The dimensions of peripheral areas and their restructuring in Central Europe 373 Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 62 (4) (2013) 373–386. The dimensions of peripheral areas and their restructuring in Central Europe János PÉNZES1 Abstract The current paper tries to provide a general overview about the restructuring spatial pat- tern of peripheral areas in Central Europe. The Visegrad Countries are regarded as Central European countries, in this case, Poland, Slovakia, the Czech Republic and Hungary are involved. Major methodological problems hampered the process of data collection and the comparison of diff erent delimitations of peripheral areas in diff erent countries. However, a general overview could have been made in order to detect the most important alterations of the spatial structures of the investigated countries. The territorial structures of peripheral areas during the socialist era and nowadays were compared to each other. The changes in the location of peripheral areas refl ect back the increasing role and the infl uence of the capi- tal cities and the largest towns and the ongoing development of the Western territories. At the same time, the crisis of the Eastern border areas – traditional backward areas – became deeper and it can be regarded as permanent along with the process of concentrating and cumulating social-economic problems. The structural changes triggered the backsliding of some of the former industrial and mining areas causing a new phenomenon in the patt ern of peripheral territories in Central Europe. Keywords: Central Europe, centre-periphery dichotomy, regional disparities, spatial patt ern Introduction Central European countries have gone under a fundamental transformation during the regime change of 1989-1990. The political changes had an impact on almost all kind of socio-economic processes. The spatial patt ern of the changes was signifi cantly diff erent from the features of the socialist era, from the cen- tre-periphery conditions which evolved in the past decades. The changes were accompanied by the signifi cant increase of regional disparities, diff erences between developed and undeveloped areas. The 1990s was the period of rapid 1 Department of Social Geography and Regional Development Planning, University of Debrecen, H-4032 Debrecen, Egyetem tér 1. E-mail: penzes.janos@science.unideb.hu 374 changes. In addition to the crisis phenomena, the concentrated start of regional development also played a role. The accession of Central European countries to the European Union in 2004 essentially has not changed the economic processes since they took place during the last 10 years. Out and away, the availability of fi nancial resources opened up new perspectives for the regional policy. The assessment of the cohesion funds is controversial, because neither the convergence of the most backward areas nor the reduction of regional diff erences is unambiguous. It is partly because of the multi-dimensional nature of regional development and partly because of the spillover impact of the 2008 crisis. The ineff ective regional policy also played a role. The spatial patt ern got “frozen” and the signifi cant regional inequalities seemed to be stabilized in Hungary aft er 2000. The present study is an att empt to analyze and compare the spatial patt erns of the four (until 1992 only three) countries of the socialist era and those of the period aft er the 2000s. In addition, the study aims to reveal the changes occurring in spatial locations as well as the regional characteristics of the peripheral areas. The study tool is typically the review of the associated literature. In addition, I/we overviewed the most important factors which are the limita- tions of the testing facilities. Defi nition of centre and periphery, core-periphery models The centre means midpoint, central position in space or it represents a space portion which also involves a positive quality in addition to the geometric situation. In a particular spatial system, it refers to the relative central position designated by the quantitative and qualitative characteristics, comparing to other space element. Accordingly, it can vary depending on the position and scale of space and time together with the size of the spatial system (Regionális Tudományi Kislexikon, 2005). The core concept is combined with social and functional content, fl ow and node characteristics together with a leading role in addition to the geometric nature. The centre is not only limited to points, but it may also have a more signifi cant spatial extent major region, a country a group of countries can be identifi ed as core areas. (Tóth, J. and Csatári, B. 1983; Sárfalvi, B. 1991; Nemes Nagy, J. 2009). The periphery is also relative, meaning a space element or space por- tion located on the edge. The geometric position can cover a negative quality, too. As the counterpart of the centre, it features the dependence from the cen- tre, but it can also mean the lack of relationships and isolation. The peripheral issue can be analyzed by multiple disciplines, therefore a shift may occur in 375 the content of peripheral meaning, which can have a social fi lling beyond geographic point of view (Nemes Nagy, J. 2009). The core-periphery concept is a basic social science paradigm of which dual aspect is not entirely clear. The most well-known propagator is Immanuel Wallerstein who made the concept triad in a way that he created the semi-pe- riphery category (Wallerstein, I. 1983). The centre-periphery pair of concepts can be interpreted in three ways (Nemes Nagy, J. 1996): positional (geographical) centre and periphery where the centre means a designated, enhanced place, while the periphery means the marginalized sett lements, it is more oft en coupled with the issue of accessibility (Tóth, G. 2006; Tóth, G. and Dávid, L. 2010); development (economic) centre and periphery which can be identifi ed as the economic development and underdevelopment; authority (social) centre and periphery in which the dependence of power and the imbalance of interests appear. The centre-periphery situation of a particular region or sett lement may change in time. The three meanings can overlap each other. It oft en oc- curs that spatial elements are both central and peripherical depending on the meaning of content (Nemes Nagy, J. 1996; Lőcsei, H. and Szalkai, G. 2008). However, in most cases, the principal of “the trouble does not come alone” and a peripheral phenomenon also appear in several factors as a cause or as an eff ect (Kanalas, I. and Kiss, A. eds. 2006). Raúl Prebisch, an Argentinean economist, casted the fi rst stone of the centre-periphery theory in 1950. He remarked the apropos of the interna- tional trade’s unequal exchange rates that the world market prices serve the industrial centres more and more frequently at the expense of raw material producers (Barta, Gy. 1990). John Friedmann’s well-known centre-periphery theory (Friedmann, J. 1966) tries to explain the stages of regional economic growth by exploring the regional context of “Rostow’s stages of growth” model (Lengyel, I. and Rechnitzer, J. 2004). Based on Friedmann’s Latin American studies, linked the level of de- velopment and the pace of progress of regional disparities (Kozma, G. 2003). According to his opinion, innovation is the source of economic development which viable conditions are provided by the core cities and areas (Barta, Gy. 1990). Thereupon, the most suitable platform for economic developments are the urban regions. Peripheries depend from the centres’ authorities, therefore the centre-periphery forms a closed spatial system. The relation system is an essential element of spatial diff erences which exists at diff erent scales. The centre-periphery relations in the Central European countries have re-evaluated during the last two and a half decades, too. – – – 376 The eff ect of change of regime on the socio-economic processes in Central Europe The political shift of Central Europe’s countries2 at the end of the communist regime caused market economic transformations there the economy were determined by spatial situation (Nemes Nagy, J. 1998). Thus, the majority of the countries faced a dramatic economic setback, the drastic increase of unem- ployment, a structural crisis and the formation of acute crisis areas (Gorzelak, G. 1996). The signifi cant decrease of industries which were supported during the socialist era caused very fast transformation of occupation in addition to a considerable amount of reduction of employment (Keane, M.P. and Prasad, E.S. 2006). The regions which developed infrastructure, a skilled labor force, hence best survived the transition, att racted innovation supporting, competi- tive foreign direct investments. Consequently, the tertiarization of the economy began. The decisive factors for the success of the transformation: the initial stages of development, the sectoral distribution of economic activities; the properties of the factors of production; and the political and economic situation(Gorzelak, G. 1996). In the countries, the former, more leveling spatial patt ern became (much) more polarized (e.g. Szabó, P. 2003; Abrhám, J. 2011). In the 1990s, the rapidly growing regional inequalities were prevalent in those countries, com- pared to the more moderate socio-spatial patt ern of the period of socialism. The essentially similar regional inequality trends can be included in a single model (the modifi ed Kuznets-Williamson’s inverted U hypothesis) which focuses on the socialist redistribution. That kind of redistribution maintained the more-balanced spatial patt ern artifi cially. As a result of the switchover to market economy, that infl uence eliminated and the regional diff erences returned to the country’s appropriate level of development (Nemes Nagy, J. 2005). Primarily, the metropolitan regions which could provide the benefi ts of agglomerations (Heidenreich, M. 2003), the major urban agglomerations (Burda, A. 2013) and the western border areas which were closer to the devel- oped Western Central European economic centres and generally had a higher level of development could benefi t from the transformation (Süli-Zakar, I. 2007; Nemes Nagy, J. and Tagai, G. 2011). At the same time, the Eastern, oft en agro-industrial profi led border areas of the Central European countries being a continuous peripheral band evolved and the former mining and heavy industrial areas became predomi- 2 In this study, under the concept of Central Europe we understand the Visegrad Countries (Hungary, Slovakia, Czech Republic and Poland). – – – 377 nantly structural crisis areas. That kind of spatial structure materialized in many socio-economic indicators and progresses, e.g. migration within coun- tries, the presence of FDI, diff erences in employment and income patt erns. The aim of our study is to introduce the peripheral areas of Central Europe in two segments of time, aft er the period of socialism and aft er the millennium. We try to point out the main processes of change based on two periods’ spatial image and summarize the dimensions of transformation, of course, in parallel with the review of relevant literature. The methodological problems of the delimitation of peripheral areas As a result of the characterized processes, in some cases the spatial patt ern was signifi cantly transformed in a way that it changed the centre-periphery spatial specifi cities, as well. It was also pointed out that the spatial position of the peripheral areas despite the presence of the traditionally underdeveloped areas could be considered as dynamic. So it can be interpreted as an indicator of spatial processes which took place during the last nearly quarter century. Several studies were created focusing on spatial processes and devel- opment’s spatial patt ern of the Central European countries (Nemes Nagy, J. 1987; Gorzelak, G. 1996; Horváth, Gy. 1998, 2009; Sokol, M. 2001; Kuttor, D. 2009; Nemes Nagy, J. and Tagai, G. 2011; European Commission, 2010). However, they have mainly static aspect and they focused on NUTS 2 and NUTS 3 levels using some very important indicators available in the Eurostat database. Principally, GDP and HDI are oft en used as complex indicators. The recent EU Cohesion Report contains a detailed map of the disadvantaged areas of the EU, but it takes mainly natural and agricultural aspects into ac- count (European Commission, 2010, p. 193). Lately, poverty and the analysis of marginalization in the European-scale regional analyzes get more and more emphasis. In this paper, we try to create a more complex view in which the areas qualifi ed as underdeveloped ones of the examined countries can go beyond national borders (as detailed regional analyzes were created in each country). One the one part the aim is that the similarities or diff erences should become detectable, on the other hand, the “overview” of the common border areas could be used as a guide in regional development planning (including the multi-country aspect of contiguous peripheral regions’ comparative study, even exploring the possibilities of cross-border co-operations). Unfortunately, the examination of the problem of the peripheral regions is quite diffi cult, because the phenomenon may appear in multiple dimensions (Kanalas, I. and Kiss, A. eds. 2006) (the term itself can be approached from 378 several directions – see above) (Nemes Nagy, J. 1996). The impoundment of peripheral areas is, therefore, generally taken into consideration together with multiple indicators and diff erent methods to bring the indicators to the same unit (see e.g. Dávid, L. and Baros, Z. 2007). The comparability problem of the calculations made in each country is due to several factors: the available and accessible databases are extremely heterogeneous (either the range, the content, the methodology of compilation or in terms of spatial splitt ing and time interval of indicators) partly for that reason, it is almost impossible to fi nd a same (or similar) spatial splitt ing in the various countries of which delimitations apply the same methodology in the same period the previous statement is explained by the fact that spatial issues occur in diff erent phasis (some factors can carry here and there serious inequalities; elsewhere they do not express the level of development or backwardness) in diff erent countries the same indicator which usually outlines the peripheral areas because of the spatial characteristics well may not provide a realistic image, e.g. in the agricultural areas of Eastern and Southeastern Poland, the agriculture disguises the signifi cant latent unemployment (Tokarski, T. and Gajewski, P. 2003)) moreover, calculations can have diff erent results, none the less, they take similar methods referring to the same time and the same area into con- sideration (Pénzes, J. 2010) all of these things can be further complicated by the issue of temporal comparison, since the content of the indicators can change in diff erent man- ner. And on top of it all, a few years diff erence between each survey can be suffi cient to distort the results the comparative analyses examining the same area for a longer period of time are rare (e.g. Musil, J. and Müller, J. 2006) the periphery term is relative ( the same is true for the term of centre), therefore either country’s least developed area, optionally can count as devel- oped one in the neighboring country. As a consequence, it is clear that diff erent analyses made for the delin- eation of peripheral areas in each country simply cannot be inserted next to each other (although to analyze diff erences of the impoundment can be made such as this fi gure – see e.g. Szabó, P. 2010, fi gure 3, p. 30). However, the schematic spatial patt ern maps which are generalized at the appropriate level can be suitable for the illustration of relative peripheral conditions in the countries studied. A study, which would be made uniformly to all countries and based on indicators, which clearly refl ects the level of de- velopment, and possibly using more detailed spatial splitt ing; could overcome the listed problems. – – – – – – – – 379 The locations of peripheral areas and the characteristics of the spatial patt ern during the socialism and aft er the turn of the millennium The consolidated and signifi cantly generalized maps which were made ac- cording to the available sources, cited in the footnote, provide a characteristic point of view (Figure 1). Fig 1. Peripheral areas of the Visegrad Countries during the socialist period (left ) and aft er 2000 (right). Source: own edition, based on the sources in the footnote 3 (referring to map on the left )3 and footnote 4 (referring to map on the right).4 Unfortunately, due to the listed several methodological issues and problems, the further quantitative GIS-based comparative analysis would be a concern, therefore we only want to draw att ention to the visible changes that have aff ected the location of peripheral regions. The investigation of the peripheral areas was quite subordinate dur- ing the socialist era, though the conceptions and objectives also served the regional equalization (Cotella, R. 2006) through the public development 3 By Potrykowska, A. 1985, p. 124.; Ciechocińska, M. 1986, p. 253; Gawryszewski, A. and Potrykowska, A. 1988, p. 91.; Musil, J. and Müller, J. 2006, p. 38.; the data of ŠSR and Beluszky, P. 1976, p. 305. 4 By Potrykowska, A. 1985, p. 124.; Ciechocińska, M. 1986, p. 253; Gawryszewski, A. and Potrykowska, A. 1988, p. 91.; Musil, J. and Müller, J. 2006, p. 38.; the data of ŠSR and Beluszky, P. 1976, p. 305. 380 policy and redistribution which resulted in a levelized spatial patt ern on a superior regional level. The concentrated developments generated consider- able inequalities, as well (Fuchs, R. J. and Demko, G. J. 1979; Beluszky, P. 2002). The researches related to regional diff erences in living conditions gained mo- mentum in Hungary primarily during the 1970s. Since 1986, the delimitation of underdeveloped areas has occurred (although any substantive regional development policies have not evolved). Thereaft er the 1980s in Poland, researchers placed more emphasis on the territorial aspect to examine the living conditions, the quality of life and the access to services. In the former Czechoslovakia such researches were sub- ordinated as the most important spatial disparities (especially the signifi cant diff erences in the development of the Czech-Moravian and Eastern Slovak areas) were known. Each of the countries the capital city and rural area spatial dichotomy was stressful. In the case of Hungary, especially conspicuous the veg (“water head”) type of Budapest, which was signifi cant during the period of social- ism, too (Fuchs, R.J. and Demko, G.J. 1979) but became more dominant aft er the end of the communism (see. inter alia Enyedi, Gy. 1996; Nemes Nagy, J. 1998). In Slovakia, the appreciation of Bratislava and the neighbouring region characterized by suburbanization especially in the new millennium can be observed Halás, M. and Hurbanek, P. 2008). It is coupled with the constipa- tion of the peripheral areas lying east from the capital. However, Bratislava’s spatial weight is far less oppressive than in case of Hungary and the same can be said of Czech Republic, too. The role of Warsaw in Poland is less charac- teristic because of the feature of the city network and the existence of major metropolitan sub-centres (Fuchs, R. J. and Demko, G. J. 1979). Relation to the latt er country, which is more due to the large urban- rural dichotomy, can be highlighted – Poznań, Kraków, Wrocław and the so called ‘Tricity’ (Gdańsk, Gdynia and Sopot) (Gorzelak, G. 2006) – however, the largest cities are not necessarily the regional development centres, which the Polish regional policy strives to concentrate (Churski, P. 2010). The urban-rural dichotomy has a signifi cant presence in all Central European countries and its importance has grown since the democratic transition. In rural areas, the economic obsolescence was much more signifi cant, particularly in the eastern part of the studied area which is agrarian-dominant. The employment in the cities was revalued by a smaller decrease in the number of jobs. The phenomenon of suburbanization around the city moves forward the development, while the regions which are farther from the agglomeration lag behind (Novák, J. and Netrdová, P. 2011; Czyż, T. 2012; Pénzes, J. 2013; Bujdosó, Z. et al. 2013). This process is also enhanced by the selective migration which leads to the conservation of divergences and leads to further concentration (Miszczuk, A. and Wesołowska, M. 2012). 381 The East-West dichotomy can be detected in some forms in all four coun- tries. The valorizing of the western areas and the crisis phenomena in the eastern areas are mentioned in the introduction and we also referred to the structural background (Nemes Nagy, J. 1998; Gorzelak, G. 2006; Halás, M. and Hurbanek, P. 2008). Due to the foreign direct investments and the proxim- ity to the core European areas, the economy revived in the Poznań–Wrocław emerging development axis. This eff ect bring along the convergence of the peripheral areas of South-Western Poland (Czyż, T. 2012). Aft er the end of the communism, the progress which took place in Western Slovakia and Northwest Hungary also resulted in the transformation of the backward regions, especially along the main transport axes (Lőcsei, H. and Szalkai, G. 2008; Tóth, G. 2013). The automotive industry and the re- lated supplier sectors had a prominent role in the industrial restruction of the Western areas (Pavlinek, P. et al. 2009). The process was the least spectacular in the Czech Republic as Prague and its surroundings have always been the most dynamic region. As the other projection of the West–East lean, there is a trend which shows the increasing spatial concentration of peripheral areas in the Eastern regions. This concentration appears in the “Eastern Wall” zone of Poland; in the ac- cumulated spatial problems of South-Eastern and Eastern Slovakia and the concentration of peripheral territories in North-East and East Hungary. A high level of backward areas is concentrated in the geographical peripheries along/at the borders. In this area, the proportion of the agricultural sector is typically high because of the agricultural trade relations with the Eastern Soviet mar- kets. Aft er the end of the communist era and the collapse of the Soviet Union, a prolonged crisis of the agricultural sector evolved. In addition to the outer periphery of the Central European countries, internal peripheries are present, too. In the case of Poland, in the region of Warsaw–Łódź–Kielce–Lublin, the increase of peripheral areas is particularly conspicuous. The region of the Świętokrzyskie Mountains is traditionally a backward area of Poland, however, the elements of the restructuring cri- sis overlap the previous one. In the Czech Republic, the greater part of the internal peripheries are concentrated along the administrative borders, so called “kraj” borders and their extent have not seem to decline over the past decades (Musil, J. and Müller, J. 2006). In Hungary, the Central Tisza Region (“Közép-Tiszavidék”) is regarded as an internal periphery, in which the post- communist processes have resulted in the strengthening of the peripheral status (Pénzes, J. 2011). The structural crisis of the mining, textile- and heavy industry caused the emergence of unfamiliar socio-economic diffi culties including high unemploy- ment, high social inputs, declining tax revenues and environmental problems in the areas which were prosperous during the socialism, for instance, in 382 the region of Upper Silesia and Łódź in Poland, and in the surroundings of Salgótarján, Ózd and Komló in; Hungary. A signifi cant part of the region is traditionally backward, therefore its pe- ripheral status is not recent. In Eastern Poland, the fragmented farm structure of agriculture and the neighborhood of Belarus and Ukraine conserve the dis- advantages which go hand in hand with similar socio-economic problems in all countries (e.g. low employment rate, selective and signifi cant emigration) (Miszczuk, A. and Wesołowska, M. 2012). In case of Slovakia and Hungary (in the North-Eastern part and in the South-Western part), social and employ- ment problems of the Roma population aggravate the close up of the region (Matlovičová, K. et al. 2012). Conclusions As a conclusion, it can be stated that in the peripheral territories, the most signifi cant features are the change, the dynamic transformation and consist- ency. Because of the non-homogenous nature of the change, aft er the years of communism, there were regions in each of these countries which once were about to be prosperous, but did not succeed. It can be observed especially in the structural crisis-stricken areas and also in the converging peripherals (primarily along the Western border, in the capital and in the main cities of the agglomerating, suburbanizing areas). However, some of the peripheral areas are traditionally backward ones (mainly the eastern border regions and the so called internal peripherals), which has a convergence that is still not detected. The regional problems and the socio-economic symptoms overlap each other in many cases and they show a number of common elements in the Central European countries. Although with diff erent emphasis, the evolution of regional inequali- ties, the question of increasing polarization in the future, the exploration of peripheral territories’ processes and in particular to outline the response ca- pabilities of the regional policy in all of these countries are present in this research. It is mainly due to the distribution of the EU’s regional development funds and the consumption which serve the regional cohesion. The analysis of the summarized processes and the detailed methodological problems submit- ted in the present study will be the defi nite object of further studies. 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