The particular dialect or language that a person chooses to use on any occasion is called a code 1187 Copyright © 2022 The Author IDEAS is licensed under CC-BY-SA 4.0 License Issued by English study program of IAIN Palopo IDEAS Journal of Language Teaching and Learning, Linguistics and Literature ISSN 2338-4778 (Print) ISSN 2548-4192 (Online) Volume 10, Number 2, December 2022 pp. 1187 - 1199 Democratization as a Catalyst for Women Empowerment: A Feminist of Reading of Nadine Gordimer’s None to Accompany Me Malesela Edward Montle edward.montle@ul.ac.za University of Limpopo, South Africa Received: 2022-10-20 Accepted: 2022-12-19 DOI: 10.24256/ideas.v10i2.3129 Abstract This paper aims to explore the role of democratization in the socio-economic and political empowerment of women from various walks of life. Women were and are still one of the marginalised groups in the globe. Prior to democratisation, women’s authentic voices and identities were abridged to subservience and their societal roles were, predominately, pinned to domesticity whereas their male counterparts relished in administrative dominance. It is the advent of the democratic jurisdiction that occasioned and championed equality amongst men and women in socio-economic and political spaces. This democratisation authorised and empowered women to assert and reassert their identities, which are, sometimes, questioned, berated and shunned despite the autonomous dispensation. This is evinced by the appalling patriarchal, sexist and misogynistic attitudes that menace the women’s rise and impact in society in the present day. The paper employs a qualitative method guided by textual analysis to probe into democratisation as a catalyst for women empowerment from a literary perspective. It selects and utilises Nadine Gordimer’s None to Accompany Me as a case in point to crystalize the focal theme of the study. Furthermore, the study scrutinises Gordimer’s literary work above, which is a reflection of democratisation as an impulse for women empowerment with a feminist lens. This paper, among other things, finds that whilst democratisation has aided and granted women rights to create a platform to authenticate their voices and reconstruct their identities, it has not utterly liberated the women from socio-economic and political maladies. Keywords: Democracy; Feminism; Identity; Patriarchy; Women empowerment http://u.lipi.go.id/1457703302 Malesela Edward Montle Democratization as A Catalyst for Women Empowerment: A Feminist of Reading of Nadine Gordimer’s None to Accompany Me 1188 Introduction Democratization loosely embraces the adoption of democratic principles as guiding thoughts in governance. It aims to harmonise, dignify and equate all spheres of human endeavour. Matthias (2014, p. 208) adds that “democratization is a project of transforming political structures, processes, policies and values in order to enhance civic participation and increase transparency.” Furthermore, democratization champions equality as one of its indispensable principles. This noted, Viterna and Fallon (2008) postulate that there are solid theoretic reasons to expect that democratisation will foster more gender impartial structures as it provides men and women with equitable openings for political involvement. Women linger as one of the extremely marginalised groups in the world and it is democratisation underpinnings, often mobilised by feminist activism, that nurture the rehabilitation and essentialisation of the women’s identities and afford them the rights to participate in socio-economic and political domains that have and are still dominated by their male counterparts. Previous studies such as Montle (2021); Umar & Mashi (2019) and Mihail (2006) have examined the position and status of women in the democratic space but have not profoundly explored the role of democratisation in the women’s assumed identities in the present day. Scholars such as Viterna and Fallon (2008) opine that democratization has not satisfactorily enhanced women’s political status. The aforementioned researchers point out that in the light of democratization in the Eastern Europe, for instance, the rate of women’s political involvement has decreased dramatically, policies on maternity leave truncated, legislative quotas for women dismantled, childcare centers funding dwindled and rights for abortion menaced, and in developing states, traditional gender prospects are reasserted. In the African societies, for example, traditional assumptions are sometimes predicated on asserting gender roles in socio-economic and political dimensions and these traditional notions are mostly found to favour men over women. These traditional ideals perceive men as relevant authoritative figures, leaders and managers, and narrow women’s roles to domestic work. For instance, this African proverb, particularly from the Northern Sotho, “Tša eta ke ya tshadi pele di wela ka leopeng” (If a woman is a leader, the followers will fall into a cave), denounces a woman as a leader and discourages her from being authoritative figure in society. Prior to democratization gaining momentum, proverbs such as the aforementioned ones were firmly utilized in Ancient African societies to assign roles to both men and women. Hence, the genesis of patriarchy could be traced from these olden days when traditional beliefs were obligatory. The transition to democratization menaced and almost invalidated these sexist traditional notions and nurtured feminist activism, which strived to, among other things, accentuate gender equality even in socio-economic and political platforms that were institutionalized for men (Herman, 2013). As a result, women rose to attempt to capitalize on the democratization and empower themselves socio- economically and politically. Geisler (2000, p. 605) notes that “women's success in IDEAS, Vol. 10, No. 2, December 2022 ISSN 2338-4778 (Print) ISSN 2548-4192 (Online) 1189 moving from active participation in the liberation struggle to active participation in government has been exceptional on a world scale. Their achievement is based on the long history of women's struggles gender equality,” whilst Fallon, Swiss and Viterna (2012) perceive the women as prime figures in the process of democratization in the globe. This noted, the paper evaluates the impact of democratization on women in the present day, whether it has thrived or failed as a catalyst for women empowerment. This paper inspects women as the most marginalized gender in the socio- economic and political spheres in the globe, and probes into democratization as a messianic contrivance to empower them, from a feminist approach. The feminist ideology predominately advocates for the essentialization of women’s rights to be on par with those of men. It has branched into various sets to accomplish its mandate of empowering women. Therefore, amongst the streams of feminism in the scholarship, this paper assumes the liberal feminist approach. The aforementioned perspective is qualified to frame this study by virtue of democratization policies championing peace in the negotiation of equality in the socio-economic and political spaces. The liberal feminist approach reforms against discrimination based on gender through the advocacy for equal rights by framing and engaging the laws that will guarantee equality (Ledwaba & Nkomo, 2021). Its great emphasis is on the public realm, specifically laws, political structures, educational matters and livelihoods, and cogitates the renunciation of lawful equal and political rights as the key hurdle to equality (Zhang, 2021). The socio-economic and political domains are some of the zones that democratization is believed to have impacted on due to the significant shift from the previous predominance of men and poor involvement of women to equal participation and increase of women’s visibility (Montle 2022). This noted, Cornwall and Goetz (2005, p. 784) suggest that “engendering democracy by adding women or multiplying democratic spaces is necessary but not sufficient to address historically and culturally embedded forms of disadvantage that have been the focus for feminist politics.” These scholars appear to concede that democratization has created a space for women’s involvement in domains that they were previously alienated from, but also have reservations as to whether democratization has thrived in empowering the women are now authenticating their voices in socio-economic and political facets. Malesela Edward Montle Democratization as A Catalyst for Women Empowerment: A Feminist of Reading of Nadine Gordimer’s None to Accompany Me 1190 Hence, they further state that, “increasing numbers of women have gained entry into the arena of representative politics in recent times. Yet the extent to which shifts in the sex ratio within formal democratic spaces translates into political influence, and into gains in policies that redress gendered inequities and inequalities remains uncertain” (Cornwall & Goetz, 2005, p. 784). Moreover, several scholars postulate that the increase in the occupation of socio-economic and political offices by women, which, democratization has occasioned, does not mean that the feminist ideals of women empowerment are met. Thus, Htun (2004, p. 439) argues that “most women enter office through methods which do not base the selection of women politicians on the preferences of women as an electoral constituency. In most countries, affirmative action to feminize legislatures is pursued through voluntary or imposed quotas – political parties must front women candidates for a proportion of the seats they contest,” whereas Cornwall and Goetz (2005, p. 784) also observe that “clearly, if the concern is to bring gender equality perspectives into politics and public policy, a focus on packing public space with female bodies is misplaced unless supported by efforts to bring gender issues into the many other spaces where political interests are formed.” This noted, there seems to be a scholarly argument that democratization has not utterly empowered women. This paper examines the aforementioned point and primarily argues that democratization has invested a certain degree of authority in women and liberated them from several socio- economic and political impediments, through Nadine Gordimer’s literary piece, None to Accompany Me, which characterizes and reflects on democratization and women empowerment today. Methods This paper utilizes a qualitative method, which encompasses gathering and scrutinising non-numerical data such as texts, videos and audio clips to comprehend certain concepts, thoughts and experiences (Bhandari, 2022). The paper relies on the aforementioned methodology to examine democratization as a catalyst for women empowerment through a literary lens. It is purely text-based and employs a textual analysis, which is usually used to comprehend, describe, analyze and interpret texts (Caulfield, 2020). The textual analysis is appropriate for this study that collects data primarily from a literary text and partly from critical works related to democratization and women empowerment. The study has relied on a purposive sampling method, which usually ensues when the characteristics chosen for the sample are selected by the verdict of the researcher (Black 2010). This noted, the researcher selects Nadine Gordimer’s None to Accompany Me out of other literary texts that centre on women’s identities as pertinent case in point to examine democratisation as a catalyst for women empowerment. Gordimer’s novel is chosen by virtue of its brilliant reflection on democratisation’s attempt to empower women in socio-economic and political spaces and the challenges that emerge. The data acquired from Gordimer’s None to Accompany Me will be intently IDEAS, Vol. 10, No. 2, December 2022 ISSN 2338-4778 (Print) ISSN 2548-4192 (Online) 1191 presented and discussed in themes. As a result, the researcher uses a thematic analysis technique, which is a common method of analysing qualitative information where common themes, ideas and topics are identified (Caulfield, 2020). Results and Discussion Gordimer’s None to Accompany Me is a brilliant reflection of democratisation and women empowerment in the modern day. The novel presents two women, Sibongile Maqoma and Vera Stark as central figures that are qualified by democratisation to redefine their identities. These women aimed to dismantle patriarchal structure through the acquisition of socio-economic and political power. According to Sakamoto (2007), the portrayal of both Sibongile and Vera’s characters as authoritative forces in their respective societies is a demonstration of women empowerment in the democratic dispensation. These women experience various challenges as they rise to power by virtue of democratization: Sibongile and Vera’s Empowerment Due to Democratization Sibongile and Vera appear as very influential and well-respected public figures. This domain, in which, these women are prominent had been male-driven until democratization gained momentum and occasioned the active participation and visibility of women in such spheres. Cornwall and Goetz (2005) assert that determinations to heighten women’s political involvement have gained new-fangled perseverance with the designation of figures of women in political domains as a pointer of women’s empowerment. In the novel, Vera is depicted as a struggle icon, powerful lawyer and political activist who utilizes her skills to fight for marginalized people in her community. Likewise, Sibongile is also a struggle icon and holds an authoritative position as a deputy director of the redeployment programmed. Puri (2011) notes that women’s involvement in local and national politics, economy, academia and the media is integral to democracy and fundamental to the attainment sustainable development and harmony in all situations. These women, as struggle icons, played a major in the democratic wave that ultimately adverted and today, they hold administrative positions in socio-economic and political spaces that were usually handpicked for their male counterparts. To a greater degree, these women Malesela Edward Montle Democratization as A Catalyst for Women Empowerment: A Feminist of Reading of Nadine Gordimer’s None to Accompany Me 1192 hold higher positions and statuses in their societies more than their husbands do and this engenders crises in their marital homes. Thus, Dimitriu (2003 18) perceives Gordimer’s None to Accompany Me as a: …response to the vexed question of the value Gordimer’s fiction has as the society seeks to extend its concerns beyond those of overtly political struggle. As all of the actions are set in the climate of civilian as opposed to revolutionary times, the novels [Gordimer’s first three after-1994] help clarify Gordimer’s interest in matters that have emerged from the socio-political imperative. In the last decade racial issues, for example, have not disappeared, but have become more entangled in the wider functioning of the society. The Shift of Gender Roles Gordimer’s None to Accompany Me typifies a shift of gender roles, which, inter alia, demystifies the stereotypical association of women with secondary status in society. The female characters’ new identity challenges the disparity between men and women, thus, reasserting a positive wave of gender equality in all dimensions of life. The democratisation’s attempt to empower both Sibongile and Vera gave rise to a shift of gender roles in their households. These women are more socio-economically and politically successful than their husbands whose careers have failed and are dependent on their wives. As a result, gender roles as predominately assigned by cultural assumptions took a shift. It is cultural notions that portrayed men as providers, heads of their families, and decision-makers in the households whereas women are urged to be submissive to their husbands and perform domestic duties (Montle, 2020). This is also guided by biblical notions where scriptures such as Ephesians 5:22-24 KJV, “Wives, submit yourselves unto your own husbands, as unto the Lord. For the husband is the head of the wife, even as Christ is the head of the church: and he is the saviour of the body. Therefore as the church is subject unto Christ, so let the wives be to their own husbands in everything.” However, Sibongile and Vera’s power seems to have granted them courage to oppose and revise these cultural and religious underpinnings. It is their husbands who performed domestic duties and the wives became providers and decision-makers. Sibongile’s New Identity Sibongile’s husband, Didymus, appreciated his wife’s capabilities but also had insecurities due to the level of her social status, wealth and power. Hryniewicz and Vianna (2018) perceives this as a view that women are not supposed to hold certain positions. Montle (2021, p. 40) states that “women who somehow manage to occupy these positions will be under intense pressure as any mistake they make would be not only be used against them but also against any woman who would, in future, desire to hold positions of great influence and power.” Hence, Cornwall and Goetz IDEAS, Vol. 10, No. 2, December 2022 ISSN 2338-4778 (Print) ISSN 2548-4192 (Online) 1193 (2005) argue that democratization may have elevated women to positions of power but has really empowered them as the stigma against their success still persists. Sibongile’s duties as a deputy director took priority over her wifely ones at home: Although Sibongile spoke of her job as it were quite humble-it was the democratic vocabulary, hangover from exile with its brave denial of hierarchy- she was one who could not be reached except through a secretary these days. She had her offices and battery of command- computers, fax, assistants whose poor education and lack of skills she was attempting to tolerate while disciplining and training them. When there were complaints about her she said to her comrades in high positions what they themselves thought it better not express (None to Accompany Me, p. 74). Sibongile’s work and her devotion to it caused major changes not only in the Maqoma household, but also in the normalized roles of a woman. She has debunked the myths and stereotypes against women as successful authoritative figures, and sought to dismantle patriarchal attitudes that often reduce a woman’s role to motherhood, domestic work and the man’s second-in command. It is her husband, Didymus who performed all the domestic duties of the household whilst Sibongile was the provider and decision-maker in the house: Home was set up; but she did not have time to do the daily tasks that would maintain it; it was Didymus who took the shopping lists she scribbled in bed at night, who drove Mpho (their daughter) to and from her modern dance class, to the dentist, to the urgent obligations that school girls have to be here or he who called the plumber and reported the telephone out of order. His working day was less crowded than hers. She would be snatching up files, briefcase and keys in the morning while he was dipping bread fast in coffee, changing back and forth from local news to BBC. Their working life was housed in the same building; sometimes he came to look in on her office: she was talking fast on the telephone, held up a hand not to be interrupted; she was in the middle of briefing the fieldworkers through whom she had Malesela Edward Montle Democratization as A Catalyst for Women Empowerment: A Feminist of Reading of Nadine Gordimer’s None to Accompany Me 1194 initiated research into the reintegration of returned exiles (None to Accompany Me, p. 74-75). Vera’s New Identity Vera Stark is also a struggle icon and a very influential public figure. Democratization has opened socio-economic and political doors for Vera and like Sibongile, she is more successful than her husband Ben who is presented as a failed artist. As a result, she also assumes an authoritative position in the household and occasions a shift of gender roles. Ibinga (2007) notes that Vera is the one that exerts power in the stark house and her husband seems to be a weakling and this shown through the domestic duties in the household. This antagonizes cultural systems that perceives men as authoritative figures and women as submissive followers. In this circumstance, Ben has: Ben had created Vera for himself as a body, a torso without a head. As such it was (indeed, connoisseur Lou had observed) exceptionally explicit of the power of the body. It had no identity beyond, and so the body that was Vera, Ben could not live without, was transformed into the expression of desire between woman and woman. In Annies’s house the headless torsos became household gods (None to Accompany Me, p. 228). Ben is financially dependent on Vera and the latter’s influence, power, socio- economic and political success makes Ben to worship her to an extent that she is not comfortable with it: “when someone gives you so much power over himself, he makes you a tyrant” (None to Accompany Me, p. 310). Vera’s reconstruction of a democratized identity manifests in her sex life. She interrogates taboos and unequal societal discrimination towards promiscuous men and women. Hence, she is depicted as: a strange woman because in some ways she is unconventional. She attacks her daily work; even though it is unconventional work she goes about it in this rather strict, direct way, rather authoritarian. She doesn’t seem to belong to any women’s movement. She’s a woman’s movement in herself, I think. And she bluntly asserts her sexuality. She even quotes Renoir at one point-“I paint with prick”. But she has her fill of sexuality, she works her way through it. She’s had a very active kind of sensual life; she hasn’t cared too much about the morality of it (None to Accompany Me, p. 436). Vera’s sexual freedom case could be complemented by stories of independent or women who are proven to have money and sometimes reported to have been motivated by their money to be sexually active. On Daily Sun (09/09/2016), a man has claimed that women, particularly those who hold professional positions such as nurses, teachers and executives request and pay him handsomely for sexual services: IDEAS, Vol. 10, No. 2, December 2022 ISSN 2338-4778 (Print) ISSN 2548-4192 (Online) 1195 “It started when I was approached by a single woman who asked if I could help her. I have been servicing her since then. And she has also told other women about me.” Another man in Daily Sun (31/08/ 2020), also noted that women including those aged 45-50+ also pay him for sexual services. So one of the women, aged 53, claims that she has been married for about 30 years but her husband could go on for five months without sleeping with her and as a result, she pays for sexual services without any strings attached. Similarly, Vera who reaches the stage of menopause chooses to maintain a sexually active lifestyle despite social notions that “some people seem to be finished with sex in their mid-forties, or fifties” (None to Accompany Me: 436). She acknowledges that she leads a promiscuous life: “I’ve only loved men” (None to Accompany Me: 436). Thus, Ibinga (2007) notes that Vera is a representative of heterosexual women whose sexual delight is dependent on the penis. Religion and culture Gordimer’s female empowerment in None to Accompany Me and the re-defining of gender roles through the Maqomas is a rejection of the fundamental assumptions of religion and culture about married women. Cultural educational aspects such as proverbs and idioms demonstrate resistance to female leadership. For instance, African cultural proverbs specifically from the Northern Sotho tribe reinforce the reduction of a woman’s role under the authority of a man. Some of these proverbs are: • Tša etwa pele ke ya tshadi di wela ka leopeng [A herd that is led by a cow (female) will fall into a pit]. • Mosadi ke tšhwene, o lewa mabogo [A woman is a baboon, her hands are eaten]. • Monna ke peu, ga a swarwe manenolo. [A woman should honour her husband]. The proverbs above point out the patriarchal notions that are upheld in Northern Sotho cultural societies. The proverb, Tša etwa pele ke ya tshadi di wela ka leopeng Malesela Edward Montle Democratization as A Catalyst for Women Empowerment: A Feminist of Reading of Nadine Gordimer’s None to Accompany Me 1196 warns against appointing a female as a leader. It states that female leadership will only result in chaos. Gordimer’s presentation of the character of Sibongile appears to declare the message behind this proverb a fallacy. Sibongile thrives as an influential political figure in her community and scholars such as Sakamoto (2006, 231) view her as: a new agent of post-apartheid politics who goes beyond her husband’s experiences. She has her own expectations and ambitions to be realised. Given her new power within the changing political scene, Gordimer seems to suggest that it is only in politics that women can experience liberation and empowerment. The second proverb, Mosadi ke tšhwene, o lewa mabogo defines a real wife as the one that conforms to her domestic duties. Masenya (2004) avers that a woman’s value, beauty and respect depends on her diligence in performing domestic duties and taking care of her children and husband. Correspondingly, the proverb, Monna ke peu, ga a swarwe manenolo encourages women to honour and submit to their husbands. It recognises the man as the possessor of authority and head of the household. Equally important, cultural notions define a woman as a weaker vessel and a man as stronger but in Gordimer’s None to Accompany Me, a man is portrayed as weak and the woman strong. Thus, in matters of sex, cultural depictions such as Northern Sotho proverbs appear to accept and institutionalise men’s extreme sexual activeness, whereas, women who are intensely sexually active like Vera in Gordimer’s None to Accompany Me would be rejected by the society and be viewed as loose, whores and just sex objects.There are cultural notions that are often utilised to excuse male promiscuity such this Northern Sotho tribal proverb, “Monna ke thaka wa naba”, [A man is a pumpkin and stretches]. In the novel, Vera appears as very sexually active and she is unapologetic about it as she postulates that democratisation has granted her sexual freedom amongst other things. On the other hand, women like Vera who believe that this notion should also apply to them and hence, become very sexual active, are often subjected to slut-shaming where they are referred to as ‘whores’, ‘bitch’ and ‘slut’. Positive sex feminists such as Bell (2009, p. 27) note that “prostitution is not necessarily bad for women if prostitutes are treated with respect and if the professions within sex work are destigmatised.” This noted, democratisation has afforded women a voice in sexual matters where it was tabooed for a woman to take a lead in such matters. Voices from a variety of religions have a common depiction of the role of women. Men seem to be favoured more than women and regarded as stronger than women. However, Gordimer’s None to Accompany Me points out “the possible interchangeable structure of power between genders. The female person is often referred to as being the weaker sex in terms of the patriarchal mindset, becomes in IDEAS, Vol. 10, No. 2, December 2022 ISSN 2338-4778 (Print) ISSN 2548-4192 (Online) 1197 this particular text the stronger sex. Gordimer assigns lofty roles to her female characters while men occupy subservient positions in the plot” (Ibinga, 2007: 213). Furthermore, in Roman Catholic, a woman is not permitted to serve as an elder and priest while in Judaism a woman needed a husband’s consent to divorce but a man did not. Likewise, in Mormonism and Buddhism, men were given favour over women in terms of roles in the church and society while in Islam women’s faults are treated with greater strictness than men. Nomani (2003) states that in the Islam religion, women are the ones who often made targets of these punitive sex decrees, whereas, men are sometimes excused. Hence, De Beauvoir (1953) avers that religious faiths encouraged women to be meek, to put up with inequality, exploitation and suffering and doing so will bring rewards in the afterlife. Conclusion Gordimer’s None to Accompany Me has focused on women’s liberation due to the democratic dispensation. These novels questioned what independence meant for women. In the novel, Gordimer breaks patriarchal structures that appear to have entrapped women in the web of oppression despite democratisation. In the novel, women are empowered and galvanised to own their democratic rights. The democratic achievement in the novel opened doors of success for the women, Vera Stark and Sibongile Maqoma. The two women become powerful and influential figures and earn more than many male figures in their communities, particularly their husbands. The women’s success clashes with their cultural underpinnings. Phillip and Suri (2004) assert that there is even a theoretical and biblical perception that women’s roles and contributions in communities need men’s approval if they are not on behalf of them. As a woman, Sibongile is culturally expected to submit to his husband who is the provider, and perform domestic duties and other motherly responsibilities. However, she does the opposite in her household. Sibongile takes responsibility as the provider and reserves domestic duties to her husband Didymus. The same also applies in the Stark household where Vera is more successful than her husband and leaves domestic chores for the husband whilst she deals with urgent matters of the household. Vera’s democratic identity propels her to promiscuity. She defies cultural perceptions of a woman and excuses her promiscuity with democratic rights to her body. 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