8_Literature.indd 349Literature – Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 345–353. Stockholm; Vienna; Athens; Amsterdam; Budapest; Riga; Vilnius; Prague; and Oslo. Finally, as the main conclusion of the book, even though European cit- ies are still less segregated compared to those in the Americas, Africa or parts of Eastern Asia, almost all of the cities involved in the study were found to be more segregated than initially hypothesised (with the only exception of Amsterdam). The spatial gap between the poor and the rich has been widening since the early 2000s; these changes are mostly driven by globalisation and the recent neoliberalisation of European cities, both in the case of welfare states and former socialist countries. Moreover, as an alarming signal for policy-makers, the trend of rising inequali- ties and residential segregation does not appear to be changing anytime soon. Márton Berki The title Geographies of Knowledge and Power was published by Springer in July 2015. This is the sev- enth volume of the series "Knowledge and Space", launched in 2008 and dedicated to topics dealing with the production, application, spatial distribution and diff usion of knowledge. Chief editor in charge of the series is Peter Meusburger from Heidelberg University, whose work was this time supported by fellow editors Derek Gregory (University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada) and Laura Suarsana (Heidelberg University). The release is an outcome of the 7th Interdisciplinary Symposium on Knowledge and Space, held at Heidelberg between 17 and 20 of June 2009. Both the symposium and the book were supported by the Klaus Tschira Foundation. The book focuses on the complex relations be- tween knowledge, power and geographic space, and involves contributions from seventeen scholars with diff erent fi elds of inquiry therewith to investigate the issue at stake from multiple viewpoints. The large majority of the authors represent the fi eld of human geography, as do all three editors, whilst others come from various fi elds such as anthropology, scientifi c theology, Assyriology and communication science. Like many contemporary releases in human ge- ography, the book largely builds on the theoretical fi ndings of Michel Foucault. The approach of this title is mostly based on the French philosopher’s dual concept of “power-knowledge” (pouvoir-savoir), by which he referred to the interconnectedness and mu- tual dependence of political rule and scientifi c knowl- edge in reinforcing and legitimating each other. The introductory chapter (Chapter 1), in which the three editors lay the ground for the key notions of the book, is already set by a quote from Foucault, suggesting that “Knowledge and power are integrated with one an- other, and there is no point in dreaming of a time when knowledge will cease to depend on power” (Foucault, M. 1980: 52. 1.). A basic argument of the book is that “power and knowledge depend on each other and incorporate each other; both have enabling and innovative eff ects. Knowledge con- solidates power, and power att racts and sometimes legiti- mates knowledge” (3.). Though this issue has already been discussed by several authors throughout the last decades, the category of space, which is, accord- ing to Foucault, “fundamental in any exercise of power” (Foucault, M. 1984: 252. 4.), has remained relatively Meusburger, P., Gregory, D., Suarsana, L. (eds.:) Geographies of Knowledge and Power. Springer, Dordrecht, 2015, 347 p. Literature – Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 345–353.350 under-examined. Thus, an explicit goal of the volume is to contribute to the discourse on the relationship between power-knowledge and space “by bringing the voices of various disciplines, diff erent theoretical concepts, and diff erent scales of analysis together” (6.). As presented above, the volume indeed sought to involve authors from various fi elds, therefore, the sixteen chapters show a wide range of thematic focuses. Nevertheless, some key questions received distinguished att ention and were put on the agenda by several authors. The core issue of the book is framed by important theoretical foundations, aiming to contribute to a bet- ter understanding of the nature of power as such, not only in political, but also in more general terms; this is to a great extent helpful for the reader. Beyond the editors’ introduction, Chapters 2, 3, 13 and 16 are those that are dealing mainly with theoretical ques- tions. In Chapter 2, which is by far the longest and, thus, the most encompassing one in the entire volume, Peter Meusburger off ers an overview on the multiple ways in which knowledge, power and geographical space may be intertwined; moreover, he introduces some signifi cant or at least promising concepts for the interpretation of these relations. An essential contri- bution of this chapter is the diff erentiation between factual and orientation knowledge, the fi rst one being “regarded as widely shared, canonized knowledge that is generated by experts and taken as true on the basis of the prevailing state of the art in research” (25.), and the sec- ond one consisting of “belief systems, values, cultural traditions, worldviews, ideologies, religions, moral posi- tions, mindsets, action-guiding norms …, and refl ection about the ethical conduct of one’s life” (27.). A detailed argumentation is also provided by the author on why both categories of knowledge are needed for the ac- quisition and retention of power. In Chapter 3, Nico Stehr aims at exploring the multiple linkages between civil society, governance, and democracy; his approach att ributes an impor- tant role to the spread of knowledge and the “growing knowledgeability of modern actors” (78.), through which an enhanced refl exivity and a growing infl uence of greater segments of society is expected in democratic regimes. In Chapter 13, Richard Peet performs a brief critical assessment on the geographical implications of speculation as well as on the logic of this proc- ess and the power centres behind. Chapter 16 by Jo Reichertz off ers an insight into the persuasive power of words, communicative power. This special sort of power is well known from everyday life though its true nature is barely recognised. The author provides with an encompassing discussion on this mundane, yet powerful form of rule; by all means an appropri- ate piece for closing chapter. The book is considerably successful in presenting distinct spatial contexts and outcomes of power- knowledge. Several chapters focus on past or, from a European point of view, faraway cultural milieus and more precisely on how certain ideas and prac- tices emerged and subsequently spread in these spe- cifi c historical and spatial contexts. Stefan M. Maul (Chapter 5) provides with an introduction on ancient Mesopotamia, where “kings and their counsellors did not rely exclusively on their own professional expertise” (127.), but created some kind of a space for negotia- tion, aiming to gain divine legitimation for their de- cisions by using the professional knowledge of the two most important fi elds of that time, extispicy and astrology. The need for gods’ (or the God’s) approval of political and social practices was also of signifi cant importance not only for ancient cultures but also for later ones. Some of these traditions are still eff ective in contemporary discourses. Such cases are pre- sented from the Muslim world by Dale F. Eickelman (Chapter 6), and from the United States by Robert Jewett (Chapter 7). In his study, Eickelman points to the fact that al- though the Islam faith and its key proponents have an important role on what knowledge is valued in Muslim countries, this has shown diff erent forms in various historical and geographical contexts; ulti- mately, the author suggests, that “there is no singular Islam, but rather a multiplicity of overlapping forms of practice, discourse, and invocations based on readings of the past” (144.). In his essay, Jewett provides with a narrative on how civic millennialism spread from New England to all thirteen colonies in the emerg- ing United States of America during the 18th century to subsequently become a source of legitimacy for a proactive, if not off ensive American foreign policy still to our days. As the author puts it, “millennial- ism remains evident in the peculiar orientation of America toward the future and peculiar belief in their alleged in- nocence and power, including their widespread conviction that they are in some sense a chosen people, destined to exercise global leadership” (148.). This somewhat critical assessment of US’ att itude for global dominance lays the ground for a more nu- anced criticism of the mutual support of colonialism and knowledge production/distribution, which makes up an important portion of the book. The compara- tive (economic, military, etc.) advantage of colonialist powers not only enabled them to gain dominance over foreign lands and people through direct vio- lence, but also to invest heavily in knowledge pro- duction and distribution, therewith, to establish an ‘objective’ legitimacy base for their own superiority. For various reasons, scientists of diff erent eras and powers all contributed to this process, either directly or indirectly. The most striking examples in this respect are pre- sented by Trevor J. Barnes (Chapter 9), and by two Hungarian geographers Róbert Győri and Ferenc Gyuris (Chapter 10). Both chapters discuss how 351Literature – Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 345–353. scientists directly contributed to or at least laid the ground for the implementation of violent external and, in some cases, internal policies of undemocratic regimes such as Nazi Germany as well as pre- and post-WWII Hungary, respectively. Barnes takes the personality of Walter Christaller to illustrate how an ultimately violent regime managed to seduce the most prominent scholars of its time into ensuring the smooth operation of a lethal system. In a similar vein, Győri and Gyuris trace the history of human geography in Hungary. Whilst a distinguished and renowned fi eld in the interwar period, backed by the then regime in exchange for the legitimatisation of its irredentist foreign policy, human geography paid the price for this heyday by falling victim to a complete reshaping of the fi eld by the communist regime in the aft ermath of World War II. While radical changes were adapted and theoretical concepts were adjusted to new ideologies, the most prominent scholars were removed from academic positions. Following this complete uprooting of the discipline from its former context, it became suitable again for the service of the new (communist) regime. Past and present forms of political-ideological colo- nisation through the spread of appropriate knowledge are also introduced and investigated in the volume. Processes such as civilisation, democratisation or in- ternationalisation are considered as important tech- niques in this account. A classic case of colonisation is presented by Sarah de Leeuw (Chapter 15), who seeks to understand and theorise the “countervailing practices and strategies levied by those whom dominant forces att empt to subordinate” (298.) through the case of the Indigenous people of Canada. In contrast, the essays of John Agnew (Chapter 11) and Anssi Paasi (Chapter 12) discuss a more global issue, the world- wide dominance of a few centres and, thus, a limited number of viewpoints above entire scientifi c fi elds. Agnew scrutinises how a US-originated academic idea, the international relations theory, have exerted decisive infl uence on contemporary thinking about world politics. In his account the emergence and the subsequent spread of the theory (“the local becomes the global”; for a detailed introduction see Agnew, J. 2007) exemplifi es how “the geography of knowledge can be conceived and related to world politics” (236.). In a similar vein, Anssi Paasi critically discusses the inter- nationalisation of social sciences through the case of human geography. His criticism lies on the observa- tion that “the current interest in publication cultures and language has been part of a broader debate on the almost self-evident understanding that the geography practiced in the United States and United Kingdom is a product of the global core and that the same discipline practiced elsewhere is a product of the periphery” (255.). He considers this as threatening with the increased homogenisation of geographic knowledge in general, as “Non-English speaking researchers … should publish in top international journals, but publishing in such journals oft en forces them to adapt to research agendas created in the Anglophone world” (257.). This is a striking revelation from Paasi, himself a descendant of a linguistic group of about 5 million native speakers, but otherwise a scholar with high international reputation, on how contemporary scientifi c thinking in human geogra- phy is in fact att empted to be uniformed from a few global power centres (publishing houses), which is also leading to new global inequalities (for more on this issue see Paasi, A. 2005; Paasi, A. 2013). Beyond these main thematic focuses the volume is coloured by a handful of other papers, introducing further issues from the history of power-knowledge and space. Derek Gregory (Chapter 4) provides an in- sight on how maps became “some of the deadliest weap- ons in the staff offi cers’ armoury” (117.) at the Western Front in World War I. A completely diff erent story is told by Graeme Wynn (Chapter 8) on the power of books. He illumi- nates how two widely known books, Man and Nature from George P. Marsh (Marsh, G.P. 1864) and Silent Spring from Rachel Carson (Carson, R. 1962), were able to exercise meaningful infl uence on subsequent policy making thanks to the very specific social, economic, political, environmental, and intellectual contexts of their ages. The essay of Jürgen Wilke (Chapter 14) on the history of media control is a very insightful piece as well. Indeed, “media control is nearly as old as media itself” (277.), though it took diff erent forms in diff erent times and places. As the author reviews recent surveys of the state of press freedom, it is clearly remarkable that “there are still discrepancies regarding media freedom on the international level” (284.). Nevertheless, these surveys themselves, conducted exclusively from Western countries, tend to consider contemporary Western notions on media freedom as global standards. Though not explicitly insisted by the author himself, this may also give as a sort of legitimacy for global Western dominance. All in all, the volume is an essential reading for those showing interest in the distinct spatialities of power’s infl uence and at the same time dependence on the production, distribution and use of knowl- edge. The editors earned a great honour in adjusting es- says with such diff erent viewpoints within one title. The fi nal content of the book is not seamless; indeed, it does not need to be. Its greatest asset lies in opening up a wide range of questions of crucial importance for critical discussion, many of which are highly rel- evant for Central and Eastern Europe as well. They may hopefully att ract scholars from the region to join these discussions. Márton Pete Literature – Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (4) 345–353.352 REFERENCES Agnew, J. 2007. Know-Where: Geographies of Knowledge of World Politics. International Political Sociology 1. 138–148. Carson, R. 1962. Silent Spring. Boston, Houghton Miffl in. Foucault, M. 1980. Power/knowledge: Selected interviews & other writings, 1972–1977 trans. Colin Gordon, Leo Marshal, John Mepham and Kate Sober, New York, Pantheon. Foucault, M. 1984. Space, knowledge and power. In The Foucault reader. Ed. Rabinow, P. Harmondsworth, UK, Penguin, 239–256. Marsh, G. P. 1864. Man and Nature: Or, Physical Geography as Modifi ed by Human Action. New York, Charles Scribner & Co. Paasi, A. 2005. Globalisation, academic capitalism and the uneven geographies of international journal publishing spaces. Environment and Planning A. 37. 769–789. Paasi, A. 2013. Fennia: Positioning a ‘peripheral’ but international journal under conditions of academic capitalism. Fennia 191. (1): 1–13. Damir Magaš author of The Geography of Croatia volunteered to introduce and describe the physi- cal and social geographical patt ern of Croatia. The volume issued by the University of Zadar is the English translation of Geografi ja Hrvatske published in 2013. We can state that this is a seminal work that aims to set Croatia in the global context, and it also tries to familiarise the international audience with Croatia’s natural, social and economic conditions. The language of the book and the extremely rich appendices with maps and fi gures are undoubtedly serving this goal. The chapters of the book are arranged in the tra- ditional way; fi rst readers get to know about the ab- solute and relative geographical situation of Croatia, and this is where the author emphasises the fact that his country is situated in the buff er zone of East and West, of the continent and the Mediterranean, on the borderline between diff erent cultural regions (i.e. Western Christianity, Orthodoxy and the Islam). In his view Croatia is part of the Western side, even if it means that this way Croatian nation is enlisted amongst the Central European countries. The division of the country and the dichotomy of countless origins can be traced in various aspects; one of them could easily be the natural conditions of the country discussed in the second chapter. The well- known duality of physical geography has its eff ect on the climate, on geological and morphological character- istics, on hydrography or on the grounds and situation of vegetation. The northern and eastern part of Croatia belongs to the Carpathian Basin, whereas southward and westward it stretches into the Mediterranean zone facing the Mediterranean (Adriatic) Sea. The transition zone between the two major regions is provided by the steep, Karst Mountains of the Dinarides which, on the one hand, infl uence the climatic and hydrological features of the coastline, they form a special region of soil and vegetation, but on the other hand they also have impacts on the – later described – population distribution or circulation. The third chapter is a register and individual rep- resentation of landscapes. The 120-page long part of the book reports shortly on all of the landscapes of Magaš, D.: The Geography of Croatia. University of Zadar, Department of Geography, Meridij ani Publishing House. Zadar, 2015. 597 p.