for the relevant area). a methodology for the extrapolation of measured soil moisture data for the area of europe will be developed, using available free source environmental data as explanatory variables. also, measurements of the error of the estimation of values for the intervals between measuring sites will be elaborated. this will facilitate the use of grow data in climate modelling, drought/flooding forecast or in precision agriculture. in the miskolc area (ne hungary) a pilot area was established for which highresolution environmental data (relief, land cover, soil, and daily meteorological data) are available. a dense network of soil moisture sensors had been set up and two months of soil moisture measurements collected. the resulting dataset was used to create a time series of a gridded product with varied density of sensor network and with different explanatory variables, for known weather events. the gridded product pilot aimed to set up the optimal distribution pattern for sensor measurements for the grow places. this is part of the sensor distribution plan synchronized with the demands of citizen engagement. as a result of the gridded product pilot, a set of environmental variables was listed which are needed for gridded product development for grow place areas. this visualization will be used in the engagement process. the point soil moisture measurements gathered by the observatory are processed, analysed and interpreted. the most powerful tool for visualization is the continuous prediction map of soil moisture for the available biggest areas where the sensor spatial distribution allows. the sensor distribution plan was de133kovács, k.z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 119–139. veloped to generate a spatially coherent, and representative sensing network. the aim is to interpolate the point information and estimate the properties for any non-visited site, create a continuous surface from the point observations. these soil moisture layers represent the final products of the monitoring system. the performance or accuracy of the estimations are functions of the spatial coverage of the point measurements and the availability of accurate, high-resolution explanatory variables. open source environmental data is used for the soil moisture map development. as the sensor deployment moves forward during the project, the soil moisture maps will have higher accuracy and greater spatial and temporal coverage, providing richer data over larger geographical areas and engaging more stakeholders. some grow participants are professional agro-producers, and this stakeholder group is interested in the spatial and temporal variability of the soil within their property. to satisfy this demand a sophisticated, artistic visualization of the data is to be provided in addition to scientifically accurate soil moisture maps. 13. visualization of experiment data the original intention was that experiment participant would be able to see their own data graphically as they submitted it. however, this proved beyond capacity within the timescales of the project. instead, visualizations were produced by scientists during the experiment to show collective results at various stages. thus, participants could understand that the data they submitted was of importance, and see how their own experience compared with the collective results. productivity data were represented in simple graphs showing that polycultures tended to be more productive. in addition, animated graphics (in .gif format) were used to show maps of monthly productivity from each site for the monocultures and for the polyculture and presented side by side to allow both participants and other interested parties to watch the monthly yield data change. here participants could see how their site compared and also see patterns e.g. earlier harvests in the south of europe and later harvests coming in in the north. a full report of the experiment will be described both in the scientific literature and as a public-facing accessible summary. it will be used to guide advice for growing from advocacy organizations like the permaculture association (britain). provisional results of the grow system establishment 1. spatial coverage, the relation of observation network development and engagement process a monitoring network like the grow observatory will have spatial biases as it relies on citizen scientists. thus, the requirements of spatial and temporal coverage of the network need to be carefully designed with recruitment and engagement protocols. the scientific objectives within grow, like creating a gridded soil moisture product based on citizen’s observations using low cost soil moisture sensors and freely available environmental explanatory variables; and to provide an extensive dataset of in situ soil moisture observations which can serve as a reference to validate satellite-based soil moisture products and support the copernicus in situ component set up restrictions on the areas to be sampled and strong demands on participants. the sensors must be deployed in as many different climate regimes, land cover classes, soil types and topographic positions as possible, on representative, non-urban areas and the longest time span of continuous observations are crucial providing data for climate-related applications, validation of satellite-based products and copernicus. therefore, the main static scientific criteria were the followings: – meaningful geographic coverage (climate, soil, land use, agro-technology) size approx. 50 × 50 km, can be described by approximately 1,000 sensors; – soil, terrain and land use variability, with relatively large homogenous units; – good quality environmental data (terrain, soil, and land use); kovács, k.z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 119–139.134 – having a scientific institution capable of supervising the process; – interested local organization to maintain and extend the network for later network expansion-community champion approach, demonstration co network development to test the engagement, awareness raising strategies and toolsets. however, the grow project was initiated to demonstrate the development of soil moisture monitoring co network. the first invitation round resulted in several scientifically appropriate areas, a good pool to choose the grow areas. thus, the first priority area list has been refined based on the need to have a strong and reliable partnership between a grow partner and the local community champion. a strong relationship of the local community with the grow consortia also can support good quality local environmental data (terrain, soil, land use) availability. to achieve the best selection, a clusterednested sampling strategy was developed to cover most of the geographical diversity for the area of europe. in parallel with the exploration of potential communities, grow places had been designated based on the köppen-geiger climate classification to cover the most of climatic homogeneity within the area of europe. grow places are geographic focus areas where a high quantity of flower power sensors is deployed to record soil moisture and associated data at a high density of observations. they are in specific areas in europe with strong stakeholder buy-in. the originally selected 17 priority areas covered 4 dominant climate classes: cold, without dry season, warm summer; temperate, without dry season, warm summer; temperate, dry summer, hot summer; temperate, without dry season, hot summer. sentinel-1 ground truthing for soil moisture modelling requires further restrictions of the sensor placement. the reliability of remotely sensed soil moisture products is influenced by the presence of water bodies and rough topography. thus, grow places with a smooth topographical surrounding and a low percentage of water bodies are favoured. for each grow places ancillary dataset were used to derive topographic complexity and wetland fraction at the scale of a satellite footprint (dorigo, w.a. et al. 2015), but this selection was used only as a starting point to contact local communities and start concrete discussions about the implementation of the grow places. from that contact round, it became clear that some of the selected grow places had to be updated and others replaced as no supporting communities could be identified. an enthusiastic community champion is a key to the success of continuous data collection. the scientific criteria were not used to select grow places but were used to evaluate them, especially new grow places. when adding new grow places, only the climatic zone criteria were used to evaluate the relevance of the geographic location of the proposed locations. the engagement process outputs were placed as the first priority, and provided with a set of real grow places, with committed local actors. a wide range of the european climate regions, land use types and topography are covered by the eight final grow places: evros and laconia (greece), southeast and northwest ireland, miskolc (hungary), barcelona (spain), algarve / alentejo (portugal), tayside and central belt (scotland), vienna (austria), ’s-hertogenbosch (netherlands), and luxembourg. within the regional level, there are the nested dense observation clusters representing the local diversity of soil, land use, and topography. this usually covers 40 to 1,500 hectares with high sensor density. here stakeholders are communities of sustainable growing practices or agricultural producers with economic interest or research institutions. these dense sampling networks are complemented by observation points in between covered by smaller-scale growers with few sensors deployed. the primary demographic of grow is small-scale growers, professionals, and hobbyists, who were expected to be financially independent, intellectually curious and emotionally connected to growing. one strong 135kovács, k.z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 119–139. motivation for joining a growing community is found in the common need of living in a sustainable and harmonious environment close to and minimize harm to nature. the overall communication and engagement strategy and toolset were developed to reach out to this type of audience. 2. piloting engagement and sensing network development to test engagement tools and procedure within the constraints of the scientific criteria three pilot missions were set up on grow places: alexandroupolis (greece), cloughjordan (ireland) and miskolc (hungary), where project partners were involved. the main objectives of the pilot missions were: – to validate scientific usefulness of the data through satellite validation activities and preliminary gridded products production; – to validate the material, protocols, and instructions for citizens to deploy, and to maintain the sensing network from a scientific point of view; – testing local aspects of the engagement protocol (participant pathway, community champions) for engaging participants within the project; – validating that the growers are able to take benefits of the sensors and additional activities, and to test grow’s back end system and its capacity to collect and provide the data to users. the missions were implemented by project partners from participant recruitment through workshops and training and sensor deployment. one very important point to note about the pilots is even with well-developed engagement tools, it can be difficult to implement on a local scale. grow places are large areas throughout europe, where social, demographic and economic differences result in the different target audience and require different ways of communicating and training. the overall strategy and tools can result in different levels of engagement and generated data quality depending on location. global tools are for highlighting the aims and objectives but the local organizing force is indispensable. with small-scale growers, the emotional connection to their work is strong and engagement is possible through workshops and awareness raising. this demographic is motivated to observe their soil and environment, but the number of sensors available for them to deploy is very limited, therefore, spatial coverage is random and dispersed if there is no community for a local clustering role. thus, the database resulting from these observations is not suitable for growing consultancy, nor for validating that the growers are able to take benefits of the sensors. technical difficulties influence the extent and speed of engagement. grow aims to deploy 15,000 relatively low-cost commercial soil moisture sensors. the commercial product contains all backend services of data download, storage, and query which is provided for all participants of the project. sensor usage training is limited to the operation of the plug-and-play product. even with these limits in place, during the pilot missions continuous technical support was needed for sensor deployment, data upload and data connection to ch. small scale growers, using a small number of sensors, may face problems with the technical infrastructure and on occasion need personal assistance. it is not feasible to address these issues and to support participants on an individual basis, although emerging problems are unique. one important issue noted within this project, the extent of which is heterogeneous throughout europe, is the physical security of properties. the north east hungarian pilot faced serious problems of sensor disappearance by theft. this is a very limiting factor of spatial and temporal coverage. as an example of specific land use, in vineyards where harvesting is carried out by contracted seasonal workers be monitored during harvest time, sensors must be removed for the period of one to months. unfortunately, when the sensors are not deployed over the late summer and early autumn, it is not possible to provide important data on the phenological state of the grapevines in preparation for the winter. soil moisture over this time period is imporkovács, k.z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 119–139.136 tant for the vines’ nutrient uptake, and, thus, heavily influences the force of sprouting in springtime. so, important data with forecasting potential is lost as a consequence of having to remove the sensors during harvesting. as the project aims to set up a long-term, self-sustained co during the funding period, the time-frame of engagement and sensor deployment is limited. with sufficient professional and economic interest from agricultural producers and scientific researchers, sensor deployment could be accelerated to ensure high quality, reliable and continuous observations. communication towards these potential stakeholders was only undertaken by project partners, with no general communication and engagement strategy developed. grow’s science partner responsible for the gridded product development and data quality (university of miskolc), set up a pilot mission with two professional stakeholder companies, with whom previous research collaboration had been established prior to grow. the pilot areas cover two different land uses: vineyard and arable land. high sensor density provides data from representative sites of soil and topography. to set up the monitoring network, the science partner deployed the sensors based on high resolution local environmental data and empirical knowledge. regular readings are implemented by researchers with the help of the stakeholders, and harmonization of the data needs of producer and research is being undertaken. continuous effort is made to generate an up-to-date operative database for professional agricultural decision-making and research purposes. one important issue is the frequency with which the sensor data is uploaded into the database. retrospective access to the database can still be of use for scientific research, but agricultural consultancy requires a regularly updated database. the fundamentals of an operational up-to-date monitoring system that can provide data for agricultural consultancy and forecasting, must be set up with scientific vigour and needs an extensive infrastructure of sensors and data storage and processing and a technical front end application to serve decision making. conclusions, achievements and challenges identified one of the important roles of the grow project has been to set up standards and protocols for soil moisture monitoring carried out by citizen observation networks, to meet scientific and professional criteria. science protocols are set, harmonization with professional agricultural needs is being implemented in the second half of the project. science can provide data quality assurance and reliable data interpretation, but a functioning co gives the platform to science to create data interpretation useful for citizens. however, along with the advantages and potentials of the co approach, several challenges have been identified as well. one of the most important findings is that the results of 100 years of public awareness raising and tradition, like the bird watching example or the weather watchers, is difficult to replicate within a few years. huge efforts are needed for topics like soil moisture to be integrated into common societal knowledge. awareness raising and public engagement strategy development are the two most critical elements of any success, where top-down efforts supported by policy-making can make a difference. data representativity is also a relevant issue. a good monitoring system needs to cover all different kinds of environmental settings, defined by geomorphological, land use and soil properties – among others. a system targeting small-holders may result in a spatially biased, incomplete distribution of the monitoring sites, where the point density is high within the village and low or even zero for areas outside of the villages. the soils of the small-holders garden are often changed by cultivation, artificial additives, therefore, the point may represent only a small neighbourhood, extrapolation of its information is often limited. one potential means to accelerate the development of a high-quality soil moisture monitoring system in europe is to move towards engaging with large-scale agriculture, 137kovács, k.z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 119–139. which would require an increasing interest in maintaining soil moisture monitoring systems provide public data. such a reliable data source could catalyse break-through in all the disciplines affected in earth observation, climate modelling and precision soil and land management and use. the grow project as a top-down initiative funded by the european commission has the potential to initiate these necessary processes. with the tools of engagement, communication, training and awareness raising enforces the bottom-up development of the co, reaching out to the widest spectra of interested stakeholders. this catalyses self-organizing data communities with the interest in soil monitoring, which through open source apis and diy sensors can develop sensing and data infrastructure, or economic interest sets up professional networks with researchers. based on the pilot missions’ experiences grow involved larger scale agriculture and research institutions in the targeted audience. diy sensor knowledge base and an api to connect any soil sensors to the grow collaboration hub had been developed and will be communicated to the end of the project. a major finding of the grow project is that low-cost soil moisture sensors can provide data both for home and for scientific use. however, some conflicts between the home user and the scientific interest have been identified. sentinel-1 data is sensitive to soil moisture of the upper 10 centimetres. this layer dries out and can be rewetted fast. the layer directly below the soil surface represents a more stable source of available water for the plants. therefore, sensors deployed under the surface layer would provide more relevant information for the grower, but less representative for the sentinel-1 data validation and calibration. it has been concluded, that these low-cost sensors have a relatively good performance. the comparison of several readings from the different sensors within the same condition was quite consistent. however, a significant deviation from the lab measurements was identified, probably due to the built-in soil moisture estimation algorithm. it is known, that different soils have different relationships between their dielectric constants and their soil moisture content, so different estimation algorithms need to be fitted to different soils. any common platform aiming to integrate different sources of data should take the direct raw measurement and apply the appropriate algorithm afterward to avoid inconsistency due to the different estimation algorithms applied within the different kinds of sensors. the ground truthing of the sentinel-1 soil moisture model’s main criteria is the availability of fresh, up to date data. in order to develop a close to real-time, operational data platform providing up to date soil moisture estimations need to have more frequent data upload to the server. the strong interest of data providers to ensure frequent data upload is the issue to emphasize. besides of the traditional engagement mechanisms described in this paper, other innovative approaches for better outreach to the society, like the integration of environmental art to catch broader community attention is also initiated and currently being developed. a well-functioning back end system of sensing, data storage and visualization can provide a stable environment for database continuity. a good visualization of data is an important tool for science to develop data interpretation based on professional agricultural needs. grow must emphasize awareness-raising, communication, and engagement for the widest range of audience. the post-funding sustainability of the co depends on the sustaining of both the communities and the infrastructure of sensing, data logging, and processing and interpretation. an engagement tool for stakeholders interested in the technical part of soil-sensing is being developed and communicated in the second part of the project. this must be emphasized because diy sensors and open source communities can provide self-organizing infrastructure for soil moisture monitoring. an existing infrastructure of observations is more likely to generate data interpretation and visualization which is attractive and engaging for a wide audience and encourage participation. kovács, k.z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 119–139.138 acknowledgements: this project has received funding from the european union’s horizon 2020 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(8): 4994–5007. available at: https://doi. org/10.1109/tgrs.2016.2561938 clary, e.g. and snyder, m. 1999. the motivations to volunteer. current directions in psychological science 8. (5): 156–159. available at: https://doi. org/10.1111/1467-8721.00037 dorigo, w.a., gruber, a., de jeu, r.a.m., wagner, w., stacke, t., loew, a., albergel, c., brocca, l., chung, d., parinussa, r.m. and kidd, r. 2015. evaluation of the esa cci soil moisture product using ground-based observations. remote sensing of environment 162. 380–395. dorigo, w.a., van oevelen, p., wagner, w., drusch, m., mecklenburg, s., robock, a. and jackson, t. 2011a. a new international network for in situ soil moisture data. eos transactions agu 92. (17): 141–142. dorigo, w.a., wagner, w., hohensinn, r., hahn, s., paulik, c., drusch, m., mecklenburg, s. and xaver, a. 2011b. the international soil moisture network: a data hosting facility for global in situ soil moisture measurements. hydrology and earth system sciences 15. (5): 1675–1698. dorigo, w.a., xaver, a., vreugdenhil, m., gruber, a., hegyiová, a., sanchis-dufau, a.d., zamojski, d., cordes, c., wagner, w. and drusch, m. 2013. global automated quality control of in situ soil moisture data from the international soil moisture network. vadose zone journal 12. (3): 1–21. doi: 10.2136/vzj2012.0097 freitag, a., meyer, r. and whiteman, l. 2016. strategies employed by citizen science programs to increase the credibility of their data. citizen science: theory and practice 1. (2): 1–11. geoghegan, h., dyke, a., pateman, r., west, s. and everett, g. 2016. understanding motivations for citizen science. final report on behalf of ukeof, university of reading, stockholm environment institute, university of york and university of the west of england. swindon, ukeof natural environment research council. gharesifard, m., wehn, u. and van der zaag, p. 2017. towards benchmarking citizen observatories: features and functioning of online amateur weather networks. journal of environmental management 193. 381–393. available at: http://doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvman.2017.02.003 grainger, a. 2017. citizen observatories and the new earth observation science. remote sensing 9. 153–153. gruber, a., dorigo, w.a., zwieback, s., xaver, a. and wagner, w. 2013. characterizing coarsescale representativeness of in situ soil moisture measurements from the international soil moisture network. vadose zone journal 12. (2): 1–16. doi: 10.2136/vzj2012.0170 hecker, s., haklay, m., bowser, a., makuch, z., vogel, j. and bonn, a. 2018. citizen science innovation in open science and policy. ucl press. retrieved from https://www.ucl.ac.uk/ucl-press/browsebooks/citizen-science hochachka, w.m., fink, d., hutchinson, r.a., sheldon, d., wong, w.k. and kelling, s. 2012. data-intensive science applied to broad-scale citizen science. trends in ecology and evolution 27. (2): 130–137. ipcc 2007. summary for policymakers. in climate change 2007: the physical science basis. contribution of working group i to the fourth assessment report of the intergovernmental panel on climate change. cambridge, uk and new york, usa, cambridge university press. 139kovács, k.z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 119–139. kerr, y.h., waldteufel, p., richaume, p., wigneron, j.p., ferrazzoli, p., mahmoodi, a. and delwart, s. 2012. the smos soil moisture retrieval algorithm. ieee transactions on geoscience and remote sensing 50. (5): part 1. 1384–1403. available at: https://doi. org/10.1109/tgrs.2012.2184548 lavelle, p., decaëns, t., aubert, m., barot, s., blouin, m., bureau, f. and rossi, j.p. 2006. soil invertebrates and ecosystem services. european journal of soil biology 42. (suppl. 1) 3–15. available at: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ejsobi.2006.10.002 liu, h.y., kobernus, m., broday, d. and bartonova, a. 2014. a conceptual approach to a citizens’ observatory – supporting community-based environmental governance. environmental health 2014 dec 12;13:107. doi: 10.1186/1476-069x-13-107. makó, a., tóth, b., hernádi, h., farkas, cs. and marth, p. 2010. introduction of the hungarian detailed soil hydrophysical database (martha) and its use to test external pedotransfer functions. agrokémia és talajtan 59. (1): 29–38. mcglade, j. 2009. global citizen observatory – the role of individuals in observing and understanding our changing world. annual earthwatch lecture – citizen science, oxford, 16th february 2009. mohanty, b.p., cosh, m.h., lakshmi, v. and montzka, c. 2017. soil moisture remote sensing: state-of-the-science. vadose zone journal 16. doi: 10.2136/vzj2016.10.0105. morbidelli, r., saltalippi, c., flammini, a., rossi, e. and corradini, c. 2014. soil water content vertical profiles under natural conditions: matching of experiments and simulations by a conceptual model. hydrological processes 28. (17): 4732–4742. doi: 10.1002/hyp.9973. pocock, m.j.o., twedle, j.c., savage, j., robinson, l.d., roy, h.e. and crownston, k. 2017. the diversity and evolution of ecological and environmental citizen science. plos one 12(4), e0172579. available at: http://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0172579 robinson, d.a., campbell, c.s., hopmans, j.w., hornbuckle, b.k., jones, s.b., knight, r., ogden, f., selker, j. and wendroth, o. 2008. soil moisture measurement for ecological and hydrological watershed-scale observatories: a review. vadose zone journal 7. 358–389. rotman, d., preece, j., hammock, j., procita, k., hansen, d., parr, c. and jacobs, d. 2012. dynamic changes in motivation in collaborative citizenscience projects. proceedings of the acm 2012 conference on computer supported cooperative work – cscw ’12, 217. available at: https://doi. org/10.1145/2145204.2145238 várallyay, g. 1989. soil mapping in hungary. agrokémia és talajtan 38. 696–714. várallyay, g. 1994. soil database for long-term field experiments and sustainable land use. agrokémia és talajtan 43. 269–290. várallyay, g. 2010. the increasing importance of the water storage function of soils under climate change. agrokémia és talajtan 59. (1): 7–18. wagner, w., hahn, s., kidd, r., melzer, t., bartalis, z., hasenauer, s. and rubel, f. 2013. the ascat soil moisture product: a review of its specifications, validation results, and emerging applications. meteorologische zeitschrift 22. (1): 5–33. available at: https://doi.org/10.1127/0941-2948/2013/0399 wang, l. and qu, j.j. 2009. satellite remote sensing applications for surface soil moisture monitoring: a review. frontiers of earth science in china 3. (237): 237–247. available at: https://doi.org/10.1007/ s11707-009-0023-7 west, s.e. 2015. understanding participant and practitioner outcomes of environmental education. environmental education research 21. (1): 45–60. kovács, k.z. et al. hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (2) 119–139.140 7_book reviews.indd 397book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (4) 393–404.doi: 10.15201/hungeobull.67.4.8 hungarian geographical bulletin 67 2018 (4) solarz, m.w. (ed.): poland in the modern world: atlas of poland’s political geography. warsaw, university of warsaw, trzecia strona, and faculty of geography and regional studies university of warsaw, 2018. 248 p. the map is a political tool (batuman, b. 2010, 222–223) – if we take this now established position as a starting point then we can consequently see an atlas as a (geo)political toolkit. accordingly, “maps are discursive tools socially produced to persuade others”, and as a representational tool the map has been utilised towards maintaining political power and constructing identities (ibid, p. 222). especially with the rise of nation-states, the map has emerged as a powerful sign of national unity and a cultural product materialising nationalist discourse (ibid). thus, the presentation of the national territory in the form of maps within textbooks and atlases serves for the rationalisation and naturalisation of the relationship between the territory and the people, provoking a sense of “territorial bonding” (herb, g.h. 2004). put differently, maps and charts fix and legitimise; they “produced, and are produced by arguments of legitimacy” (reynolds, p.r.a. 2008, p. 72). that critical perspective barely infiltrated the atlas of poland’s political geography. this otherwise in many respects fine work fulfils a rather different purpose: it is part of this year’s commemoration efforts in poland to celebrate the centenary of the state’s regained independence (following its disappearance during 1795–1918). the importance of that event for poles and others needs perhaps no detailed explanation here, but the background and explicit goal of the publication ought to be borne in mind while reading. the title page is equipped with the official logo of the centenary, complemented with a line indicating that this work enjoys the “national patronage of the president of the republic of poland andrzej duda to mark the centenary of regaining independence” (p. 3). apart of trzecia strona (a warsaw-based publisher ) the university of warsaw and additionally the faculty of geography and regional studies of that university are indicated as the publishers, which provide the scientific quality – if less a critical approach – that such a volume requires. the fact that the atlas begins with an introductory letter by polish president andrzej duda (p. 6) further proves its significance as not just a pure academic or popular scientific undertaking: “this interesting scientific publication … responds to enormous needs…”. accordingly, the following quote reflects a view that probably many statesmen have of political geography: “i believe that this … piece of work will become a stimulus for the development of political geography in our country, as this is a science without which no rational plans and forecasts concerning the future of poland and europe could be outlined”. according to the president, “until the mid-20th century this discipline had been developing freely… it undertook subjects that are of crucial importance for the republic of poland and its key interests”. finally, mr. duda expresses his ardent hope that the atlas “will become one of the most essential pieces of reading to those who think, write and actively strive for the security and successful development of contemporary poland” (ibid). the short prologue (p. 7) of editor marcin wojciech solarz – professor of the university of warsaw – confirms that the publication was carried out “with a sense of obligation” to two anniversaries: “the first miracle of restored independence” and “the eve of the 30th anniversary of the second”. the fact that the regained independence of the polish state is referred to as a miracle (not just here but also elsewhere in the book) is highly illustrative of the strong symbolic value ascribed to these events. one may add that comparing 1918 and 1989 can appear a little far-fetched (something the author alludes to later, on page 12), since despite the undoubtedly strong soviet dominance over poland during the cold war the latter was still formally an independent state, which put it in a different situation compared to the baltic soviet republics, for instance. 398 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (4) 393–404. finally, the prologue informs that the european union (eu) within its 2017 borders serves as the basic reference point for poland in the international environment, which deserves two short remarks. on the one hand, from the perspective of the eu it can be reassuring that it remains the key reference point for poland – in line with polish public opinion, but somewhat in contrast to recent eu-scepticism among parts of the country’s political establishment. on a more practical note, the strong focus on the eu – rather than europe as a whole, or possibly some other space – has resulted in many maps on which countries like norway, switzerland, serbia, ukraine, etc. are missing. yet poland has intensive links with these countries as well (e.g. migration), and eurostat has many data on not just eu member states but also the candidates, as well as countries of the european economic area. moreover, the atlas has not just worked from euor european databanks but others as well, such as the human development index. the big chunk of the atlas can be said to be divided into five parts: an introductory text on the political geography of poland and four chapters containing maps ‘only’. i find the former easier – and hopefully more constructive – to comment. the chapter is titled “poland – politics and space” (pp. 11–30) and is divided into five (unnumbered) sub-chapters: an (untitled) introduction; “the state”; “location”; “geopolitics”; and “borders, territory, sovereignty”. the chapter starts with two quotes, the first of which by eugeniusz romer, the founder of polish political geography, whose 1916 “atlas of poland” was the foremost cartographical work on the polish territories cited by the western allies at the paris peace conference (labbé, m. 2018, p. 94). the second quote comes from a 1982 speech by ronald reagan in the british parliament and ends with the sentences: “poland is not east or west. poland is at the centre of european civilization. it has contributed mightily to that civilization” (p. 11). the introduction starts with several lengthy though illustrative quotes by political emigrant and publicist karol zbyszewski, the first of which is saying that the “boundaries between fields are more permanent than the borders of poland” – cited as expressing “a profound truth” (p. 11). at least [t]he vistula has always been within its [poland’s] borders… the vistula finds its faithful reflection in the character of the polish people. flamboyance without adequate means is seen in the nonsensical breadth of the vistula which suffers a chronic lack of water; fickleness, inconsistency, hysteria – it switches channel constantly, lunging first here then there, one day ominous, and the next listless; these magnificent outbursts and ignominious downfalls – the vistula rises, rushes with power, and a week later scarcely murmurs, languishes at every step on the shallows; this capriciousness, this continual, irritating pose of greatness, this lack of stability, this charm, this melancholy, this unpredictability … these are what characterize the poles and the vistula. (pp. 11–12) whereas such geographical narratives and national self-images are fascinating to read, the academically or critically inclined reader may miss a certain distance to them by the author. that also goes for some of his own statements intended to emphasise the (relative) greatness of poland: “poland has a significantly larger population than other countries in the region (with the exception of russia, germany and ukraine)”; or, “[w]ith the exception of its periods of eclipse poland has consistently been a force to be reckoned with…” (p. 13). a little later it is stated that “[t]erritorial and national lack of cohesion were key problems for poland between 1918 and 1939. these were resolved after 1945 as a result of the redrawing of the borders of the polish state, the accompanying population resettlement, and the assimilation policy pursued by the communist authorities” (pp. 13–14). i find this formulation problematic for more than one reason. one, if the verb ‘resolve’ is correct to use here at all, i would have at least put it in inverted commas. more crucially, the “national lack of cohesion” was “resolved” not just after but also during world war ii… and following the war, poland was one of the few countries where jews were still harassed and, in some cases, even killed (cf. gross, j.t. 2006). finally, one may mention that the assimilation policy was described in the quote as having been pursued by “communist authorities” rather than polish ones (both of which are correct, but the choice of terms is telling). regarding the territorial lack of cohesion solarz notes that [w]ith the collapse of the soviet union and the increasing dependence of belarus on russia, the “suwałki isthmus” which separates the kaliningrad region from belarus has de facto become a new „polish corridor” akin to the pomeranian corridor in its past forms (1657–1772 and 1918–1939). the last of these was a source of conflicts, and, in 1939, it was one of the reasons for germany’s aggression against poland and consequently the outbreak of the second world war. (p. 14, original emphasis) it is true that the “polish corridor” was a casus belli for germany in 1939, although – as the author alludes to – it is hardly realistic to have been a key reason for attacking poland. what is interesting (from a social scientific perspective) is not primarily whether the quoted fears and historical parallel-drawings are realistic or exaggerated, but the fact that they apparently continue to shape polish geopolitical thinking. illustratively, to solarz “[i]t seems that contemporary poland faces new challenges because after the reunification of germany (1990) and the coming to power of vladimir putin in russia (1999), we are observing the renewed formation of the two poles of political power in the direct vicinity of poland” (p. 20). elsewhere, it is stated that poland “is now classified as a highly developed country” (p. 15). while there is 399book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (4) 393–404. no reference indicated here, it is quite possible that poland is nowadays ranked in this group of countries according to some – even established – indices such as the human development index. in any case, a fading belief in the narrative of convergence between europe’s east and west, which characterised collective hopes up until about the 2008 economic crisis, means that few perceive central and east european countries to be “highly developed”. it is interesting that the editor himself recently published critically on the united nations’ designation of ‘least developed countries’ (solarz, m.w. and wojtaszczyk, m. 2017) and yet adopts the same vocabulary for his own country uncritically. the author is taking a political stand (which is by no means per se illegitimate) in saying that “in the late 1980s and early 1990s there was presumably no alternative route to effective systemic transformation by which the high social and economic costs could have been avoided” (p. 15). there are of course alternative approaches to this question (cf. buchowski, m. 2001), and the socio-economic costs could likely have at least been mitigated. solarz too is trying to nuance the overall picture by providing some critical remarks that i find praiseworthy: … it cannot be doubted that polish success came at a price. among the ills that poland has experienced are mass emigration, a demographic catastrophe, social injustice and deindustrialization… the prioritization of special interests over those of the community… we present poland as a model for democratic transformations… but shouldn’t low voter turnout and deep political division in society rather prompt a very critical assessment of the quality of polish political life, of the polish political elites and ourselves as citizens? these and other ruptures require speedy and careful remedy, to be carried out first and foremost by the elites of free poland. (p. 15) the sub-chapter “location” makes clear that poland’s situatedness “on a flat and open plain without any natural barriers” has been seen as its most important geopolitical characteristic, translating into numerous threats and challenges but also some opportunities (p. 16): “[f]rom the moment of its birth, poland has been a borderland country squeezed between the querns of great worlds which here intersect and collide” (p. 17). i am missing a reference to oskar halecki (1980) here, but we get acquainted with other historical polish thinkers such as piotr grabowski and wacław nałkowski. according to solarz, “poland’s place on the map of europe can be described using the comparison of an hourglass. poland occupies the narrow tube connecting two large glass spheres which, on opposite sides, contain western and eastern europe, europe and asia…” (p. 17). one may criticise this metaphor for assuming an image of europe without hungary, southeast europe, and scandinavia. numerous are the cities, regions, and countries in central and eastern europe (and beyond) that claim to be the intersection of west and east… i personally find the sub-chapter “geopolitics” the most interesting, and perhaps also less emotionally loaded than the other sub-chapters. this section introduces the reader to three key polish geopolitical metaconcepts historically developed. the first of these may by now seem familiar: the narrative of ‘poland as a transitional land’ emphasises the “indeterminate character” of polish territories – i.e. lacking physical geographic borders – that poses a permanent threat (p. 20). the second concept envisions “poland as a bridge country” between the baltic and black seas, an area which nałkowski saw as “a separate and distinct geographic whole ascribed to poland” (p. 21). solarz writes that this narrative “encourages the polish state to develop activity in the bridge region and seek the role of leader of the smaller countries located between germany and russia” (ibid). i find it strange that neither piłsudski’s interwar concept of intermarium nor the much more recent three seas initiative is mentioned here, both of which clearly followed the logic of ‘poland as a bridge’ – their meagre results notwithstanding. in any case, “poland’s actions in support of ukraine in 2004–2005 and after 2013” (p. 22) are mentioned. the third narrative characterises “poland as a bulwark of christendom, the west, europe” – as “a shield which protects a certain community of states, variously defined in different periods, but which in general can be described as western europe” (ibid). importantly, “[t]he polish bulwark concept is currently being manifested in poland’s fulfilment of the obligations arising from its location on the eastern borders of the european union and nato” (p. 23). the remainder of the book is as mentioned a collection of maps, divided into four chapters by the following titles: “international relations”; “the state”; “society”; and “development”. apart of the minor criticism i made above regarding the eu-centric maps, there is little constructive input i can provide (i am sure the atlas will also be reviewed by a cartographer). the maps appear carefully done, in high quality, providing excellent visuality. it is progressive that some maps were included on gender and socio-economic inequalities (pp. 140–144), even if all these maps compare disparities between eu-countries i.e. none within poland. as i made clear in the beginning of the review, i tend to miss at least some critical remarks on the exercise of mapping in general, but that would have been in place more in the text part rather than on the maps. despite the critical remarks formulated here, i overall find the atlas of poland’s political geography a great achievement. i believe it could function very well as an introduction to polish geography, history, or to poland more generally; in academic courses or for a broader audience; thanks to its bilingual character, in polishand english-language environments 400 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 67 (2018) (4) 393–404. alike. while this volume is understandably a polish project, at least some regional parallels could have been drawn: a number of countries in central and eastern europe are celebrating their centenaries this year. moreover, geopolitical narratives such as the ‘christian bulwark’ are by no means unique to poland, but also exist in other countries of the region and beyond (tazbir, j. 2005). it was less surprising to learn that a fear of russia is vivid in polish geopolitical thinking, but more so that german reunification in 1990 can still be referred to as a challenge, despite strongly improved polish-german relations ever since (balogh, p. 2014, 25–27). indeed, one is unlikely to see the bundeswehr marching across the polish border for other reasons than shared natoexercises within the foreseeable future. but continued presence of various fears and an enhanced need for security, stability, and peace are some of the reasons why political geography should continue to be studied. thus, a toast is in place to the next one hundred years of polish geography: sto lat! péter balogh1 r e f e r e n c e s balogh, p. 2014. perpetual borders: german-polish crossborder contacts in the szczecin area. phd dissertation. stockholm, department of human geography, stockholm university. batuman, b. 2010. the shape of the nation: visual production of nationalism through maps in turkey. political geography 29. (4): 220–234. buchowski, m. 2001. rethinking transformation: an anthropological perspective on post-socialism. poznań, wydawnictwo fundacji humaniora. gross, j.t. 2006. fear: anti-semitism in poland after auschwitz. new york and princeton, random house and princeton university press. halecki, o. 1980. borderlands of western civilization: a history of east central europe. 2nd edition. safety harbor, simon publications. herb, g.h. 2004. double vision: territorial strategies in the construction of national identities in germany, 1949–1979. annals of the association of american geographers 94. (1): 140–164. 1 central and north hungarian research department, institute for regional studies, cers, hungarian academy of sciences (mta), budapest, hungary. e-mail: balogh.peter@krtk.mta.hu. research for this publication has been supported from the national research, development and innovation fund (nkfia) grant nr. 124543 (program: pd_17), and by the jános bolyai research scholarship of the hungarian academy of sciences. labbé, m. 2018. eugene romer’s 1916 atlas of poland: creating a new nation state. imago mundi 70. (1): 94–113. reynolds, p.r.a. 2008. transmission and recall: the use of short wall anchors in the wide world. phd dissertation. york, department of archaeology, university of york. solarz, m.w. and wojtaszczyk, m. 2017. are the ldcs really the world’s least developed countries? third world quarterly 38. (4): 805–821. tazbir, j. 2005. the bulwark myth. acta poloniae historica 91. 73–97. 7_book reviews.indd 93book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 93–101. b o o k r e v i e w s e c t i o n kocsis, k., gercsák, g., horváth, g., keresztesi, z. and nemerkényi, z. (eds.): national atlas of hungary vol. 2: natural environment. budapest, hungarian academy of sciences, research centre for astronomy and earth sciences, geographical institute. 2018. 183 p. the current volume is part 2 of the new “national atlas of hungary”, and the first volume that has been published out of the four volumes, for part 1 (the hungarian state and its place in the world) will arrive later. part 3 (society) comes next, very likely in 2019, and part 4 (economy) is also to be published soon, before part 1. a digital version will accompany the hardcopy of each volume, which will be distributed in two editions, hungarian and english. the list of editors and authors reads like a ‘who is who?’ in hungarian geography and cartography. at the top is károly kocsis, director of the geographical institute of the hungarian academy of sciences, who is well-known for his previous atlases and other map works. leading contributors also include lászló zentai, head of the department of cartography and geoinformatics at eötvös loránd university and secretary general of the international cartographic association (ica), as the head of the cartographic advisory committee, and istván klinghammer, an outstanding representative of hungarian cartography, as honorary president of the editorial board. the current four volume project constitutes the third generation of national atlases in hungary after the first such work in 1967, edited by sándor radó, and the second atlas in 1989, which was edited by márton pécsi and was later complemented by additional maps. actually, one can also consider it the fourth generation if counting andrás rónai’s “atlas of central-europe” from 1945 as a national atlas. thus, hungary might be the only country in europe where so many national atlases were created since world war ii. what is the explanation for that? firstly, hungary owes a very robust and devoted scientific community as well as outstanding researchers in geography, cartography and related fields. secondly, the country has undergone several significant political changes in these decades, which required that cartographic representations of the country were frequently updated. thirdly, there is a feeling of necessity to present hungary to its own public as well as to the outside world, perhaps due to the country’s fundamental political ruptures since world war i, the extreme temporal changes of the country’s role among the nations of europe, its reduction to the core of a larger nation and (even more so) territory, and, in consequence, its delicate geopolitical position in this part of europe. as károly kocsis in his preface rightfully writes, national atlases are not only scientific outputs, but also national symbols. they present an image of the self that will affect and strengthen the consciousness of the country’s population and shape the image of the country on the international scene, especially if the atlas, just like in the current case, also appears in a global language. who have already edited an atlas themselves know that editing atlases is the most demanding challenge in cartography. contributors have to develop a comprehensive concept; find authors for the individual maps (137 units in the case of this volume); systemise and coordinate map and text manuscripts; provide for, if possible, distinct, innovative and also harmonious cartographic solutions appealing for potential readers; and, last but not least, they have to achieve the widest possible dissemination. in case of an english edition of an original work in a different language, as it is the case here, the editors also have to organise that native speaker scholars translate all tidoi: 10.15201/hungeobull.68.1.7 hungarian geographical bulletin 68 2019 (1) 94 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 93–101. tles, texts and legends, whereas the authors also have to check geographical and cartographic terminology. the volume incorporates 13 chapters. each chapter has its own colour code, and chapter numbers at the page margin as well as the numbering of maps and references to individual maps in the text also facilitate orientation. contrary to the traditional concept, this atlas provides much more than a collection of maps. maps catch the reader’s eye, so they are dominant parts of the atlas, but detailed texts as explanations to the cartographic material constitute a much larger part of the volume than usual, and the plenty of very indicative photos also forms a crucial part of the project. a total of 33 maps represents the pannonian or carpathian basin in the scale 1:800,000, going as far as cracow [kraków] in the north, iaşi in the east, zenica (bosnia and herzegovina) in the south and linz in the west. another 28 maps of europe display hungary in an even wider spatial context. hungary as a cartographic island is represented in the scales of 1:1 million, 1:1.5 million, 1:2 million, 1:3.3 million, and sometimes even smaller. in addition, the atlas contains case study maps in larger scales. it is the editors’ obvious intention not to show hungary as an island, but to embed it into its wider neighbourhood, to which it was historically so closely connected, with which it has its intimate relations up to the present day, and with which it is, of course, also interwoven in terms of natural conditions. what would be the informative value of a drainage map or a map of natural landscapes confined to modern hungary? cartographic design is excellent and very appealing as one can expect from hungarian cartographers. hill shading is decent, but applied not with many maps. in my experience, however, the fear of many cartographers that such shading makes more difficult to distinguish between areal colours is not a justified one. hill shading in neutral grey never has a negative impact on visual distinction, while relief is important for the interpretation of almost all geographical topics, not the least those related to the nature sphere. place naming is always a challenging issue for national atlases targeting an international audience. an atlas with map titles, map legends and texts in more than one language can only work with endonyms, since multiple exonyms of all the languages applied would overburden the map face. with english as the only language of publication, like in the case of this atlas, a possible choice is to apply english exonyms. taking this approach, the current atlas uses english exonyms for populated places, where they are available, in addition to the endonym. in minority areas with a minority’s share of above 10 per cent the maps also provide additional endonyms from the minority language. usually, only the english exonym is depicted to country names, names of natural features (e.g. relief and waters) and landscapes (with some exceptions), if such an exonym exists. in other cases, one or more endonyms are used. this is a reasonable approach for mapworks for an international english speaking audience. thematically, the current volume of the new atlas pays more attention to flora and fauna, nature conservation and landscapes compared to earlier national atlases of hungary. beyond this general feature, i can only highlight a couple of examples among the many topics the atlas embraces. chapter i (hungary at a glance) offers a short introduction to hungary’s overall structure and situation in three pages, including a map of the country’s administrative divisions (regions, counties and districts) as well as a geographical map of the ‘carpatho-pannonian area’ with an impressive relief representation and detailed naming. it was, however, not a good idea to stretch the relatively small letters of a short name like ‘alföld’ to such a length that the distance between individual letters is four centimetres. it is possible only by chance to identify this name amongst a jungle of traffic lines, rivers and other names. would not it have been more consistent (and helpful in terms of visibility) to also use here the english exonym (‘great hungarian plain’) – certainly along with ‘kisalföld’ (‘little hungarian plain’)? would not it have even corresponded to the naming principles of the atlas only to apply the english exonym for landscapes? at this point it deserves to be mentioned that the editors obviously use the designations ‘carpatho-pannonian area’ and ‘carpathopannonian region’ to avoid the terms ‘pannonian basin’ and ‘carpathian basin’, which, according to editor-in-chief károly kocsis, have a well-defined meaning. namely, the ‘pannonian basin’ marks the natural feature of the basin between the alps, the carpathians and the dinarides, while the ‘carpathian basin’ describes (“without irredentistic connotations”) “the historical-cultural homeland, the autochthonous settlement area of hungarians, in fact, the historical territory of the state” (p. 12). nevertheless, some maps depicting purely natural features also refer to “the carpathian basin” in their titles (p. 111, p. 113). chapter ii (geology, 20 pages) comprises stratigraphy, tectonics, petrography, energy and mineral resources, water aquifers and thermal waters. the map of engineering geology is rather exceptional for showing compressive strength of the ground as well as waste heaps and tailing ponds of mining sites and power plants. chapter iii (geophysics, 6 pages) highlights, among others, occurrences of earthquakes between the years 456 and 2014 in the carpathian basin. concentrations are not so much in hungary, but in friuli, the upper save area and the dinaric range in slovenia and croatia, the southern part of romanian moldova, and the southern area of the vienna basin. chapter iv (relief, 16 pages) is very much based on the works of the late márton pécsi and starts with a 1:50,000 scale map of the geomorphology of budapest, 95book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 93–101. where the network of main streets enables a very good comparison with current urban structures. it impressively shows the exposed, but at the same time safe, frontier location of buda. maps like “terrain types of the carpatho-pannonian area” demonstrate the benefits of the redundant numbering of categories which otherwise are marked with areal colours for safe map reading. chapter v (climate, 12 pages) compliments the conventional thematic range with maps on expected future temperature change and seasonal precipitation change up to 2100. long-term courses of temperature and precipitation are also very indicative of climate change. chapter vi (waters, 12 pages) starts with a scheme of hungary’s water balance, which visually quantifies surface water entering and leaving the country, precipitation, evapotranspiration, direct surface runoff, infiltration into subsurface aquifers etc. also very interesting is a series of small maps on the formation of watercourses in the carpathian basin, showing development since 4.5 million years ago, when danube and tisza flew into the pannonian lake, through the pleistocene, when the danube crossed the recent danube–tisza interfluve south of budapest and the current location of the town of szeged, up to a last stage before the contemporary pattern of watercourses emerged, when danube as well as tisza flew east of their current beds. besides, the reproduction of a 1938 map is also very illustrative as it shows areas exposed to flooding in the carpathian basin before flood control and drainage works started. it is impressive to see that, especially in the great hungarian plain, roughly half of the territory was subjected to occasional floods. chapter vii (soils, 12 pages) contains a very instructive scheme of the typical soil top sequence of the carpathian basin with a curve of soil depths from higher to lower altitudes above sea level, with the profiles of typical soil types and pictures of the adequate scenery. there also are maps about land quality (soil bonitation values) as well as physical and chemical parameters of soils, with texts on their origin (natural vs. anthropogenic) and impact on agriculture. chapter viii (vegetation, 10 pages) starts with a map from harald niklfeld’s “atlas of the danubian countries”, which depicts the natural potential vegetation, i.e. the vegetation that would presumably develop if humankind abandoned land use. three maps on habitat diversity of vegetation regions interestingly demonstrate that the saline grasslands and nearly natural floodplains of the eastern lowlands show at a small overall diversity, but an intensive variation on the spot, whereas in the hilly and mountainous regions it is rather the other way round. further innovative topics are the naturalness of forests and vegetation regions as well as the share of abandoned lands by vegetation region. chapter ix (animals, 8 pages) presents several maps of europe (and beyond) about the distribution of certain species also occurring in hungary. in addition to these elementary-analytical maps, the chapter also provides synthetic maps of zoogeographical regions and faunal districts. chapter x (landscapes, 18 pages) focuses inter alia on stability of land cover (or land cover changes) between 1990 and 2012 in hungary. as it indicates, the most remarkable change in this period was the conversion of large areas of arable land to forests and close-to-natural areas. the 1:1.8 million map “taxonomy of natural landscapes in the carpathopannonian area” at three levels is a most impressive one, and a successful attempt to harmonise various classifications of the wider area. chapter xi (environmental protection, 14 pages) employs long time map series to reveal that the concentration of main air pollutants like sulphur dioxide or nitrogen dioxide has decreased since the communist period, when hungary belonged, especially due to its industrial belt in the north, to the countries with the highest air pollution in europe. still, there is a substantial amount of free of charge emission allowances as the map shows by industrial branches. chapter xii (nature conservation, 12 pages) addresses various forms of nature protection. it also includes a double page about the most typical habitat types of the pannonian biogeographical region as well as animal and flower species “of community interest”, which the authors present through photos, maps on geographical spread, and explanatory texts. presentations like these are very likely to remain in the mind of a wide range of readers. the final chapter xiii (natural hazards, 12 pages) shows that the part of hungary east of the danube is the most endangered, and that floods and droughts are the most important reasons for that. a list of authors by map, a bibliography, a list of sources by chapter, and a list of figures, tables and pictures, along with english exonyms and all corresponding endonyms, complete the volume. in some cases, the list of place names exceeds even this range of categories, when it, for example, mentions the german and czech names for the pre-carpathians in poland and ukraine. it would, however, also be convenient to see the names of map authors in every map (not only at the end of the volume), perhaps in the right lower corner of the map field. one automatically would like to see the author(s) of synthetic maps like “taxonomy of natural landscapes in the carpatho-pannonian area” (pp. 122–123), which very much are constructs depending on scientific perspectives, and it is annoying to find the author names only in a list at the end of the volume. an overall evaluation of the first volume of the new national atlas of hungary can only be very, very positive. today, macroregional, national, regional, city and thematic atlases in both print and digital versions are very likely to receive the widest public attention 96 book review section – hungarian geographical bulletin 68 (2019) (1) 93–101. and recognition among all outputs of geography as a science – in cooperation with cartography –, for many consider regional geography texts outdated, and geography has diversified into very specific fields producing highly specialised outputs. yet, with the significant share of texts and pictures this volume of the national atlas of hungary shows that it has integrated the functions of a written regional geography, and perhaps replaced it as well. maps, also the dominant means of communication in this volume, have the benefit of urging systematic thinking while they provide a complete and homogenous coverage of the area. therefore, one can expect the next volumes of this atlas series with great anticipation. peter jordan1 1 institute of urban and regional research, austrian academy of sciences, vienna, austria. e-mail: peter.jordan@oeaw.ac.at