International immigration and entrepreneurship in rural areas of the Spanish Pyrenees 119Mendoza, C. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 119–131.DOI: 10.15201/hungeobull.72.2.2 Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 72 2023 (2) 119–131. Introduction European rural localities may face depopu- lation and ageing, which, in turn, might hamper local economies and make the terri- tory more vulnerable to natural hazards and speculation (e.g., Hoggart, K. 1997; Cama- rero Rioja, L.A. and Serrano, J.O. 2021). This results in a Catch-22 situation in which the older population may not be able to continue with their previous economic activities, while no new activities are created because of the emigration of young people. This pessimis- tic view is somehow counterbalanced by a perspective emphasizing visions of rural lo- calities as offering a high quality of life for urban dwellers after pandemic times, even if this trend may be restricted to well-connected peri-urban areas (Fielding, T. and Ishikawa, Y. 2021; Stawarz, N. et al. 2022). Both views point to the complexity in deciphering the role spatial mobilities play in the future of 1 Departamento de Geografia, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (UAB), Spain. Campus de Bellaterra, Edifici B. Carrer de la Fortuna s/n 08193 Bellaterra, Barcelona, Spain; Departamento de Sociología. Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana-Iztapalapa, Mexico. E-mail: cristobalmendozaperez@yahoo.com.mx International immigration and entrepreneurship in rural areas of the Spanish Pyrenees Cristóbal MENDOZA1 Abstract The academic literature on international immigration into rural areas has clearly identified two main interna- tional migration flows: retirement migration and low-skilled migration in farming. Yet, the emphasis on these two types of international immigrants has overlooked other types of incomers, such as professionals, lifestyle movers, immigrant entrepreneurs and self-employed workers who may potentially have positive impacts on local rural economies and societies. Filling a gap in the literature, this paper concentrates on immigrant entrepreneurship in the Spanish Pyrenees. In doing so, it explores connections between local economies, entre- preneurship, and lifestyle immigration. It also analyses the potential of immigrant entrepreneurs to contribute to local economic growth with the different types of capital they possess (e.g. human capital, social capital). Methodology, it is based on a fieldwork carried out in the Spanish Pyrenees between February and May 2022. Specifically, it has been carried out 31 in-depth interviews with foreign-born immigrants in two areas of the Spanish Pyrenees (Girona and Huesca). The non-representative sample is equally distributed among immigrant entrepreneurs, self-employed workers, and employees, and it was also balanced by sex and covered different ages, covering, thus, a broad spectrum of immigrants’ labour incorporations. Our results add new evidence to previous discussions on immigrant entrepreneurship and lifestyle immigration, from the viewpoint of rural mountain areas. Interviewed immigrant entrepreneurs occasionally play a key role in the creation and introduction of innovative products in very specific market niches in farming and tourism in the Pyrenees. In this way, immigrants stimulate local economies, and help to strengthen values on sustainability, community and sense of place. Yet the companies they create are often limited in both size and capital, and these circum- stances generally produce only a slight impact on local economic development and job creation in the Pyrenees. Keywords: immigrant entrepreneurship, rural areas, Spain, lifestyle migration, Pyrenees, mountain areas, local economies Received January 2023, accepted May 2023. Mendoza, C. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 119–131.120 rural places that are traditionally victims of outward migration and a lack of investment in economic and social infrastructure (see, for instance, González-Leonardo, M. et al. 2022). International migration towards rural ar- eas is increasingly present in Europe. Indeed, international immigrants have prevented (or slowed down) depopulation in rural areas (Bayona-i-Carrasco, J. and Gil-Alonso, F. 2013; Camarero, L. and Sampedro, R. 2019), and they have played a critical role in agricul- tural restructuring and economic transforma- tion in rural societies (Woods, M. 2016), in a time when farming has ceased to be the main source of employment in many European ru- ral economies (Boyle, P. and Halfacree, K. 1998). In the move to address demographic challenges and shift from an exclusive reli- ance on agriculture, several economic activi- ties have taken on a heightened importance by making substantial contributions to the survival of many rural areas (Potter, C. and Burney, J. 2002). Rural municipalities may, in fact, serve as laboratories since we will be able to watch the challenges and opportunities of mobility/migration processes as they unfold (Bell, M. and Osti, G. 2010). These processes may be familiar in established urban gate- ways, but relatively new contexts of reception require closer attention in order to propitiate theoretical debates and empirical knowledge (McAreavey, R. and Argent, N. 2018). Indeed, international immigration can remain impor- tant across Europe as, in the future, some rural communities may have to cope with alloca- tions of different types of immigrants, while others will strive to counter depopulation and decline (McAreavey, R. 2017). On the European level, the public debate on migration tends to focus on macro-scale policies and solutions, even if the opinions expressed in these debates may be shaped by place-situated, local experiences. Today, small- scale initiatives are making a difference across Europe because communities devise locally produced solutions for immigrants’ accom- modation (Morén-Alegret, R. and Wladyka, D. 2019). Examples of good practice at the local level may be transferred across Europe and this would be especially valuable in rural municipalities where residents have relatively little historical precedent in formulating re- sponses to immigration. In this context, this paper investigates the role of international immigrants in rural municipalities (less than 2,000 inhabitants) in the Spanish Pyrenees. By analysing patterns of international migration, it makes visible the variety and complexity of immigrant inflows into Spanish rural areas. Furthermore, the paper explores connections between local economies, entrepreneurship and lifestyle immigration by analysing the potential of immigrant entrepreneurs to con- tribute to local economic growth with the dif- ferent types of capital they possess (i.e., eco- nomic, human and social capitals). Theoretically, the article is based on the literature in international migration into ru- ral areas, particularly the lifestyle migration which suggests that economic reasons lie well behind personal and family reasons for moving into non-urban areas, and the immi- grant entrepreneurship literature which has mainly focused on immigration into cities. It also adds to the debate on the “new rurali- ties”. This paradigm suggests that rural ar- eas lost their main function of farm produc- tion and became increasingly transformed into places of consumption and leisure. In other words, in many regions, the country- side has diversified itself in functional terms (Marsden, T.K. et al. 2003; Hruška, V. and Píša, J. 2019). Furthermore, and in line with the objectives of this article, Woods, M. (2016) highlights the potential of international mi- gration to reshape ruralities with increasing transformational impacts and boosting ru- ral economic growth, as some migrants have the potential to contribute to local economies with their skills, training, connections and, at times, their entrepreneurship. The paper is structured as follows. The next section theoretically analyses interna- tional immigration trends in rural settings, as well as demonstrating how links between entrepreneurship and lifestyle immigration are rarely studied in the academic literature. Subsequently the methodology used in the re- 121Mendoza, C. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 119–131. search project, upon which this paper is based, is presented. Later, the paper goes on to show the research results. These are organized in two sections: the first revolves around the pat- terns of international migration observed in the rural municipalities of the Pyrenees and the second focuses on immigrant entrepre- neurship. Finally, some conclusions and re- flections for further research are offered. Theoretical background: immigration into rural areas The arrival of international immigrants in European rural areas has increasingly been addressed in the literature (i.e., Boyle, P. and Halfacree, K. 1998; Jentsch, B. and Simard, M. 2009). The academic literature has long identified the key role of international immi- grants, mainly from developing countries, in European farming (for a recent review on the topic, see Rye, J.F. and Scott, S. 2018). In the specific case of Southern Europe, international labour migration is particularly relevant for ag- riculture which is dominated by family-based small farms (Pedreño, A. et al. 2014; Corrado, A. et al. 2017; Papadopoulos, A.G. et al. 2018). The literature has also extensively addressed retirement migration (primarily retired nation- als from developed countries heading to less expensive nations). In Southern Europe, the literature has long pointed out the preference of Northern and Central European retirees for coastal destinations with a benign climate and a history of seaside tourism (e.g., the Spanish Costa del Sol, the Portuguese Algarve) and rural “idyllic” settings of beautiful country- side with a supposedly laid-back lifestyle (e.g., Southern France, Italian Tuscany; see King, R. et al. 2019; Romagosa, F. et al. 2020). This mi- gration has been potentiated by an increase in geographic mobility, longer healthy lifespans and more people pursuing active lifestyles through migration to countries perceived as scenically, climatically and culturally attrac- tive (King, R. et al. 2000; Huete, R. et al. 2013). The emphasis on these two specific types of international migrants into rural areas has overlooked other types of incomers, such as professionals (including doctors and nurses, who are crucial in post-COVID times), lifestyle movers (some of whom move to rural areas from urban settings maybe perceived as un- healthy and dangerous in a pandemic crisis), immigrant entrepreneurs and self-employed workers who may potentially have positive impacts on local economies. Indeed, immi- grants have not only been shown to fill gaps in rural labour markets, but they have a great potential to contribute to economic growth with their skills, training, international con- nections and, at times, their entrepreneurship. Lifestyle immigration and entrepreneurship Rural areas are very attractive for lifestyle im- migrants who change residence, often inter- nationally, in their search for a more fulfilling way of living (Benson, M. and O’Reilly, K. 2009; Kordel, S. and Pohle, P. 2018). Lifestyle immigrants have been defined as “relatively affluent individuals, moving either part-time or full-time, permanently or temporarily, to places which, for various reasons, signify for the migrants something loosely defined as quality of life” (Benson, M. and O’Reilly, K. 2009, 621). Thus, migration is seen as consti- tuting a part of life’s trajectory, whereby desti- nations are chosen according to how incomers believe their life objectives could be matched (Hoey, B. 2005; Benson, M. and Osbaldiston, N. 2014). In this sense, migration might show more similarities with elite circularity and mobility than with other more traditional forms of migration such as labour migration (Ibrahim, Z. and Tremblay, R. 2017). In many cases, international immigrants prefer not to be employees and often opt for self-employment activities, in order to main- tain an acceptable balance between the person- al and work spheres in their new life (Stone, I. and Stubbs, C. 2007; Carson, D.A. et al. 2018). Yet their companies are often limited in both size and capital, maybe out of fear that an ex- cessively successful business could disrupt their ideal work-life balance (Benson, M. and Mendoza, C. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 119–131.122 O’Reilly, K. 2009). It has been found that the entrepreneurial activities developed by these immigrants are usually not related to previous careers, perhaps due to a break with their past (Hoey, B. 2005). These circumstances produce only a slight impact on local economic devel- opment and job creation (Carson, D.A. et al. 2016). In fact, it has been pointed out that such entrepreneurs lack a future business strategy and are reluctant to employ workers beyond family and close friends (Müller, D.K. and Jansson, B. 2007). Among the elderly, process- es of reintegration into the labour market have been observed in the countries of destination after retirement (Eimermann, M. and Kordel, S. 2018). However, some European case studies have observed that immigrant entrepreneurs have played a key role in the creation and introduc- tion of innovative products in very specific market niches that had been little explored in rural areas, thus, stimulating local economies and helping to strengthen values related to sustainability, community and sense of place (Yeasmin, N. 2016; Munkejord, M.C. 2017). These studies suggest that immigrants show a different sensitivity when it comes to valu- ing local, cultural and landscape resources, which, in fact, may be the reason for their arrival in the “countryside” (Bartoš, M. et al. 2009; Iversen, I. and Jacobsen, J.K.S. 2017). They would, thus, have the potential to im- agine local culture, landscape and nature as possible tourism products, as well as recog- nizing business opportunities that locally born inhabitants might overlook (Bosworth, G. and Farrell, H. 2011; Mattsson, K.T. and Cassel, S.H. 2019). In fact, the rural environment could be- come an innovative environment in which small businesses could eventually thrive (Stathopoulou, S. et al. 2004; García Marchante, J.S. et. al. 2007), and the initia- tives of immigrant entrepreneurs, perhaps innovative with respect to culture and na- ture, could translate into tourism products or brands (Carson, D.A. et al. 2018; Mattsson, K.T. and Cassel, S.H. 2019). The literature on lifestyle migration has also pointed out that immigrant entrepreneurs have the potential to establish networks between their former countries of origin and their new destina- tions (Stam, E. 2010; Carson, D.A. et al. 2016), which would be in line with the “culturalist approach” in ethnic entrepreneurship studies. This approach highlights the role of networks forged within the immigrant communities in cities for understanding patterns of entrepre- neurship, whereby access to social networks is related to “ethnic” solidarity, based, in turn, on expectations of mutual support among its members who share common cultural traits (Rath, J. and Kloosterman, R. 2000; Sommer, E. and Gamper, M. 2018). However, the capacity of immigrant entrepreneurs to create networks and social relationships in ru- ral host societies has barely been addressed in the literature (Kanas, A. et al. 2011). Moreover, the extensive literature on im- migrant entrepreneurship in urban areas has often underestimated the role of human capital with respect to business (Ley, D. 2006; Ambrosini, M. 2012). This is probably be- cause education and work experience prior to migration might be considered of low quality and difficult to transfer to destination countries (Chiswick, B.R. and Miller, P.W. 2009), even though the possession of skills, work experience and other useful assets facil- itates self-employment (see, for instance, Li, P.S. 2001; Constant, A. and Zimmermann, K.F. 2006). Furthermore, several studies show that educational level and training courses help entrepreneurs to manage their businesses and achieve economic success (e.g., Kim, Y.D. 2006; Valdez, Z. 2008). Other authors, in contrast, argue that education and work experience might decrease the likeli- hood of being self-employed, suggesting that self-employment is a survival strategy born out of necessity (Aliaga-Isla, R and Rialp, Á. 2013; Brzozowski, J. et al. 2017). This does not seem the case, however, with immigrant en- trepreneurs in European rural areas, mainly from other European Union countries, who, in many cases, pursue business as a means to a more fulfilling life (Eimermann, M. and Kordel, S. 2018; Mendoza, C. et al. 2020). 123Mendoza, C. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 119–131. Methodology This article is based on the EU-funded re- search project titled SURDIM (Sustainable Rural Development and International Im- migration in the Pyrenees). This project analyses international immigration in the rural municipalities of the Pyrenees. It spe- cifically studies labour immigrant pathways in both the French and Spanish Pyrenees to identify sustainable economic projects man- aged and/or supported by immigrants and present successful experiences concerning rural development. This project aims to con- tribute to improving territorial relations and integration in rural territories. The methodology of the project consisted in multi-sited research that relies mainly on qualitative methods applied to carefully pre- selected case studies. Even if the project is binational, this article specifically focuses on the Spanish Pyrenees. Specifically, the field- work was carried out in rural municipalities (less than 2,000 inhabitants) of Girona (Alt Empordà, Ripollès and Cerdanya coun- ties) and Huesca provinces (Ribagorza and Sobrarbe counties) between February and May 2022 (Figure 1). A total of 31 in-depth interviews with for- eign-born immigrants were undertaken in two study areas. Interviewees were selected through a snowballing technique. In the first place, local contacts from the public adminis- tration and entrepreneurial associations help identify foreign-born immigrants in the area. Subsequently, previously interviewed immi- grants provided us with information of other possible research participants. Due to several ways of access, potential bias was prevent- ed. Interviews were structured along three main dimensions – economic, social and en- vironmental. Although the research did not attempt to achieve a representative sample, it is equally distributed between immigrant entrepreneurs, self-employed workers and employees. Immigrants are heterogeneous concerning their country of birth, being those coming from other European Union coun- tries a majority. We tried also that inform- ants were balanced by sex, even if women outnumbered men in the non-representative survey, and covered different ages, resulting in a broad spectrum of immigrants´ labour incorporations. Finally, those selected for this research has lived in the Pyrenees for at least one year (Table 1). Fig. 1. Study areas inside the Spanish part of the Pyrenees Huesca Pyrenees Girona Pyrenees State border 0 25 50 km 1° Gr ee nw ic h1° 1°1° 2° 3° 42° 43° 42° A t l a n t i c O c e a n M e d i t e r r a n e a n S e a S P A I N F R A N C E ANDORRAANDORRA Mendoza, C. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 119–131.124 The immigrants’ information is comple- mented by material from 12 semi-structured interviews with key informants (i.e., local mayors and business associations in the Pyrenees). In both cases – immigrants and key informants –, the interviews had an av- erage length of approximately one hour and they were carried out at the time and place of the interviewee’s choice. All the interviews were recorded and fully transcribed. Finally, participants were assured that the collected data would be anonymized. Interview data were analysed through a content analysis method. This has several phases. First, the codes were defined and classified, according to the interview sec- tions. Second, using free MAXQDA software, the interviews were labelled, and extracts were grouped into different topics. Finally, a systematic reading and analysis of this infor- mation enabled abstracting and the selection of relevant quotations to illustrate the main lines of analysis. Mobility and migration patterns in rural Spanish Pyrenees A change in lifestyle comes to the forefront of many of the interviewees’ narratives, as a Table 1. Profile of the interviewed foreign-born immigrants in the Spanish Pyrenees (N = 31) Indicators Persons Province of residence Girona Huesca 16 15 Sex Women Men 20 11 Country of birth Netherlands France Italy Argentina Great Britain Peru Other EU* Other Latin America** Rest of the world*** 6 4 3 3 2 2 5 4 2 Age at interview, year 30–34 35–39 40–44 45–49 50–54 55–59 60–64 65 and more 2 2 8 3 6 2 4 4 Year of arrival in Spain Before 2000 2000–2004 2005–2009 2010–2014 2015–2021 7 8 5 5 6 Professional status Entrepreneurs Self-employed workers Employees 12 10 9 Current legal status Spanish passport Other EU passports Residence and work permits 5 18 8 *Belgium, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Germany, Romania. **Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, Venezuela. ***Cameroon, India. Source: Fieldwork, February–May 2022. 125Mendoza, C. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 119–131. primary reason for immigration to the Pyre- nees, in line with the lifestyle migration litera- ture (e.g., Benson, M. and O’Reilly, K. 2009; Kordel, S. and Pohle, P. 2018). In a quest for a better way of life, immigration seems built upon “place idealisation” (Benson, M. and Os- baldiston, N. 2014) and preconceived images of the “idyllic rural” (Hoggart, K. and Buller, H. 1995; Boyle, P. and Halfacree, K. 1998). Yet adjustment to a new life is not always an easy process since immigrants in rural Pyrenees occasionally lack an appropriate awareness of the territory and, for those in an entrepre- neurial activity, a pertinent knowledge of how to do business in a rural setting. The following opinion reflects this duality – the interest in life changes and the difficulties of starting a new project in an unknown territory. It was not easy to find a place for the campsite (...). We left everything behind in the Netherlands back in the 1990s, and our budget was limited. We wanted a small campsite, and this valley was just perfect. We had to practically rebuild the house and the idea of a small campsite was hard to implement. Rules are thought out for big facilities with many amenities, and this is an alternative campsite in a very small, remote place. It’s hard to get here. If you want to get lost, you’re in the right place. We are 100 percent sus- tainable (solar panels, waste) and our customers look forward to it (Jan2, Dutch male, 67, Girona). Jan and his wife decided together to move to rural Catalonia – a radical change that in- volved leaving behind a stressful life in the Netherlands. For the majority of those con- tacted for the project, the migration decision process was not an individual act (in line with lifestyle migration) but rather the result of household considerations (see also Kordel, S. and Pohle, P. 2018). This is also the case for the following interviewees who opted to migrate to Huesca, after years of working temporarily in the area as rafting instructors. I arrived here to this village straight from Argentina. My first trip to Europe was here, because I am a rafting instructor. Rafting is my life. I came here with my boyfriend, now my husband, also a rafting instructor (…). I fell in love with the village because 2 All the names are pseudonyms. of the mountains, the river. We came for eight years, only for the rafting season. We were entrepreneurs in Argentina. We made lifesaving vests for rafting (…). We had a severe personal problem in Argentina and we decided to settle here and replicate the business in Spain. My husband also has Italian nationality and that made things easier, but the whole business was not that easy. The rules are quite different (Alicia, Argentinian woman, 32, Huesca). Alicia explained that her relationship with the study area began prior to the final de- cision to migrate, and a personal problem pushed her and her husband into chang- ing their residence to a small town in the Pyrenees. This pattern is frequently found in the interviewees. For instance, Louis knew the municipality and the house to which he and his family moved, since it was his in- laws’ second home. In this case, the COVID crisis pushed them into leaving Barcelona and immigrating into the Pyrenees. I live in Cerdanya, but I could live anywhere. I work remotely for a French company as a self-employed worker. This is a solid business relationship. The rea- son why we live here? We ran away from Barcelona in the COVID times, and my wife´s family has a house in (small town). In the future we want to buy our own house, and we will probably move to Southern France, which is cheaper (Louis, French male, 53, Girona). Even if Louis said in interview “I could live anywhere”, the decision of moving into the Pyrenees implied family arrangements, such as children’s schooling. As it can be seen in previous interview extracts, the migration decision was made by the family, regardless of the reason for moving to the Pyrenees (a personal problem, a change of life, COVID). Indeed, there are few individual labour mi- gration trajectories in our non-representative survey (i.e., individuals immigrating into the area for purely labour-related reasons). Work usually comes after the decision to migrate into the area is made. In any case, it does not seem that the employed interviewees have struggled for jobs in the Pyrenees. This is the case of Xóchitl, a Mexican national, who took the decision to migrate into the Huesca Pyrenees because of his partner, even if this provoked downward labour mobility. Mendoza, C. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 119–131.126 I left everything for love (...). I started doing clean- ing. I cleaned schools, I did cleaning for a company. I got to have up to four different jobs (...). I began to see what panorama I had, and I was told: “Here people are needed for caring old people”. I studied the socio- sanitary course, which is offered by the county for free. Later, I joined a private company that specializes in providing care services in the area. They offered me a bad wage, not paying me extra time. It didn’t suit me. I left it and, in June 2018, I started working in a private residence (Xóchitl, Mexican female, 50, Huesca). A bottom line of all the interviews is hous- ing. Since social life might be limited in rural areas, a private comfortable space for living is almost a necessity. Some interviewees ar- gue that housing was the reason for them to live in a specific municipality/county. In other words, once the choice of the region is made (mountain areas/Pyrenees), the specific place becomes somehow irrelevant. Furthermore, housing is mentioned as the main problem in the area, which has a sys- temic lack of apartments for rent, due to the great competition from tourist activities and second homes in the housing market. This is especially true in the ski season and the high summer season. As one interviewed mayor said to us: “We just need a better train con- nection and more public housing. That’s it”. Several general points emerge from the interviews. The first relates to lifestyle im- migration, which is not only triggered by the desire to escape the fast pace of urban life but also represents a search for self-realization and a change in the way of life (Benson, M. and O’Reilly, K. 2016). The narratives intro- duce the idea of well-being and nature as important elements for interviewees living in the Pyrenees. They generally appreciated the advantages of residing in a rural setting and no-one mentioned a possibility of mov- ing out of the region soon. The second point is the complexity of patterns of mobility/mi- gration in the area. Some of the interview- ees were already living in Spain and moved into the Pyrenees for various reasons (e.g., tranquillity, house availability, COVID), and others immigrated straight from outside Spain to the area, as their first destination in the country. In both cases, they might have known the region as tourists before settling there. In relation to this, the third point is that international migration into the Pyrenees is a household decision. Few interviewees de- cided to embark on the mountain adventure on their own. Most of them took this initiative either jointly with her/his partner or due to a Spanish spouse (or relatives) originally from the area (see also Kordel, S. and Pohle, P. 2018). The fourth point is the housing mar- ket, which is a real problem in the area (and specially for immigrant workers) because of the intense competition derived from tour- ism activities and second homes. In any case, the specific choice of a municipality gener- ally depends on the availability of affordable houses for international immigrants. Finally, labour markets in rural areas of the Spanish Pyrenees are dynamic, with a high demand for employees in different economic sectors and a large potential for possible entrepre- neurs to create business. In this regard, some interviewees see the potential directly con- nected to landscape and mountain activities and show a special sensibility to environmen- tal issues (see also Carson, D.A. et al. 2018; Mattsson, K.T. and Cassel, S.H. 2019). This will be developed in the next section. Economic incorporation: immigrant entrepreneurship The last section analysed reasons for immigra- tion into the Pyrenees and showed the diver- sity of migration patterns in the area. Here, we specifically focus on the entrepreneurship of the new residents, particularly their capacity for setting up and expanding businesses. The bottom line is that immigrant entrepreneurs might possess different types of capital (i.e., economic, human and social capitals) which may be an advantage in labour markets, com- pared to their local Spanish-born counterparts (see also Woods, M. 2016). Most of the entrepreneurs and self-em- ployed workers interviewed for this project in Spain were born in Central and Western Europe: in Girona, out of the 16 interviewees, 127Mendoza, C. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 119–131. 11 were employers and self-employed work- ers (9 Europeans and 2 Latin Americans), and in Huesca, out of 15, the 10 employers and self-employed workers were, in general, originally from other European countries (7 out of 10, with the 3 remaining originally from Latin America). This initially implies that the interviewees were strong financially on arrival, but, after analysing their narra- tives, economic capital does not play a relevant role in the survival of businesses. In fact, these tend to be family run, small in size and usually have no employees (see also Hoey, B. 2005; Müller, D.K. and Jansson, B. 2007; Benson, M. and O’Reilly, K. 2009; Carson, D.A. and Carson, D.B. 2018). To illustrate this point, Lena, a young Dutch farm em- ployer who decided to live in a small town in the Pyrenees with her partner, also Dutch, said in her interview: We had few savings. The truth is we bought the lands and the house through crowdfunding (…). I also got public assistance for being a young employ- er. In the beginning, we didn´t hire anyone. For the grape harvest, friends of ours came here and helped us in exchange for food and accommodation (…). Now the business is growing, and we are thinking of permanently hiring a worker to help us on the prop- erty (Lena, Dutch female, 32, Girona). The following example comes from Michel, a retired Frenchman who inherited land from his family. He said in his interview that he was not interested in business itself but was committed to the recovery of a traditional crop (saffron) that had been abandoned in the region. Michel decided to leave France permanently and reside in a small village in the Huesca Pyrenees. “I could live on my pension, but the idea of the saffron, and the idea of teaching young farmers about it, se- duced me. It is more of a romantic idea. I love this region. But the truth is that I lose mon- ey”. This is line with previous lifestyle lit- erature which stresses wellbeing rather than economic profitability in business (Yeasmin, N. 2016; Carson, D.A. et al. 2018). As regards human capital, all the inter- viewed entrepreneurs had a tertiary educa- tion and they are fluent in several languages, which is a competitive advantage, particu- larly for those working in the education field (see also Mendoza, C. et al. 2020). This was the case with the following British inter- viewee, who created an English academy in a rural town in the Girona Pyrenees. I was employed in a language school in Figueres but the jobs were temporary (…). I had to look for another similar job which meant continuing to be an employee, and I thought that maybe it would be inter- esting to start my own business, to be self-employed, so I’d have more control over my work (…). I knew there were lots of children, a great demand for English classes, and so I decided to open the English academy (…). I don’t think it’s that easy to be self-employed in Spain. My impression was there were several obsta- cles to jump over rather than open doors (…). I didn’t apply for any help from the government during the COVID crisis, because I didn’t know how to get these funds. In fact, we received financial support from our families in Britain (Steve, British male, 44, Girona). University education and previous training are crucial for understanding interviewees’ professional success, but, in business terms, previous human capital is only partially help- ful. The preceding interview extract men- tioned the difficulties in creating the academy and the lack of knowledge about the COVID aids made available by the Spanish adminis- tration. In this regard, half of the employers and self-employed workers started a business for their first time in their lives in the Pyrenees (and the other half were usually involved in entrepreneurial activities not related to their previous experience, see also Hoey, B. 2005). On the other hand, interviewees´ human capital might lead to a special appreciation of landscape and nature, which, in turn, could translate into innovative products (see also Carson, D.A. et al. 2016; Mattsson, K.T. and Cassel, S.H. 2019). The following example comes from Márcia, a Brazilian-born univer- sity professor who embark into theatre with her Spanish partner, after partially retiring. They are both self-employed workers and, with other foreign-born people, they recov- ered an abandoned village in the Huesca Pyrenees, as a collective project. In her words: Mendoza, C. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 119–131.128 My husband is from the region. We had the idea of buying a house, also for being closer to his parents. He has been living outside Spain for many years. The idea was to come to live here when I retired in Brazil. We bought a ruined house; the whole village was abandoned (…). We built an open-air puppet theatre in the house. It is very cute, and there is a fantastic view of the mountains (…). Most of my neighbours are foreigners. There is a Dutch guy, a Japanese girl, a Mexican who lives here for only part of the year. There is a person from Paraguay, and me (Márcia, Brazilian female, 62, Huesca). Finally, as for social capital, the strongest competitive advantage amongst immigrant entrepreneurs seems to be their capacity to create and expand social networks. The lit- erature has long pointed out the relevance of networks from the country of origin for the creation of businesses by immigrants (e.g., Stam, E. 2010; Carson, D.A. et al. 2016). For example, this was particularly relevant for Johanna, since her small campsite is mainly aimed at Dutch people, with publicity and marketing undertaken in the Netherlands. This is a special campsite. It is not for everyone. It is for people who want to get total disconnection. You´re in Nature (…). We have a very basic tapas bar for dinner, but this is basically do-it-yourself. The Dutch prefer this kind of campsite, and they are al- most 90 percent of our customers (Johanna, Dutch female, 60, Girona). Yet networks are not only based on inter- national bonds, but also on networks drawn from local society: their social networks are built/expanded via an array of informal and formal channels, which may be enhanced by their status as “welcomed” foreigners in areas suffering from chronic problems of depopulation and economic stagna- tion (Eimermann, M. and Kordel, S. 2018; Mendoza, C. et al. 2020). This “positive ste- reotype” may have a clear impact for some immigrant entrepreneurs, as regards making relevant contacts within the local economy, particularly in areas with a long tradition of tourism. In this respect, for most interview- ees, business, friendship and social life go hand in hand, and this is something to take into consideration when moving into (and staying in) Spain, as seen in the literature on lifestyle immigrants (e.g., Benson, M. and Osbaldiston, N. 2014; Romagosa, F. et al. 2020). The point to stress here is that in- terviewees use social networks and relation- ships not only to be successful in business but also to achieve lifestyle objectives. Conclusions Our results show that patterns of internation- al migration into the Pyrenees are diverse, in the sense that arrival into the mountain region might derive from a decision by im- migrants already living in Spain and willing to move home to a more salubrious region, or they may immigrate straight from out- side Spain, with the area as their first des- tination in the country. In both cases, new residents might have known the territory beforehand as tourists. Diversity is also seen in the variety of immigrants´ incorporations into the labour market, from the health sec- tor to cultural-oriented services. This points to very dynamic rural labour markets in the Pyrenees region. There is also a common pat- tern among the interviewees: immigration into the Pyrenees is a household decision, generally motivated by the desire to escape the fast pace of urban life, in a search for self-realization and a higher quality of life (see also Benson, M. and O’Reilly, K. 2016; Carson, D.A. et al. 2018; Kordel, S. and Pohle, P. 2018). We find also that the interviewed immi- grant entrepreneurs – who are mainly high- ly skilled Northern and Central European immigrants – usually fit themselves into the economic sectors dominant in the area (farming and tourist-oriented activities). Their success partially relies on the variety of capital they possess, including human capital, and their capacities for creating local, regional, and transnational social networks (see also Eimermann, M. and Kordel, S. 2018; Mendoza, C. et al. 2020), even if their businesses are often reduced in both size and capital, without any employees in most 129Mendoza, C. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 119–131. cases (see also Benson, M. and O’Reilly, K. 2009). The interviews ultimately indicate that physically rooted social networks and rela- tionships (and, more broadly, social incor- porations) are not only key aspects for the development of businesses in the area but also provide a source of wellbeing. Our results add new evidence to previ- ous discussions on immigrant entrepre- neurship and lifestyle immigration, from the viewpoint of rural mountain areas. The interviewed immigrant entrepreneurs occa- sionally play a key role in the creation and introduction of innovative products in very specific market niches that had been little explored in rural areas (see also Yeasmin, N. 2016; Munkejord, M.C. 2017). The exam- ples of Márcia (a Brazilian national working on cultural activities in a previously aban- doned locality) and Michel (a retired French who has recovered the saffron production on a very scarcely inhabited hamlet) are good example of this. Our study case clearly indicates that immigrants show sensitiv- ity when it comes to valuing local, cultural and landscape resources, which, in fact, are sometimes the reason for their arrival in the “countryside” (see also Bartoš, M. et al. 2009; Iversen, I. and Jacobsen, J.K.S. 2017). In this way, immigrants stimulate local economies, and help to strengthen values on sustainabil- ity, community and sense of place. Certainly, the initiatives of the interviewed immigrant entrepreneurs are translated into successful businesses (see also Carson, D.A. et al. 2018; Mattsson, K.T. and Cassel, S.H. 2019), but, in line with Müller, D.K. and Jansson, B. (2007), and Carson, D.A. et al. (2016), their companies are often limited in both size and capital, and these circumstances generally produce only a slight impact on local eco- nomic development and job creation in the Pyrenees. Our results suggest that the rural environ- ment could become an innovative environ- ment in which small businesses could even- tually thrive (see also Stathopoulou, S. et al. 2004; García Marchante, J.S. et al. 2007). Yet, there are still questions to be answered about the innovative aspects of companies created by immigrants, and certainly more research needs to be done in the region to explore the territory’s capacity to develop business. In this regard, no substantial dif- ferences were observed between the two Spanish study regions of Girona and Huesca. When a comparison is made between regions of France and Spain, differences may be ob- served in immigrants´ economic incorpo- ration. 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Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 72 (2023) (2) 119–131.132 Hungarian Geograpical Bulletin Vol 72 Issue 2 119-131 (2023) Cristóbal MENDOZA: International immigration and entrepreneurshipin rural areas of the Spanish Pyrenees