163 DOMESTIC ENVIRONMENT AND NIGERIA'S INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ThankGod F. Lilly-Inia, Ph.D & Loveday, Mkpae Department of Political Science, University of Port Harcourt. thankgodfly24@gmai.com lovedaymkpae@gmail.com; DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.2.33952.39688 Abstract The paper explored the Domestic Environment and Nigeria's International Relations. The need to address domestic issues which usually arise from the domestic environment of states is the driving force behind interactions between and among states. Foreign policy is the projection of the national interest of a state in the global system. Nigeria is mired with numerous domestic problems such as insecurity, infrastructural decay general underdevelopment etc. These amongst others form the locus of her engagement with other states in the international system. The study adopted the realist theory propounded by Hans J. Morgenthau in 1948 as its theoretical framework. It situated Nigeria's interactions with other states in the global system within the context of her national interest. The secondary source of data was applied for the study; it involves the collection of data from textbooks, articles, seminar papers, journals etc. The study observed that interactions between and among states in the global system are inevitable because no state is an island of its own. The study recommends that the Nigerian government should appoint people who have vast knowledge about Nigerian foreign policy to man the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to help give direction to the formulation and implementation of policies that reflect the domestic needs of Nigeria in the international arena. Keywords: Environment, Nigeria, International, Politics, Government Introduction International relations according to Hartman (2009), refers to the political activities and other kinds of interactions among two or more states. Hartman further noted that the academic field of international relations is a branch of political science that is concerned with the study of relations between states, the foreign policy of nation-states, and the mechanisms and institutions (such as international organizations, inter-governmental organizations, international and national nongovernmental organizations and multinational corporations) through which states interact (Hartman, 2009). Quincy (2007) in his submission noted that international relations are the relations between groups of major importance in the life of the world at any period of history. The study of international relations involves many subjects such as international and regional peace and security, international organizations, nuclear proliferation, globalization, human rights, economic development, intervention, international financial relations, and international trade relations etc. The interdependence of the global system attests to the relevance of international relations. No state in the international system is an island as states depend on each other in one form or the other in order to survive. The interactions of states are usually influenced by their national interest. In other words, states relate with each other in other to actualize their national interest. The national interest of a state is usually predicated on its domestic issues. Put differently, national interest emanates from the domestic environment of a state and is projected into the global arena. Foreign policy therefore becomes the means of pursuing and actualizing the national interest of a state. According to Obi (2009, p.42), foreign policy “denotes a pattern of IGWEBUIKE: An African Journal of Arts and Humanities. Vol. 10. No. 5, (2024) ISSN: 2488- 9210 (Print) 2504-9038 (Online) Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Tansian University, Umunya 164 values expressed through government authoritative statements to give a sense of the goals, objectives, hopes and aspirations of the issuing country in relations with other countries”. It is a pattern through which nations relate with each other to promote and protect their national interest. This is why Emeka (1992, p.12), postulate that “the foreign policy of a nation is intended at manipulating the global community with the power at the disposal of the nation in other to actualize the national objectives of that nation”. Nigeria's interactions with other states in the global arena are with the intent of addressing her numerous domestic problems. These problems include but are not limited to insecurity, infrastructural decay, general underdevelopment etc. It is against this background that this paper intends to examine the domestic environment and Nigeria's international relations (2015-2023). Statement of the Problem States are rational actors in the global system. Every state has certain goals they seek to actualize. These goals vary from state to state and are usually influenced by domestic events. The wave of insecurity in Nigeria orchestrated by Boko Haram, banditry, herdsmen-farmers clashes, Eastern Security Network (ESN), Islamic State of West African Province (ISWAP) and kidnapping etc. pose a major challenge and threat to the socio-economic, and political development of Nigeria. The threat posed by these security challenges necessitated the need for the Federal government to seek bilateral and multilateral agreements with other countries to nip these security threats in the bud. For instance, in a bid to curb the activities of Boko Haram, the Federal government formed the Joint Multinational Task Force with neighbouring countries such as Cameroun, Niger, Chad and Central Africa Republic. Also, security threats from Boko Haram, made the Nigerian government sign a bilateral agreement with the United States of America for the sales of arms to Nigeria to enable her to combat the menace of Boko Haram. For instance, Nigeria purchased four rigid-hulled inflatable boats. The boats were delivered by ASIS Boats a company from the United Arab Emirates. Furthermore, the country bought ten Songar UAVs from Turkey's Asiguard. The UAVs are slated to assist the Nigerian police in fighting gang violence in urban cities. The Nigerian police already bought ALTI Transition UAVs from South Africa, the French Elistair Orion fixed-wing aircraft and four Chinese AR-500B airborne unmanned helicopters (Africa and the Arms Trade, 2022). China supplied the CH-3 to Nigeria's government prior to 2014, along with YC-200 guided bombs and AR-1 air-to-ground missiles. In 2020, the Nigerian Air Force (NAF) Chief, Air Marshal Sadique Abubakar, disclosed that the NAF had concluded the acquisition of eight Wing Loong II, CH-4, and CH-3 drones etc (Chibundu, 2017). The proliferation of small and light weapons (SALW) which is a major threat to national security prompted the Nigeria government to sign bilateral agreements with her Neigbohouring countries such as Cameroon, Niger, Benin Republic and Chad. Domestic events have propelled Nigeria to establish economic ties with other countries. In other to address the problem of decayed infrastructure in Nigeria, the federal government of Nigeria signed several bilateral relations with China that led to the Chinese government constructing several railway lines in Nigeria. Also, the Nigeria government borrowed trillions of naira through that bilateral agreement. The comatose state of Nigeria's refineries prompted her to establish ties with the USA, France, Italy and Germany for the sales of her crude oil. The fact that states are always bedevilled with domestic events has thereby necessitated the need for international relations. Aim and Objectives This paper aims to examine Nigeria's Domestic Environment and International Relations. The IGWEBUIKE: An African Journal of Arts and Humanities. Vol. 10. No. 5, (2024) ISSN: 2488- 9210 (Print) 2504-9038 (Online) Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Tansian University, Umunya 165 paper is guided by the following objectives: i. Examine Nigeria's domestic problems. ii. Analyze Nigeria's national interest. iii. Make appropriate recommendations on how to address Nigeria's domestic problems in the international arena. Methodology The historical research design was adopted for the study; it involves studying past events to understand present events in other to predict future events. The secondary source of data was utilized for this study. The secondary source of data refers to the set of data collated or authored by another person, archives, in the form of documents collected for a purpose other than the present one in which it is being used (Asika, 2006). Selltiz et al (2008), have declared that the usefulness of secondary sources of data lies in the fact that information of this sort is collected periodically. Also, gathering information from such sources does not require the cooperation or assistance of the individual about whom information is being sought. The sources of data for this study include; magazines, newspapers, textbooks, journals and seminar papers among others. The content analysis was adopted as our method of data analysis. Theoretical Framework The theory adopted for this study is the realist theory propounded by Hans J. Morgenthau in 1948. The theory derives its impulse from the perspective that the nature of man is sinful and conflictual. Realism holds that political theory must flow from observation of the history and experience of people and nation-states and that these show a pattern of violent and aggressive behaviour (Richard and Sinclair, 1996). Thus, the highest moral duty of the nation-state is its own preservation. To accomplish this, states must utilize power. According to Morganthau (1978, p.57), “the interest of nation-state defined in terms of power, is the main moral guide in which policy is developed, but prudence in pursuing that interest is the primary ethical guide for policy makers''. In the world of power politics, states must increase their power to guarantee their survival. According to Morganthau (1978, p.56), “thus, the goal of state has come to include the search for ways to acquire and keep power, increase power and demonstrate power. In short, in a world of conflicting states seeking power, or a world confirmed by historical experience and by the nature of man, states must engage in power politics in order to survive, and they should do anything prudent or otherwise to achieve that goal''. According to walker (1993, p.33), “there is no single tradition of realism but rather a knot of historically constituted tensions, contradictions and evasions''. There are therefore different types of realism which Timothy (1993), has distinguished into three: classical realism (up to the twentieth century), modern realism (1939 – 1979) and neo-realism (1979 to date). Timothy (1993, p.43), admits that “this periodization do not however overcome the problem of diversity since not all classical writers agree on the causes of war, or whether the balance of power is a natural state or one which must be created for the effective management of global power”. Walker (1993) further distinguished between historical realism and structural realism. Machiavelli is regarded as the leading proponent of historical realism. He advocates a set of ideas which permit nation-state leaders to bring the external environment under their control. E.H Carr can be regarded as a modern Machiavelli. To Carr (1976, p.17), “nations of power must advocate for a foreign policy which recognized the interplay of power and morality, force and appeasement. It is his idea that brutal force alone cannot keep and control any population in a state of perpetual submissiveness to authority''. IGWEBUIKE: An African Journal of Arts and Humanities. Vol. 10. No. 5, (2024) ISSN: 2488- 9210 (Print) 2504-9038 (Online) Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Tansian University, Umunya 166 Relating and applying the realist perspective in understanding the domestic environment and Nigeria's international relations, it becomes imperative to state that states are conceived as rational actors always on the move to influence the policies and actions of other states in the international community with the sole aim of actualizing their national interest. The realist theory is relevant for this paper because it conceived states as rational actors always in the move to protect their national interest. The need for establishing relations with other states in the global system is to address the domestic needs of a state. Thus relations between or among states is not permanent but rather perpetual based on the interest or goal a state seeks to actualize. Results And Discussions Nigeria's Domestic Problems Nigeria is mired with numerous domestic problems such as insecurity orchestrated by the activities of Boko Haram, Islamic State of West African Province (ISWAP), Niger Delta Avengers (NDA), Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB), Niger Delta Volunteer Force (NDVF), Banditry and Herdsmen etc. infrastructural decay and general underdevelopment etc. These domestic problems form the corner stone of her interactions with other states in the global community. It is therefore important to discuss some of these problems. With regard to Boko Haram, the group which carries out its operation mainly in the northeast region, has wreaked havoc on the people of the region. The group was founded by Mohammed Yusuf in 2002, the group was led by Abubakar Shekau until his death. Nigeria has been ranked third of the 162 countries in the world that have been worst hit by terrorist attacks according to the 2015 Global Terrorisms Index, due to the high rate of terrorist activities by the Boko Haram sect. The 2023 rating by the Global Terrorisms Index sees Nigeria moved to eight positions (GTI, 2023). Below is a table that depicts the 2023 rating by Global Terrorisms Index indicating Nigeria's position. Table One: Table showing the Global Terrorism Index Source: GTI (2023) Going by the latest ranking, Nigeria only fared better than Afghanistan, Burkina Faso, Somalia, Mali, Syria, Iraq and Pakistan which occupied first, second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth and seventh S /N C o u n t r y T o t a l d e a t h s in c e 2 0 0 7 1 A f g h a n is t a n 1 8 5 0 0 2 B u r k in a F a s o 3 51 5 3 S o m a l i a 9 0 5 7 4 M a l i 3 4 4 2 5 S y r i a 6 0 4 8 6 I r a q 3 6 5 5 1 7 P a k i s t a n 1 4 9 2 0 8 N ig e r i a 1 0 7 6 8 9 M y a n m a r 1 0 3 6 1 0 N ig e r 1 8 4 2 IGWEBUIKE: An African Journal of Arts and Humanities. Vol. 10. No. 5, (2024) ISSN: 2488- 9210 (Print) 2504-9038 (Online) Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Tansian University, Umunya 167 position respectively (GTI (2023). The sect formally calls itself “Jama'atul Alhul Sunnah Liddo' wati Wal Jihad” which means “people committed to the propagation of the prophet's teachings and Jihad” (Nwanegbo &Odigbo, 2013). Their violent action started in 2009 and it has led to the death of many including the displacement of thousands from the northeast region. Below is a table that depicts the nature of violent attacks from the deadly Islamic sect. Table Two: Table showing data on the violent attacks by Boko Haram from 2009-2022 S/N DATE OF ATTACK STATE LOCATION OF ATTACK IMPACT 1. July 27, 2009 Yobe Attack on Potiskum, Yobe State divisional headquarters 4 peopl e killed 2. March 13, 2009 Plateau Pantha, Northern part of Jos Plateau State 300 people killed 3. Oct. 1, 2010 Explosion near the eagle’s square, Abuja 12 people were killed, many injured 4. Dec. 24, 2010 Plateau A bomb attack, in Barkinlad i, Jos Plateau State 8 people killed 5. Jan. 21, 2011 Borno Attack on Borno State Governorship Candidate of all Nigerian People Party (ANPP), Alhaji Modu Gubio 7 people killed 6. March 30, 2012 Yobe A bomb planted by Boko Haram in Damaturu, Yobe ex ploded and injured a police officer 1 injured 7. July 12, 2012 Borno Boko Haram threw an explosive device on a moving military vehicle in Maiduguri 5 people killed 8. Feb. 4, 2012 Yobe Attacks in Geri dam 7 people killed 9. Oct. 3, 2013 Born o Boko Haram attack Baga market in Maiduguri 3 people killed 10. Jan. 15, 2013 Yobe Attacks by Boko Haram in Damaturu, Yobe State 150 people killed 11. July 10, 2014 Borno Explosion in Maiduguri 5 people killed 12. Nov. 12, 2014 Bauchi Bomb e xplosion in police station Misau 7 people killed 13. Dec. 10, 2014 Bauchi Bombing of Mubi 37 people killed 14. March 14, 2015 Yobe Multiple attacks in churches in Damboa 12 people were injured injure 15. Sept. 12, 2015 Borno Bombing of the view ing centre in Maiduguri 45 were killed, and several people were injured. 16. Oct. 14, 2015 Kano Bombing of Kano Central Mosque Several people injured 17. Jan. 8, 2015 Borno Bombing of Miami market 45 people were killed and several injured 18. Jan. 18, 2017 Yobe Attack on bus station in Potiskum, Yobe State 4 killed many injured 19 March 15, 2020 Yobe Abduction of government college school girls Several injured 20 April, 29, 2022 Abuja Attacked on Kuje prison Many were injured and the facility destroyed IGWEBUIKE: An African Journal of Arts and Humanities. Vol. 10. No. 5, (2024) ISSN: 2488- 9210 (Print) 2504-9038 (Online) Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Tansian University, Umunya 168 Source: (Adebayo, 2022) ISWAP is another armed group that constitutes a serious security threat to Nigeria with devastating effects on the people in Nigeria and the northeast region in particular. ISWAP is a splinter group from Boko Haram. As succinctly captured by starting in Abdulrahman (2017), 2015, Boko Haram found itself under increasing pressure from the Nigerian military and its regional allies, which fed its internal divisions, causing it to shrink in power. In March of that year (2015), Boko Haram lost its self-proclaimed capital, Gwoza, to Nigerian troops, and over time, notable towns it had overrun in Borno state fell back into government hands, forcing the group back into safe havens on the periphery of Lake Chad, in the Sambisa Forest and in hills and mountains east of Gwoza ( . Boko Haram's retreat exacerbated longstanding Abdulrahman, 2017) personality clashes and doctrinal differences within the organization. The group was still intact in March 2015 when Shekau pledged allegiance to ISIS leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi and it took up the name Islamic State of West Africa Province (ISWAP) . But a year later it (Akinyetun, 2017) fractured in two. Following the lead of Mamman Nur and Abu Musab al-Barnawi, a son of Mohammed Yusuf, a number of senior leaders split off from Shekau's forces. Nur and al-Barnawi's faction, retaining the name ISWAP, gained recognition from ISIS and attracted a growing number of militants (Akinyetun, 2017). ISWAP's leadership has changed in the intervening three years. In 2018 an internal dispute reportedly led to the execution of Nur, and in March 2019, it announced that Abu Musab had been replaced by another (albeit unrelated) al-Barnawi, Abu Abdallah. Shekau remains in control of a rump faction of Boko Haram that reassumed the group's original name, Jama'tu Ahlis Sunna Lidda'awati wal-Jihad (JAS). According to “their Akinyetun (2017;132), sway is limited to the marshland around and islands of Lake Chad, parts of the Mandara hills on the Nigeria-Cameroon border, and the inaccessible forests of Borno and Yobe states – terrain that provides cover from Nigerian and allied air power”. Moreover, ISWAP has been expanding its reach. As observed by in December 2018, it overran a major military base in Ajibefun (2016), Baga, on the shores of Lake Chad, which the Nigerian army had recaptured in February 2015. On 23 February 2019, the day of Nigeria's general elections, ISWAP launched its first-ever attack on Borno state's capital, Maiduguri, firing rockets at military targets. Banditry is another armed group fuelling insecurity in Nigeria. The activities of this group are mainly in the Northwest region. Katsina State is one of the states in the northwest that is presently affected by banditry, cattle rustling and kidnapping which started from July 2018 to date. This affects mainly the eight frontline Local Government Areas (LGAs) namely Jibia, Batsari, Safana, Danmusa, Kankara, Faskari, Dandume and Sabua. This situation has become so bad that in January 2019, the Governor of Katsina state lamented that Katsina state is under serious siege by bandits and kidnappers, even though I as a Governor am not safe (Aminu, 2019). Ojewale (2021, p.102) in his submission, aver that “the phenomenon of rural banditry, which recently gained currency in Nigeria's public discourses, is a fallout of persistent violence in rural communities within the last ten years”. The results had been traumatic. He went further to posit that “there had been a massive loss of thousands of lives, forced displacement of locals and devastation of monumental proportions in states like Benue, Kaduna, Katsina, Zamfara, Plateau, Niger, Nasarawa, Taraba, Yobe Gombe and others across northern Nigeria (Ojewale, 2021). Although rural banditry is also reelected in criminal escapades like cattle rustling, kidnapping, armed robbery, drug abuse, arson, rape and other forms of violence, the brazen and gruesome massacre of agrarian communities with sophisticated weapons by suspected herdsmen and IGWEBUIKE: An African Journal of Arts and Humanities. Vol. 10. No. 5, (2024) ISSN: 2488- 9210 (Print) 2504-9038 (Online) Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Tansian University, Umunya 169 reprisal attacks from surviving victims threw it up to the front burner of national security. Pastoral Resolve group (a social group comprising farmers) noted that there is a symbiotic relationship between the two production systems agricultural and pastoral, but conflicts had arisen because of their reliance on land and its related resources. Thus, the declining capacity of the state to moderate these conflicts and undertake effective policing of rural areas led to the unending cycle of violence (Ojewale, 2021). Herdsmen are another armed group fuelling insecurity in Nigeria. The activities of this group are mainly in north-central Nigeria. According to the activities of herdsmen are a Ibrahim (2017), threat to the economic, political and social security of Nigeria and a major factor associated with its underdevelopment; because it discourage both local and foreign investments, reduce the quality of life, destroy human and social capital, damaged relationship between citizens and the states, thus undermining democracy, rule of law and the ability of the country to promote development. The current conflict in Nigeria between the Fulani herdsmen, farmers and their neighbours stems from a long history of feuding, farming and herding Ibrahim, 2017). The ( herdsmen crisis has now changed the dimension from the usual crisis known to Nigeria; militancy and cultism etc. Herdsmen attacks on communities have taken more lives in the past few years than Boko Haram and has been described by the World Terrorism Index as the third most deadly group in the world; Nigeria's most prominent terrorist organization and has not shown any sign of slowing down in its deadly pace (Global Terrorism Index, 2019). With regard to decayed infrastructure in Nigeria, Nigeria has embarked on relations with other states in other to address this deficit. China's engagement in Nigeria amounts to total financing commitments of US$5.4 billion. The initiation of these activities dates back to 2002 with the agreement on the first phase of the National Rural Telephony Project (NRPT) when China's two telecom giants ZTE and Huawei began actively pursuing equipment supply and network rollout projects for both fixed and wireless services in the country (Nye & Keohane, 2009). In March 2002, China Machinery and Equipment Import and Export Company (CMEC) and Shandong Power Construction Company agreed to a $390 million deal with the Nigerian Ministry of Power and Steel to build two gas-fired power plants with a total capacity of 670 megawatts (Nye & Keohane, 2009). CMEC President Li Shuzhi said the plants would help ease the electricity shortage in Nigeria and promote economic and trade cooperation between the two countries. In 2006, there was a substantial scale-up in China Ex-Im Bank financing with almost US$5 billion of projects agreed. These included contributions of US$2,5 billion to a major Lagos- Kano railway upgrading project, a contribution of US$1 billion to the Abuja Rail Mass Transit project, which involves the construction of a high-speed rail link between Lagos and Abuja, as well as a light railway system connecting Murtala Mohammed International Airport and Nmandi Azikwe International Airport with the Lagos and Abuja city centres respectively (Nye & Keohane, 2009). In a bid to further address the infrastructural decay in Nigeria in April 2016, former President Buhari visited China in other to consolidate the existing bilateral relations between the two countries. The two Heads of State signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on petroleum cooperation. The deal provided for substantial Chinese investment in the Nigerian oil industry. As part of the agreement, Nigeria granted China four drilling licenses in exchange for commitments to invest US$4 billion in oil and infrastructural projects (Costa, 2019). Nigeria was also to provide a guarantee when absolutely necessary and the removal of the linkage of the oil block to the China EXIM bank facility (Okeke, 2018). IGWEBUIKE: An African Journal of Arts and Humanities. Vol. 10. No. 5, (2024) ISSN: 2488- 9210 (Print) 2504-9038 (Online) Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Tansian University, Umunya 170 In September 2018, Nigeria signed a $328 million loan with China to heavily boost the development of telecommunication infrastructures in Nigeria. China provided the financing for the following projects in Nigeria; Abuja-Kaduna Railway, Abuja Metro Light Rail, Abuja and Port Harcourt Airport terminals. Others include; Lekki Free Trade Zones, Ogun – Guangdong, Zungeru Hydro Power Dam, 3,050 MW Mambilla Hydroelectric Power Station and University of Transportation, Daura etc. Nigeria's National Interest It appears difficult to identify Nigeria's conception of national interest since its independence. According to Adigbuo (2011, p. 981), “While it is difficult to define the national interest of Nigeria, it is even more difficult to redefine it because of the variegated diplomatic permutations and ideologies Nigeria adopted over the years”. Some foreign policy experts believe that Nigeria has no clear-cut political ideology and national interest. Part of the policy facilitations is attributable to the fact that foreign policy is inextricably linked to its domestic policy (Adigbuo, 2011). The seeming reason for the foregoing observation is that since independence, Nigeria's national interest has more often than not, been defined by the executive arm of government dominated by the petty bourgeoisie in alliance with the comprador elite. Generally, the process in the formulation and/or conduct of Nigeria's foreign policy is dominated by the prime minister/president or the Head of State relying on the advice of the foreign affairs ministry and other relevant arms of the federal bureaucracy (Akindele, 2003). Essentially, the trends in Nigeria's foreign policy indicating its national interest have not been very stable over time; nevertheless, it has always assumed the minimal core elements of national interest viz: protection of sovereignty and territorial integrity and the security of the country. Since Nigeria's independence, it was only on three occasions that members of NGOs, International Relations experts and representatives of the organized private sector were formally involved in the process of defining Nigeria's national interest (Akindele, 2003). They were so involved in 1961, 1986 and 1988. These attempts to get individuals and groups outside the bureaucratic system in the process of determining Nigeria's national interest revealed a wide gap between the perspective of the ruling class and that of the masses. Historically, the definition of Nigeria's national interest has primarily reflected the realist perspective. It has also occasionally mirrored the behavioural and Marxist political economy paradigms. In the early 1960s, under the first civilian administration of Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Nigeria oscillated between realism and idealism (Akali, 1996). The four principal foreign policy goals of Nigeria then were: i) Decolonization; ii) Pan-Africanism or Pan-African solidarity; iii) National economic development; and iv) World peace. As far as the Balewa administration was concerned, four major challenges coinciding with the four foreign policy goals confronted Nigeria. The first challenge was the nature and methods of African unity. The subsets of this challenge could be framed in questions such as, “How can we bring the peoples of Africa together to achieve the feeling of oneness?” “Should we tackle our problems in Africa sub-regionally or continentally; “Do we aim at achieving immediate political union of all African states or do we start from economic and cultural relations?” The second challenge was on the issue of decolonization. The questions centered on issues such as how to assist the remaining dependent territories in Africa to attain full independence within the shortest possible time; and how to tackle the problems of territories where minority European settlers lived. The third challenge bordered on the strategy for economic development. The IGWEBUIKE: An African Journal of Arts and Humanities. Vol. 10. No. 5, (2024) ISSN: 2488- 9210 (Print) 2504-9038 (Online) Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Tansian University, Umunya 171 questions were the strategies to tackle the shortage of capital and technical skills needed for economic development, especially to be free from the contending ideological blocs then. The fourth challenge concerned world peace. The central issue was what Nigeria could do to contribute to world peace (Akali, 1996). In 1961, the Balewa administration convoked an All Nigeria's Peoples Conference to formulate Nigeria's response to the challenges earlier outlined. The 300 participants were drawn from among Nigerians in and out of government representing the various shades of political beliefs in the country. Although the outcome of the conference was mired in controversy between governmental and non-governmental representatives, there were areas of minimum agreement (Akinyemi, 1979). On African unity, the conference recommended that Nigeria should accept in principle the imperative of the political union of African states and to this end explore the possibility of an African Defense Force. Further, the Nigerian government should work for the merger of the Casablanca and Monrovia blocs so as to create a common institutional framework for the solution of African problems. On the question of decolonization, the conference urged that aid should be given to African nationalists struggling for the independence of their countries (Akinyemi, 1979). On development, the conference proposed that Nigeria should accept economic aid from both the East and West in the global ideological divide and pursue a strategy of sub-regional integration, starting with the liberalization of Nigeria's immigration laws to accommodate the inflow of citizens of neighbouring countries. And on world peace, the conference urged that Nigeria should pursue a policy of non-alignment, to this end, the Anglo- Nigeria Defense pact should be abrogated (Akinyemi, 1979). Subsequent administrations consolidated these core interests of Nigeria in the formulation of foreign policy. Findings Based on the data presented, the following findings are reached: i. It was observed in the course of the study that interactions among states in the global system are inevitable owing to the fact that no state is an island of its own. Through international relations, states interact and address their problem. ii. The work observed that international relation is fueled by domestic problems that bedevil states. These problems vary from state to state. Within the context of Nigeria, the common domestic problems that affect the Nigerian state are; insecurity, decayed infrastructure, general underdevelopment etc. iii. The paper observed that Nigeria has attempted to address some of these problems (insecurity, decayed infrastructure, general underdevelopment etc.) by establishing relations with other countries in the global system. Conclusion The nexus between the domestic environment and international relations has over the years garnered significant research attention (Kaarbo, 2015; Cantir & Kaarbo, 2016; Eksteen, 2019; Saroha, 2019). Existing studies have however extensively concentrated on how the domestic setting influences foreign policy output and consequent international reactions. Foreign policy is made and conducted in complex domestic and international environments. Nigeria's foreign policy flows from her domestic environment which often reflects her domestic challenges and it is predicated on her national interest. This interest ranges from insecurity, economic opportunities and the need to promote good neighbourliness etc. The rationale behind interaction stems from the fact that no state in the world is an island. Thus, whether developed or underdeveloped, technologically advanced or backward, every state needs the other for survival. Even the most technologically developed Western states still to some extent rely on other states for survival. This reliance can take the form of trade and military or technological assistance in the case of developing states. States in their interactions with other states must bear in mind their IGWEBUIKE: An African Journal of Arts and Humanities. Vol. 10. No. 5, (2024) ISSN: 2488- 9210 (Print) 2504-9038 (Online) Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Tansian University, Umunya 172 domestic challenges which naturally ought to be the watchword and guiding principle in international relations. Nigeria's foreign policymakers and implementers have not fared better in this direction. She has not effectively utilized the instrumentality of foreign policy to address the numerous domestic challenges that confront the Nigerian state. Some of the bilateral and multilateral agreements entered between Nigeria and other states in the international system for the purpose of addressing some of her domestic challenges have not lived up to expectations. For instance, despite spending huge amounts of money in the purchase of arms to confront insecurity that threatened the different parts of Nigeria, insecurity has not abated and there is no sign of its cessation. Again, Nigeria's bilateral agreement with China especially in her quest to redress the infrastructural decay has not yielded much fruit. The term of such an agreement is lopsided as it was tilted in favour of China which has seen Nigeria according to information obtained from the Office of Debt Management Office, Nigeria's debt obligations to China increase by almost half a billion dollars in the second half of 2023 to $5.16 billion (DMO, 2023). These debts are attributed to various bilateral agreements on the execution of infrastructural projects in the country. Recommendations i. The Nigerian government should appoint people who have vast knowledge about Nigerian foreign policy to man the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to help give direction to the formulation and implementation of policies that reflect the domestic needs of Nigeria in the international arena. ii. Nigeria foreign policymakers should at all times project Nigeria's interest above any other interest in her foreign policy formulation and implementation. 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