microsoft word 4. kris hapsari.docx indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 36-45 © 2018 kasunanan dan mangkunegaran di tengah pendudukan jepang | 36 kasunanan dan mangkunegaran di tengah pendudukan jepang kris hapsari arsip nasional republik indonesia *penulis korespondensi: hapsari.kasbili@gmail.com abstract this paper discusses the kasunanan and mangkunagaran during the japanese occupation that was compiled using the historical method using primary sources from anri and mangkunegaran. this article is like a prologue from the story of kasunanan and mangkunegaran in 1945-1950, the struggle period of the two surakarta monarchies which maintained their existence in the midst of the independence revolution. the initial story fragment, a brief description of the situation in surakarta during the japanese occupation. this short period considered by the kasunanan and mangkunegaran became alignments to japan. this is one of the reasons why was the anti-self-government group wanted surakarta did not become a special region. keywords: kasunanan; mangkunegaran; japanese occupation. abstrak tulisan ini membahas tentang kasunanan dan mangkunagaran pada masa pendudukan jepang yang disusun dengan menggunakan metode sejarah dengan memanfaatkan arsip-arsip yang disimpan di arsip nasional republik indonesia dan mangkunegaran. tulisan ini ibarat prolog dari kisah kasunanan dan mangkunegaran pada 1945-1950, tahun-tahun perjuangan kedua monarkhi surakarta mempertahankan eksistensinya di tengah revolusi kemerdekaan. tulisan ini merupakan sebuah penggalan kisah awal, gambaran singkat situasi surakarta pada masa pendudukan jepang. periode pendek ini oleh berbagai kalangan dianggap sebagai masa yang diwarnai dengan keberpihakan kasunanan dan mangkunegaran kepada penjajah (jepang). hal tersebut menjadi salah satu alasan bagi kelompok antiswapraja yang menginginkan surakarta bukan sebagai daerah istimewa. kata kunci: kasunanan; mangkunegaran; pendudukan jepang. diterima/ received: 29 juni 2018 disetujui/ accepted: 28 september 2018 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 36-45 © 2018 kasunanan dan mangkunegaran di tengah pendudukan jepang | 37 pendahuluan kisah surakarta sebagai daerah istimewa telah lama selesai. sudah tutup buku. banyak kisah mengenai daerah istimewa surakarta (dengan segala versinya) diceritakan, dan ditulis oleh beberapa kalangan. salah satunya adalah versi almarhum bapak saya. ketika saya masih duduk sebagai siswa sekolah menengah atas (sma) jurusan ilmu pengetahuan alam (ipa), almarhum (lahir di kampung batik laweyan tempat h. samanhudi melahirkan sarekat islam; pada 1945 adalah seorang pemuda berusia 15 tahun, yang karena hidup dalam suasana heroik perjuangan kemerdekaan, maka tubuh dan pikirannya bersentuhan langsung dengan perjuangan mempertahankan kemerdekaan), berkisah tentang periode tersebut dengan mengatakan, bahwa “wong sala kuwi nasionalis” (orang surakarta itu nasionalis). tidak ada yang dapat penulis cerna dari kisah daerah istimewa surakarta versi almarhum bapak. ketika penulis berkesempatan menjadi mahasiswa pascasarjana program studi magister ilmu sejarah universitas diponegoro, sekaligus bekerja sebagai karyawan di arsip nasional republik indonesia (anri), rasa keingintahuan yang sangat dan ketidakpuasan atas informasi tentang sejarah lokal kota kelahiran, utamanya mengapa surakarta tidak (daerah) istimewa mendapat salurannya, menginspirasi penulis, sehingga menghasilkan tesis berjudul “kasunanan dan mangkunegaran di tengah kekuatan radikal surakarta 19451950”. memang, tesis tersebut belum sempurna, tetapi telah memanfaatkan berbagai sumber primer yang berupa arsip yang disimpan di anri dan mangkunegaran, sehingga dapat memberikan gambaran keriuhan kehidupan politik dan kondisi keamanan surakarta pada periode 1945-1950. tulisan ini tidak dapat menggambarkan keseluruhan dari situasi tersebut. idealnya ada beberapa tulisan lain yang saling terkait untuk menggambarkannya secara runtut. oleh karena itu, penulis berharap, tulisan ini dapat menjadi awal penulisan kisah (versi tesis) tentang kasunanan dan mangkunegaran di tengah kekuatan radikal surakarta pada periode19451950. penulis berharap bahwa kutipan dari berbagai sumber arsip yang secara sengaja penulis salin secara utuh dapat menjadi bahan “dialog individual”, sebuah usaha untuk mencoba memahami dan mengetahui jalan cerita sejarah yang (mendekati) sesungguhnya. orang jepang di surakarta pada akhir pemerintahan hindia belanda pengaruh jepang terhadap bangsawan surakarta mulai dirasakan ketika dr. sutomo datang ke surakarta dan memberikan pidato di hadapan bangsawan surakarta serta mengajak kelompok ini dalam kedudukannya sebagai ksatria, prajurit, dan aristokrat untuk berupaya menandingi samurai yang merupakan obor bagi bangsa jepang (larson, 1990: 279). di pihak lain, pengaruh jepang mulai mencemaskan pemerintahan kolonial belanda ketika mereka menyadari, bahwa orang-orang jepang mulai melakukan ekspansi ekonomi dengan membuka toko-toko yang mempekerjakan orang bumiputera sebagai pegawai-pegawai mereka. indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 36-45 © 2018 kasunanan dan mangkunegaran di tengah pendudukan jepang | 38 keadaan ini mengakibatkan gubernur jenderal de jonge mendapat tugas khusus dari menteri urusan tanah jajahan untuk melakukan sebuah sistem pelaporan intelijen yang sempurna dan sistematis dan sangat rahasia mengenai keberadaan jepang di hindia belanda, karena pemerintahan kolonial belanda juga mengkhawatirkan pengaruh jepang terhadap pers bumiputera, pergerakan kebangsaan dan bumiputera (larson, 1990: 280). di surakarta, kekhawatiran belanda ini sangat beralasan, karena pemerintah kolonial menangkap indikasi bahwa jepang menempatkan penguasa-penguasa tradisional surakarta sebagai pusat perhatian. pada 1936, pemerintah kolonial belanda mendapat informasi, bahwa orang-orang jepang mulai melakukan kunjungan ke kasunanan dan mangkunegaran, memperpanjang konsesi tambang tembaga yang tidak menguntungkan di wanagiri dan disusul oleh banyaknya orang jepang yang mulai tinggal di surakarta serta seorang pemilik toko fujiyoko store bernama sawabe yang rajin memelihara hubungan dengan kasunanan dan mangkunegaran (larson, 1990: 280-283; encyclopaedie van nederlandsch-indie, 5:176).1 hubungan yang dirintis oleh jepang dengan penguasa tradisional surakarta tersebut memperlancar jalan tentara jepang untuk menguasai surakarta dan menjalin hubungan dengan pusat kekuasaan tradisonal jawa, ketika pemerintah kolonial belanda menyerah kepada tentara jepang pada 1942. sepeninggal pemerintahan kolonial belanda, kasunanan dan mangkunegaran memasuki masa penjajahan baru, yang dilakukan oleh tentara jepang dan disusul segera dengan era kemerdekaan yang menempatkan surakarta sebagai daerah istimewa. kasunanan dan mangkunegaran: terhimpit kekejaman tentara jepang jepang menduduki surakarta pada 5 maret 1942 setelah komandan h.tunabiki beserta pasukannya menyerang surakarta dan mengalahkan tentara belanda tanpa perlawanan yang berarti (adiwardoyo, 1974: 55). pemerintahan pendudukan balatentara jepang/ pemerintahan militer jepang selanjutnya menugaskan kolonel nakayama untuk menghadap kasunanan dan mangkunegaran dan menyampaikan pernyataan atas keberlangsungan kekuasaan kasunanan dan mangkunegaran dengan 1larson mencatat sampai bulan september 1936, di surakarta terdapat 36 orang pria dewasa jepang dan sejumlah wanita dan anak-anak jepang yang tidak tercatat jumlahnya. keberadaan jepang di surakarta sesungguhnya telah ada jauh sebelum waktu itu. kontak jepang dengan wilayah surakarta telah dijalin melalui beberapa perusahaan perkebunan yang beroperasi di wilayah kasunanan dan mangkunegaran. pada 1916, empat perkebunan jepang telah beroperasi di surakarta. empat perkebunan itu adalah (1) cultuur mij. gedaren yang menguasai wilayah perkebunan di daerah gedaren seluas 515 bau, bergerak dalam produksi gula dengan jumlah modal f. 600.000; (2) dutch japan plantation co. ltd, menguasai wilayah perkebunan di daerah sumber lawang seluas 9026 bau, bergerak dalam penanaman beras dan rami dengan jumlah modal f. 5.000.000. dengan modal yang sama besar, selain di sumber lawang, perusahaan ini juga membuka perkebunan beras di onderneming bandung-wonololo, dengan luas areal penanaman 4960 bau; (3) landbouw mij. madjenang, yang menguasai perkebunan majenang seluas 1050 bau, bergerak dalam produksi rami dan indigo. “japanners in den maleischen archipel”, encyclopaedie van nederlandsch-indie (eni) supplement 5, hlm. 176. indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 36-45 © 2018 kasunanan dan mangkunegaran di tengah pendudukan jepang | 39 kedudukan yang sederajat dengan periode pemerintahan kolonial belanda (yamin, 1959: 365). setelah beberapa pejabat tinggi tentara dai-nippon datang ke surakarta, datang pula nakayama yang untuk kedua kalinya di mangkunegaran pada 31 maret 1942 sebagai utusan jenderal harada untuk menyatakan sikap jepang atas mangkunegaran: pertama, kedudukan sri paduka tidak akan dikurangi; kedua, institusi pemerintahan tradisional surakarta dan yogyakarta tidak termasuk ke dalam daerah jawa tengah, tetapi langsung di bawah pemerintahan militer di jakarta; ketiga, pemerintah militer akan mengirimkan beberapa opsir sebagai penghubung dan akan membantu serta memberi nasihat dalam pekerjaan sri paduka (yamin, 1959: 2). seminggu kemudian, tepatnya pada 7 april 1942, t. kohri telah sampai di mangkunegaran untuk menjalankan tugas sebagai pejabat penghubung sebagaimana yang dimaksud oleh pemerintahan militer jepang (yamin, 1959: 2). setelah kedatangan pejabat penghubung tersebut, maka tentara dai-nippon terus melakukan pendekatan dengan kasunanan dan mangkunegaran. utusan jepang datang silih berganti mengunjungi keraton sebagai upaya melibatkan keraton dalam kegiatan politis tentara dai-nippon. dengan demikian, situasinya hampir tidak memungkinkan bagi pihak kasunanan dan mangkunegaran untuk mengambil jarak terhadap pemerintah tentara jepang atau menghindarkan kedekatan tersebut. mereka ingin bertemu dengan kedua penguasa tradisional surakarta dan mengumpulkan informasi mengenai vorstenlanden. di tengah-tengah usaha pendekatan dan hubungan baik yang dijalin oleh tentara dai-nippon dengan kasunanan dan mangkunegaran, sesungguhnya kedua pemerintahan tradisional surakarta juga menghadapi tekanan yang sangat berat dari penjajah baru tersebut. pada 12 mei 1942, untuk pertama kalinya tentara jepang melakukan tindakan menekan mangkunegaran dengan mengirimkan maklumat no. 15 berupa ketetapan kalender jepang yang harus dipatuhi oleh mangkunegaran, serta larangan untuk menyebut tentara pendudukan tersebut sebagai jepan, japen, dan lain-lain, tetapi dengan sebutan nippon. setengah bulan kemudian, tepatnya pada 2 juli 1942 pukul 12.55 – 13.30, seorang jepang bernama tinabukie mengunjungi mangkunegaran dan diterima oleh r.m.ng. warsadharmaja untuk membicarakan propaganda nippon (anonim, “agenda 1942”). kebijakan jepang untuk mengikutsertakan para pemimpin pergerakan indonesia dalam propaganda politik, penggalangan kekuatan dan dukungan menguasai asia nyatanya juga melibatkan para bangsawan surakarta. sebuah pendekatan persuasif mulai dilakukan dengan mengangkat penguasa tradisional surakarta sebagai solo-koo (koo: raja) dan selanjutnya menerjunkan para bangsawan dalam gerakan-gerakan melipatgandakan hasil bumi, pemberantasan buta huruf serta pembelaan tanah air, serta menyaksikan latihan-latihan pembelaan tanah air di kampung-kampung. tindakan tersebut merupakan langkah jepang untuk mendapat dukungan dari rakyat melalui wibawa para pemimpin tradisional. salah satu cara yang ditempuh oleh penjajah baru tersebut adalah mengikat kasunanan dan mangkunegaran dalam sebuah partisipasi politik penggalangan dukungan terhadap indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 36-45 © 2018 kasunanan dan mangkunegaran di tengah pendudukan jepang | 40 setiap kegiatan yang dilakukan oleh jepang di surakarta. saat pengangkatannya sebagai raja baru, solo-koo ii, paku buwana xii dengan didampingi oleh penasihatnya, yakni g.p.h. kusumayuda dan g.p.h. suryahadijaya menyatakan kesanggupan kepada pemerintahan balatentara nippon untuk mencurahkan segenap tenaga, pikiran, dan harta benda untuk nusa dan bangsa (djawa baroe edisi ke-13 1 juli 2605). walaupun demikian, paku buwana xii menganggap penobatan dirinya bukan pada 29 juni 1945, tetapi pada 12 juli 1945 di keraton surakarta, pada saat dirinya menduduki singgasana. pernyataan paku buwana xii tersebut menunjukkan, bahwa secara psikologis paku buwana xii melakukan perlawanan dengan pemerintah dai-nippon, suatu pertanda bahwa dirinya hendak mengatakan bahwa ia adalah raja merdeka, yang memiliki kekuasaan penuh dan tidak berada pada posisi di bawah pemerintahan dai nippon (kamajaya, 1993: 3). mangkunegara viii dalam sumpah pengangkatannya pada 14 agustus 1942 menyatakan turut pemerintah bala tentara dai-nippon serta akan bekerja dan berdaya upaya keras mengurus segala hal pemerintahan koti (bahasa jepang, artinya kerajaan) di bawah pengawasan dan pimpinan bala tentara dai-nippon. kedekatan kasunanan dan mangkunegaran dengan pemerintah tentara dainippon yang dipersonifikasikan dalam bentuk kesediaan untuk bekerja sama dengan tentara dai-nippon tersebut kiranya juga dilakukan oleh para pemimpin pergerakan indonesia yang lain. langkah ini ditempuh karena para pemimpin pergerakan berusaha untuk menghindarkan dari konflik langsung dengan tentara jepang yang kejam, sehingga langkah kooperatif diambil sebagai cara terbaik. kerja sama dengan tentara dai-nippon oleh para pemimpin pergerakan juga dianggap menguntungkan, karena rekrutmen para pemuda indonesia dalam latihan-latihan militer yang dilakukan oleh jepang memungkinkan para pemuda indonesia berlatih mempergunakan senjata api serta mempersiapkan kemampuan militer secara umum. langkah militer tentara dai-nippon dimulai dengan propaganda politik dan mendapat sambutan baik di kalangan masyarakat umum. propaganda nippon sebagai saudara tua yang akan menyelamatkan asia timur raya ditempuh melalui gerakan 3a (jepang cahaya asia, jepang pelindung asia, jepang pemimpin asia). gerakan 3a di surakarta melibatkan secara langsung para bangsawan yang aktif dalam kegiatan pergerakan kebangsaan semasa pemerintahan kolonial, dengan menjadikan bangsawan surakarta sebagai pemimpin gerakan tersebut. k.r.m.t. mr. wangsanagara yang di masa pemerintahan kolonial aktif dalam berbagai kegiatan dan organisasi diangkat sebagai pemimpin 3a untuk wilayah surakarta.2 penggalangan dukungan terhadap bala tentara dai-nippon di wilayah mangkunegaran disetujui oleh pemerintahan istana mangkunegaran melalui undang-undang mangkunegaran koti no. 1 tahun 1942, yang di antaranya menyebutkan: terang awit saking kapareng ing karsa dalem mangkunegara-ko, andawoehaken waradin dateng para poetrasentana, abdidalem doemoegi para kawoela dalem sadaja, soepados sajoek 2“k.r.m.t. mr. wongsonagoro”. daftar orang terkemuka di djawa no. 2973, arsip nasional ri (anri). berkas ini merupakan daftar riwayat hidup yang dibuat oleh pemerintah balatentara jepang pada desember 1942. indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 36-45 © 2018 kasunanan dan mangkunegaran di tengah pendudukan jepang | 41 saijeg njamboet damel kanti temen-temen sesarengan kalijan bangsa dai-nippon ambangoen bebarajan anjar ing koti (pradja) mangkoenegaran ....3 (atas kehendak raja mangkunegaran, memerintahkan kepada seluruh kalangan: para putra sentana, abdi dalem, para kawula, supaya secara bersama-sama bekerja dengan sungguh-sungguh bersama dengan bangsa jepang membangun kehidupan baru di kerajaan mangkunegaran). pada 9 april 1944, beberapa saat setelah pembentukan jawa hokokai dan penerbitan peraturan tentang organisasi tersebut, maka mangkunegara viii merintis pendirian kebaktian rakyat daerah kadipaten mangkunegaran bertempat di pendapa agung mangkunegaran (adiwardojo, 1974: 61). sungguhpun kasunanan dan mangkunegaran memiliki kedekatan hubungan dengan tentara dai-nippon yang ditandai dengan pengangkatan kedua penguasa tradisional surakarta sebagai solo-koo dan kesediaan pemerintah kasunanan dan mangkunegaran untuk bekerja sama dengan jepang, kiranya hubungan ini bukanlah bentuk sebuah hubungan yang setara, melainkan lebih pada sesuatu yang tidak dapat dihindari. sikap militeristik dan kekejaman tentara pemerintah dai-nippon diberlakukan kepada seluruh penduduk indonesia, tidak terkecuali kepada solo-koo. tindakan persuasif yang dilakukan oleh jepang dengan mengangkat para bangsawan pada kedudukan terhormat sebagai pimpinan dalam gerakan penggalangan dukungan terhadap dai-nippon, tidaklah membebaskan mereka dari tekanan dan intimidasi tentara dai-nippon (larson, 1990: 309).4 di balik kedekatan dan hubungan pertemanan semu tersebut, setiap saat tindakan represif terhadap para pemimpin dan keraton terus saja terjadi. di kasunanan, tentara dai-nippon mencurigai dokter hewan wignyadipura seorang kerabat jauh paku buwana xii sekaligus pejabat kasunanan. dokter ini dicurigai sebagai aktivis gerakan bawah tanah, namun ia berhasil melarikan diri ketika hendak ditahan oleh tentara jepang.5 tentara dainippon juga melarang keberadaan legiun mangkunegaran dan hanya memperbolehkan pembentukan sekelompok prajurit yang disebut gyo-tai atau pemuda penjaga istana yang bertugas untuk mengawal mangkunegara-koo dan menjaga istana (kerabat mangkunegaran, 1971: 8). pemerintah tentara dai-nippon juga mengeluarkan peraturan jam malam, yang membatasi aktivitas warga surakarta di malam hari. jam malam diberlakukan selama 10 jam setiap hari, sejak pukul 20.00 sampai dengan pukul 06.00. sebagai akibatnya mangkunegaran mengambil kebijakan 3“oendang-oendang mangkoenegaran-ko angka 1”. reksa pustaka mangkunegaran, 2602/1942. koti merupakan bahasa jepang yang berarti kerajaan, sedang rajanya disebut dengan koo. 4periksa pengakuan dokter hewan wignyadipura mengenai perlakuan tentara dai-nippon terhadap dirinya dalam “verslag besprekingen met pangeran soerioe koesoemo en veearts te soerabaia raden wignjodipoero”. inventaris algemeene secretarie no. 1245, anri, hlm. 1. pada maret 1943 kempetai menangkap empat mantan anggota pakempalan kawula surakarta (pks) di tawangmangu dengan tuduhan merencanakan suatu pemberontakan anti-jepans 5“verslag besprekingen met pangeran soerioe joesoemo en veearts te seorabaia raden wignjodipoero”. inventaris algemeene secretarie no. 1245, anri, hlm.1. indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 36-45 © 2018 kasunanan dan mangkunegaran di tengah pendudukan jepang | 42 untuk tidak memulangkan abdi dalem yang bertugas di istana sampai malam hari untuk mencegah tindak kekerasan terhadap abdi dalem-nya. sebuah kasus kekerasan yang dialami oleh seorang abdi dalem mangkunegaran karena melanggar ketentuan jam malam, mungkin saja menjadi salah satu pertimbangan bagi pihak mangkunegaran untuk tidak melanggar peraturan jam malam ciptaan tentara dainippon tersebut. dengan demikian, tampaknya kedekatan tersebut merupakan tindakan berpura-pura keraton untuk tetap bertahan dalam situasi yang sangat sulit. 6 vrijdag – maart 1942 – legi miturut pranatan dai-nippon: para tijang boten kenging medhal dhaloe djam 8 t/m djam 6 endjing. sadhaja abdi dalem ingkang tjaos, klantoek maloepi, enz. sami boten manthuk, tilem ing poera m.n. sarta angsal paring dhalem teda. djadjar midji nami paimin (bimo) kaoetoes nimbali poenggawa superitendent (wantji djam 9 dhaloe) boten sagedh kalampahan, djalaran dhipoen stop dhening japan sarta dhipoen tangani. (anonim,”agenda 1942”). hari jum’at, 6 maret 1942legi menurut peraturan tentara dai-nippon, orang-orang tidak boleh keluar malam, sejak pukul 22.00 sampai pukul 06.00. semua abdi dalem yang bertugas malam hari, tidak pulang, tidur di pura mangkunegaran, serta mendapat makan malam. seorang jajar miji bernama paimin (bimo) disuruh memanggil punggawa superintenden (pukul 21.00) tidak berhasil melaksanakan tugasnya, karena diberhentikan oleh jepang dan dihajar). selain kekejaman yang mengancam fisik, kesulitan ekonomi hebat yang dialami oleh seluruh rakyat indonesia di masa pemerintahan tentara dai-nippon juga menimpa mangkunegaran. kesulitan ekonomi segera melanda mangkunegaran ketika tentara dai-nippon melarang pabrik-pabrik milik mangkunegaran berproduksi. hal ini mengakibatkan keuangan terganggu karena pabrik-pabrik milik mangkunegaran merupakan penghasil keuangan yang sangat potensial. pendekatan terhadap pemerintahan tentara dai-nippon yang dilakukan oleh patih mangkunegaran k.r.m.t. harya sarwaka mangunkusuma berhasil mengembalikan izin operasional bagi pabrik-pabrik tersebut, sehingga hasilnya cukup baik (adiwardojo, 1974: 62). pengoperasian kembali kegiatan pabrik-pabrik milik mangkunegaran menjadikannya dapat menunaikan kewajiban membayar gaji para pegawai mangkunegaran setelah sebelumnya saat jepang datang terjadi peristiwa jarah-rayah di surakarta. partisipasi kasunanan dan mangkunegaran tersebut sangat membantu keberhasilan pemerintahan tentara dai nipon dalam melakukan kegiatan-kegiatan operasional pemerintahannya di wilayah surakarta. mangkunegaran misalnya, telah menyerahkan sejumlah barang-barang berharga kepada tentara dai-nippon untuk mendukung kemenangan jepang di asia. menjelang akhir pemerintahan tentara dainippon, soerakarta kooti jimu kyoku tyookan watanabe hiroshi mengirim sebuah surat ucapan terima kasih kepada mangkunegara viii atas keberhasilannya menghimbau, indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 36-45 © 2018 kasunanan dan mangkunegaran di tengah pendudukan jepang | 43 dan mengumpulkan sejumlah besar intan, dan berlian dari para bangsawan dan rakyat mangkunegaran untuk keperluan tentara dai-nippon.6 kasunanan dan mangkunegaran pada akhir pendudukan jepang di surakarta untuk mempermudah jalannya peralihan kekuasaan dari pemerintah tentara dainippon kepada republik indonesia, maka pada 22 agustus 1945 dibentuk sebuah komite yang bertugas membantu pemerintah republik indonesia dalam masa transisi. komite tersebut bernama komite nasional indonesia pusat (knip) yang diketuai oleh mr. kasman singadimeja. langkah pemerintah pusat di jakarta segera dilanjutkan dengan pembentukan komite nasional indonesia (kni) di daerah-daerah republik. di wilayah surakarta, komite nasional indonesia daerah (knid) surakarta dibentuk atas inisiatif pemerintah pusat pada 3 september 1945, sedangkan pembentukan knid di kabupaten-kabupaten dilaksanakan pada 29 september 1945 (kahin, 1995: 17; djawatan penerangan kota besar surakarta, 1953; adiwardoyo, 1974: 69).7 di bawah pimpinan k.r.t. mr. sumadiningrat, komite ini segera menyusun sebuah program kerja, yang berisi dua hal pokok, yaitu melucuti tentara jepang dan memindahkan kekuasaan pemerintah jepang ke tangan knid surakarta (djawatan penerangan kota besar surakarta, 1953: 3). tidak lama setelah pembentukannya, knid surakarta menghadapi dua kekuatan pemerintah dai-nippon sekaligus, yaitu berupa kekuatan sipil (koti jimmu kyoku) dan kekuatan militer tentara dai-nippon yang masih berada di surakarta. koti jimmu kyoku merupakan wakil pemerintah sipil tentara dai-nippon yang tugasnya mengurusi bidang kepolisian, ketentaraan, urusan perbendaharaan asing dan urusan kemakmuran kasunanan dan mangkunegaran. kekuatan militer jepang di surakarta meliputi butai yang secara militer menguasai seluruh daerah surakarta dengan senjata lengkap dan kanpetai yang langsung berada di bawah pimpinan jawa kanpeteiche (kamajaya, 1993: 7). pemerintah sipil jepang berhasil ditaklukkan pada 1 oktober, sehingga menyerah kepada knid surakarta. upaya knid surakarta merebut kekuatan militer dari tangan butai juga berhasil dilakukan melalui perundingan dengan butai masse yang menyerah kepada knid surakarta pada 5 oktober 1945 6“soerat oetjapan terimakasih kepada mangkoenagoero-koo 1 bulan 2 tahun 2605”, hlm. 1. daftar arsip mangkunegara viii no. 82, reksa wilapa mangkunegaran. 7kahin (1995) mengatakan, bahwa knip memberi mandat kepada salah seorang anggota dari masing-masing daerah untuk membentuk komite nasional di setiap provinsi dan memberi bantuan kepada gubernur dalam menjalankan tugasnya. untuk surakarta, hal tersebut rupanya tidak dilakukan. pembentukan knid surakarta lebih karena inisiatif dari tokoh-tokoh politik surakarta. kenang kenangan kota besar surakarta 1945 – 1953 mencatat, bahwa knid surakarta dibentuk atas inisiatif orang-orang terkemuka di surakarta. demikian juga adiwardoyo mengatakan bahwa knid surakarta dibentuk atas inisiatif para pemimpin di surakarta. paku buwana xii mengatakan bahwa karena surakarta merupakan daerah istimewa, maka pemerintah pusat tidak merekomendasikan surakarta untuk membentuk knid. pembentukan knid surakarta dalam beberapa sumber disebut secara berbeda. adiwardoyo menyebut, bahwa knid surakarta dibentuk pada 3 september 1945, sedangkan pada sumber lain menyebut 11 september 1945. mengenai pembentukan knid kabupaten di surakarta, periksa “catatan kronologis peristiwa di mangkunegaran dan surakarta tahun 1945–1950”. daftar arsip mangkunegaraviii no. 11, reksa wilapa mangkunegaran. indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 36-45 © 2018 kasunanan dan mangkunegaran di tengah pendudukan jepang | 44 (kamajaya, 1993: 7). sementara itu, usaha knid surakarta mengambil alih kekuatan militer dari tangan kanpetai yang dilakukan melalui perundingan dengan kapten sato pada 12 oktober 1945 mengalami kegagalan. kegagalan perundingan tersebut menimbulkan kemarahan para pemuda dan knid surakarta, sehingga terjadi pengepungan dan penyerbuan markas kanpetai di surakarta. insinden tersebut mengakibatkan gugurnya salah satu pemuda pejuang bernama arifin. paku buwana xii dalam kedudukannya sebagai raja surakarta menganugerahkan bintang sri kabadya kelas iii kepada arifin, dan namanya diabadikan sebagai nama jembatan di kota surakarta (kamajaya, 1993: 11).8 setelah kanpetai berhasil dikalahkan oleh para pemuda dan knid surakarta, maka pada 1 oktober 1945 sisa kekuasaan yang dimiliki oleh koti diserahkan kepada knid surakarta.9 perubahan politik yang berjalan begitu cepat dan beberapa peristiwa yang mengikuti penyerahan kekuasaan dari pihak jepang kepada republik indonesia hanya dilakukan oleh knid sementara kasunanan dan mangkunegaran oleh sebagian orang dianggap tidak melibatkan diri dalam setiap kejadian penting di harihari awal proklamasi. hal ini menumbuhkan persepsi bahwa kedua pemerintahan tradisional tersebut tidak berpihak kepada republik. pemikiran ini sangat bertentangan dengan pemikiran pihak kasunanan dan mangkunegaran, yang diwakili oleh paku buwana xii dan mangkunegara viii yang berpendapat, bahwa mereka tidak bergerak dan melibatkan diri dalam peristiwa tersebut, karena wewenang untuk melakukan pengambilalihan kekuasaan dari tangan jepang adalah wewenang pemerintah pusat. perbedaan persepsi ini merupakan bibit perseteruan dan konflik antara knid dan bangsawan, yang kemudian berkembang ke arah perlawanan dan penolakan terhadap kekuasaan kasunanan dan mangkunegaran. simpulan jalan cerita sejarah kasunanan dan mangkunegaran selanjutnya akan diwarnai dengan berbagai peristiwa perjuangan mempertahankan status surakarta sebagai daerah istimewa. banyak sumber sejarah dari mangkunegaran dan sumber-sumber lain yang menarik untuk dicermati, ditafsir ulang, juga untuk ditulis dari sisi yang berbeda. baik mengenai para bangsawan, tokoh-tokoh politik, serta rakyat yang terlibat dalam hingar bingar politik di surakarta, atau hal-hal lain terkait surakarta (bukan) daerah istimewa. 8kamajaya mengatakan, bahwa paku buwana xii menganugerahkan bintang jasa tersebut dalan kedudukannya sebagai susuhunan dan tidak sebagai kepala daerah istimewa surakarta. terlepas dari posisi paku buwana xii sebagai susuhunan atau kepala daerah istimewa, hal tersebut kiranya merupakan bentuk penghargaan paku buwana xii kepada rakyatnya yang telah gugur membela tanah airnya. 9“tentang direktorium”. daftar arsip mangkunegara viii no. 11, reksa wilapa mangkunegaran. sumber yang berasal dari khasanah yang sama “catatan kronologis peristiwa di mangkunegaran dan surakarta tahun 1945 – 1950”, daftar arsip mangkunegara viii no. 11, reksa wilapa mangkunegaran, menyebut bahwa 30 september 1945 sebagai penyerahan kekuasaan jepang kepada knid. indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 36-45 © 2018 kasunanan dan mangkunegaran di tengah pendudukan jepang | 45 referensi “catatan kronologis peristiwa di mangkunegaran dan surakarta tahun 1945–1950”. daftar arsip mangkunegara viii no. 11, reksa wilapa mangkunegaran. “k.r.m.t. mr. wongsonagoro”. daftar orang terkemuka di djawa no. 2973, anri. “oendang-oendang mangkoenegaran-ko angka 1”. reksa pustaka mangkunegaran, 2602/1942. “peristiwa penting dalam dan loear negeri pada doea minggoe jg. laloe”, djawa baroe edisi ke-13 1 juli 2605. “soerat oetjapan terimakasih kepada mangkoenagoero-koo 1 bulan 2 tahun 2605”. daftar arsip mangkunegara viii no. 82, reksa wilapa mangkunegaran. “tentang direktorium”. daftar arsip mangkunegara viii no. 11, reksa wilapa mangkunegaran. “verslag besprekingen met pangeran soerioe koesoemo en veearts te soerabaia raden wignjodipoero”. inventaris algemeene secretarie no. 1245, anri. adiwardoyo, t. sutrisno (1974). “pertumbuhan kadipaten mangkunegaran sampai masuknya ke dalam propinsi jawa tengah”. skripsi fakultas keguruan ilmu sosial institut keguruan dan ilmu pendidikan surakarta. anonim, “agenda 1942”. reksa pustaka mangkunegaran. djawatan penerangan kota besar surakarta (1953). kenang-kenangan kota besar surakarta 1945 – 1953. surakarta: pemda surakarta. encyclopaedie van nederlandsch-indie (eni) supplement 5 (1921). s’gravenhage: martinus nijhoff. hapsari, kris (2011). “kasunanan dan mangkunegaran di tengah kekuatan radikal surakarta tahun 1945-1950”. tesis pada program magister ilmu sejarah program pascasarjana universitas diponegoro semarang. kahin, george mc. turnan (1995). nasionalisme dan revolusi indonesia. terjemahan nin bakdi soemanto. surakarta: sebelas maret university press. kamajaya, h. karkono (1993). “revolusi di surakarta”. yogyakarta: depertemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan direktorat sejarah dan nilai tradisional-balai kajian sejarah dan nilai tradisional. kerabat mangkunegaran (1971). “mangkunegaran selajang pandang”. surakarta: 1971. larson, george d. (1990). masa menjelang revolusi: keraton dan kehidupan politik di surakarta 1912-1942. terjemahan a.b. lapian. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press. yamin, muhammad (1959). naskah persiapan undang undang dasar 1945. jakarta: prapantja. microsoft word 6. ihis_gilang_traditional historiography (l) en.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1), 53-61 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 women contribution in the historiography of banten | 53 women contribution in the historiography of banten: exploration of artifactual, textual, and oral traditions moh ali fadillah, muhammad ilham gilang* department of history education, faculty of education and teacher training program, universitas sultan ageng tirtayasa jl. ciwaru raya, cipare, serang, banten indonesia *corresponding author: milhamg@untirta.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v4i1.7965 abstract some studies are emphasized on the gender perspective to compose the historiography of banten. the facts show that the protagonist of indonesian historiography is always played by men: in political, economic, and social history. in many historical discourses, women considered too important. they 'exist' in history, but their 'presence' is often ignored in the shadow of male domination. the expectation is that writing gender-themed history in this perspective will be able to trigger early research, especially in the history of banten. a women's story may appear in the manuscripts in the form of chronic or legend. this article reveals the role of banten’s women in each historical event of banten history and has the same right to be presented, so it should be ‘rewritten’. the explanation of the mental structure of each historical event related to that theme has been presented whether it is or not easier to interpret each event. by discussing it from artifactual, textual, and oral tradition evidence, i tried hypothetically to identify the role of women in the historiography of banten. it clears to know that oral history and artefactual data that are very important in analyzing the role of women in the historiography of banten. keywords: historiography of banten; oral history; feminism; traditional manuscript. introduction raising the theme of women in historical studies has not become mainstream. various seminars are indeed often held, but historical phenomena dealing with the topic of discussion tend to be the rationale for raising the role of gender in contemporaneity. one of the reasons is the scarcity of information sources and there are no many monographs about the historicity of women in the historical literature of banten. even so, the spirit of emancipation never stops. various efforts continue to be campaigned in a variety of activities, namely through studies, publications and also cultural actions, such as dialogue of leaders with the theme “reflecting banten women struggle as an effort to link historical received: june 2, 2020 revised: june 7, 2020 accepted: june 8, 2020 ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1), 53-61 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 women contribution in the historiography of banten | 54 memories” held on april 24, 2007 at governor’s hall of banten, carried out by the center for preservation of history and traditional values of bandung. this spirit does not seem to attract much interest among academics, even though historical subjects on women subjects are still limited. in fact, most studies emphasize the role of men in various periods and events, giving rise to the adage that history is the epic of man, since in many aspects, the protagonist is always played by men: in political, economic, and social history (fadillah) , 2018: 1). ideally, if at the level of modern life there is an emancipation movement, it does not rule out the possibility of that subject in history. the spirit of gender equality is reminiscent of literary-historical works or historical works about important figures in indonesia such as we cudai, the antagonist of sawerigading in the epic sureq / la galigo, tribhuwana wijayatunggadewi as the representation of the majapahit dynasty, and in the colonial era in which the heroic stories were staged, namely martha christina tiahahu (1800-1818), cut nyak dien (1848-1908), r.a. kartini (1879-1904), r. dewi sartika (1884-1947), rasuna said (1910-1965), and other female figures who represented the spirit of their respective times and their respective battlefields. given this importance, gender-themed studies in the perspective of historicity of banten can evoke what is called the women’s silent history after living a long time in the silence of the past. through the exploration of babad, cariosan, pepeling, and folklore, women subjects should be expressed in logical wisdom. in any position and role, all data have the same right to be presented in academic discourse, and certainly need to be reviewed. the issue raised in this study is the ability to find the mental structure of each historical event, this small paper tries to give meaning to some events that are considered relevant. one of the factors that makes it difficult for historians to work is that there are many information sources in the form of ancient manuscripts with language and even letters that indicate locality (endang rochmiatun, manuskripta vol.8, no. 1, 2018: 107127). the characteristics of traditional historiography contain many mythical and symbolic elements in javanese and sundanese languages. those two local languages are the media for delivering messages of various thoughts and actions and important events in geo-cultural space of banten, which have even penetrated the area of west java. with limited resources, in addition to manuscripts, information about oral traditions and artifactual data commonly used in the archaeological domain needs to be explored. however, in this context it can also be used for the purposes of writing history. let's start from the archeological heritage, data assumed to be in the lower layers of the strata of time, going on from the end of prehistoric times to the beginning of the century bc, provided a number of megalithic 'cultural' heritage at various sites since nirleka/prehistoric times. beside, sourced from babad banten manuscript, borrowing the term djajadiningrat in banten history (sejarah banten or abbreviated as sb) finished written between 1663-1667, the speech began with syarif hidayatullah's arrival with hasanuddin in banten girang. after visiting pre-islamic shrines in the southern mountains of banten, they gained spiritual legality to establish an islamic power center ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1), 53-61 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 women contribution in the historiography of banten | 55 at the cibanten estuary (djajadiningrat, 1983). the story ended in the defeat of the sultanate to voc after going through war at the end of the reign of sultan ageng (tjandrasasmita, 1982, pp. 110-120). there were at least five leadership figures who had ruled in the banten islamic sultanate in each period by revealing details of important events, namely sultan hasanuddin, maulana yusuf, maulana muhammad, pangeran ratu (abdul mufakhir), and sultan ageng tirtayasa (muslimah, 2017: 136162). in addition to banten history (sb) manuscript, the older stories should be sourced from ancient sundanese manuscripts, including carita parahyangan (noorduyn, 1962, pp. 405-432) and also wawacan banten girang (yusuf & munawar, 1982). the first story focuses more on the conquest story of banten girang by pakuan, while the second story (c.m. pleyte collection, 31, national museum) is not directly connected with the reality of banten's past. expectations are given by middle level (madya) javanese texts, for example purwaka caruban nagari. this manuscript gives a genealogical illustration of the founders of cirebon, sundanese, and banten dynasties; syarif hidayatullah or known as sunan gunung jati is still described as a strong relative of the sunda kingdom. his marriage to kawung anten, the younger sister of the ’regent of banten’, gave birth to hasanuddin who was later ordained as the first banten ruler (pangeran aria carbon, 1720: pupuh xix, xxiv; djajadiningrat, 1983, p. 33). the other manuscript source, called the historical record, is written by p. a. achmad djajadiningrat (paad) which has been published in two languages (javanese and dutch). the article entitled herinneringen van pangeran aria achmad djajadiningrat (1936) tells the story of small paad who received a dutch education in batavia, but did not forget the original customs and cultural traditions. meanwhile, folklore preserved in collective memory which contains the story of nyi pohaci or also called sanghyang sri cannot be ignored. there is also an oral tradition originating from the valleys of mount pulosari and mount karang regarding the founders of ancient settlements in the legend of nyi wangi and ki mandala (fadillah & sujana, 2003). then, another sundanese fairytale, nyi anteh, sang penunggu bulan, is interesting to review or puteri arum and ki pande, oral tradition that tells the story of women and men related to agriculture, undagi, and weaving. women in space and time sources regarding women require validity in the course of history. nonetheless, from the available sources one can build hypotheses about the role of banten women in several aspects. feminine aspect the existence of megalithic traces in the rural banten can be interpreted that human activities are still very dependent on the natural availability. with the heritage of dakon stones, mortars, and grinding stones and potteries, women contribution can be extracted from these artifact attributes. with contextual interpretation, women activities can be positioned in the gender function according to its nature. ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1), 53-61 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 women contribution in the historiography of banten | 56 daily behavior in activities around water sources was shown by the traces of activities of mashing, grinding, thinning seeds, roots, and leaves, and especially to make boreh or potions which were practical purposes or ceremonial ubarampe. mortar, dakon stones, and grinding stones found showed that they were used goods (fadillah, 2001, pp. 58-66). terracotta fragments were also closely related to these daily activities. in addition to being used to fulfill daily needs, terracotta could also be commodities for part-time work. there was a postulate that hunting, gathering food, and farming were men's work, especially after living a settled life. aside from taking care of the household, women’s work also continued the old tradition of making terracotta. the activities never stopped by the space transformation until the early days of the historical period when a community experienced agricultural progress, from selfsufficiency to market-oriented characterized by technological advances from fields (huma) to rice fields. although some community groups were able to buy imported ceramic containers, the need for local terracotta containers continued to be met. in the archeological studies in old banten and banten girang sites, terracotta fragments were found in large numbers (mundardjito, ambary, djafar, 1986; guillot, nurhakim, wibisono, 1986: 175-177) indicating how important women's role was in making terracotta containers. some fragments revealed attractive taste through a variety of decorative motifs (ambary, 2015, pp. 142-148). until the xx century, feminine activities still took place in several places. in cirebon, for example, there were clusters traditionally called panjunan (from the infinitive dyun meaning crock). likewise in old banten, the toponym was associated with sukadiri terracotta cluster. the specialization was later inherited by terracotta artisans in bumi jaya village, ciruas. although the inherited work has now been replaced by men, it proves that there is a continuity of the terracotta culture in banten used personally or as a commodity. in that context, the works of spinning and weaving were strongly associated with women. the samples of spinning equipment had been found at banten girang sites (guillot, nurhakim, wibisono, 1986: 190), if the function was tested, it could be assumed that since the x century there had been that specialization. this can be proven by the tradition of weaving in the baduy community that still exists today. the temporary hypothesis, if not too hasty, is that in their position as a housewife, the role of women has been steady since the prehistoric and prehistoric periods of banten, namely since the agricultural system in the settled community began to know. until historical times, even when the banten sultanate was victorious, terracotta making activities with various decorative motifs were increasingly prominent in old banten, which was already quite successful, despite having to compete with imported ceramic containers and indian patola cloth and silk from china. the need for terracotta tools and clothing required supplies even though they were familiar with metal technology. aesthetic traces on terracotta and woven cloth had been found, initially made of glass beads or cornelian stone, then wrapped with precious metal materials for jewelry (guillot, nurhakim, wibisono, 1986, pp.193-194). the discovery of bronze and gold jewelry, even since banten girang period, unveiled an urban lifestyle. thus, in their ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1), 53-61 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 women contribution in the historiography of banten | 57 position, women played an important role. in addition to taking care of the family, they also did additional work. this function was quite dominant in banten tradition. hence, it was reasonable if female figures got special respect in the inter-gender interaction in banten historical work. maternal aspect contribution of a mother in historiography of banten was not so prominent. nevertheless, its existence in certain aspects was very essential. the maternal role was evident in the granting of legitimacy to syarif hidayatullah as the founder of the banten sultanate. besides being told to have the lineage of the prophet muhammad, he was also strengthened by the lineage of king sunda-padjajaran. the marriage of sribaduga maharaja to subang larang gave birth to three children, namely cakrabuwana, larasati, and rajasanagara. syarif hidayatullah was born from larasati’s line. he was married to kawung anten, the younger brother of the 'regent of banten' (in another manuscript called the daughter of panembahan surasowan), the grandson of mayang sunda, the sibling of sribaduga maharaja (iskandar et al., 2000, pp. 117-175). therefore, based on the maternal line, syarif hidayatullah and kawung anten were the descendants of pajajaran. their marriage gave birth to sabakingkin who was after becoming a ruler, he was known by the name of hasanudin. to date, both of them are known as sacred people, both sunan gunung jati and kawung anten as a couple who gave birth to the islamic dynasty in the banten sultanate. respect for a mother was more evident at the time when the sultanate was on the verge of collapse. sultan syafiuddin who initially reigned in the surasowan palace still took his time to build a palace for his mother, ratu asyiah. in accordance with its designation, the palace was better known as the kaibon palace on the riverside of cibanten which held limited power for banten kidul administrative area. an important note was written by paad, who from the age of 15 was initiated by elmu kejawen (javaneese knowledge) to instill javanese cultural values in balancing western-style education in batavia with javanese pious stories (pepeling) from babad banten and serat al-anbiya. one of the poems ever developed by his mother are, ”wedi asih ing wong toea, setia toehoe ing sang aji, ratoe ingkang angreh praja, noehoni sakersa neki, soemoedjoed lahir lan batin, ikoe sadjatining elmoe, dadasaring kasatrian”, translated into, ”be obedient and love your parents, remain faithful to serve the majesty, the queen who rules the land, keep respecting all the commandments physically and mentally, that is the true science, as a basis for struggle” (djajadiningrat, 1936, p. 71; ensering, 1995, pp. 132-133). socio-political aspect the course of history of banten does not always go straight. there were times when the glory of banten experienced a 'bend' several times, beginning with the throne crisis when pangeran muhammad died in expansion into south sumatra (1596). the problem was the heir to the throne, abdul mafakir who was not old enough, then the guardianship road was long as noted by lodewijcksz (rouffaer & ijzerman, i: 1598). ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1), 53-61 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 women contribution in the historiography of banten | 58 it was during this time (1596 – 1609) that a guardian had to occupy the king’s position. babad banten mentions kiai mas patih mangkubumi, a tumenggung who occupied the position of patih jaba became the king's guardian (tiele, 1871; guillot, 1992, pp. 57-71); 'ordinary people' tasked with managing the trade economy and foreign policy. after returning from the battlefield by sea, he was ordained 'the king’s guardian' by kadi, the holder of the highest religious authority in the structure of banten government. he could won that position since he was considered experienced, but don't forget that he married hasanudin's daughter (ratu wetan), meaning that he was the king’s first son-in-law. with marriage, it was assumed that the guardian had legitimacy because it had entered into the line of royal power. however, babad banten tells us that the queen’s mother named nyai gede wanagiri (wife of the late maulana muhammad) had to decide to lead the guardianship. this means that he replaced kiai mas patih's position. then babad banten also recounted the emergence of nyai gede wanagiri in the highest political position to cool down the social tension. in this important role, court advisers suggested that he remarry pangeran camara (purchas, 1625) so that his legitimacy as a regent was recognized in the sultanate tradition. a dutchman, rochus pieterszoon who visited banten (1596) told that the succession of regent by the queen was preceded by an internal confusion that had taken place before (de jonge, 1921). this can be interpreted that the change of guardian was due to the reaction of the "pangeran" (prince) clan facing the taking of power by the ponggawa group, led by kiai mas patih. based on this source, it is enough for us to say that in fact the role of nyai gede wanagiri, as the consort of the late king, made her the most senior figure when the throne crisis occurred (colenbrander, 1920). her appearance marked the authority of a woman who was able to resolve internal conflicts in the banten palace. when the banten sultanate was under the rule of sultan zainul arifin (1733-1750) accompanied by a consort of arab descent, syarifah fatimah, the sultan was in a dilemmatic position. the emergence of the ratu syarifah figure actually brought new problems for banten, since she was considered a figure infiltrated by the dutch government. the woman grew up in batavia, got along with the dutch community, and after divorcing with her first husband, worked in the batavia voc office. in the oral tradition, it is told that, due to her beauty, intelligence, and sharpness of analysis in the fields of government and commerce, she could play the role of consort who was able to control the government in banten (tjandrasasmita, ambary, michrob, 1987, pp. 5-7). from textual sources and oral traditions, it gave birth to the hypothesis that the king was indeed in power, but the decision was in the consort's hands. in that position, ratu syarifah was assumed as a voc agent to strengthen dutch influence at the end of the sultanate era. nonetheless, at the end her secret mission was open and gave a reason for the local noble clan to return the throne to the sentana (royal) group. dutch and banten tensions continued from the first half and end of the xix century to the beginning of the xx century, triggered by the colonial policies from the ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1), 53-61 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 women contribution in the historiography of banten | 59 enforcement planting to plantation capitalism. many male figures were resistant to dutch pressure, but it is interesting to note that in this period a novelty emerged, in this case the rise of women was to resist. nyimas gamparan in cikande and nyimas malati in tangerang were cases that have escaped historical studies. they appeared to begin the peak of tension, before "geger cilegon" incident that gave birth to protagonist ki wasid (kartodirdjo, 1995, pp. 128-129). in the episode, nyimas gamparan had to explore the vast rural banten to avoid massive capture by the colonial government (tjandrasasmita, ambary, michrob, 1987, pp. 28-29). in all the silence of the history of banten, the woman's figure had drawn traces on the lines of resistance, before finally falling in the hills of mount karang, lying between paburan and baros. likewise, nyimas malati, had to meet her destiny in the rural balaraja. the historical footprints of those two female patriots are still remembered in the collective memory of bantenese people. symbolic aspect a popular female figure in the oral tradition in the rural southern of banten is nyi pohaci or better known as sanghyang sri, especially in sundanese local religiosity in banten and also in west java. respect for this heavenly figure is based on the belief that goddess sri is the embodiment of the fertility giver for rice plants (sukandatessier, 1977). in the baduy and banten kidul communities and even in the rural southwestern pandeglang, respect for the goddess of rice is represented through the ruwat bumi ritual in a series of seren taun and kawalu ceremonies (baedhawy & wachyudin, 2013; fadillah, baedhawy, sujana, 2015: 44-45). symbolically, women also lived in the valley where three mountains met (karang, pulosari and aseupan). the legend of ki mandala and nyi wangi was the forerunner of the mandalawangi settlement. there were limited rituals performed around their graves in the middle of rice fields (fadillah & sujana, 2003: 17). nevertheless, now, the current mainstreaming in the social media in banten includes the important role of the fairytale surrounding the pakuan palace, nyi anteh ‘sang penunggu bulan’ and the fable of pandeglang, puteri arum. both stories of the protagonists imply that weaving has always been a symbol of women's spiritual power. that belief is still preserved in the tradition of making janggawari, a typical weaving done by a virtuous baduy woman. this type of weaving is only intended as a hosting equipment in the rituals of the baduy community in kanekes. conclusion the traditional historiography of banten is far more complete than what is now revealed. the role of women in various positions has shown the breadth of dimensions in each episode of the history of banten. the real role appears in the position of women according to their nature, namely in the feminine and maternal aspects. the existence of batu bergores archaeological heritage on the slopes of mount pulosari, with the female genital mark can be the oldest evidence of respect for women. later it was discovered that there was an important role in the position as a political elite, in the ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1), 53-61 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 women contribution in the historiography of banten | 60 context of both the aristocracy and ordinary people. nevertheless, women in public view, hypothetically, also have a special place in their symbolic position, both as a forerunner of the community and in the context of religiosity. this depicts the mental wealth of bantenese people in positioning themselves in the metaphysical world. the harmony of human relations and the environment continues to be fought by the baduy community and traditional unity in the southern mountains of banten. the various situations experienced by bantenese people for decades have shown a dominant double track, namely a constant role in the context of feminine universalism and a local-situational role. all the positions of women in historiography of banten have not stopped, even when the world has entered the modern era. women have an essential position that still appears on the surface, especially in the spirit of post-modernism that requires balance in the natural and social ecosystem. although, in the colonial era the manuscript evidence that illustrated the existence and role of women was eroded by political dynamics that made hegemony the role of men. space and time have indeed changed. likewise, it occurs as well in the positional context of women in the public order, but there is always continuity in the spirit of how to position women in the positions and roles proportionally and professionally. when the position of women must be discussed in the context of local history as ancient manuscripts have shown that in the discussion of this paper, at the beginning of the first millennium, it becomes an important moment to continue to explore sources of local historical knowledge about banten women throughout their history. as a result, the studies taking the women subjects of the historiography of banten are new challenge for historians in general. references ambary, h. m. (2015). ragam hias gerabah di banten lama. in mundardjito et al. (eds), ragam pusaka budaya banten. serang: disbudpar prov. banten dan bpcb. baedhawy, r. a. & wachyudin, n. (2013). nilai-nilai kearifan lokal dalam pelestarian lingkungan hidup masyarakat baduy dan kasepuhan cisungsang. serang: disbudpar provinsi banten. colenbrander (1920). bescheiden omtrent zijn bedrijj iz indie, ii. s-gravenhage. de jonge (1921). de ompkomst van het nederlandsch gezag, 3. djajadiningrat, a. (1936). herinneringen van pangeran aria achmad djajadiningrat. batavia: g. kolff & co. djajadinigrat, r. a. h. (1983). tinjauan kritis tentang sajarah banten, sumbangan bagi pengenalan sifat-sifat penulisan jawa. jakarta: penerbit djambatan. ensering, e. (1995). banten in times of revolution. archipel, 50, pp. 131-160. fadillah, m. a. (2001). mitos gunung suci di pandeglang, kontemplasi arkeologis, in tony djubiantono & moh. ali fadillah (eds). manusia dan lingkungan, keberagaman budaya dalam kajian arkeologi. bandung: ikatan ahli arkeologi indonesia. fadillah, m. a. (23 august 2018). https://www.rmolbanten.com/read/2018/08/23/2650/sejarah-milik-laki-laki ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1), 53-61 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 women contribution in the historiography of banten | 61 fadillah, m. ali & sujana, d. (2003). tapak peradaban purba di lereng gunung pulosari. disbudpar kab. pandeglang. fadillah, m. ali, baedhawy, r. a., & sujana, d. (2015). mokaha urang cisungsang. serang: disbudpar prov. banten. guillot, c. (1992). libre entreprise contre économie dirigée, guerres civiles à banten 1580-1603. archipel 43, 57-71. guillot, c. l. nurhakim, s. wibisono. (1986). banten avant l’islam, etude archéologique de banten girang. paris: efeo. iskandar, y. 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(1977). le triomphe de sri en pays soundanais. bulletin de l'école française d'extrême-orient, vol. ci. tiele, l. (1871). tijdschrift van nederlandsch-indie, ii. batavia. tjandrasasmita, u. (1982). sultan ageng tirtayasa, musuh besar kompeni belanda. jakarta: depdikbud. tjandrasasmita, u., ambary, h. m., & michrob, h. (1987). a guide to archaeological and historical monument of banten. jakarta: directorat for the protection and develop of historical and archaeological heritage. yusuf, j. & munawar, t. (1982). wawacan banten girang (alihaksara). jakarta: depdikbud. indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 83-88 © 2018 sungai dan identitas melayu di sumatera timur pada abad xx edi sumarno, nina karina, junita setiana ginting, handoko departemen ilmu sejarah, fakultas ilmu budaya, universitas sumatera utara alamat korespondensi: edisumarno64@gmail.com abstract in the 20th century, the transformation of identity into malay in east sumatra occurred in a pattern similar to that in other regions. this transformation of identity was closely related to the river as a means of transportation at that time. through rivers the rural communities carried commodities to be traded at the downstream, where malay population dominantly lived there. this pattern then formed the upstream communities such as karo, toba, simalungun and mandailing to settle downstream and become malays. however, in the mid-20th, the malay identity began to be abandoned due to a bloody event. this incident made the residents who grew as malays use their clan again. keywords: river civilization; malay identity; east sumatra. abstrak pada abad ke-20, transformasi identitas menjadi melayu di sumatera timur terjadi dengan pola yang hampir sama seperti di wilayah lain. transformasi identitas ini erat kaitannya dengan sungai sebagai sarana transportasi saat itu. melalui sungai masyarakat pedalaman membawa komoditas untuk diperdagangkan ke hilir yang merupakan wilayah penduduk melayu. pola inilah yang kemudian membentuk masyarakat yang berada di hulu seperti karo, toba, simalungun, dan mandailing untuk menetap di hilir dan menjadi melayu. akan tetapi, pada pertengahan abad ke-20, identitas melayu mulai ditanggalkan karena adanya peristiwa berdarah. peristiwa tersebut menjadikan penduduk yang menjadi melayu memakai marganya kembali. kata kunci: peradaban sungai; identitas melayu; sumatera timur. pendahuluan beberapa ilmuwan memberikan pandangan bahwa melayu merupakan etnis dan juga “nation” atau bangsa. misalnya (milner, 1982) menyebutkan bahwa melayu adalah bangsa. selain itu, terdapat juga ilmuwan yang menyebutkan bahwa melayu adalah etnis, seperti (barnard, 2001). dari ilmuwan tersebut, dapat diketahui bahwa seseorang dikatakan melayu jika; beragama islam, menggunakan bahasa melayu dalam percakapan sehari-hari, dan mengikuti adat istiadat melayu. hal tersebut sejalan dengan apa yang terjadi di sumatera timur, penduduk yang bukan melayu dapat dikatakan melayu jika menjalankan hal tersebut. misalnya, orang-orang karo menjadi melayu di kesultanan deli dan langkat, orang-orang simalungun menjadi melayu di serdang, padang dan bedagai, orang-orang toba menjadi melayu di asahan, serta orang-orang mandailing menjadi melayu di labuhan batu, kota pinang, dan rantauparapat. jika diperhatikan, antara wilayah pedalaman dengan pesisir terkoneksi dengan sungai dimana hulu sungai adalah wilayah pedalaman dan hilirnya bermuara di pantai timur sumatera yang merupakan wilayah kekuasaan melayu berada. sungai dan identitas melayu di sumatera timur pada abad xx | 83 diterima/ received: 27 november 2018 disetujui/ accepted: 2 desember 2018 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 83-88 © 2018 pembentukan identitas baru ini erat kaitannya dengan perdagangan dan migrasi yang dilakukan penduduk di hulu. terdapat istilah atau syair pantun melayu lama “asam di gunung, garam di laut”, istilah tersebut menggambarkan bagaimana orang-orang di hulu membawa asam untuk ditukar dengan garam yang terdapat di pesisir. hal ini menandakan pola perdagangan yang telah lama terjalin antara penduduk di hulu dengan hilir. akan tetapi, identitas melayu bagi yang menjadi melayu perlahan mulai ditinggalkan karena ada peristiwa berdarah pada maret 1946. lantas bagaimana perdagangan antara pedalaman dengan pesisir? mengapa penduduk di hulu yang menetap di hilir menjadi melayu? dan mengapa perlahan mulai ditinggalkan untuk kembali ke identitas awal? semua pertanyaan tersebut dibahas dalam artikel ini. metode teknik pengumpulan data primer dan sekunder dilakukan melalui observasi atau survei langsung ke objek penelitian dan mencari data pendukung ke perpustakaan dan lembaga yang dianggap dapat menjadi sumber data dalam penelitian, misalnya ke arsip nasional republik indonesia; perpustakaan nasional republik indonesia, perpustakaan tengku lukman sinar; tahapan ini dilakukan karena untuk mengumpulkan arsip-arsip, buku-buku, publikasi/majalah-majalah dan lainnya yang berhubungan dengan sungai-sungai dan etnisitas terutama melayu di sumatera timur. data pendukung diperoleh dari kunjungan langsung atau observasi lapangan dan wawancara dengan mengunjungi sungai-sungai serta pemukiman yang berada dekat dengan sungai di sumatera timur. setelah pengumpulan data selesai, maka tahapan selanjutnya adala verifikasi data yang telah didapatkan dan kemudian menginterpretasikannya sehingga menjadi sebuah tulisan utuh. sungai, perdagangan dan migrasi ketika anderson datang mengunjungi pantai timur sumatera pada 1823, pusatpusat kekuasaan tradisional melayu berada di tepi sungai dekat dengan muara dan kemudian menelusuri sungai-sungai di sumatera timur, seperti sungai langkat (kwala bubun/batang serangan) untuk menjumpai penguasa di langkat, sungai deli untuk menemui sultan panglima, sungai serdang untuk menemui sultan besar, serta yang dipertuan di asahan. selain itu, ia juga menelusuri sungai-sungai kecil yang ada di pantai timur sumatera (anderson, 1971). anderson tidak hanya mewawancarai orang-orang yang tidak dikenalnya, namun juga menjumpai orang-orang yang sebelumnya telah dikenal di penang. berawal dari orang yang dikenalnya yang pada umumnya adalah para nakhoda kapal, anderson menjalin komunikasi dengan penduduk-penduduk sekitar dengan mewawancarai dan mengamati kebiasaan yang sering kali dilakukan oleh penduduk termasuk mengamati pertaniannya. anderson berlayar ke hulu-hulu sungai, daerah yang belum pernah dikunjungi oleh orang barat lain. kondisi pantai yang dangkal memaksa anderson membuang sauh di lepas pantai dan melanjutkan perjalanan dengan perahu kecil, memasuki sungai-sungai dan berjalan kaki menyusuri pinggir sungai mengunjungi kampung demi kampung (pelzer, 1987, pp. 17-18). pada 16 januari 1823, anderson mendarat di deli. dalam pengamatannya, anderson mencatat bahwa di deli banyak orang telah mahir membuat kapal dan perahu. kapal yang paling besar dan lengkap disebut dengan penjajap. selain ahli dalam pembuatan kapal dan perahu, perdagangan di deli juga cukup ramai. banyak penduduk yang menangkap ikan sejenis hiu (juparang) yang diekspor kepada pedagang-pedagang cina untuk keperluan pengobatan. anderson juga mencatat bahwa komoditas-komoditas yang diekspor di deli adalah hasil pertanian dan hasil hutan (anderson, 1971, pp. 18-20). sungai dan identitas melayu di sumatera timur pada abad xx | 84 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 83-88 © 2018 hasil-hasil pertanian dan hutan yang diekspor di deli adalah lada, beras, tembakau, ikan kering, gambir, kapur barus, wax (malem), kuda, budak, belerang, emas, dan gading gajah. hasil-hasil hutan merupakan komoditas yang dibawa oleh penduduk yang ada di hulu. adapun barang-barang impor yang masuk melalui labuhan deli adalah berbagai jenis kain, candu, barang pecah belah, senapan, mesiu, dan garam (ratna, 2006, p. 7). pada 1822, ekspor lada dari labuhan deli telah mencapai kurang lebih 1000 koyan atau 26.000 pikul (anderson, 1970, p. 279). anderson juga menggambarkan perdagangan dan pola perdagangan yang terjalin antara penduduk pedalaman dengan pesisir. di langkat, anderson menyebutkan bahwa komoditas seperti kuda, rotan, wax, damar, getah merupakan komoditas yang diperdagangkan oleh penduduk pedalaman. mereka merupakan orang karo sudah menetap dan berbudi daya lada. di asahan, juga terjadi hal serupa, penduduk toba datang ke asahan untuk memperdagangkan komoditas yang ada di pedalaman seperti kuda, rotan, wax, kayu gaharu, dan budak. (anderson, 1970, p. 285-312). setelah belanda berhasil mengekspansi wilayah hingga ke sumatera timur, kekuasaan tradisional melayu berada di bawah kolonial belanda. setelah berhasil menguasai beberapa wilayah di pantai timur sumatera, kemudian pemerintah belanda menempatkan masing-masing seorang kontrolir di bengkalis, panai, asahan, batubara, dan labuhan deli. penempatan kelima kontrolir tersebut bertujuan untuk membantu tugas asisten residen di siak. selain itu, penempatan kelima kontrolir ini juga bertujuan untuk mengontrol wilayah-wilayah yang telah berhasil ditundukkan (staatsblad van nederlandsch-indië, 1864). untuk labuhan deli, ditugaskan cats baron de raet yang bertugas untuk tiga wilayah, yakni: deli, langkat, dan serdang, sedangkan untuk wilayah asahan, batubara, dan kota pinang, ditugaskan kontrolir van den bor. aktivitas perdagangan yang terdapat di pesisir, kemudian berdampak pada mobilitas masyarakat dari pedalaman ke pesisir. mereka menukarkan barang dagangan yang berasal dari pedalaman dengan komoditas yang ada di pesisir. jarak yang jauh dan medan yang cukup sulit (harus menyusuri sungai atau melalui jalan setapak) menyebabkan beberapa kelompok penduduk di pedalaman kemudian membangun perkampungan di pesisir. pembukaan perkampungan baru sebenarnya adalah sebuah prestise bagi penduduk pedalaman seperti orang-orang karo, toba, simalungun, dan mandailing. akan tetapi, dari kebanyakan yang membuka perkampungan di daerah pesisir, mereka kemudian mengubah identitas mereka menjadi orang melayu. bagi masyarakat karo yang wilayahnya berada di bagian hulu dari kesultanan deli dan langkat, bahkan keturunan sultan deli adalah keturunan dari orang karo, melakukan migrasi ke wilayah pesisir yang diawali dengan pelanja sira atau orang-orang karo yang turun ke pesisir untuk membeli garam di pesisir. dari pelanja sira tersebut, orang-orang karo kemudian menetap dan membuka perkampungan baru. bagi orang-orang di pedalaman, orang-orang yang telah menetap di pesisir dan memeluk islam disebut dengan jawi atau menjadi jawi. hal serupa juga terjadi di asahan, sultan asahan merupakan keturunan dari orang toba yang menikah dengan bangsawan aceh. pernikahan tersebut melahirkan seorang sultan yang menjadi sultan pertama di kesultanan asahan. banyak penduduk pedalaman toba turun ke pesisir (asahan) untuk melakukan barter dengan komoditas yang terdapat di pesisir. begitupun hal serupa juga terjadi di labuhan batu dan kota pinang, banyak penduduk yang melakukan migrasi ke pesisir mengikuti atau menyusuri garis sungai untuk ke pesisir. sungai dan identitas melayu di sumatera timur pada abad xx | 85 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 83-88 © 2018 menjadi melayu dan kembali ke identitas awal bagian di atas telah dijelaskan bahwa faktor menjadi melayu bagi orang-orang pedalaman adalah karena perdagangan dan migrasi. namun, pada masa berikutnya, orang-orang yang berada di pedalaman migrasi ke pesisir dan mengubah identitasnya bukan karena perdagangan, tetapi mereka mengubah identitas untuk memudahkan mereka bekerja di sumatera timur yang saat itu sultan-sultan melayu melarang penduduk yang bukan islam memasuki wilayah kesultanan. selain itu, setelah sumatera timur berkembang sebagai wilayah perkebunan banyak penduduk yang ingin mengadu nasib ke kota-kota yang ada di sumatera timur. di deli, ada beberapa orang toba yang sengaja datang ke medan untuk bekerja di perkebunan dengan berbekal mendapat pendidikan rendahan dari sekolah zending melamar pegawai rendahan (klerk) di perkebunan. karena terbiasa berbaur dengan penduduk melayu dan menikah dengan penduduk setempat, maka mereka memutuskan untuk menjadi melayu (perret, 2010, pp. 297-298). bagi orangorang mandailing, karena sama-sama beragama islam, sultan deli dan beberapa sultan melayu di sumatera timur banyak memanggil orang-orang mandailing yang pandai mengaji dan paham hukum islam untuk dijadikan guru agama atau guru ngaji serta menjabat beberapa posisi yang berkaitan dengan agama. pekerjaan ini digaji oleh sultan deli dan sultan melayu lainnya. selain digaji, di wilayah kesultanan deli, orang-orang deli juga diberi hadiah tanah di sepanjang tepi sungai deli (mahadi, 1978, p.187). di kesultanan serdang, orang-orang simalungun dan toba didatangkan untuk mengelola sawah milik kesultanan serdang. banyak dari mereka kemudian menjadi melayu dan menetap di wilayah kesultanan serdang. sultan sulaiman sebagai sultan serdang memberi mereka sebidang tanah atau sawah meskipun hanya sebagai hak pakai bukan hak milik (ratna, 2015, p. 97). hal serupa juga terjadi di asahan, di mana orang-orang toba sengaja datang untuk menghadap kesultanan asahan agar dijadikan melayu dan dapat bekerja di sektor pertanian. atas permintaan tersebut, sultan asahan yang saat itu dipegang oleh sultan syaibun memberikan tanah kepada orang-orang toba yang datang menghadap di wilayah pulau simardang untuk bertanam kelapa serta bandar pulau dan mandoge untuk bertani palawija. meskipun menurut anderson sudah terdapat koloni orang-orang toba di bandar pulau dan mandoge, namun migrasi orang-orang toba masih terus berdatangan. saat ini, orang-orang yang terdapat di bandar pulau dan mandoge disebut dengan melayu bandar pulau dengan aksen melayu yang khas karena bercampur dengan aksen toba (wawancara dengan tengku yusha, medan, 29 maret 2018). di wilayah labuhan batu, rantau parapat dan kota pinang, orang-orang mandailing yang telah lama bermigrasi ke wilayah itu terus tetap berdatangan. apalagi industri perkebunan di wilayah tersebut mengalami kemajuan setelah tahun 1930-an karena karet dan sawit. banyak orang-orang mandailing menjadi pedagang dan bekerja di kantor-kantor perkebunan meskipun sebagai pegawai rendahan. terdapat juga orang-orang mandailing yang bekerja untuk keluarga bangsawan, namun jumlahnya sedikit, dan tidak sebanyak yang terdapat di deli. orang-orang tersebut kemudian menjadi melayu dan menghilangkan marganya. misalnya, orangorang mandailing dengan marga daulay, dalimunthe, dan sebagainya menghilangkan marganya untuk menjadi melayu (perret, 2010, p. 303). proses menjadi melayu dan mengubah identitas dari batak menjadi melayu sendiri terjadi secara perlahan, baik sesuai dengan kondisi ekonomi, politik, maupun budaya itu sendiri. akan tetapi, proses ini terhenti ketika kekuasaan melayu di sumatera timur mulai terancam keberadaannya oleh pemerintahan militer jepang yang saat itu datang dan menguasai hampir seluruh wilayah indonesia, termasuk sumatera timur. setelah jepang menyerah kepada sekutu, status quo terjadi di sungai dan identitas melayu di sumatera timur pada abad xx | 86 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 83-88 © 2018 hampir seluruh wilayah di indonesia. adanya kabar belanda akan datang dan menguasai kembali wilayah jajahannya, membuat seluruh rakyat indonesia yang menolak kedatangan mereka, membuat suatu gerakan. gerakan-gerakan tersebut kemudian merusak tatanan pemerintahan tradisional melayu di sumatera timur. sultan-sultan melayu dituding pro terhadap belanda. hal itu ditandai dengan pembentukan comitte van ongvangst atau panitia penyambutan untuk belanda di sumatera timur. atas kekhawatiran ini, laskarlaskar bergerak cepat. mereka menawan sultan-sultan melayu berserta keluarga bangsawan lainnya dan orang-orang yang dianggap dekat dengan kesultanan. terjadi pembunuhan dan perampokan di seluruh kesultanan melayu di sumatera timur kecuali di kesultanan serdang karena sultan serdang dengan cepat mengumumkan mendukung pemerintahan republik. akibat peristiwa ini, orangorang yang mengubah identitasnya menjadi melayu, kemudian mengubah identitas mereka kembali kepada identitas awal, dengan kembali menggunakan marganya. di langkat dan deli, banyak orang-orang karo yang telah menghilangkan marganya, karena peristiwa tersebut mereka menggunakan kembali marganya. hal serupa juga dilakukan oleh orang mandailing di medan, orang simalungun di serdang. sementara itu, orang-orang di kota asahan dan kota pinang, kembali menggunakan marga toba dan mandailing. hal ini dilakukan karena mereka takut terlibat atau dianggap sebagai antek-antek feodal atau dekat dengan kesultanan melayu yang dianggap pro terhadap belanda dan menginginkan belanda kembali. simpulan proses menjadi melayu di sumatera timur erat kaitannya dengan perdagangan antara penduduk pedalaman dengan pesisir. hubungan perdagangan tersebut menggunakan sungai sebagai sarana transportasinya. dengan demikian, sungai adalah jalan raya bagi penduduk saat itu. karena adanya proses ini, lambat laun terjadi migrasi dari hulu ke hilir yang kemudian menyebabkan perubahan pada identitas mereka, yaitu menjadi melayu. proses menjadi melayu tidak hanya terjadi sebelum kekuasaan melayu berada di naungan pemerintah kolonial, pada masa kolonial juga masih terjadi proses menjadi melayu di sumatera timur, dan terhenti di tahun 1940-an hingga tahun 1970-an. akan tetapi, sekarang ini, di beberapa tempat masih banyak penduduk yang menjadi melayu meskipun sebagian penduduk masih menggunakan marganya dan menganggap bahwa dirinya adalah juga orang melayu. ucapan terima kasih artikel ini merupakan bagian dari penelitian "penelitian talenta usu skim penelitian dasar" dengan nomor kontrak 243/un5.2.3.1/ppm/kp-talenta usu/ 2018. terima kasih kepada lembaga penelitan usu yang telah mengakomodasi penelitian ini. referensi anderson, j. (1970). acheen and the port on the north and east coast sumatra. london: wm. h. allen & co. leadenhall street. anderson, j. (1971) mission to east coast of sumatera in 1823. london: oxford university press. barnard, t. p. (2001). texts, raja ismail and violence: siak and the transformation of malay identity in eightenth century. journal of southeast asia studies, 32(3), 331-342. mahadi. (1978). sedikit sejarah perkembangan hak-hak suku melayu atas tanah sumatera timur 1800-1975. bandung: penerbit alumni. sungai dan identitas melayu di sumatera timur pada abad xx | 87 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 83-88 © 2018 milner, a. c. (1982). kerajaan: malay political culture on the eve of colonial rule. tucson: university of arizona press. pelzer, k. j. (1987). toean keboen dan petani: politik kolonial dan perjuangan agraria di sumatera timur 1863-1947. (j. rumbo, terjemahan). jakarta: penerbit sinar harapan. perret, d. (2010). kolonialisme dan etnisitas batak dan melayu di sumatera timur laut. jakarta: kepustakaan populer gramedia dan efeo. ratna. (2006). labuhan deli: riwayatmu dulu. jurnal historisme, 22 (11). ratna. (2015). pengentas dari serdang: biografi sultan sulaiman shariful alamshah. banda aceh: bpnb banda aceh. staatsblad van nederlandsch-indië, 1864 no. 48. sungai dan identitas melayu di sumatera timur pada abad xx | 88 microsoft word 3. ruslan et al [apa-n].docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 23-29 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the role of cornelis chastelein in the development of the depok region, 1693-1714 | 23 received: june 2, 2021 revised: june 7, 2021 accepted: june 8, 2021 the role of cornelis chastelein in the development of the depok region, 1693-1714 hari naredi, ahmad ruslan,* amar septian, nunung siti nurjanah, anwar jadid, fras bagaskara, iqbal gagah soekarno, imam rizki al fatih department of history education, faculty of teacher training and education, university of muhammadiyah prof. hamka, jakarta indonesia *corresponding author: ruslan@uhamka.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v5i1.11154 introduction history cannot be separated from human, space, and time elements. according to (kuntowijoyo, 2013) history is about human beings. throughout their lives, human beings experience myriad events within the extent of space and time. this is what makes a historical event. the continuity of this historical event occurs in the concept of space or the place where an event takes place. this concept of space has resulted in divisions in history such as local history, national history, world history. meanwhile, the concept of time shows when an event occurs. according to (kuntowijoyo, 2013) history talks about society in terms of time and therefore history is the science of time. historical events leave traces of history, also known as historical relics. these relics can be investigated and reconstructed into a historical writing. depok has historically been a supporting area for batavia because of its geographical proximity to other regions (government of depok, 2021). apart from being the center of government, depok remains a buffer zone for the capital city of jakarta in the fields of housing, education, and trade and services. in addition, the existence of a railway connecting batavia with buitenzorg starting on october 15, 1869 abstract in the course of its history, the depok area has had interesting dynamics. the growth of depok has been inseparable from the people who originally settled in the area. depok’s emergence and growth as a city has been due to in large part the role of cornelis chastelein. at the end of the 17th century, he plotted the area of depok and since then, it began to witness growth and development of that area. this study analyzes the traces and relics of cornelis chastelein in depok in the period 1693 and 1714. it uses historical analysis technique in which carried out through four stages, consist of heuristics, verification, interpretation, and historiography. according to the study, it shows that the history of depok cannot be separated from chastelein. his legacy in the form of colonial buildings can be found in the depok area, west java. apart from the visible physical legacy, chastelein also freed slaves, allowing them to live independently and become the original residents of depok. keywords: cornelis chastelein; depok; land ownership. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 23-29 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the role of cornelis chastelein in the development of the depok region, 1693-1714 | 24 further established its role. according to (mudaryanti, 2016) in the 17th century the depok area was owned by a high-ranking verenige oost-indische compagnie (voc) official named cornelis chastelein. the depok area became private real estate inhabited by slaves from various ethnic groups. in the course of its history, the depok area transformed from private real estate into government property after indonesia’s independence, from being a sub-district in the administrative area of parung, bogor regency to its status as the administrative city of depok. the city center at that time was in pancoran mas, now called old depok. the depok area during the cornelis chastelein era was run by workers from various ethnicities. to support the management of depok, chastelein provided literacy education, taught dutch, and introduced christianity to his slaves. among cornelis chastelein’s legacies are colonial buildings in depok, such as the ylcc (cornelis chastelein foundation) pastori building, the western indonesian protestant church (gpib) immanuel (the first church in depok), panus bridge, harapan hospital, cornelis chasthelein monument, kamboja cemetery. according to estin, antariksa, and suryasari (2017) dutch colonial buildings have high historical value, providing insights to architechtural developments during the era and the city’s growth. after cornelis chastelein died, these slaves were freed and were given the land for them to manage. it paved the way for the formation a community known as belanda depok. this study explores the role of cornelis chastelein in the development of depok and its people. this paper traces cornelis chastelein’s life in depok starting with his work at voc to being a landlord in the depok. method this study adopts a historical research method to examine the role of cornelis chastelein in developing the region and society of depok. the research method according to (sugiyono, 2017) is a scientific way to obtain data with particular goals and uses. meanwhile, according to (wasino & hartatik, 2020) the historical method is a proper way to achieve historical verification. there are four stages to perform the historical method, heuristics, critics, interpretation, and historical writing (historiography). in heuristics or data collection, collected historical sources. the sources were obtained in cornelis chastelein foundation building, the western indonesian protestant church (gpib) immanuel, panus bridge, harapan hospital, cornelis chasthelein monument, kamboja cemetery. the data obtained in the form of manuscripts, books, photos, and other documents to the history of depok, cornelis chastelein, as well as the life of the people of depok. after the sources were obtained, then it could be verified or criticized its credibility (kuntowijoyo, 2013). then it continues to conduct interpretation and historical writing. profile of cornelis chastelein cornelis chastelein was born in amsterdam on august 10, 1657 into anthony chastelein and maria nicolai and was the youngest of 10 children (cornelis chastelein ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 23-29 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the role of cornelis chastelein in the development of the depok region, 1693-1714 | 25 foundation, 2021). he married cathrina van quaelbergt around 1680 and they had a son named anthony chasthelein and a daughter named judith chasthelein (kwisthout, 2015). in addition, cornelis chastelein also had a daughter from his marriage to leonara van bali, named maria chasthelein, who was legally adopted, and another daughter named catharina van batavia, who was not legally adopted, from his marriage to cecilia van bali (mudaryanti, 2017). in 1675, cornelis chastelein set foot in batavia in the dutch east indies. he departed on january 24, 1675 on the ship "huis van kleef" from the port of texel in the netherlands with his two sisters, machteld and ida, and his aunt henriette. he arrived in batavia on august 16, 1675 (cornelis chastelein foundation foundation, 2016). he was a high-ranking voc official who worked in batavia. he started his career at voc as a bookkeeper in the accounting department. in 1682, he became a big merchant (groot winkelier) and then climbed the career ladder to become a second-class senior merchant (tweede opperkoopman) (cornelis chastelein foundation foundation 2020). due to health problems in 1691, he resigned from his position in the voc. however, in fact, in 1691 there was a change of governor general from johannes camphuys to willem van outhoorn. cornelis chastelein disagreed with the way governor general willem van outhoorn exploited the natives for profit. in line with this, cornelis chastelein was deceived by the voc into engaging in colonialism or exploitation instead of enlightenment as taught by christianity (interview with j. j. rizal). after resigning from the voc, on may 18, 1696, he purchased a land area of 1244 hectares to build a business engaged in agriculture and mission to spread protestantism and christianity (perwata, 2018). according to (harahap, 2018) the depok area and its surroundings during the dutch colonial period were agricultural land (onderneming). in the second half of the 17th century the small circle of batavian aristocrats began to establish and maintain plantations. they lived outside batavia and around batavia (kwisthout, 2015). people wanted to live in areas outside the fortress of the city of batavia. managing land for use as a place for agriculture certainly requires human labor (interview with j. j. rizal). in managing agricultural land cornelis chastelein bought slaves from the king of bali (perwata, 2018). around the 17th century bali was part of the international trade route. however, according to (pardi, 2018) in addition to agricultural products and crafts, traders were also interested in buying slaves from bali, especially traders from the netherlands. slaves from bali were needed by the voc to work as servants and soldiers. these slaves from bali, apart from being sold in batavia, were also sold to other areas. in addition, chastelein bought slaves from other areas such as makassar, timor minahasa and from the eastern part of the archipelago. there were approximately 150 slaves had been brought to batavia. however, there were no javanese slaves worked for chasthelein. it was due to that the agreement between the voc and the mataram kingdom was not permissible for the people of java to become slaves. chastelein became a caring figure who treated slaves properly. it because that he had a fairly high education and received religious teachings from his parents who were protestant christians. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 23-29 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the role of cornelis chastelein in the development of the depok region, 1693-1714 | 26 cornelis chastelein died on june 28, 1714. before he died, he paid attention to the welfare of his slaves and wrote a will. in another note, he had a plan to free all of 150 slaves who had brough to batavia and they had the right to own and manage the land under condition that they must become christians. the origin of depok a region is often named after its characteristics and legendary folklores. there are several versions for the origin of the name depok (perwata, 2018). according to one version, the depok area was a place to meditate and get peace. another version states that depok comes from the word padepokan. another version states that depok is an abbreviation of de eerse protestantse organisatie van kristenen. meanwhile, the word padepokan came up because the ciliwung river was part of the padjajaran kingdom's power (rahardjo et al., 2018). it writes that ciliwung river was controlled by the padjajaran kingdom because its connection to the center of the kingdom. since he had resigned from voc, cornelis chastelein began focused on agriculture. before buying land in depok, he had already owned land in gambir, senen, srengseng, and mampang areas. in 1696, the depok area came under his control. according to mudaryanti (2017) the depok land was purchased by cornelis chastelein from lucas van de meur, a cirebon resident for 300 rijksdaakders. the depok was transformed into agricultural field planted with pepper, indigo, citron, jackfruit, soursop, cocoa, and star fruit. in addition, he raised raising cows and buffalo and even established coal, tiles and other potter factories. cornelis chastelein believed that there was only one way to improve the lives of the indies, by establishing an agricultural society (landbouwgemeenschappen) and that agriculture was more important than trade under the voc. by establishing a prosperous agricultural center, the colony would be able to function optimally (kwisthout, 2015). according to mudaryanti (2017), depok’s land status as ownership title (eigendom verponding) from 1714, until the governor-general herman willem daendels from 1808 to 1811 decided to give private status to the purchased lands. this meant that buyers enjoyed full ownership rights (eigendom) that applied for generations. this also meant that depok was privately-onwed. the depok area, which became private property, was inhabited by various ethnic groups who served as slaves for cornelis chasthelein. depok history cannot be separated from cornelis chastelein and his heritage of colonial buildings, one of which is the ylcc building, namely the pastori building, the western indonesian protestant church (gpib) immanuel which the first church in depok, panus bridge which is the oldest bridge in depok, harapan hospital which is the oldest hospital in depok, cornelis chasthelein monument, kamboja cemetery, depok cultural heritage, and sekolah kasih become the first school in depok. according to estin, antariksa, & suryasari (2017) dutch colonial buildings have a high historical value, regarding the development of buildings in their time and the development of the city. apart from the physical form, the most visible legacy is the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 23-29 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the role of cornelis chastelein in the development of the depok region, 1693-1714 | 27 freedom of slaves who can live independently to continuously grow into depok people. emergence of the dutch influence in depok there were 150 slaves who had freed and had the right to manage 1.244 hectares of land under the certain requirement, they should be christians. it was written in his will and was revised five times. the initial draft of his will, made on july 4, 1696 and the last draft finished on march 13, 1714. this last concept is known as cornelis chastelein's will. it would come into force on june 28, 1714 (cornelis chastelein foundation foundation, 2020). after accepting christianity, the slaves were grouped by baprima lucas into 12 clans. it consists of leander, bacas, soedira, izakh, samuel, jonathan, loen, yacob, laurens, yoseph, tholese, zadokh. perwata (2018) writes that there was a cultural leap after they were freed. their role changed and later became landowners who managed agriculture, plantations, and livestock. however, they did not manage their farms themselves and instead leased them out, because of their inability to manage them. gradually their situation changed after in the 18th century thanks to the policy of the batavian church council, which allowed religious teachers to be placed in depok to teach and visit congregations. according to tampi (2018) the slaves grew into a large community, gaining the nickname belanda depok (depok dutch). depok people were a community of migrants on the island of java. they were not javanese, but a colony of depok settlements in java. they were the descendants of freed slaves who developed the depok area. according to mudaryanti (2016) the term belanda depok emerged because of differences in lifestyles. the belanda depok lived a dutch lifestyle. they enjoyed the same rights as europeans and education in schools for the dutch and spoke dutch. meanwhile, belanda depok were native indonesians. the term belanda depok was mockery from train passengers from buitenzorg who observed depok people speaking malay mixed with dutch. this was the origin of the term belanda depok. according to (lasmiyati, 2017) the construction of the railroad connecting batavia with buitenzorg began on october 15, 1869. the railway line between batavia and buitenzorg extended 58.6 km. there were 15 stations starting from pasar ikan station, jakarta kota station, sawah besar, noordwijk (water gate), gambir, pegangsaan, jatinegara, sunday market, lenteng agung, pondok cina, depok, citayam, bojong gedeh, cibelut, and ending in bogor. in terms of religion, the depok people were shepherd by baprima lucas from 1713 and j. m. sudirman from 1947-1955. culturally, they came from different tribes with diverse cultural backgrounds. however, because many of them came from the bali, so that balinese culture more prominent (jonathans, 2011). in holidays, dodol cakes, iwel, geplak were served to a type of gamelan musical instruments (cornelis chastelein foundation foundation, 2020). in addition, in its development, the descendants of the depok people then initiated a forum called the cornelis chastelein institution on august 4, 1952. then, in 1990 it changed its name to the ylcc. this foundation is engaged in social, humanitarian, and religious fields. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 23-29 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the role of cornelis chastelein in the development of the depok region, 1693-1714 | 28 conclusions historically, the development of depok areas could not be separated from cornelis chastelien who became an important figure who established and developed depok. he was affiliated with voc and became a major merchant (groot winkelier) and rose to become a second-class senior merchant (tweede opperkoopman). he resigned from voc due to his disagreement with the way governor general willem vvan outhoorn treated slaves and exploited natives. then he built a business engaged in agriculture and mission to spread christianity. the depok area became private land inhabited by various ethnic groups from the slave trade. the slaves who were freed over time had descendants until there grew to become a large community, gaining the nickname belanda depok (depok dutch). the original depok people applied the dutch lifestyles and enjoyed the same rights as europeans. references estin, n., antariksa, a. & suryasari, n. 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(2021). riwayat cornelis chastelein. retrieved from http://ylcc.or.id/riwayat-cornelis-chastelein/. microsoft word 2. ihis_suwarno_muhammadiyah (l) en.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (2), 12-21 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 relationship between muhammadiyah and politics in parliamentary democracy period (a case study in banyumas) | 12 relationship between muhammadiyah and politics in parliamentary democracy period (a case study in banyumas) suwarno department of history education, faculty of education and teacher training, universitas muhammadiyah purwokerto – indonesia *corresponding author: suwarnopurwokerto@gmail.com doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v4i1.6598 abstract this study identifies steps taken by muhammadiyah in the political arena during the parliamentary democracy period which was established through its proximity with masyumi. muhammadiyah was known as a special member of masyumi at that time. this political phenomenon occurred both at national and local levels, in this case in banyumas. the breakthrough was conducted by important figures such as k.h.a. dardiri and s. notosuwiryo. muhammadiyah of banyumas district had played an important role in establishing the ministry of religion of the republic of indonesia which was finally granted by the government. by masyumi as its political articulation, muhammadiyah figures in banyumas had a lot to perform among political matters, mainly in temporary regional houses representatives of banyumas (dprds) in 1950 which were quite dominant. the study used a historical approach to explore sources as evidence to strengthen the argument that muhammadiyah and masyumi in banyumas had played an important role in social, economic, and community culture. it addresses the stigma that muhammadiyah is very identical to masyumi, if it is examined further then they have the same goal, namely a modernist movement. this step gives an affirmation that muhammadiyah becomes a strong religious organization. muhammadiyah embodies its goal by focusing on developing social, religious, and educational fields, while masyumi's goal was purely in developing political parties. however, it is found that the number of human resources owned by muhammadiyah is getting less. if the situation still occurs, then the majority of educational institutions experience teacher limitations. keywords: muhammadiyah; political relationship; masyumi; parliamentary democracy; banyumas. introduction muhammadiyah is an islamic da'wah movement, amar ma'ruf nahi munkar, and tajdid (purification and renewal of islam) founded by k.h. ahmad dahlan on 1912. this modern islamic reform organization is oriented to be active in the fields of religion, education, social, and health since its establishing. until today, muhammadiyah has reached more than a century old (100 years) and grown rapidly because it has reached the entire country with thousands of business charities in the form of primary and received: december 2, 2019 revised: june 6, 2020 accepted: june 8, 2020 ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (2), 12-21 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 relationship between muhammadiyah and politics in parliamentary democracy period (a case study in banyumas) | 13 secondary education institutions, both public and religious schools, hundreds of universities, and hundreds of social and health service institutions. as stated by alfian (1989, p. 5), there are three roles played by muhammadiyah in the history of indonesian people: first, as a religious reform movement; second, as an intermediary for social change (agent of social change); third, as political power (political power). the role as a religious renewal movement can be identified through the intentions and objectives of muhammadiyah to purify islamic religion practice by referring to the qur'an and the hadith. muhammadiyah role as an intermediary for social change can be traced to the large contribution for people and nation through enlightenment in the fields of education, social services, and health. if we see from its role, muhammadiyah contribution to muslims and the indonesian nation is considered very huge. muhammadiyah has given its struggle very hard to free and eradicate muslims and the indonesian people from chains of ignorance, poverty, and backwardness. muhammadiyah has also given services to people and the nation through enlightenment in the field of education (establishment of schools from kindergarten (tk), elementary school (sd), junior high school (smp), senior high school (sma) , to higher education, social services (orphanages and nursing homes), and health services (clinics, polyclinics, and hospitals). therefore, role of muhammadiyah as a political force is actually emphasized on its position as a community organization (mass organization), or further as an interest group. related to muhammadiyah position as an interest group, a japanese indonesian, nakamura (1990, p. 114) stated that there were two main contributions of muhammadiyah to the indonesian people. first, muhammadiyah helped the republic of indonesia (nkri) existence as a political entity. second, muhammadiyah had become a forum for developing independent community initiatives. muhammadiyah effect as an interest group is increasingly visible. in addition, muhammadiyah role as a political power can also be seen from the relationship between muhammadiyah and political parties and its involvement in practical politics, mainly through its leaders. since its establishment, muhammadiyah has not been standing as a political organization. however, it does not mean that muhammadiyah is an anti-political organization. kiai dahlan and muhammadiyah leaders have laid a political convention through their personal involvement and participation among existing political organizations and political parties. for instance kiai dahlan, besides as a member of budi utomo (bu) in 1909, he also became a member of jam'iyat alkhair in 1910, and sarekat islam (si) in 1911 (jainuri, 1981, p. 29). in addition, mas mansur, chairperson of central committe (pp) of muhammadiyah from 1937-1942 was also known as one of initiators and key figures of indonesian a'la islamic council (miai) in september 1937, and indonesian islamic party (pii) which was founded in early december of 1938 ( suwarno, 2010, p. 59). meanwhile, majelis syuro muslimin indonesia (masyumi) was political organization with highly good popularity in its prime time. the existence of party proliferation caused masyumi's name and symbol grow, moreover, it was supported ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (2), 12-21 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 relationship between muhammadiyah and politics in parliamentary democracy period (a case study in banyumas) | 14 by modern political power fragmentation (fealy and platzdasch, 2005, p. 77). masyumi's political orientation was similar to muhammadiyah which also emphasized modern islam. as a religious organization that needed support, mainly in the early days of independence, muhammadiyah needed to place appropriate strategies to obtain locally and nationally influence. therefore, muhammadiyah began to play a role in political democracy in indonesia. based on a study conducted by jung (2014) muhammadiyah's political behavior was driven by institutional logic, by placing its social and religious obligations beyond its political interests. this was also seen as very pragmatic idealism. by placing leaders among national political organizations, muhammadiyah obtained recognition and its power was considered as quite strong. discussing about relationship between muhammadiyah and masyumi, it was necessary to identify how muhammadiyah's role of using masyumi as a 'political vehicle' changed this organization as the most influential organization, both in local and national level. in addition, as stated by fuad (2002, p. 148), muhammadiyah seemed to enjoy a great deal with the political entity. using historical method with political science approach, this study is different from the previous studies that have been conducted, it focuses on the relations of muhammadiyah and politics at the local level in banyumas. relationship between muhammadiyah and politics in the period of pre and early independence when the two indonesian's proclaimers proclaimed indonesian independence, muhammadiyah was 30 years old. although, it was not a political organization as stated in the introduction, muhammadiyah's contribution in fighting for indonesian independence was considered as significant compared to other socio-political parties. this fact was recognized by many figures. one of the figures who recognized muhammadiyah's contribution was roeslan abdoelgani. he stated that muhammadiyah's services in the historical chain of indonesia's struggle had begun since national awakening, particularly in educational-pedagogical field (tim pembina al-islam and kemuhammadiyahan guidance team, 1990, p. 44). another interesting statement was when roeslan abdoelgani called muhammadiyah a "wave of beatings" among muslims against dutch imperialism and colonialism as well as mysticism of indigenous people who overly worshiped to trees, sacred stones and animals "(anonymously, 1963, p. 40–41). since its establishment, muhammadiyah had taken a cautious political stance and become very flexible in facing various waves of political change. such a cautious and flexible political attitude had given a positive impression on the dutch colonial government, so, muhammadiyah was considered less dangerous to their colonial existence and relatively able to make a movement more freely (ma'arif, 1987, p. 66). according to sugiyanto padmo, muhammadiyah involvement in politics during the dutch colonial period could be seen as brave attitude on the dutch colonial government's policies, such as the courage to oppose a tax on slaughtered sacrificial animals sacrifice day, and this was successfully granted by the dutch colonial ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (2), 12-21 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 relationship between muhammadiyah and politics in parliamentary democracy period (a case study in banyumas) | 15 government. further, religious court under the office of colonial religious affairs was later fought by muhammadiyah to be more independent. through educational institutions (schools) that were founded during the dutch colonial period,muhammadiyah helped integrated a spirit of nationalism among the indonesian people, mainly among muslims, through the motto of hubbul wathan minal iman (loving your motherland is a part of faith). furthermore, muhammadiyah pioneered the birth of indonesian islamic party (pii) in 1938, the main supporter of masyumi which was formed by japanese occupation government in 1947. the rebirth of masyumi islamic party in 1945 as a political forum for post-independence muslim people, in which muhammadiyah became the main supporter (padmo, 2007, p. 159). in the banyumas region, during the dutch colonial period, muhammadiyah stood as a socio-religious organization, even though it was not a political organization, it had invested in nationalism among its managed schools. for instance in 1930, muhammadiyah in banyumas region (now includes four districts of banyumas, purbalingga, cilacap and banjarnegara) had managed six holland inlandsche schools (his), one schakel school, two volkschool, one madrasah diniyah, and two madrasah ibtidaiyah. number of students attending these schools were 151 male students and 103 female students. this fact indicated that muhammadiyah of banyumas district in 1930 fostered a young generation of muslims up to 254 students, both male and female (sumarno and kosasih, 2014, p. 47). absolutely, there was an effort to arise spirit of nationalism in coaching these students. during the japanese occupation, muhammadiyah acted cautiously and carefully. this fact was proven by the gait of muhammadiyah chairman, k.h. mas mansur (served among 1936-1942) alongside bung karno, bung hatta, and ki hajar dewantara or known as the four important figures who provided guidance and direction to indonesian muslims who were experiencing heavy pressure from japanese militarism (regarding the biography of k.h. mas mansur (read soebagijo, 1982). it was similar to k.h mas mansur's political involvement as muhammadiyah central committe chairman, but in the banyumas local area the one who was appointed was k.h. abu dardiri as head of department or ministry of religion (sumokatyo) among banyumas region in 1943. k.h. abu dardiri's position was as a consulate of muhammadiyah of banyumas district from 1936 to 1963. by this appointment, japanese occupation government has recognized the existence of muhammadiyah in the banyumas region (sumarno and kosasih, 2014, p. 48–49). after indonesia's independence was followed by war of independence against the netherlands during physical revolution (1945-1949), muhammadiyah was known to instruct its citizens to work alongside to expel the dutch from indonesian. in islamic conference in yogyakarta on november 7, 1945, which gave birth to masyumi islamic political party, muhammadiyah participated in formulating 'resolution of jihad' alongside other islamic parties, such as nahdatul ulama (nu). the jihad resolution contained a statement that 60 million indonesian muslims were ready to fight in a war in the cause of allah to oppose any occupation. according to ahmad mansur ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (2), 12-21 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 relationship between muhammadiyah and politics in parliamentary democracy period (a case study in banyumas) | 16 suryanegara, jihad resolution became one of the most important contributions that ensured muslims' steps in maintaining independence (suryanegara, 1995, p. 221-222; yusuf et al., 1983, p. 38). the relationship between muhammadiyah and politics, mainly with the indonesian government, after independence (1945) could be said to experience ups and downs, both nationally and locally in banyumas region. in general, the relationship between muhammadiyah and politics or government followed a cooperative, accommodative, sub-ordinative and critical pattern. muhammadiyah leaders' political behavior, mainly in the banyumas region was closely related to leadership type (sulistiyanto, 2006, p. 258). surbakti (1992, p. 139) stated that muhammadiyah leaders could be categorized as public enterpreneurship. this leadership was suspected to create or elaborate a limited number of public organizations. relationship between muhammadiyah and politics during parliamentary democracy period the parliamentary democracy period (1950-1958) was a crucial period for the indonesian government future system. it was said to be decisive because at that time all elements of the indonesian nation were looking for right pattern for republic of indonesia (nkri), whose sovereignty was only recognized on december 7 of 1949. the government system implemented in the early 1950s to 1958 was a parliamentary system based on liberal democracy. using this system, the people were given political freedom and could actively participate in the political field, including through their preferred political parties according their ideology. feith and castles stated (1988, p. iii-iv) that there were five streams of political ideology during the parliamentary democracy period that continued to last until the guided democracy (1959–1965). the first ideology was radical nationalism, mainly represented by the indonesian national party (pni). the second was islam, with masyumi and nu (as political parties after leaving masyumi in 1952) each represented modern islam and traditional islam. the third ideology was democratic socialism, represented by the indonesian socialist party (psi). the fourth was communism, it was represented by indonesian communist party (pki). the fifth was javanese traditional, represented by pni, nu and pki (suwarno, 2012, p. 92). at the inauguration of masyumi on november 7–8, 1945, muhammadiyah declared as a privilege member along with other islamic organizations, such as the islamic association party of indonesia (partai sarekat islam indonesia; psii), nahdlatul ulama (nu), islamic unity (persatuan islam; persis), islamic community unity (persatuan ummat islam; pui), al irsyad, al wasliah, and others as the only organizations of political representation for muslims and those who would fight for the islamic community concerns. however, psii left masyumi in 1947 followed by nu in 1952 (syaifullah, 1997, p. 141–142). because muhammadiyah at the central level was declared as a privilege member and main party of masyumi, muhammadiyah members of banyumas district also took ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (2), 12-21 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 relationship between muhammadiyah and politics in parliamentary democracy period (a case study in banyumas) | 17 the similar step. masyumi members in banyumas until this party was disbanded in 1960 were dominated by muhammadiyah by 60 percent. it was slightly different from masyumi at the central level. the number of muhammadiyah representatives in masyumi was 46% and increased to 68% by 1959 (syaifullah, 1997, p. 159). the activities of muhammadiyah members in banyumas indicated that they were actively involved in political practices. muhammadiyah showed a high commitment and contribution to the nation and state of indonesia. this can be seen from muhammadiyah leaders who were actively involved in the fight for independence. k.h. dardiri and s. notosuwiryo for example, in his capacity as a member of islamic faction leadership in the indonesian national committee, gave a proposal to the central indonesian national committee (bpknip) which was convened in jakarta on november 25, 1945. he proposed that the ministry of religion should be established in the second cabinet of the republic of indonesia (sjahrir cabinet). the proposal to establish ministry of religion by two muhammadiyah figures who were masyumi banyumas figures were based on the argument that the existence of the ministry of religion was a necessity, given that indonesia was dominated by muslim. therefore, an institution focusing on technical matters such as the management of the pilgrimage, marriage, boarding schools, and others was needed. details of the tasks and institutions in question were as follows: (1) regarding matters relating to marriage, divorce, and reconciliation, which were administered by the respective regents in the dutch era; (2) affairs concerning the pilgrimage; (3) the highest islamic court and religious court; (4) madrasa and islamic boarding schools affairs; (5) politics concerning religious matters which were dealt with by various departments in the dutch era could be managed by the indonesian ministry of religion. the proposal was followed up at the islamic faction plenary meeting at the indonesian national committee of banyumas. the proposal was fully agreed. in the islamic faction plenary meeting, indonesian national committee of banyumas issued a statement to confirm the proposal, namely: (1). accepting proposals regarding the ministry of religion establishment; (2) requesting the indonesian national committee of banyumas to send h.a. dardiri and soleh sungaidi to go to jakarta in order to convey the proposal before november 25, 1945. noer (1990) also affirmed that the proposal regarding the ministry of religion establishment was initiated by kiai haji abu dardiri, kiai haji soleh su'aidy, and sukoso wirjosaputro. the three were the members of central indonesian national committee from banyumas area. this proposal was later supported by mohammad natsir, dr. muwardi, dr. marzuki mahdi, and m. kartosudarmo (all were the members of central indonesian national committee) and later it was approved by central indonesian national committee who forwarded it to the indonesian government. the proposal was apparently approved by the government. on january 3, 1946 a ministry was established as proposed by muhammadiyah members (noer, 1983, p. 14; khotimah, 2015). ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (2), 12-21 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 relationship between muhammadiyah and politics in parliamentary democracy period (a case study in banyumas) | 18 muhammadiyah members actually proposed k.h.a. dardiri to be a candidate for the regent of banyumas in the 1950s. however, k.h. ahmad dardiri rejected the proposals because he was still the resident (consul) of muhammadiyah banyumas at that time. as we know that the position of resident was higher if compared to regent. in fact, a more rational reason was because all the life necessities of k.h.a. dardiri had been fulfilled, both material and spiritual. he was no longer fond of position. he focused more on spiritual activities. political relations of muhammadiyah in banyumas district during the parliamentary democracy period could also be seen from the membership of muhammadiyah activists in the provisional regional representative council (dprds). the number of dprds members in 1950 were 44. there were four who represented masyumi and simultaneously represented the muhammadiyah organization. they were hasanmihardjo (employee of the banyumas district religious office), achmad chudori (employee of penguhulu naib), chambali (employee of kenaiban ajibarang), and k.h. achmad dardiri (penghulu naib banyumas district). in addition, there were also muhammadiyah members who were active in other organizations or parties such as the indonesian islamic youth movement (gpii), also known as the onderbouw of masyumi. in the early 1950s, there were several islamic figures in banyumas district who were accused of being involved in the darul islam (di) rebellion and some of them were arrested by the government. muhammadiyah of banyumas district also gave a role as a mediator in conflicts that broke out among the people. the figure of masyumi of banyumas district, s. notosuwiryo, who witnessed this, immediately went to the purwokerto military commander, h.m. bachrun, who served as the resident and police chief of banyumas, requested that innocent prisoners should be released. bachrun agreed as long as there was a guarantee. hearing that statement, s. notosuwiryo immediately took a stand. with full patience, he made himself as the guarantee. finally, the release was carried out after signing a written agreement and pledge reading. the agreement included the willingness of s. notosuwiryo to be arrested, replacing those arrested. because the military was worried that those arrested were truly di members and would escape after being released. the magnanimity of s. notosuwiryo apparently received attention of the military. in appreciation of his courage and commitment, bachrun appointed s. notosuwiryo as his political adviser as expressed in a short biography of hos notosuwiryo issued in 1985. the relationship between muhammadiyah and masyumi the roots of relationship between muhammadiyah and masyumi had been established since the indonesian muslim community congress in the madrasah mu'allimin muhammadiyah. in the congress held in yogyakarta on november 7-8, 1945, it was decided that the masyumi was the only means for political struggle of indonesian muslims. although the name was same as the masyumi which was formed by japan in 1943, masyumi which was formed in 1945 was not a continuation or extension of the masyumi "made by japan" according to ahmad syafii maarif. this islamic political ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (2), 12-21 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 relationship between muhammadiyah and politics in parliamentary democracy period (a case study in banyumas) | 19 organization, ideologically, was even closer and could be considered as continuation of the great islamic council of indonesia (majelis islam a'la indonesia; miai) which was formed in 1937 (maarif, 1988, p. 30). the first composition of the party council (syuro council) and the central executive board (executive) of the masyumi indicated that masyumi included various islamic groups. the chairperson of the syuro council was k.h. hasyim ash'ari and his deputy: wachid hasyim (both from nu), h. agus salim (psii) and sheikh jamil jambek (islamic reformer from sumatra). meanwhile, the masyumi central executive boards were sukiman wiryosanjoyo (psii), mohammad natsir (persis), moh. roem (muhammadiyah), abikusno, and kartosuwiryo (both from psii) as the members (boland, 1985, p. 45; syaifullah, 1997, p. 143–144). muhammadiyah and nu became the main parties of masyumi because these two organizations owned a large muslim mass base. muhammadiyah as a modernist / reformist wing owned a mass base in urban areas. meanwhile, nu as a traditional wing owned a mass base in rural areas and boarding schools. therefore, when one of the two wings resigned, masyumi became weak and the political power of the muslim community was split. this fact occurred in 1952, precisely when nu resigned and left masyumi, following the psii which had already resigned in 1947 (maarif, 1988, p. 31). after psii and nu resigned, practically muhammadiyah remained the backbone and pillar of masyumi. one muhammadiyah figure, prodjokusumo said that "without muhammadiyah, masyumi was almost paralyzed" (arifin, 1990, p. 281). if examined further, the close relationship between muhammadiyah and masyumi was because both had fairly same goal in which as a modernist movement. the similar goal between muhammadiyah and masyumi was in long-term, in which both parties wanted "the realization of a truly islamic society, that welfare, goodness, and happiness were evenly distributed" (muhammadiyah’s articles of association) or "the implementation of islamic teachings and law in the life of an individual, the people, and the state of the republic of indonesia, towards divine pleasure ”(masyumi's article of association) (maarif, 1987, p. 71-113). the difference was only in the ways the two organizations realized their goals. if muhammadiyah realized its goals by focusing on developing social, religious, and educational fields, masyumi's goals were implemented in the form of political parties. masyumi fought for the values of islamic teachings so that they were manifested in the government. meanwhile, in carrying out its vision, these two organizations rested on the ideas of islamic reform thinking from egypt, named jamaluddin al afghani (1839-1897) and muhammad abduh (1839-1897). both of these pioneers of modern islamic reform had the same two targets of struggle. first, outside (the western world) to provide an islamic response to attacks from the western in the social, political, or intellectual fields. second, inside (the islamic world) to inject a new spirit for islam in understanding religion according to the challenges and needs of the present (shiddiqi, 1996, p. 191). the difference between the two pioneers of reform was the methods and tools of struggle used. al-afghani was a politician, scientist, and thinker, so he focused more ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (2), 12-21 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 relationship between muhammadiyah and politics in parliamentary democracy period (a case study in banyumas) | 20 on fighting through politics, such as the idea of unity of muslims around the world (pan islam) and efforts to mobilize the power of the masses of muslims to fight western colonialism. on the contrary, abduh was better known as a theologian, linguist, and historian of islam. however, despite being a theologian, abduh had an interest in politics. abduh focused more on refreshing the understanding of religion through ethics and the education system with a focus on improving the moral or religious morals of muslims (shiddiqi, 1996, p. 192). if we saw the types of muhammadiyah and masyumi movements, it seemed that muhammadiyah was more inspired by abduh's ideas, while masyumi was more or less inspired by al-afghani's thoughts. this close and intimate relationship between muhammadiyah and masyumi mainly took place between 1950-1955. after that period, although the relationship between the two was quite good, there had been political estrangement. for example, one of the agenda of the 1956 muhammadiyah tanwir session in yogyakarta was to urge muhammadiyah to leave the masyumi privileged membership. officially, muhammadiyah left masyumi in september 1959 (arifin, 1990, p. 283-286). on a local scale, especially in the banyumas area, since masyumi was established in early november 1945, most muhammadiyah members had been actively involved in the management of masyumi. for example, k.h.a. dardiri was noted as the first chairman of the masyumi of banyumas, then continued by s. notosuwiryo, and followed by syamsuri ridwan. furthermore, in the first banyumas district provisional regional representative council (dprds) membership (1950), there were 10 people representing the masyumi party and two people representing the gpii as masyumi's onderbouw. of the 10 masyumi representatives, three were the members of muhammadiyah, namely s. notosuwiryo, syamsuri ridwan, and dr. suparno. meanwhile, two gpii representatives (abbas syafii and moh. sukarno) were muhammadiyah activists. most of the followers of masyumi islamic party in banyumas came from the islamic students (santri) of urban population, especially muhammadiyah residents. most of the pni and pki masses are 'abangan' (nationalists and communists) who lived in cities and in rural areas. banyumas district government officials or employees were generally pni sympathizers. whereas, nu was based on muslim masses in rural areas and traditional islamic boarding school. the existence of masyumi in banyumas, of which the majority of its members came from muhammadiyah residents had more or less given a good influence to muhammadiyah. it was because masyumi in banyumas had branches and departments in small towns and some in rural areas that were easily accessible by public transportation. muhammadiyah also developed and spread widely in areas of masyumi's influence. moreover, after masyumi in banyumas were disbanded in 1960, masyumi branches and departments in banyumas largely turned into muhammadiyah branches and departments. in addition, according to syamsuri ridwan, there was a kind of mutual understanding among the muhammadiyah of banyumas district members so that those who were active in the political field joined ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (2), 12-21 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 relationship between muhammadiyah and politics in parliamentary democracy period (a case study in banyumas) | 21 masyumi, while those who were more active in the social and propaganda fields remained in muhammadiyah. however, the political practices of most muhammadiyah members within masyumi also had adverse effects on the field of muhammadiyah's movement, especially in the socio-educational field. because of being too involved in masyumi, the muhammadiyah human resources in banyumas district focused more on fighting in the political field, so that the movement of muhammadiyah was hampered and underdeveloped. after masyumi was disbanded in 1960, masyumi leaders in banyumas district who came from muhammadiyah such as syamsuri ridwan and a.k. anshori were active again in muhammadiyah. thus, the disbanned of masyumi brought political disaster in the form of destruction of islamic political power which firmly fought for the application of islamic teachings in government such as democracy and justice. on the other hand, it brought blessing in disguised, especially for muhammadiyah. it was because muhammadiyah human resources increased a lot. therefore, muhammadiyah was more alive, more developed, and more active in carrying out its programs for muslims' concerns. conclusion in this section, it can be concluded that during the parliamentary democracy period, muhammadiyah of banyumas district as in other regions, had very close relations with the masyumi islamic party because muhammadiyah was a privilege member of masyumi. masyumi figures in banyumas district were dominated by muhammadiyah figures. they were including k.h. abu dardiri, s. notosuwiryo, k.h. syamsuri ridwan, and h.a.k. ansori. muhammadiyah in banyumas had become the main backbone or pillar of masyumi islamic party. in fact, muhammadiyah seemed to be identical with masyumi. references alfian (1989). muhammadiyah the political behavior of a muslim modernist organization under dutch colonialism. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press. arifin, m. t. (1990). muhammadiyah potret yang berubah. surakarta: gelanggang pemikiran filsafat, sosial, budaya, & kependidikan. boland, b. j. (1985). the struggle of islam in modern indonesia (s. bahar, trans.). jakarta: grafiti press. fealy, g. & platzdasch, b. (2005). the masyumi legacy: between islamist idealism and political exigency. studia islamika, 12 (1), 73-99. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.15408 /sdi.v12i1.646 feith, h. & castles, l. (1988). pemikiran politik indonesia 1945 – 1965. jakarta: lp3es. fuad, m. (2002). civil society in indonesia: the potential and limits of muhammadiyah. sojourn: journal of social issues in southeast asia, 17 (2), 133-163. jainuri, a. 1981. muhammadiyah gerakan reformasi islam di jawa pada awal abad keduapuluh. surabaya: bina ilmu. ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (2), 12-21 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 relationship between muhammadiyah and politics in parliamentary democracy period (a case study in banyumas) | 22 jung, e. (2014). islamic organizations and electoral politics in indonesia: the case of muhammadiyah. south east asia research, 22 (1), 73-86. https://www.jstor.org/stable/23752501 khotimah, k. (2015). peran tokoh agama dalam pengembangan sosial agama di banyumas (studi historis sosiologis tokoh agama islam abad 21). purwokerto: lembaga penelitian dan pengabdian masyarakat iain purwokerto. maarif, a. (1998). sekapur sirih. in shihab, a. membendung arus respons gerakan muhammadiyah terhadap penetrasi missi kristen di indonesia. bandung: mizan. maarif, a. s. (1987). islam dan masalah kenegaraan studi tentang percaturan dalam konstituante. jakarta: lp3es. noer, d. (1983). administrasi islam di indonesia. jakarta: rajawali. noer, d. (1990). gerakan modern islam di indonesia 1900 – 1942. jakarta: lp3es. padmo, s. (2007). “gerakan pembaharuan islam indonesia dari masa ke masa: sebuah pengantar,” jurnal humaniora, 19 (2), 151 – 160. shiddiqi, n. (1996). jeram-jeram peradaban muslim. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. soebagijo i. n. (1982). k. h. mas mansur pembaharu islam di indonesia. jakarta: gunung agung sulistiyanto, p. (2006). muhammadiyah, local politics and local identity in kotagede. sojourn: journal of social issues in southeast asia, 21(2), 254-270. sumarno & kosasih, a. d. (2014). relasi agama dan negara dalam skala lokal, dinamika politik gerakan muhammadiyah di banyumas. yogyakarta: ump press bekerja sama dengan pustaka pelajar. surbakti, r. (1992). memahami ilmu politik. jakarta: gramedia widiasarana indonesia. suwarno, s. (2010). relasi muhamamdiyah, islam dan negara (kontribusi muhammadiyah dalam perspektif sejarah). yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. suwarno, s. (2012). sejarah politik indonesia modern. yogyakarta: ombak. syaifullah, s. (1997). gerak politik muhammadiyah dalam masyumi. jakarta: pustaka utama grafiti. tim pembina al-islam dan kemuhammadiyahan. muhammadiyah sejarah pemikiran dan amal usaha. malang: pusat dokumentasi dan publikasi universitas muhammadiyah malang. yusuf, s. e., sjam, m. i., & mas’udi, m. f. (1983). dinamika kaum santri menelusuri jejak dan pergolakan internal nu. jakarta: rajawali. microsoft word 3. sayap garuda in sabah_mansor.docx indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 107-115 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 sayap garuda in sarawak and sabah after the second world war until the 1950s | 107 sayap garuda in sarawak and sabah after the second world war until the 1950s suffian bin mansor department of history, universiti kebangsaan malaysia corresponding author: smansor@ukm.edu.my doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v3i2.6086 abstract interaction among the islands in the malay archipelago in early period was through trade, culture and brotherhood. this relationship persisted despite western powers trying to set-up western-style of political boundaries to justify their terrirorial claims in the archipelago. this is also the case between british dominions in borneo namely sarawak and sabah with the dutch domination in indonesia. it was revealed that this past relationship was feared by the colonial powers after world war ii. this is because of the liberation movement and anticolonial movement in indonesia. meanwhile, indonesia's independence movement worried the british who had just colonized sarawak and sabah. both regions were also experiencing political changes that began to counter british rule in sarawak and sabah. although the opposition differed between the two territories, their original purpose was to free themselves from british occupation. of particular concern to the british was the nationalist movement in indonesia which was feared to influence political movements in sarawak and sabah. this is clearly demonstrated by the presence of several active indonesian organizations in sarawak and the existence of political movements in sabah that supported sukarno and hatta. the british tried to stop the indonesian influence from working in these two territories. the purpose of this article is to look at aspects of cultural space that have long been involved in political movements in sarawak and sabah. this article uses a content analysis approach using primary sources from london and secondary materials from libraries in malaysia. from this point of view, we can make a clear finding that friendship and brotherhood are strong in the archipelago despite the fact that western powers are trying to separate them. keywords: sarawak; sabah; indonesia; british; anti-cession; borneo. introduction the malay world has had a long history before the arrival of foreign influence into the region. many scholars had confirmed the existence of the malay community groups that inhabit the islands and mainland southeast asia. although there are islands that separate them from each other, there is a connection. this relationship is based on brotherhood, economic and security interests, and unity as a political entity. this article therefore seeks to look at the relationship between the sarawak and sabah territories with indonesia. the focus was on post-world war ii until the mid-1950s. received: 11 october 2019 accepted: 5 december 2019 indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 107-115 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 sayap garuda in sarawak and sabah after the second world war until the 1950s | 108 however, this relationship is reflected in the aspects of political movements and nationalism in these two regions before going further, it would be better to discuss about the location and the background of sarawak and sabah. the subject being studied is about the two regions of the malaysia’s state today, namely sarawak and sabah. both states are located north of borneo island. for this reason, both states made malaysia to have a border with indonesia. this is because the indonesian province of kalimantan bordered the two regions. this border allowed sarawak and sabah to have land route with indonesia whether legal or none legal access. in fact, the brotherhood between sarawak and sabah and the borneo region is close. prior to the intervention of western powers on borneo island there was sultanate in the region. the sambas sultanate had close relationship with the people of sarawak based on cultural and linguistic similarities in sarawak. in fact, the origin of the iban population in sarawak is from the kapuas in borneo. the same situation happened to the people in tawau and sebatik island which they had family and friends relations. this relationship is the main subject of discussion in this article. method this study uses historical methods related with content analysis. this method provides a new and authentic historical discovery. this is because the focus of this research is on analyzing primary and secondary sources. these materials are available from various repository record departments. the original source of the material was a british government document obtained from the national archives of london. some of these documents contain correspondence and government reports on the situation in her colonialprovince of borneo. these files from london are coded with the colonial office (co) and foreign colonial office (fco). while secondary materials are mostly available at libraries in kuala lumpur and bangi. the three of these libraries are at the tun seri lanang library, the atma library (national university of malaysia) and the university of malaya main library. these secondary materials consist of a variety of books on the history of sarawak, sabah, malaya and indonesia. sources of articles and chapters in the book are also used because there are several articles and chapters in the book that are relevant to the study on preparation of this article. free relationships before the formation of the sarawak and sabah modern boundary, this northern borneo region had close links with the islands in the malay archipelago. this relationship began with the existing of people in both regions. the story of datuk merpati tells, how datuk merpati's arrival from across the country that was welcomed by the locals at santubong, sarawak. the origin of which datuk merpati is associated with three places namely java, sumatra and johor. these three places indicated the connection between sarawak and the outside world. meanwhile, datuk kuali and datu kuli as the local chiefs in santubong received a good reception from datuk merpati's family (ghani, 1989, p. 73). the story of datuk merpati is an important indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 107-115 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 sayap garuda in sarawak and sabah after the second world war until the 1950s | 109 reference on the sarawak malay community’s origins. it is associated with the relay lines in kuching malays especially the (leight, 1998). a similar situation occurred in the relationship of the malays and dayaks in saribas in the presence of datu gudam (some call him as a abang gudam). originally from pagaruyung, sumatra he had traveled to saribas, sarawak (said, 2013, p. 108). he helped temenggung abdul kadir get his daughter from becoming the sultan of brunei’s wife. he later married dayang chi, the daughter of temenggung abdul kadir and settled in saribas. according to datu sanib said, datu gudam became the ruler of saribas and his descendants subsequently inherited the kerajaan (sandin, 1969, p. 235). regarding the kerajaan (kingdoms) that once appeared in sarawak, prapanca wrote in the book negarakertagama which mentioned the existence of several kingdoms in northern borneo. the kingdoms mentioned are sawaku, kalka, samadong, saribas and melano (yamin, 1974, pp. 61-62). from the toponymy aspect of the names mentioned here are similarities to some names in sarawak today such as kalka is kalaka, samadong is samarahan, sawaku is associated with sarawak and melano is related to melanau people in sarawak. even in lundu there is the name tanjung melano. whether it refer melano as a race or a place but clearly shows a link between sarawak with other regions in the malay world. while the study in sabah found the importance of trade relations between sabah and the malay world. it is said that there was a port known as chu-po in sabah in the 3rd century (ramli, 2012, p. 74). but more important is the role of bukit tengkorang in sabah. the pottery industry that existed in the area helped trade in the pre-historic era. meanwhile, the discovery of a moko-type bronze drum on pulau bangi confirms the relation between the hindu buddhist kingdom in java with northern sabah. the influence of hindu buddhism on northern borneo can also be seen by the discovery of various buddhist objects in santubong, sarawak. meanwhile, the discovery of the ganesha statue in limbang, sarawak provides information on religious interaction with the hindu-buddhism kingdom in indonesia. relations between the northern provinces of borneo continued until the arrival of western powers. the dutch and the british influence began to establish their power by dividing the provinces in the malay world to their economic interests through the anglo-dutch treaty in 1824. while in the north of borneo individuals brookes became the government in sarawak (baring-gould, 2007, p. 80). while in sabah the the chartered company (cc) dominated and rule the region (tregonning, 2007, p. 34). meanwhile, the dutch began to colonise each of the indonesian islands. during this period of colonization there were still links between these territories. this relationship is clearly seen in terms of the migration of java and boyan workers to sarawak (ho, 2003, p. 57). in sarawak, the influences from java is clearly seen in terms of food as well as language. whereas the brooke government also imported some educate’smen from sumatra like malim pahlawan and abu bakar as administrators and teachers in the brooke government. in fact, shawal bin abdul hamid the teacher of wife of rajah charles brooke came from bangkahulu, sumatera (sulaiman, 2004, p. 33). the intellectuals of sumatra with local malay had played importance role in formation of indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 107-115 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 sayap garuda in sarawak and sabah after the second world war until the 1950s | 110 the persatuan kebangsaan melayu sarawak (pkms) in 1939. one of them was the government employees came from palembang i.e. johari anang (fco141 / 12340, list of members of mnus). meanwhile, the bugis community trading activities in the 19th century led them to choose sabah as their visiting place, and some of them settle down. (sakke, 2012, p. 27). for example, pua ado or la toampong's real name andi bukku, had served as penghulu (local chief) of tawau with appointment of the cc (sakke, 2012, p. 28). the labor shortage in sabah opens up opportunities for labour in the dutch colonial territories to migrants and work with western and japanese companies. they consist of tidung, bugis, banjar and java (sakke, 2012, p. 29). during the japanese occupation, ahmad zaidi adruce, a sarawakian student, was sent to buitenzorg college (bogor veterinary college) in bogor (leigh, 1988, p. 28-29). there he met a. m. azahari, a student from brunei (said, 2010, p. 95). after the second world war after the end of world war ii, the situation in southeast asia changed. western powers began to return to southeast asia to continue their rule. however, many of people in southeast asia began to oppose the return of their colonial master. some of the regions in southeast asia was granted the independence. the philippines was granted independence by the united states. the situation was similar to myanmar when the british granted the country’s independence. however, the people of vietnam waged war on france. whereas in malaya occurred opposition to the malayan union (adam, 2009, p. 85). in indonesia, sukarno declared independence from the netherlands on 17 august 1945 (dahm, 1988, p. 148). however, these efforts were opposed by the dutch and led to a war between both sides. while in sarawak and sabah, the brooke and cc governments gave both territories to the british. in other words, these two territories were officially became british colonies. in sarawak the british occupation of sarawak gained resistance from the locals known as anti-cession movement. while in sabah, the atmosphere was different, its inhabitants have shown no tangible resistance to the british presence to colonise sabah. in contrast to the atmosphere of the revolution and the independence movement in southeast asia, brought the awkward position of the british to colonise sarawak and sabah. the british felt that the movement that took place in indonesia would spread in sarawak and sabah to fight alongside with the indonesian for the independence struggle. what was more interesting is that ahmad zaidi adruce had studied in indonesia and had joined the indonesian national army against the dutch. he was assigned to kalimantan, indonesia (said, 2010, p. 95). during his struggle with indonesian nationalists, he was very anti-colonial. this situation had worried the british in borneo. what was even more interesting is that indonesia's influence was closely monitored by the british in both countries. to discuss the influence of the indonesian’s nationalism in both states, it would start with situation in sarawak. sarawak indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 107-115 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 sayap garuda in sarawak and sabah after the second world war until the 1950s | 111 british position is quite critical because in sarawak malays together with some iban leaders against cession of sarawak to the british. the malays movement through various organizations such as pkms, barisan pemuda sarawak (bps), united sarawak national association (usna), angkatan semangat anak sarawak (asas), persatuan bumiputera sarawak(pbs), persatuan melayu miri (pmm), persatuan melayu limbang ( pml), angkatan bintawa-astana sarawak (abas) and others. these organizations appear throughout sarawak including singapore i.e. usna. the iban people under philip jitam formed the sarawak dayak association (sda) to oppose the cession. indonesian involvement in this movement could be seen with participation of johari anang and sharkawi bin haji osman (fco141.12340 list of members of mnus). the anti-cession movement had several activities such as boycott the a day of declaration of cession, unwelcome the presence of british governors who visited the villages of kuching,sent letters of protest to the british government and held a demonstration protest against sarawak's cession to the british. in addition, they visited several areas in sarawak to explain the cession that threatened sarawak's sovereignty. although british reports show that they do not view this as serious but the movement is being monitored by the british. the british feared this movement would gain support from indonesia's independence movement. this was because the british also involved in helping the dutch to take control indonesian independence movement in indonesia. as the dutchbecame weak after world war ii, efforts to monitor its colonies in southeast asia were led by afnei (allied forces netherlands east indies) led by sir phillip christison of the british army. although the british tried to show their neutrality in this regard, afnei's battle with the indonesian people in surabaya on october 27, 1945 (peace, 2015, p. 25-26) was triggered. this afnei military battle continues in a series of military campaign such as the battle of ambarawa. the battle of ambarawa clearly indicated that british military involvement helped the dutch fight against indonesia (aman, 2015, p. 27). this is being feared by the british that the indonession’s independence struggle would cross the border of sarawak and sabah. meanwhile, the movement against the dutch in kalimantan had intensified with the emergence of barisan pemberontakan indonesia kalimantan barat (bpikb), persatuan rakyat indonesia (pri), gerakan rakyat merdeka (geram) dan pembrontakan borneo barat (pbb). owing to the close border between sarawak and kalimantan, indonesia's revolutionary movement in borneo was easied to obtain weapons and refuge against the dutch invasion. there are a lot of suspicious individuals which the british identified had reached sarawak. among them are zainudin abas and abang yusuf bin abdullah. zainudin abas is a member of the pbb, and the pbb is also the organization involved in the mudering of a dutch official in bengkayang. meanwhile, abang yusuf abdullah was involved in buying weapons in sarawak. both figures were arrested and sent back to indonesia. the british also suspected that pkms and asas had negotiated with indonesia on orchard road, singapore. in addition to the movements of individuals who were hostile to the british, there were also british concerns over indonesians living in sarawak. the people of indonesia indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 107-115 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 sayap garuda in sarawak and sabah after the second world war until the 1950s | 112 are active in society movements. they set up various organizations for various purposes. these organizations were kesatuan rakyat indonesia sarawak (kris), persatuan penoreh getah indonesia dan warga negara indonesia (mansor, 2013, pp. 358-359). out of these three movements kris became the main focus of the british’s concern. kris is seen had the aim to make sarawak part of indonesia (co537 / 3764, monthly political intelligence report for november 1948). what worries the british is that many kris members are from the sarawak fire department. owing to this, the british worried the kris would sabotage government agencies (co537 / 3764, political intelligence report, 31 july 1948). kris was also suspected to have linked to the anticession movement. it was reported that an attempt was made to eliminate british officials with the help from kris in 1950 (co537 / 6085, sarawak and brunei). this report also showed the british fear and anger after the assassination of governor duncan stewart in late 1949 (reece, 1993, p. 276). the british officials began to suspect the anti-cession movement would become violence’s movement. british authorities found items associated with indonesia such as the indonesian flag, red and white badges and pictures of sukarno. for this reason, kris leaders are being monitored and suspected of being dangerous. one of these leaders was sastro. he was alleged to have tried to liaise with the sultan of brunei to make uprisingin sarawak. he was later traced, then arrested and taken back to indonesia. another leader of kris panglima jaya suspected relations with the malays to supply arms. he was also arrested and sent back to indonesia (c0537 / 6085, sarawak and brunei). meanwhile, two other organizations are associated with indonesia, persatuan penoreh getah indonesia and warga negara indonesia are also overseen by the british government. persatuan penoreh getah indonesia planned to register as a trade union. it also sought to open its membership to the locals (co537 / 6085, sarawak and brunei: monthly political intelligence report for october 1950). meanwhile, warga negara based in lutong, sarawak was suspected to have linked with communist movements (co537 / 6085, sarawak and brunei: monthly political intelligence report for august 1950). however, these two organizations did not lead to any further investigation by the british. this is because the two organizations do not show such radical actions as kris. sabah in sabah, resistance movements against cession of sabah to the british did not take place. instead, what happened was the rise of several nationalist organizations in sabah. one of the organization was the persatuan kebangsaan melayu labuan (pkml). the organization was led by tengku noordin, abu bakar ahmad and zakaria gun. the organization was founded on 16 june 1946. its members are labuan educated and the government’s servant. the aim of the movement is to defend the interests of the natives and enhance their socio-economic development. however, the pkml movement was weakened by the british when tengku noordin was transferred to jesselton. tengku noordin was sumatra’s born and had his education from malaya (joko, et al., 2018, p. 103). he is a strong proponent of the concept melayu raya or indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 107-115 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 sayap garuda in sarawak and sabah after the second world war until the 1950s | 113 indonesia raya. in addition, pkml a branch of the persatuan kebangsaan melayu malaya (pkmm) which supports the aspirations melayu raya. for the british, tengku noordin was dangerous to their position in sabah. tengku noordin is suspected of trying establish pkml branches in several places in sabah to achieve the dream of melayu raya (joko, et al., 2018, p. 105). however, tengku noordin later founded the persatuan kebangsaan melayu jesselton (pkmj). the establishment of the pkmj had been welcomed by the people in putatan, kinarut, bongawan, keningau, kota belud and kudat (lokin, 2007, p. 164). the pkmj also set up their branch in these places. however, in 1951, governor jesselton asked for the pkml and pkmj to be dissolved. zakaria gunn was later transferred to jesselton. tengku while noordin has been fired and sent back to malaya (joko, et al., 2018, p. 114). in addition to the pkmj, it also established an organization known as the barisan pemuda (barip). barip is an organization established and formed in brunei in 1946 (osman, 1995, p. 71). barip aimed to unite the malays, and later it was extended its influence by established its branch in sabah. the first branch of barip was established in labuan under the leadership of pengiran ahmad and soeharto. soeharto was the leader of the javanese community in labuan. another barip branch in jesselton was founded by raden mohamad sharif ambek of indonesia. he is better known as “mandor sharif” (joko et al., 2016, pp. 96-97). under the leadership of mandor sharif, barip jesselton did not hesitate to wave the indonesian and barip flags during the procession to celebrate their annual general meeting on 17 january 1947 (joko et al., 2012, p. 14). most of these barip jesselton members are from indonesian laborers in the lobou estate. indonesian workers were willing to fight on behalf of the malays and islam together with the local population. (joko et al., 2018, p. 69-70) even mandor sharif also played an important role in attracting people of dusun ranau into this association (joko et al., 2016, p. 102). what is interesting about this lobou estate is that it had entertainment activities such as bangsawan (tradisional malay drama) and wayang kulit (shadow play) which performance over the weekend. many sabahans and indonesian workers came to see the play and puppets. usually the theme of the performance was based on the oppression and misery of life and the courage of defending the rights of the colonialists by inserting funny and humorous elements (joko et al., 2012, p. 115). this showed that it can inspire sabahans to defend their fate under british rule. mandor sharif also played a role in spreading islam among the dusun and from there he promoted the nationalis spiritsof the people of dusun. however, the political movement was suppressed by the company. pressure was made by blocking the promotion of workers on the estate. some of his employees have been relocated elsewhere to break the unity of barip (john, 2016, p. 102). at one point, barip tried to work with pkmj and pkml for the interests of the malays in sabah. however, the barip in jesselton is not in line with the pkmj, and this had led to a breakdown in relations between the two organizations. this is because that barip not on favoured with pkmj receiving the non-malays as their members (joko et al., 2018, p. 118). only in labuan the relationship between barip and pkml indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 107-115 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 sayap garuda in sarawak and sabah after the second world war until the 1950s | 114 was better. however, the british gradually tranfered the barip leaders to weaken this movement. at the end, these society failed to fight for the fate of the people of sabah. conclusion overall, the people in the malay achipelago had long relations with each other before coming of the western imperialism in the southeast asia. this relation continued although the western imperialism had spread their influence in the malay achipelago. this influence could be showed by the influence political movements of the indonesian in british colonies, borneo. the similarity of cultural and linguistic made the indonesian’s influence easier to associate with the local people in sarawak and sabah. while the desire to fight colonial rule in two of british colonies in borneo had also been a factor in strengthening the influence of nationalism from indonesia. this was indeed feared by the british colonialists. every local and foreign political movement was monitored by the british. the british special branch had been able to gather and collected detailed information to see how indonesia's influence can be rooted in these two regions. this is feared by the british. thus various tactics were used by the british to stem the movement of this political spirit from being a threat to them. as a result, political movements in these two regions have been weakened. however, political movements in both regions are still new and at stage of beginning. for this reason, the british used all the tactics of suppressing this radical movement in various ways. eventually the british succeeded in control and eliminated these movements from threatening their positions in sarawak and sabah. references adam, r. (2009). dato’ onn jaafar: pengasas kemerdekaan. kuala lumpur: dewan bahasa dan pustaka. aman, a. (2015). sejarah indonesia masa kemerdekaan 1945-1998. yogyakarta: penerbit ombak. baring-gould, s. bampfylde, c. a. (2007). a history of sarawak: under its two white rajahs 1839-1908. kuala lumpur: synergy media. co537.6085, political intelligence-sarawak, 1950. co537/3764, political intelligence-reports from sarawak dahm, b. (1988). sejarah indonesia abad kedua puluh. kuala lumpur: dewan bahasa dan pustaka. fco141/12340, sarawak anti-cession activities. ghani, m. t. bin a. (1989). hikayat datuk merpati. kuala lumpur: dewan bahasa dan pustaka. ho, a. y. (2003). old kuching. oxford: oxford university press. indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 107-115 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 sayap garuda in sarawak and sabah after the second world war until the 1950s | 115 joko, e. p., bee, b. b. b., osman, s., damit, s. a. (2016). pengislaman dalam kalangan ranau dusun (1940-1976). kuala lumpur: institut terjemahan & buku malaysia. joko, e. p., dollah, r. (2018) kesedaran dan gerakan awal nasionalisme di borneo utara (sabah) malaysia: parti kebangsaan melayu (pkm) dan barisan pemuda (barip). malaysia dari segi sejarah, 44: 98-122. joko, e. p., othman, z., damit, s. a. (2018). gerakan berpolitik bumiputera islam di sabah (1938-1963). kota bahru: kedai hitam putih. leight, m. b. (1988). the rising moon: political change in sarawak. kuala lumpur: antara book company. lokin, s. a. (2007). perubahan sosioekonomi dan pentadbiran: masyarakat peribumi sabah (1881-1963). kota kinabalu: penerbit ums, 2007. mansor, s. (2013). pemantauan kerajaan british terhadap pengaruh nasionalisme indonesia ke atas politik sarawak, 1945-1951. in m. r. othman, m. s. a. ishak, m. nordin, a. h. haris. malaysia indonesia: romantika hubungan bangsa serumpun. kuala lumpur: fakulti sastera dan sains sosial. osman, s., abdullah, m. h., hakip, h. (1995). sejarah brunei menjelang kemerdekaan. kuala lumpur: dewan bahasa dan pustaka. ramli, z., rahman, n. h. s. n. a. (2012). zaman proto sejarah di malaysia: satu pengenalan. bangi: atma ukm, reece, r. h. w. (1993). the name of brooke: the end of white rajah rule in sarawak, kuching: sarawak literary society. said, s. (2010). malay politics in sarawak, 1946-1966, kota samarahan: penerbit unimas. sakke, n., dolah, r., mapa, m. t. (2012). penghijrahan dan perkembangan masyarakat bugis sabah. in a. amat. bugis sabah. kuala lumpur: itbm. sandin, b. (1969). origin of the saribas malays. the sarawak museum journal, 17 (34-35 new series): 3-35. sulaiman, m. h. (2004). perjuangan anti-cession sarawak. kuching: persatuan kebangsaan melayu sarawak. tregonning, k. g. (2007). under chartered company rule: north borneo 18811946. kuala lumpur: synergy media. yamin, muhammad (1974). gajah mada. jakarta: balai pustaka. microsoft word 3. suhadak et al ok rev.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 95-104 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 social integration of indonesian ahmadiyya community to preserve existence in jambi, 2003–2013 | 95 received: january 12, 2022 revised: march 8, 2022 accepted: march 9, 2022 social integration of indonesian ahmadiyya community to preserve existence in jambi, 2003–2013 totok suhadak,* singgih tri sulistiyono, yety rochwulaningsih master program of history, faculty of humanities, universitas diponegoro, semarang indonesia *corresponding author: totoksuhada@students.undip.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v5i2.13388 introduction on december 4, 2013, indonesians were shocked by heartbreaking and shameful sectarian violence perpetrated against the ahmadiyya community (harian jambi, 5 december 2013). plans of a rally against the ahmadiyya community had been announced days earlier and there had been attempts to stage a demonstration. during the rally, protesters surrounded a mosque and an office of the ahmadiyya community, sealed them off, and removed the signage. in 2008 the government through the minister of religious affairs, the attorney general, and the minister of home affairs of the republic of indonesia issued a degree containing warnings and orders to adherents, members, and/or administrators of the indonesian ahmadiyya community (jai) and members of the public (joint decree of three ministers, 2008). followers and administrators of the jai who ignore the warnings and orders as referred to in the first and second dictums may be subject to sanctions in accordance with the laws and regulations governing organizations and legal entities. in 2005, the indonesian ulema council (mui), during its 7th national conference, on 19-22 jumadil akhir 1426 h/july 26-29, 2005 ad, issued a fatwa on the ahmadiyya sect, which stipulates that the ahmadiyya sect is outside islam, heretical and misleading, and that muslims who follow it are apostates (djamaluddin, 2003, pp. 98abstract this study focuses on the social integration of ahmadiyya indonesia community (jai) to maintaine its existence in jambi in the period 2003-2013. the issue raised in this study is the ability of the jai in jambi to maintain its existence at a time when ahmadiyya congregations jai in several regions in indonesia suffered tragic fates after their places of worship were vandalized and their members suffered acts of violence perpetrated by local residents. in this regard, this article will answer the questions of why and how jai jambi carried out social integration efforts in order to maintain its existence. issues that were subject of this study are the growth of jai in jambi from 2003-2013 and the social integration of jai in jambi to maintain its existence. keywords: social integration; indonesian ahmadiyya community; indonesian ulema council; social conflict. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 95-104 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 social integration of indonesian ahmadiyya community to preserve existence in jambi, 2003–2013 | 96 99). the fatwa also called on those who have already followed the ahmadiyya sect to immediately return to the true teachings of islam (al-ruju' ila al-haqq), as prescribed in the quran and hadith. it also rules that the government is obliged to prohibit the spread of ahmadiyya ideology throughout indonesia, freeze the organization and close all places of its activities (mui vii national conference, 26-29 july 2005). those who support the fatwa is motivated by several factors: first, in 1980 the mui issued a fatwa that ahmadiyya was heretical and forbidden in indonesia (djamaluddin, 2003, p. 97) and second, ahmadiyya was a deviant sect because its teachings have deviated from the authentic teachings of islam. on top of this, mui again issued “13 fatwas”, one of which stated that ahmadiyya was heretical and must be prohibited from existing in indonesia. the mui argued that its fatwa was baszed on the following reasons: first, ahmadis believe in the existence of a prophet after the prophet muhammad. second, ahmadis do not follow islamic teachings, but instead follow the teachings of mirza ghulam ahmad (who is believed to be a prophet), imam mahdi, the messiah, and jesus who came down to earth and received revelation. according to the mui, these beliefs clearly deviate from the basic teachings of islam. the mui said it offered dialogue and conducted scientific studies before taking actions that were considered immoral. dawam rahardjo stated that mui had made a big mistake with the fatwa, because the fatwa had been used as a tool by a group of people to judge and justify attacks against a group of people. in the vein, gus dur stated that mui had made a mistake and was institutionally ill (kurniawan, 2006, p. 5). the ahmadiyya community revealed that attacks, intimidation and acts of vandalism were not new to them, not only in indonesia, but also in several other countries. since the establishment by its founding father, mirza ghulam ahmad, the ahmadiyya movement has drawn controversy, especially in its home countries india and pakistan. many scholars who were initially supportive of mirza became hostile because of his teachings, and conversely, there were those who were initially hostile to him became his supporters (hicks, 2014). various criticisms of ahmadiyya culminated in the fatwa issued by rabithah alam islami 1978 which stated that ahmadiyya was a prohibited organization. however, when viewed objectively, currently one of the islamic organizations that has the widest network in the world is ahmadiyya. the progress of this organization has grown to almost all over the world and its offices are located in about 200 countries. currently the headquarter is in london, united kingdom. actually, in the uk itself, its existence invites pros and cons, but due to a law on religious freedom, it considers as a community, so that any community as long as it does not violate the law has the right to live and develop (audah, 2002, p. 14). the arrivals of ahmadis in indonesia were greeted with mixed reactions. some communities welcomed them with open arms, but others showed anti-ahmadiyya sentiment (audah, 2002, p. 17). the presence of the ahmadiyya community in jambi, setting aside the controversy about the indonesia ahmadiyya community, the mui fatwa issued in 1980, the 2005 mui fatwa, the 2008 joint ministerial decree, as well as the actions of groups against them in 2013, is of particular interest, because few studies ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 95-104 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 social integration of indonesian ahmadiyya community to preserve existence in jambi, 2003–2013 | 97 have been conducted about it from historical perspectives. such literatures are sorely needed in jambi to reduce clashes and misunderstandings that can lead to the disintegration of the nation. several things are worth asking about the jai in jambi: how was the existence of the jai in jambi province 2003-2013? why did jai integrate socially to maintain the existence of its community? and how did the members of the ahmadiyya community respond to the fact that they had assimilated in social life but were still being victims of discriminatory treatment in jambi? method as part of historical studies, this study applied four stages in historical research methods: heuristics, criticism, source interpretation, and historiography (notosusanto, 1984, pp. 22–23). historical research is a process of reconstructing the relics of the past (gottschalk, 1983, p. 32). the first stage is heuristics, a process to find and collect historical sources, both primary and secondary sources. the sources collected are those that are relevant to the theme being studied (frederick and soeroto, 1984, p. 467). the heuristic process of searching for primary sources in this study was carried out in several ways, including collecting written sources from the jai archives and library in jambi, oral data through a series of interviews with informants, and objects or photos related to historical writing (kuntowijoyo, 2003, pp. 169 – 171). primary sources in the form of archives, documents and interviews used in this study were obtained from the location of the ahmadiyya community in jambi, official documents, articles of association and bylaws (ad/art) as well as interviews with informants. meanwhile, secondary sources were obtained from various libraries such as the jakarta national library, the ahmadiyya community library in jambi, jambi city library, university of indonesia library, universitas gadjah mada library, yogyakarta state university library, universitas diponegoro library, and other libraries. visits to various libraries yielded many literatures on jai, such as articles published in journals, books, magazines, and newspapers. of course, not all sources present data in a way that researchers want because each has its strengths and weaknesses. however, researchers should be able to present those sources in a compelling way as without historical sources, historians will not be able to piece things together (wasino, 2007, p. 9). source criticism is the second stage in the historical method to obtain authentic and credible data. source criticism is important for researchers to be able to filter the information obtained during the data collection process. in this case there are two types of source criticism, namely external criticism and internal criticism. external criticism is made to determine the authenticity of a document. the authenticity of the archives contained in official institutions can be known immediately, for example a decree on the management of the indonesian ahmadiyya community, the articles of association of the indonesian ahmadiyya community must be verified by studying those documents are structured and obtaining confirmation from people who issued them. the second criticism is internal criticism, which is to test the credibility of historical sources. it is necessary to seriously examine interview sources considering ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 95-104 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 social integration of indonesian ahmadiyya community to preserve existence in jambi, 2003–2013 | 98 that they have their own perspectives on historical events. interpretation is the third stage of the historical method, aimed at making connections between similar facts. historical facts that are relevant to jai’s social integration efforts in jambi during 2003-2013 are synthesized through imagination, interpretation, theorizing to find relationships between one fact and another in the framework of chronological and causal relationships. thus, the dynamics of jai’s social integration efforts to maintain its existence in jambi can be explained and then understood in a comprehensive and complete manner. at this stage, the use of social science concepts and theories is useful to help explain facts, including linking the social integration of jai in jambi as a minority and various pressures on them. this stage requires the researcher's imagination to describe a past event, by remaining disciplined with the existing traces. historiography is the stage of writing history. this involves verifying sources in stages and putting them together in scientific writing. the stages of historical writing begin with collecting sources, followed by criticism from various sources obtained, then interpreting facts from sources which are then assembled into a historical writing. if all stages are passed correctly, the expected historical work will be produced, namely a descriptive-analytical historical writing (daliman, 2015, pp. 28-29). growth of ahmadiyya community in jambi 2003-2013 the ahmadi community in sarolangun jambi emerged from the government’s transmigration program initiated during the new order era in 1960-1980 (crouch, 2010). the program was intended to reduce poverty and population density on densely populated islands, provide opportunities for people who want to work, and meet the needs of manpower to exploit natural process resources on islands such as papua, kalimantan, sumatra and sulawesi (heren, 1979, pp. 32-38). transmigration to jambi province occurred during 1966–1980 affecting areas including rantau rasau, singkut, rimbo bujang, pamenang, dendang, pamusiran. areas in sarolangun regency affected by transmigration including, singkut and datuk nan tigo pelawan in limun district, according to a survey conducted by the directorate general of transmigration in 1973 (soekasdi, 1980, pp. 29–34). ahmadis in sarolangu came from java, especially from parung in bogor through the transmigration program introduced by the suharto government in 1978. at the beginning, there were only eight families: the abdurahmans, the adek syaifulahs, the mamad muhammads, the ukat sukatmas, the ahmad sunaryas, the mahmudins, the endang wijayas, and the iyos. each family was given a wooden house and one hectare of land by the government (interview with abdurahman, february 23, 2020). the new members were attributed to the births and marriages, and it is common for members to come and go from and to other regions due to economic factors. for 25 years, from 1978-2003, there were around 150 ahmadis in sarolangun, becoming the largest group in jambi province. data collection in sarolangun was not as accurate as that in the city of jambi due to the lack of education and poverty. ahmadis in sarolangun did not pay attention to archiving, with frequent changes to religious ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 95-104 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 social integration of indonesian ahmadiyya community to preserve existence in jambi, 2003–2013 | 99 imams (mubaligh) contributing to the problem. mubaligh were tasked with preaching and did not pay attention to administrative matters, which were supposed to be the job of community leaders and their subordinates who are elected every three years. in 2003, the sarolangun branch of jai began to show its influence, because a new regional administration had been formed in the center of jambi province. this facilitated connections in regional groupings before the jambi regional administration was formed. whenever an event was held, the sarolangun congregation went to palembang, south sumatra for a 10-hour trip. this made it difficult for the congregation in sarolangun to participate in ahmadiyya activities, thereby slowing their progress. it was not uncommon for ahmadis to leave and stop taking part the organization’s activities (interview with ukat sukatma, february 23, 2020). the formation of regional administrators in a separate province made the sarolangun branch of the ahmadiyya organization even more solid. in 2003 – 2005 there were several times of betrayal. the first bai'at (pledge of loyalty) was conducted in 2004, attended by 10 people. furthermore, in 2005 11 more people took the oath of allegiance conducted by a ahmadiyya mubaligh in an event that coincided with the regional leadership meeting (interview with mamad muhammad, february 23, 2020). during 2005-2009 the growth of ahmadiyya faced stagnation after the mui firmly issued a fatwa against the community during the second national conference in jakarta. the fatwa, which ruled that ahmadiyya was outside islam, heretical and misleading, hurt the expansion of ahmadiyya (zulkarnain, 2011, p. 294). during 20102013, ahmadiyya did not experience significant growth, other than from marriages, births and the transfer of members. during that period the size of the community was around 215 people. the outbreak of conflict on december 4, 2013 made them even more united and strengthened their resolve to maintain their existence. with these attacks, the community became increasingly convinced of the truth of their beliefs. they likened their sufferings to the early struggles of the prophet muhammad in spreading islam. likewise, the qadian ahmadis convinced members, that the imam mahdi revealed to mirza ghulam ahmad has descended, and they are obliged to believe in him and spread the teachings to all mankind. people who believe and follow the commandments are on the right path. they took bai'at and were convinced that the ahmadi islam is a blessing for the universe, while those outsides were deemed to have not found the true way of islam (interview a. syaifulah, february 23, 2020). the arrival of a mubaligh named nurhadi in 1984 from kerucil, central java marked the the entry of ahmadis into kayu aro in kerinci. that year he settled in sungai penuh and then moved to the village of bengkolan dua. he conducted religious study sessions and sermons in surrounding villages to convey to the public that imam mahdi had arrived. at first the sermons were delivered to individuals and eventually some of them took bai'at, including the families of mr. salib shahib, mr. legiman and mr. rasmin (interview with mubarak ahmad, february 29, 2020). in 1987, nurhadi was replaced by mr. sulaiman, leading to the expansion of the ahmadiyya community in kerinci and the pledges of allegiance by more people including mr. abdul syukur, mr. darsik, mr. suratmin, and mr. umurin and their ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 95-104 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 social integration of indonesian ahmadiyya community to preserve existence in jambi, 2003–2013 | 100 families. the expansion happened even more rapidly, including to the villages of sungai lintang, batu hampar, pasar minggu, soko dua, kebun baru, sungai tanduk, bengkulan dua, pematang lintang, semurup, batang merangin, and sungai penuh. from 1988 to 2003 jai kerinci experienced three changes of mubaligh but it did not work bout well and the size of the ahmadiyya remained stagnant. among the mubaligh who took charge that year were mr. sulaiman, mr. jumantoro, and mr. supriyanto. the number of ahmadiyya grew through births, marriages and the arrival of members from other places until 2003. over a span of 15 years, from 1984-2003, the total number of members in kerinci reached 205 people (interview with agus salim hasibuan, february 29, 2020). in 2003, there were around 205 members of ahmadiyya in gunung kerinci and with additional 10 in late december 2004, the number rose to 215. the additions were not due to the results of preaching, but members returning to settle in kerinci (mubarak ahmad, february 29, 2020). during 2004-2007, their size rose to 230, but this was not the result of conversions or bai'at, but members moving from merangin and south solok (interview eith ahmad wakir, february 29, 2020). during 2007-2013 the size of the ahmadiyya community in kerinci dropped as economic pressures forced many to move to areas that offered jobs. at the end of 2013 the size of the community dropped to 215. in the period of 2003 – 2013, the size of the ahmadiyya community in kerinci remained unchanged. in kerinci, the role of mubaligh had been dominant in the growth and development of the ahmadiyya community from the outset. the 2005 mui fatwa which declared ahmadiyya to be outside of islam and the 2009 joint decree of three ministers issued by the central government also affected growth. after the conflict in 2013 the ahmadiyya community found it increasingly difficult to expand, because of the negative stigma that was propagated through the media. mubaligh spent a lot of time trying to counter accusations directed at the community. the establishment of the ahmadiyya qadian branch in jambi city in 2003 following the arrival of ahmadiyya mubaligh became the catalyst for the growth of community in jambi province (ahmadi, on february 26, 2020). after news of the formation of the jambi city ahmadiyya branch spread around jambi province, other ahmadis around jambi province began to join, including mr. abdurahman, a member of the ahmadiyya community from lahat, mr. nasrullah nawir and his son from jamaah padang, and mr. legimin from lubuk ciuk, medan. in addition, on june 17, 2004, an ahmadi family with five family members from medan who lived in muaro bulian also joined forces (ahmad, 2006-2007). in 2003, the ahmadiyya qadian community in jambi comprised only five families. but at that time there were 12 ahmadis from various areas in jambi. on july 15, 2004, the jambi branch mubaligh oversaw the pledge of allegiance by five people in bayung lincir, where an ahmadi family had lived children of the late mr. jailani. on march 5, 2005, seven people the family of mr. setiyono underwent a bai’at by the ahmadiyya jambi mubalig. based on the information, it can be concluded that in just 2 years, from 2003 to 2005, dozens of people registered as members of the ahmadiyya. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 95-104 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 social integration of indonesian ahmadiyya community to preserve existence in jambi, 2003–2013 | 101 then on july 28, 2005, the indonesian ulema council issued a fatwa which reaffirmed the mui fatwa in the second national conference (26 may 1 june 1980), stating that ahmadiyya was outside islam, heretical and misleading (zulkarnain, 2001, p. 294). in 2005-2009 the ahmadiyya community faced stagnation, with about 30 members. they struggled to maintain their existence from the onslaught of the media and government regulations that suppressed them. in addition, the issuance of the joint decree of three ministers issued by the government in 2009 seemed to add to their nightmare. during 2009-2013, the ahmadiyya community in jambi province endured various negative stigmas from the public, culminating in rallied by activists and the community alliance of jambi province on december 4, 2013. this affected the missionary activities. at that time, only 10 families lived in jambi city, with the rest scattered on the outskirts to escape the increasingly tense situation. members who left finally returned to help protect their families and groups, so that by the end of 2013 the size of the community rose to 85. about 90% of the ahmadiyya community in jambi were migrants who lived inside and outside the city. about 8% javanese and bugis were born in jambi, and 3% were jambi natives (ahmad, 2013, p. 2). social integration of ahmadiyya community in jambi, 2003 -2013 in its movement, each organization has its own way of assimilating into society and the government, allowing its members to exist and grow in a new settlement. through field research, the author observed and participated in jai social activities directly, such as giving herbal treatment, blood donation, eye cornea donation, and conducting collaborative activities with the local government (interview with ali rahman, february 29, 2020). after the mui decree (n0 11/munas vii/mui/15/2005) from 2005 to 2008, jai's social activities in jambi province experienced a decline. basically, the activities of the indonesian ahmadiyya community in various regions are experiencing the same situation, especially social activities, due to the stigma created by the media that affected the community (interview with m. syarif hidayatullah, february 26, 2020). after the 2008 joint decree of 3 ministers from 2008 to 2013, social activities of the ahmadiyya community remained stagnant and even in decline (interview with rian ahmadi, february 19, 2020). they tried to carry out social programs as usual, despite the negative stigma from mui. in fact, the situation worsened after the outbreak of protests by a group of activists and community members in 2013, causing all ahmadiyya activities to stop for a while. the protests forced them to take down the ahmadiyya signboards across jambi province including at mosques. from 2008 to 2013 was a dark period for the growth and social activities of the ahmadiyya community of jambi province. however, the silver lining was that the organization became increasingly united in carrying out religious activities (interview with agus salim hasibuan, 29 october 2020). after the mui decree (no. 11//munas vii/mui/15/2005) from 2005 to 2008. the mui fatwa in 2005 was not the first on the ahmadiyya community, but reaffirmed the previous fatwa no. 05/kep/munas ii/mui/1980 issued during the national conference ii in jakarta on may 26 june 1, 1980. at that time, the mui issued a fatwa affirming ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 95-104 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 social integration of indonesian ahmadiyya community to preserve existence in jambi, 2003–2013 | 102 that ahmadiyya was a congregation outside islam, heretical, and misleading (mui fatwa, 2003, pp. 98-99). the response of jai jambi province regarding the 2005 fatwa, according to the missionary representative for the jambi city region, was that ahmadiyya was not heretical (rian ahmadi. 24 february 2020) and called on members to ignore it. ahmadis remained calm and were not worried about its legality in indonesia, because they believed that only the president could dissolve the ahmadiyya organization. what worried ahmadis were the actions of local communities that responded disproportionally to the mui fatwa, even though the institution prohibits all types of anarchic actions against any party or activity that are not in line with this mui fatwa. the muballigh repeatedly emphasized that the existence of the ahmadiyya would always be preserved, although in terms of activities from 2005-2008 there were problems. the existence of jai in jambi province post-joint decree of three ministers in 2008. during 2008-2013, with the issuance of the joint decree of three ministers in 2008 regarding ahmadiyya, ostensibly aimed to build inter-religious harmony, especially between jai and muslims in general, ahmadis encountered obstacles. the biggest obstacle faced actually stems from the decree, which was widely misunderstood by most people. many people consider the regulation as an affirmation of the prohibition on the existence of jai (joint decree of 3 ministers, 9 june 2008), eventhough there is no prohibition in place. it has led to violence against jai adherents. the masses wanted ahmadiyya be disbanded during protests in parung, bogor and jambi. the situation meant ahmadis were at risk, as in early 2003-2005. even after the 2013 protests, all mosques with the ahmadiyya sign were removed to comply with the demands of the protesters. however, on the bright side, this had brought more unity to members and this resulted in many members performs religious activities more rigorously. they were increasingly convinced that ahmadiyya was on the right path, likening their struggle to that of the prophet muhammad in spreading islam (interview with muhammad syarif hidayatullah, february 24, 2020). the joint decree of 3 ministers and cases of violence that befell jai brings us to the question of how the existence of jai will continue. the existence of jai can be seen through several things such as the existing organizational structure, number of members, activities carried out, identity, and others. at that moment, the meeting between all members of jai. they gathered and chatted together after the friday prayer was completed. these activities can strengthen and maintain the motivation of individuals. the creation of culture is also carried out by all jai members through family institutions. they are very aware that the formation of a jai culture can only be formed through education taught in the family. one of the forms of culture within the jai family is awareness of the education that is instilled in children and the inculcation of islamic values. the above is a form of the latency function built by the jai organization. the latency function in the jai organization has also shown a pattern of maintenance, improvement of motivation and the creation of culture/habits. all of this is done to internalize the values of ahmadiyya into its adherents. it is this internalization that will bring eternity to the organization. the compatibility between ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 95-104 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 social integration of indonesian ahmadiyya community to preserve existence in jambi, 2003–2013 | 103 talcott parsons' a, g, i, l concept with the existing system in jai above, is a sign that the jai organization is able to survive in various conditions such as pressure from the 2005 mui fatwa, the joint decree of three ministers and the protests by student action and community alliances in jambi in 2013. talcott parsons' assumption, may be true, that a system will survive if it has four functions, as evidenced by the organization of the indonesian ahmadiyya community. although religious activities have decreased, the existence of the jai organization from 2008-2013 persists and continues to carry out movements. conclusion the entry of jai in jambi province cannot be separated from migration. the ahmadi congregation's social interaction with the surrounding community who were nonahmadis has been good in all fields except for religious practices. ahmadiyya congregations tend to separate themselves from non-ahmadis in the religious field. in addition, the indonesian ahmadiyya organization pays great attention to its congregations. every month the communities get visits from mubaligh who work around the congregation in each branch in jambi province. the growth of the indonesian ahmadiyya community in jambi province from 2003-2013, (after the 2005 mui fatwa, decree of three ministers and the 2013 jambi student and community action). the most visible expansion of the ahmadiyya community happened before the issuance of the 2005 mui decree, the 2008 decree of 3 ministers, and the 2013 jambi student and community action protests, from 2003 to 2005, which marked the establishment of the jambi city branch. they succeeded in building what they called the mission house which also served as a special mosque for the ahmadiyya community. in order to maintain its existence, jai carries out various social and religious activities such as blood donation, herbal medical treatment (homeopathy), and daily activities such as village cleaning and competitions conducted with the government. initially these activities went smoothly, but after the issuance of the 2005 mui fatwa, the joint decree of three ministers, and the 2013 jambi student and community protests, they have faced opposition. this has greatly reduced the organization's activities, especially after the government and mui issued an appeal for jai not to carry out missionary activities. because of media reports, communities harbor distrust for the ahmadiyya organization, especially in jambi province. even so, they manage to survive and keep their members to carry out activities as usual, despite the stigma attached to them. referrences ahmad, m. (2013). selayang pandang ahmadiyya jambi. jambi: kantor wilayah ahmadiyya provinsi jambi. audah, h. m. (2002). ahmadiyya kepercayaan-kepercayaan dan pengalaman-pengalaman. tasikmalaya: lppi. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 95-104 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 social integration of indonesian ahmadiyya community to preserve existence in jambi, 2003–2013 | 104 crouch, m. (2010). indonesia, militant islam and ahmadiyah: origins and implications. arc federation fellowship. islam, shariah and governance. background paper series no. 4, 2009 20, crouch university of new south wales (unsw). crouch, m. a. (2011). ahmadiyah in indonesia: a history of religious tolerance under threat? alternative law journal, 36(1), 56-57. daliman, a. (2015). metodologi penelitian sejarah. yogyakarta: penerbit ombak. demo tolak ahmadiyya nyaris ricuh. (2013, desember 05). harian jambi djamaluddin, m. a. (2003). ahmadiyya pembajakan al-qur’an. jakarta: lppi. frederick, w. h. (1984). pemahaman sejarah indonesia: sebelum dan sesudah reformasi. jakarta: lp3es. gottschalk, l. (1983). mengerti sejarah. jakarta: universitas indonesia press. hicks, j. (2014) heresy and authority: understanding the turn against ahmadiyah in indonesia. south east asia research, 22(3), 321-339, doi: 10.5367/sear.2014.0216 kuntowijoyo (2003). metodologi sejarah. jakarta: pt. tiara wacana yogya. kurniawan, a. f. (2006). teologi kenabian ahmadiyya. jakarta: rm books. masjid ahmadiyya singkut dikepung. (2013, desember 04). jambi dalam berita notosusanto, n. (1984). hakekat sejarah dan metode sejarah. jakarta: mega book store. wasino. (2007). dari riset hingga tulisan sejarah. semarang: universitas negeri semarang press. microsoft word 6. rabith jihan amaruli.doc indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 154-162 © 2017 understanding the figure of sunan kudus as the internalization of gusjigang | 154 understanding figure of sunan kudus as the internalization of gusjigang to develop entrepreneurship in the global competition rabith jihan amaruli department of history, faculty of humanities diponegoro university corresponding author: rjamaruli@live.undip.ac.id abstract this article discusses the gusjigang, cultural values owned among kudus people through the understanding figure of sunan kudus, the founder of the city. the acronym of gusjigang is derived from javanese language, gus-ji-gang, means bagus (good, capable, or something related to goodness), ngaji (learning the qur’an or learn about anything in life), and dagang (commerce, trade, or everything related to the spirit of business and entrepreneurship). based on the oral tradition of kudus people, “already” believed that gusjigang could not be separated from the figure of sunan kudus and the history of the city. keywords: gusjigang, sunan kudus, internalization. introduction internalization simply identified as live on the doctrine, thoughts, values, so the conviction and consciousness manifested in attitude and behavior. the internalization and thoughts needs to be conducted to preserve a certain value, by understanding of history. in the context internalization of gusjigang, then the understanding of sunan kudus becomes the main thing. at least, it is based on two points. first, the doctrine of gusjigang need to continue to be preserved in order to be lived and practiced by generations. in kudus, this current condition shows that job vacancy in public and private institutions overrun by hundreds or even thousands of applicants. whereas formerly, for kudus people (especially in kudus kulon/ west) becoming an employee or worker was something taboo. second, this understanding aims to provide an answer for some people on historical roots of gusjigang. this presumption states that gusjigang phenomenon was happened in the early of industrialization era. this article attempts to answer these two questions by the figure of sunan kudus. when we heard about kudus, there are at least two images of this small town in the north of java. first, is the town where santri lived with strong socio-religious basis. second, kudus is a business town that has socio-economic characteristics. the cigarette industry, paper, electronics, porridge, soup/ soto, batik, and embroidery, will easily bring the people imagination to kudus. the two typical of kudus, the received: 7 december 2017 accepted: 18 december 2017 indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 154-162 © 2017 understanding the figure of sunan kudus as the internalization of gusjigang | 155 religious traditions and business (trade) town, can not be escaped from the name of sunan kudus. most people of kudus strongly believes that the two characteristics tradition is always inherent with sunan kudus that was well-known as islamic preacher, skilled bureaucrat, tenacious trader in java. thirdly it is represented in gusjigang thoughts. the acronym of gusjigang is derived from javanese language, gus-ji-gang. the terms of gus from the word bagus, which means good, capable, or something related to goodness. furthermore, ji comes from the word ngaji, which means learning the qur’an (in santri’s tradition), or learn about anything in life. then, the terms of gang from dagang which means commerce or trade, related to the spirit of business, entrepreneurship, accompanied by independent and tenacious. there are no definite historical sources, who and when was gusjigang thoughts appeared. however, the oral tradition of people “already” view that gusjigang could not be separated from the figure of sunan kudus. then, who is the sunan kudus? why is it very important and later become role models for the people of kudus? the figure of sunan kudus and the history of kudus: historical basis of gusjigang before explaining the figure of sunan kudus, firstly we should discuss the history of kudus. kudus began performing on the stage of history since the 16th century ad (salam 1995:13). however, does not mean that before that, the area is not known at all and escape from history. before known as kudus as it is today, there are two names to refer to this area, namely loram (salam 1977: 55) and sucen (see budiman 1993:18). loram name, reminiscent of the sound of inscription in calcutta which states that formerly king dharmawangsa, king airlangga in-law was killed, as a result of the attack king wura wari, expressed stormed from loaram (poesponegoro and notosusanto, 1993:174). as has been stated by rouffaer, loaram be split into two parts, namely the “loa” and “ram”. the word “loa” is derived from the word “lwah”, a javanese ancient term to mention the river, while the word “ram” is synonymous with the word in sanskrit which means good or captivating (budiman 1993: 11). this sense fits the geography of loram in kudus district, which has a nice river and captivating, namely kali gelis (budiman 1993: 12). sucen reminds us of the character of rara sucian or dyah kili suci which is embedded on the title of the oldest daughter of king airlangga named sri sanggramawijaya dharmmaprasadottunggadewi (mulyana, 2005: 36). it mention that king airlangga had five sons (olthof, 1941: 12). the first daughter of king airlangga was held palace as “rakryan mahamantri i hino” (princes). that position was the highest in the governance of airlangga’s kingdom, after the king airlangga passed away. she served in this position from the year 943 to 959 saka or from 1021 to 1037 ad as a successor of her brother, sri sumarawijaya dharmmasuparnnawahana tguh uttunggadewa (poesponegoro and notosusanto 1993: 184). she called by the name of rara sucian or dyah rara kili suci. in the ancient javanese language, “dyah” is a word that means plural, both for men and women, indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 154-162 © 2017 understanding the figure of sunan kudus as the internalization of gusjigang | 156 the word “kili” means ascetic women or nuns (prawiroatmojo 1957: 247), while the word “suci” which means kudus or sacred, is used to denote a place where leaders concerned reside (prawiroatmojo 1957: 212), namely in the area of the kudus, precisely in the kudus. recently, there can be found a place called sucen, it is located not far from the famous kudus minaret (budiman 1993: 18). dyah kili suci chose this area to be imprisoned and to live as nuns. mentioned, at 966 saka or 1044 ad the war was broke out between king panjalu, sri maharaja samarawijaya dharmmasuparnawahana tguh utunggadewa with king jenggala, sri maharaja mapanji garasakan. the power-sharing situation was not going well among the children of king airlangga, make rara sucian steady to choose a life imprisoned at once to avoid power. finally, rara sucian was settled in the “kudus”, she spent life in religious hindu area, until the end of his life. the location of rara sucian’s residence became known as sucen. she was later buried in the temple complex of sri sangramawijaya or complex of whose known recently as kudus minaret (budiman, 1993:18). in addition to the name of sucen still found in kudus district, a sign to corroborate this opinion is the discovery of jenggalan village as the name of a place in the kudus and became the district of the kudus. the name of jenggalan becomes historical witness the people of jenggala kingdom in kudus. the name of kudus given by sunan kudus (shaykh ja'far al-shadiq) after he move from demak. it is javanization from al-quds, which is derived from the name, sucen (holy/ kudus) (de graaf and pigeaud 2001: 111). sunan kudus then decided to give a name to the new mosque built in the temple complex of tombs sri sanggramawijaya, mosque al-aqsa, the name of the famous mosque in jerusalem, a palestinian who is also known as baitul maqdis (budiman 1993: 45). western visitors has been described of the beauty giant tower since the 17th century, it’s architecture identically with the hindu temples of pre-islamic era. sunan kudus and his followers did not destroy everything that reminiscent the days of pre-islamic hindu (de graaf and pigeaud 2001: 112). sunan kudus was inspired the development of the region by baitul maqdis in palestine. he also gave the name of a mountain in that region by the name of mount muria. muria reminds us of the name of mount moriah in jerusalem. muria is the new name given by sunan kudus. it is because until the 13th century the name of muria unknown. mount moriah is called by the name of pau-lau-an, which means mountain located on the rocks. apparently, pau-lau-an is verbastering (changing) of wlahulu (welahulu), the name of mount muria in the hindus era. welahulu derived from the word wlah (welah), it means split and hulu means head. literally, the name welahulu means “split head”. this sense match with the peak of mount moria that looks split from afar (budiman, 1993:47). in the days of islam, there was a mosque named mosque omar which located on the hill of moriah (jerusalem). moriah then transformed into muria in the local dialect, while on mount muria also stand a mosque built by sunan muria. he was another islamic preacher that have important role in socio-religious life of the kudus society (salam 1977:50). as well as sunan kudus, sunan muria’s tomb located on mount muria. recently it is visited by indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 154-162 © 2017 understanding the figure of sunan kudus as the internalization of gusjigang | 157 hundred pilgrims. no wonder, denys lombard said that sunan muria’s tomb is one of the shrinest tombs in java (lombard 2007: 267-374). back to the figure of sunan kudus, according to h.j. de graaf and th. pigeaud, sunan kudus (ja’far sadiq) is one of the imam of the kingdom of demak. it is noted that the mosque demak had five priests (imam), two of whom were penghulu rahmatullah from undung (often known as sunan ngudung) and sunan kudus. sunan ngudung was the father of sunan kudus. in hikayat hasanuddin stated that father and son were known as religious scholar and propagator of islamic persistent. both of them have been involved in the struggle to overthrow the rest of the kingdom of majapahit, and sunan ngudung died as a martyr in the battle. penghulu rahmatullah set as the fourth imam of demak mosque during sultan trenggana, while sunan kudus was the fifth imam in demak mosque at the end of the era of sultan trenggana and at the beginning of sunan prawata. sunan kudus moved out from demak to kudus, after disagreements with the sultan demak in determining the date of the beginning of the fasting month (budiman 1993: 108). another story tells that the move of sunan kudus caused by the presence of sunan kalijaga to demak from cirebon as the request of sultan demak, sultan trenggana (budiman, 109-110). in addition, there was also the possibility of sunan kudus to leave demak, because of his desire to live in freedom and devoted among his entire life. it was aims to deepen knowledge of divinity and do the works of god-sanctioned, outside the court of demak (budiman 1993: 110). the birth of the kudus can be referenced through the inscription above the mihrab of mosque al-aqsa in the form of candra sengkala lamba, it written in arabic. the complete inscription reads as follows: “bismillaahirrahmaanirrahiim. aqaama bina-al masjid al-aqsha wal balad al-kuds khaliifatu haadzad dahr habru (aali) muhammad, yasytari . . . izzan fi jannah al-khuldi . . . qurban minarrahman bibalad al-kuds ansya-a haadzal masjid al-manar almusamma bil aqsha khalifatullaahi fil ardli . . . al-‘ulyaa wal mujtahid as-sayyid al‘arif al-kamil al-fadhil al-maksus bi-‘inaayati . . . al-qodli ja’far shodiq . . . sanah sittin wa khomsiina wa tis’i miatin minal hijrah annabawiyyah wa shallallaahu ‘alaa sayyidina muhammadin wa ashhaabihi ajma’iin” (salam, 1977: 29-30). [“in the name of allah, the most gracious, most merciful. has established the al-aqsa mosque and the al-quds land is a caliph at the time of muhammad’s descendants brought the eternal glory of heaven . . . to draw closer to god in the al-kuds land, build the mosque of al-manar (spot light) which is called alaqsa khalifatullaah on earth. , , , the great and mujtahid sayyid (master) who arif (who knows) kamil (perfect) fadhil (in excess of) al-maksus (reserved), with the maintenance of alqadli (judges) ja'far shodiq. , , in the year 956 of hijra prophet muhammad”]. these inscriptions are still clearly visible above the mihrab of the mosque alaqsa that clearly mentioned the number 956 hijri or monday pahing or dated 3 indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 154-162 © 2017 understanding the figure of sunan kudus as the internalization of gusjigang | 158 october 1549 m. that is, according to the conversion conducted by k.h. turaikhan adjuhri es-syarofi, an expertise on islamic calendar (cermin 2005:15). according to genealogy of sunan kudus or shaykh ja'far sadiq, he is the son of r. usman haji (who holds sunan ngudung in jipang panolan) son of king pastor son of ibrahim asmarakandi (samarkand, uzbekistan) son of maulana muhammad zaini jumadilkubra son of zain al-khusain son of zain al-kubra son of zainul alim son of zainul abidin son of sayyid husain son of fatimah r.a, the wife of ali and prophet’s daughter. sunan kudus then married to dewi rukhil, daughter of raden makdum ibrahim, sunan bonang, tuban. raden makdum ibrahim is the son of raden rahmat, sunan ampel son of maulana ibrahim asmarakandi. here, the genealogy of sunan kudus meets with his wife’s nasab lines, he is maulana ibrahim asmarakandi. from his marriage with dewi rukhil, sunan kudus just get a son of a man named amir hasan. another narration mentions that his marriage with princess of pecat tandaterung of majapahit, sunan kudus have eight sons, they are: nyi ageng pembayun, panembahan palembang, panembahan mekaos honggokusumo, panembahan kodhi, panembahan karimun, panembahan joko (died as a child), queen pakojo, and queen prodobinabar (who later married the prince poncowati, the war commander sunan kudus) (salam 1986: 12-13). another muslim touted as the generation before sunan kudus was kiai telingsing. he (the ling sing) is a well-known chinese painter and sculpturer. upon his arrival in kudus, he set up a boarding school and mosque in nganguk. another version said that sunan kudus was never registered as students in this school. since his arrival, kiai telingsing then lowered descent and an expert in sculpture or in the java language is called sungging. furthermore, these offspring form a chinese community in the southern muslim mosque tower. this area by the people then called sunggingan which means “the place of the sculpturer” in the southern village of demangan. kiai telingsing also buried in this area (de graaf and pigeaud 2001: 111; see also lombard, 2007: 267-374). sunan kudus stayed in langgardalem. the name “langgar” means surau (prayer place), while the “dalem” means king, so langgardalem can be interpreted as king’s prayer place. it is probable that during his lifetime, sunan kudus stayed around the kudus minaret, as well as the prophet muhammad who stayed in the surrounding yard of mosque nabawi. in kudus, sunan kudus lived around the place known by the name of tajug (salam, 1986:30). tajug is sundanese terms to describe small mosques, which in central java called “langgar” and in minangkabau called “surau”. the shape of tajug that is located arround the sunan kudus’s tomb remembering us to the shape of paseban that is ordinary located on the palace. in front of tajug there is building such as gardu (palace security chamber) (see salam, 1986: 31). gusjigang: a practical guide for kudus people it can be believed, that the kudus achieve its prominence based on sunan kudus, who died in 1550 ad (salam, 1986:28). under his leadership, kudus became the indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 154-162 © 2017 understanding the figure of sunan kudus as the internalization of gusjigang | 159 center of islam with the strong islamic characteristics. however, the face of muslims in this area looks supple and wrapped with a strong tradition. there are three traditional ceremonies in kudus. first, bedug dandhang (dhandhangan), the ceremony held around the minaret ahead of the holy month of ramadan. second, kupatan, the ceremony on the seventh day of shawwal. on that day, the people go to bulusan in ngembal rejo, the eastern of kudus. third, buka luwur, the ceremony of changing the cover of the sunan kudus tomb. it held every 10th sura or muharram in the islamic calendar. there is a strong influence of sunan kudus among the people of kudus (especially kudus kulon) also seen when they build traditional houses. the house should face south, there must nothing in the west, north, or east. it is conducted by reason, it can be seen also in the tomb of sunan kudus that also face to the south. interestingly, despite different traditions and beliefs that are wrapped by rites and cultural traditions, it contains two main elements, such as transmission of knowledge and business activities. besides known as theologian, sunan kudus also known as the guardian of merchants. that’s why, the people of kudus believes that gusjigang as the values taught by the founder of the town. the statement based on the historical fact that the islamization of java in the 15th century run through trading activities (said, http:www.stainkudus.ac.id/beritageneologi-dan-kontekstualisasi-gusjigang-.html; see also http://isknews.com/kudussebagai-kota-santri-saudagar). it was ongoing and underlying a religious character of the kudus people, as well as an accomplished entrepreneur. since the mid-19th century, they have been well-known as a tenacious and successful trader. they were trading to some distant places, including up to priangan and malang where they then become a successful trader (de graaf and stibbe 1918: 358). in the field of trade, kudus people were well-known as accomplished intercity traders. they have been used to sell their wares, such as embroidery, clothing, batik, to other cities, especially in central java and east java for days and even weeks. in connection with this activity, often found the settlement of kudus people outside the kudus (cermin 2005: 21). one shopping center in malang, for example, was known as kudusan area, and roads that pass in the place was called kudusan street. that said, the area was a gathering place for merchants who came from the kudus. the kudus traders wandered month to month, then returning to his residence. after approximately half years, they came back to their home. thus they did repeatedly, and they would not stop do it before they became rich. if they have become wealthy then they were not going to trade again. they just stayed in their very nice house in kudus (cermin 2005: 201). the famous of kudus traders continued until the collapse of the dutch colonial era. their expertizes and tenacity in the trading activity could only be rivaled by bawean and banjarmasin traders. as we know, bawean, kudus, and banjarmasin was the center for traders in the archipelago (see van gent et al. 1923: 339 in budiman 1993: 134). due to their success in the field of trade, kudus traders became wealthy and successful traders. they build wonderful houses in their hometown. indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 154-162 © 2017 understanding the figure of sunan kudus as the internalization of gusjigang | 160 if we look at the figure of sunan kudus, apparently gusjigang is not only a doctrine, but also become a practical guide for kudus people. so that, to be wong kudus (the people of kudus), must be religious and have a superior entrepreneurial spirit. then, how to interpret gusjigang according to the present context. it is explained as below. 1) bagus (goodness). there are two meanings of bagus. first, it is good in the physical sense, such as good appearance or good looking. second, good means in the non-physical sense, which is good in deeds and words (good attitude/ akhlakul karimah). in this sense, good can also be understood as being honest. in some events, the honesty must be the main capital. it is only manifested in the form of hearts and deeds. bagus can also be understood with respect to differences (being tolerance). the attitude that begins to wear off lately. based on the magnificent minaret at sunan kudus’s tomb, it contains not only a cultural heritage, but also a symbol of harmonious life taught by him. instead of the building have a new middle eastern style, for example, the sunan actually “built” a minaret with a type of hindu style. actually, it is no stranger in the islamic world. changes of hagia sophia into a mosque in istanbul turkey, for example, the face of islam that is not busy on the things that are exoteric (lahiriah), but on the things that are esoteric (batiniah). the old forms of it, are well maintained, by planting new positive values. the substantive values of islam (or any religion), entitled to be key important to live in the multicultural society, such as nusantara/the archipelago. minaret, as cultural artifacts shown how kudus able to harmonize it’s people although they have historical background and different cultures, they are java, islam, hinduism, and chinese. another interesting example is the ban on the animal slaughter of cattle. recently, the people believed and still undergo the appeal ban of cow slaughter and replace it with buffalo as part of the continuing values and thoughts of sunan kudus. a doctrine that originally emerged from sunan kudus conviction to the hindu beliefs on the sanctity of cattle. 2) ngaji (learning). learning koran derived from javanese word means koran (learning). this term used by the muslim to refer to islamic religion and learning activities, such as al-quran. recently, in many regions of kudus there are hundreds of children wearing cap and gloves for men and veils for women carrying the koran or the yellow book. they flocked to the madrassah or religious schools in kudus. koran can also be understood as an attitude and a spirit to always learn, an intellectual characteristic. however, as an intellectual is not enough. an intellectual or educated people should also enlightened. history proves that indonesian independence gained by the founding fathers that were not only educated (educated) but also enlightened. many intellectuals who were only in the “ivory tower” and not grounded. in fact, many intellectuals behave not good, because they are not (yet) enlightened. if we return to the concept of ngaji, we will see how the teacher-pupil relations not only as the basis of formality (lahir), but also the mind. a “teacher” is not only to teach on science but also they are the inspiration (role model) for their students. meanwhile, a student indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 154-162 © 2017 understanding the figure of sunan kudus as the internalization of gusjigang | 161 must be a sincere student. because the key to open knowledge there on the psyche willing to accept it. for example, sukarno was so inspired by his teacher, tjokroaminoto. in the context of entrepreneurship, the ngaji can also be understood as attitude to always learn and think creatively. 3) dagang (entrepreneurship). indeed, the trading activities can be found also in other towns. however, trading activity in kudus is very distinctive and cannot be released from sunan kudus. business spirit has led the kudus people to have a tenacious and independent character. if some, the gentry, for example, assume that trade is an activity that is “bad”, then it does not apply to the kudus people. in fact, through the figure of sunan kudus, the business spirit as if getting a strong religious foundation. therefore, it is not surprising that the trading activity in kudus also actively conducted by the sufis (see mu’tashim and mulkhan 1998). gusjigang is a concept to teach people how to be complete as a human being. a complete human being is to have a good character (behavior), wanted to learn (intellectual), have diligent and superior economic independence (entrepreneurs). through this additional capital, global competition is no longer a specter to be feared, but the reality must be faced. in the context of the development of indigenous entrepreneurship, gusjigang can be interpreted through three major attitudes such as honest, creative, and tenacious. these three things are main capital for those who eager to win the competition at the global level. conclusion if gusjigang has been agreed as a community cultural values in kudus, it should be preserved and must be internalized within in every people. internalization can also be understood as an effort to live up a value as private property. berger and luckmann (1990) said that internalization process is able to be done in two stages, socialization and habituation. socialization or learning cultural values applied in two forms, primary and secondary. the primary socialization takes place at the family level, child care (learning qur’an, disciplined exercise of religion, etc.) as a form of knowledge transmission from older to younger generation. secondary socialization conducted through institutions of formal education (such as universities, schools, and seminaries), non-formal (institutions or study group), or informal (pesantren and langgar). therefore socialization requires an intense and attractive relationship between parent and children, moreover it has been associated with “industrialization” context among kudus people. can the families still be reliable to transmit values and thoughts of gusjigang, while the intensity of industrial society in family relations tends to decline? this phenomenon can be seen by the emergence of full-day schools and daycares. when family faced the lack of the effective primary socialization media, then this foundation has to be taken over by educational institutions, such as gusjigang as part of their curriculum or teaching materials. after the values are well-known through the socialization process, it will be a new entry on the next stage, that is habituation. habituation refers to action based on indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 154-162 © 2017 understanding the figure of sunan kudus as the internalization of gusjigang | 162 gusjigang’s values. the values have been believed to undergo habituation through repeated action and become part of daily life activities. after the process, then gusjigang absorbed belong the people’s saint. acknowledgement this article has been presented in an international event of muria cultural program (mcp) entitled “developing local wisdom entrepreneurship in the global competition” organized by muria kudus university (umk) held on thursday, 27 october 2016. i shoud delivered a sincere gratitude to noor naelil masruroh that has edited the language. references berger, peter l. and thomas luckmann. (1990). tafsir sosial atas kenyataan: risalah tentang sosiologi pengetahuan, translated by hasan besari. jakarta: lp3es. budiman, amen (1993). kudus: sejarah, masyarakat, dan kebudayaannya (semarang: himpunan peminat kebudayaan semarang. cermin (2005). profil pesantren kudus. kudus: pemerintah kabupaten kudus dan sentral riset dan manajemen informasi. de graaf, h.j., and th. pigeaud (2001). kerajaan islam pertama di jawa: tinja-uan sejarah politik abad xv dan xvi, translated by pustaka utama grafiti dan kitlv. grafiti: jakarta. de graaf s. and d.g. stibbe (1918). encyclopaedie van nederlandche-indie, tweede druk. leiden: martinus nijhoff. lombard, d. (2007). “sekitar makam kiai telingsing di jawa tengah”. in ziarah wali di dunia islam. jakarta: forum jakarta-paris. mu’tasim, radjasa and abdul munir mulkhan (1998). bisnis kaum sufi: studi tarekat dalam masyarakat industri. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. mulyana, slamet. (2005). negarakertagama dan tafsir sejarahnya. yogyakarta: lkis. olthof, w.l., ed. (1941). poenika serat babad tanah djawi wiwit saking nabi adam doemoegi ing taoen 1647. ‘s-gravenhage: m. nijhoff. poesponegoro, marwati djoened and nugroho notosusanto (1993). sejarah nasional indonesia ii. jakarta: balai pustaka. prawiroatmojo, s. (1957). bausastra jawa-indonesia, jilid i. jakarta: gunung agung. said, nur (2014) “geneologi dan kontekstualisasi gusjigang: alnternatif landasan pacu transformasi stain menuju “iain sunan kudus.” http://www.stain kudus.ac.id/berita-geneologi-dan-kontekstualisasi-gusjigang-.html. diakses pada 25 oktober 2016. salam, solichin (1986). ja’far shadiq. kudus: menara kudus. salam, solichin (1977). kudus purbakala dalam perjuangan islam. kudus: menara kudus. salam, solichin (1995). kudus selayang pandang. jakarta: gema salam. “kudus sebagai kota santri-saudagar”. http://isknews.com/kudus-sebagai-kotasantri-saudagar, accessed on 25 october 2016). microsoft word 1. rasyid asba (autosaved).doc indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 91-102 © 2017 the economic policies of japan naval government in south sulawesi 1942-1945 | 91 the economic policy of japanese naval government in south sulawesi in the second world war 1942 -1945 rasyid asba faculty of humanities, hassanudin university, makassar *corresponding author: rasbawecu@yahoo.com abstract the japanese economic policy in south sulawesi seemed to have different policies when compared to the other colonies in indonesia. it was indicated by leadership typology of japanese navy which based in makassar, bukittinggi, and java. in south sulawesi, the policy was more focused on the compliance of logistic materials by strengthening on clothing industry, plantation of cotton and castor oil, and fisheries. the important policy of the army was the agricultural massive production sector to support the war. in addition, the agricultural and industrial sectors were also developed such as salt, castor oil, textile, silk, handicrafts and the like. those phenomena analyzed by historical method. it used archives such as japanese occupation reports in makassar, romusha archives in makassar, and japanese local politic documents in south sulawesi. the reports on japanese economic activities in south sulawesi were also consulted. information from magazines and newspapers were also taken such as pemberitaan makassar, bintang timoer, sinar baroe, soeara asia, hong po, and pemandangan. in addition to, it has complied oral history with direct interviews to the people who are still alive and experienced on the era. the japanese economic policies in south sulawesi influenced great changes in new economic structure on the emergence of the diversification of popular-based commodity especially clothing and foodstuff during the war. that was the reason why people in south sulawesi directed to execute intensification of agriculture in a professional productive manner supported by communal industrial policy. keywords: economic policies; japanese naval; south sulawesi. introduction the effect of war and the japanese occupation led to comprehensive changes in economic structure in south sulawesi. the main objective of japanese invasion in south sulawesi as it was to other parts of indonesia was to explore its economic resources. with its fertile land and big population, south sulawesi was considered as an extraordinary potential economic resources area. in such case, the japanese took received: 14 april 2017 accepted: 18 december 2017 indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 91-102 © 2017 the economic policies of japan naval government in south sulawesi 1942-1945 | 92 advantage of the population as logistic resources (murtono 1968). the netherlands indies was governed under the japanese doctrin commonwealth environment of the great east asia which involved the whole southeast and east asia. the japanese economic activities were led to logistic aspects where japan became its headquarter. the people of south sulawesi were insisted to support not only the japanese military occupation but the military operations in a wide scale as well. the foodstuffs production became a priority to supply the military for the great east asia war. although south sulawesi had been able to be self-sufficient in foodstuff at the netherlands indies era, this condition was unable to sustain under japanese occupation because there were so many productions to be encouraged as the impact of war (paeni 1985). during the war, the commodities exchange was restricted to only the areas under japanese control and this led to a great change in the ratio of supply and demand. in addition to foodstuff production, textile production was also given a priority because, in the dutch era, java depended most of textile supply on import. it was the reason why the japanese military instructed the farmers to plant cotton, mulberry, rosella, and jute. many agricultural plants such as tea, coffee, and sugarcanes were replaced with core plants since there was no more marketing value and at the same time, they had overproduction. this condition made the farmers had no option to plant any commodity on their land. the government strictly restricted the land to cultivate and it reminded us the forced plantation system in the century (sutter 1959). at the end of twentieth century the dutch government by pax nederlandica developed economic integration by creating the center of economic growth in every region. in east indonesia region, it was based in makassar while south sulawesi became foodstuff barn of netherlands indies which was supported by policies that encouraged the economic growth at the outside of java (kurasawa 1993). many irrigation facilities were developed in south sulawesi such irrigations in bila, bengo, leworang, palakka, tempe, sidenreng, tallo, and jeneponto. these irrigations had increased irrigated rice fields from 20,500 acres to 57,000 acres in the early 1936 and at the end of 1936 to 227, 193 acres. such increment gave impact on the increase of rice export rate from f. 300,000 to f 3,300,000. during the japanese occupation, the rice production decreased because of many irrigation facilities were malfunctioned and caused the rice export rate lower down to f 2. 7000.000 in 1943 (indische verslag, 1943: 344). method this is a historical research using archives sources either in manuscript forms or interviews particularly in associated with economic policies in agricultural sectors (namely: cotton plantation, the salt industry, and fishery) and their implementation in the areas occupied by japanese naval government. this research used interdisciplinary approach such as historical and economical approaches based on indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 91-102 © 2017 the economic policies of japan naval government in south sulawesi 1942-1945 | 93 documentary archives sources and interviews on community figures which played roles in the era of japanese occupation in south sulawesi. the primary data were taken from the collection of the library and archives of south sulawesi in makassar. the data included documents on sulawesi province, documents on east indonesia state, reports on japanese occupation activities in makassar, romusa activities in makassar, local politics during the japanese occupation in south sulawesi, brief notes on trading activities in east indonesia state. the data were also taken from the indonesian nasional archives in jakarta included gouvernement secretarie, inventaris van het archief van de algemene secretarie en het kabinet van de gouverneur general 1944-1950. these two documents contain besluit (stipulation) about trade policy in makassar and also economic and political conditions. in addition to such documents, the writer also used oral history to make deeper analyze on the problems (portelli 1991). it is recorded interviews cassette by m. saleh lahade, riri amin daud, kawilarang, and others. data in published archives materials at koninklijk instituut voor taal-land-en volkenkunde (kitlv) in leiden, koninklijk instituut voor de tropen (kit) in amsterdam and at indonesian national library in jakarta were also consulted. data in books, journals, and newspapers about makassar as a trading city were also included. enomische berichten oost indonesia 1949; the economic review of indonesia vol. 1 1947, vol. 6 1952. center for statistical bureau entitle, data on export-imports in several major ports during 1947-1958 all were consulted. the magazine entitled berita ekonomi 1951-1956, mingguan tempo doeloe which contained information on south sulawesi economy after independence. economic and financial policy in a short time, japanese military controlled most of southeast asia region and other east asia. there was a notorious slogan of japanese military” the god wind makes all the dry leaves fly. sinar baroe with this slogan the japanese military occupied the area instantly (sinar baroe, 25 juli 2065). with unpredictable powerful military troops, they invaded every state they passed through without any resistance. the japanese military reached indonesia lastly where manado was the first to be occupied followed by other regions such as kalimantan, sulawesi, sumatera, java, and jakarta. no one could argue that the expansion of japanese occupation to asia and pacific regions needed a great expenditure on materials, natural and human resources and because of this situation, and for fundraising, the japanese military established some efforts in economic sectors to finance the expensive war. the romusha (forced labor) system was implemented in the whole hinterland areas. such mobilization of the people was not only conducted by the military itself with the slogan colonialization release of great asia, but it was also done national movement figures who directly encouraged the people to support the war done by japanese military (dai nippon) (soeara asia, 18 mei 2064). another way to enhance the economic activities to finance the war was to do promote economic policy that emphasized the maximum exploration of natural indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 91-102 © 2017 the economic policies of japan naval government in south sulawesi 1942-1945 | 94 resources. with this exploration of natural resources gave impact on massive agricultural products in most of the areas controlled by the japanese military. such products were rice, second crops, corn, etc. the important policy of japanese military was massive production on commodities that supported the war such as cotton, rubber, and castor-oil plant project for alternative energy, especially for the airplane. the japanese made propaganda not only in political aspect to make great asia free from colonialization but also an economic aspect as well. at the wartime which was more and more became dreadful, the war that also involved indonesia, the economic sector became very crucial to back up the military in order to win the war. the progress of education in south sulawesi under japanese naval government let to the establishment of schools and an increasing amount of pupils. for example, there were 3791 people elementary schools with 2.375.600 pupils (sinar baroe, djoeni 2604). in addition, there was coffee and tea plantation movement together the intensification of foodstuff materials such as rice, corn, and tuber. this program was under the supervision of juyoshokuryo kanri jimusho (the main foodstuff supervision office) who was also given the charge for marketing, storage and setting up the price. obviously, the economic condition at the wartime was bad in relation to the price rises in the trade sector. the price of daily needs of the people increased significantly high (especially for cigarette raised to two folds). the price of toothbrush raised from 30 cents to 50-85 cents, white thread from 1,5 cents to 4-71,5 cents, white shirt from 125 cents to 250-275 cents, 1-yard white cloth from 14 cents to 40-45 cents (soeara asia, januari 2064). to dominate netherlands indies economy, the japanese prime minister designed the economic development program for the common wealth. he said that the majority of people in great east asia would become a priority in the development of forestation, agriculture, and fishery to equalize the industrial sector. some efforts had been done to distribute the foodstuff based on people needs. at the meeting of people representatives of tokyo at 28-01-2603 (1943) okinori kaya, a japanese ministry of finance delivered his speech on fiscal policy to the council. according to him the japanese economy is good and the finance is sufficient. the southern area would be developed and the economic relationships among the japanese ally was also satisfactory. in order to win the pacific war, the economy had to be strengthened. the japanese economic policy was merely directed to win all aspects and to avoid the distortion of government activities to satisfy this condition, some aids for economic empowerment were given as the following; a) improving people health 78 million yen; b) people security control 130 million yen; c) armed forces management 155 million yen; d) improving education 150 million yen; e) improving science and technology 61 million yen . the revenue from iron mining taxation and coral was about 9,995,000,000 yen. the gain from income tax was 6,580,000 yen. in the meantime, the national saving was increased and the people were pleased to support the government. this made the tax was easily collected and the bonds were quickly sold. the diversification of indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 91-102 © 2017 the economic policies of japan naval government in south sulawesi 1942-1945 | 95 new taxations added the income to 1,140,000,000 yen yearly (sinar baroe, januari 2064). the japanese expenditure was well managed where pound were easily collected, new bonds were sold to the public at the rate above 3,000 million yen. since the war of great east asia was won by japan, its economic condition became powerful. the economic relation of japan in asia indicated by the cooperation of mantjoekoeo and tiongkok in improving the economy. poen thai and indo-china empowered japanese labor. on the other hand, japan gave aids its allies to improve their economy. last year japan invested 100 million yen in mantjoekoeo and tiongkok. to enhance the wealth of japan, the japanese government made the new strategy for developing economy by making an agreement with its allies in europe. such agreements were: developing new economy, highly appreciation for his excellence gunseikan. to empower the economy in java, keizal singikai (economic investigation board) held the meeting to make the economic program for colonized areas on june 12, 1943, in tyuucu hookookaikan djakarta. the speech of his excellency gunseikan emphasized that the dutch colonialization policy for centuries didn’t make economic prosperity for indonesian people. in order to improve the economic condition for the ever last prosperity of indonesian people, there should be designed the basic development to bring indonesian independence eventually. the japanese army designed a new economic structure based on the concept and idea of netherland indies economic goals by the establishment of the committee on the preparation for new economic people structure called zyuumin keisai sintaisai zumbi inkai. this committee was also given charge to investigate the preparation of independence and designed the fundamental economic development as the basis for state establishment. during the war, there were three sectors in economy done consist of the increasing production rationally, collecting goods for government to fulfill war logistics; and distributing goods evenly to people. in connection with the enemy landed in tarakan and balikpapan, and his further target was sulawesi, the civilian navy of japan strengthened the economy in the islands in order to protect sulawesi from enemy attack. this protection could be done since the japanese military during three years of his control had made the commodities overwhelming and military equipment, as well as the defense, were powerful. only in two-week of occupation, when the government set the price of the rice, 30% of them were given to government and day by day increased. in addition, the cooperation with indonesian people, corn plantation, fishery, and seabird catching, freshwater fishery all were done successfully. in sulawesi, the weaving machine had been being prepared in order to be selfsufficient in clothing. this program was directed in south sulawesi to continue the battle for self-determination to have independence. to support the south sulawesi economy, some rules for popular crediting had been issued on july 2, 1943 as indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 91-102 © 2017 the economic policies of japan naval government in south sulawesi 1942-1945 | 96 follows; a) people bank established in major cities in south sulawesi; b) each local bank owned capital at the amount of f100.000 or above and if this capital is lower than this amount, the local government will suffice; c) the local people banks are obliged to give loan to the people and pay them by installment based on the time set up, provide capital for credit institutions run by people and handle deposit as well establishing other banks; d) people banks may not use their extra money unless they purchase shares determined by the government; e) people banks will cooperate with rural banks which will be established at various sites (sinar baroe, jumat 27 november 2062). these rules were not yet understood by many merchants in the era of japanese occupation. they said the rules were not published and communicated. although there was a barn to raise the price, many merchants raised their goods price or they collected as many goods as possible and sold them when they had the expensive price. anyhow, some merchants were arrested because of they against the rules. when they were caught before leaving jakarta, they were not accused of collect trading goods proportionally and make price control in disorder (soeara asia, 7 djoeni 2604). purchasing goods irrationally depended on whether such goods traded legally or not. a merchant was said to against the rules when they bought the thing in the black market with illegal price. japanese policy in foodstuff plantation during the japanese occupation, the cultivation of agricultural land in rural areas was agreed by the majority people to maximize rice production. during the japanese occupation, the slogan “multiple folds of production” was implemented everywhere. this concept was communicated by the government at the meetings with community and published in various media. with fertile land and huge manpower, south sulawesi had a good condition for planting rice and by the end of dutch period, south sulawesi produced about 4 million tons a year. there were 3, 4 million acres of rice fields in 1940 or equivalent to 42, 7% of the whole land in sulawesi. however, since lack of technology, fertilizer, and fund to develop irrigation facilities, the plantation was done traditionally and brought about lower production. the average of harvest per acre in 1938-1939 was 1500, 3 kilograms of pounded rice or about 40% of japanese production.at the same year. the variety of rice production in south sulawesi depended upon local conditions. there were three main rice producers in south sulawesi such as pare-pare, bone, and bonthain. whereas the areas where lower rice productions were mandar and luwu. there was also production variety per capita where pare-pare was the highest (345 kg) and the lowest was bone (46 kg) (sinar baroe, 20 july 2065). although an increase of foodstuff production became a crucial program by the military government in the early of its occupation, this program needed a clear implementation just after november 1943 when the government made constitution called kinhoji sibokuoya taisaku (urgently actions on foodstuff materials). with this program the government rules on increasing production were focused on a) indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 91-102 © 2017 the economic policies of japan naval government in south sulawesi 1942-1945 | 97 introducing new rice variety; b) innovation of plantation technology; c) enhancing agricultural infrastructure; d) rice field expansion; e) propaganda and training for farmers. as the consequence of intensification program, there was no more land for cultivating particularly in java. on the other hand, japan had a high technology and experts which they wanted to transfer to javanese farmers through those aspects mentioned above. the policy on people salt industry salt was considered important for it could not be replaced by other materials. salt is our daily need besides rice. salt is people property and so is rice to sustain their lives. this property may not be seized by the government but it should be maintained for maximum supply (sinar baroe, jum'at 3 juni 1942). how was the stock of the salt? in the colonial government era, the stock of salt was arranged to fulfill the supply for five years. however, it had never been effective. the salt was produced by the government for one year between 100 and 300 thousand tons while the consumption was 300 thousand tons. just in the years before the second world war, the salt production got a little increase even the japan adopted forced work (romusha). the decrease of salt production in madura was a clear indication when at the end of japanese occupation, the principal of salt industry executed suicide because he was afraid and ashamed to welcome the saiko sikikan visit. as the anticlimax of salt famine was the cancelation of salt monopoly in april 1945. by the early years of indonesian republic government (1945, 1946 and 1947), the salt production in madura even decreased lower to around 10% of the consumption. the decrease of this production was caused by lacking manpower in (madura ministry of economic affairs 1947). the salt industry that had employed 20,000 manpower, employed only 5.000 manpower. in addition to this salt famine, the transportation of salt in the land as well as in sea was also difficult. meanwhile, the japanese colonial government also canceled salt monopoly. the only way to overcome salt famine was to instruct all people who lived at the seashore to make salt. this policy was supported by the establishment of extension office of people salt. the opportunities were well received by the people along the seashore at jeneponto and mandar. in making salt, the sea water was dried in the small pond and this resulted in form of white crystal with contained at least 80% nacl. salt industries employed thousand hundreds of people living along the seashore. most of them had their own ponds, hired or were given by the government. for example, jeneponto produced around 50 thousand tons in 2013. it is obvious that salt industry which was done by people could guarantee an adequate stock to overcome salt famine. the government of indonesia republic who took over sovereignty from the dutch still practiced salt monopoly. on the other hand, salt industry in yogyakarta and rembang were carried out although it collided with monopoly and this made the situation unfair. indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 91-102 © 2017 the economic policies of japan naval government in south sulawesi 1942-1945 | 98 it does not matter whether the salt monopoly as colonial inheritance, was directed to finance the state. anyhow, it is worthy to study further who will get benefit nowadays: the state or the people. whether or not the salt monopoly be maintained? cotton plant plantation in dutch occupation era, the cotton productions were still low. in 1937, the plantation land was only about 4000 acres with raw cotton productions were around 6500 tons. meanwhile, the consumption in netherlands indies were around 91 000 tons. this means that there was only around 7 percent supplied by domestic production and the rest were imported. cotton wool which was imported for the whole netherlands indies in 1939 was 13, 772 tons and cotton materials were 62,089 tons (indische verslag 1940: 344). by the time the japanese occupied netherlands indies, cotton production was considered important. it was the reason why the plantation of cotton plants was urgently done and even importing cotton was quickly realized. japanese government brought 3 million meters of white cloth and 5 million meters of gauze from tokyo in october 1942 until march 1943 (us department of commerce 1963). however, there was no data whether or not such amounts were fulfilled. it was impossible to satisfy that lots since the shipment were very difficult because of the war in great east asia. the japanese military government announced a five-year plan to intensify cotton production in 1942 with a target of 350,000 kg and an area of 2500 acres. in 1943, the target raised to 7,000,000 kg and an area of 30.000 acres. in 1944, the productions were 130.00000 kg with an area of 50.000 acres. in 1947 the productions reached 50.000.000 kg with a planting area 180.000 acres (sinar baroe, 7 juli 2063; ministry of economic affairs 1947). the five-year plan for planting cotton in java and sulawesi was carried out by collecting equipment, technicians, establishing a board named mengka saibai kyokai. in december 1942 land had been prepared to be cultivated by various firms under the cooperation with some of the appointed local governments. as the consequence of this program, the local government felt very difficult to get seeds and as the result, most of the seeds were imported from abroad particularly from japan. fortunately, under the aids of the japanese navy, some thousands of “express” seeds variety were brought to us from sulawesi. in may 1943, thousands of seeds had been planted in thousands across in sulawesi and java. a threat to the cotton plantation in hot land in south area came from the cotton pest. to eliminate such pest, the technicians of the firms controlled the coming pests and killed them to reduce their attack. there was also sort of bumblebee pests in bantaeng and bulukumba with the local name kilanka. in malang existed other pests but they all could be killed with pesticide materials and by catching them. the pests attack happened when cotton plants started to bloom and at this time the pest should be destroyed. generally, plant maintenance was said to be successful although it was not totally perfect. in addition to this pest, there were also weeds which the japanese indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 91-102 © 2017 the economic policies of japan naval government in south sulawesi 1942-1945 | 99 called them hamasuge. these weeds grew rapidly so they needed a lot of manpower to pull them up. another factor which affected the cotton production was the weather. fortunately, the weather condition in 1943 was much rain compared to the previous years. that was why the cotton plants that were planted in december had an extralong branch. in contrary to java and sulawesi island, the philippines and taiwan where there were often attacked by storm, java and sulawesi islands almost had no storm during the cotton plantation. this situation resulted in appreciation to cotton plantation firms in java and sulawesi eventually (sinar baroe, 2063). because of price determination, oc cotton produced in java influenced the cotton plantation firms eventually, and this condition had been well considered by the government. nowadays cotton price which had been set up by the government as the following a) class 1. rp 18 per 100 kg; b) class 2. rp 16 per 100 kg; c) original variety in makassar rp 13 per 100 kg. the prices based on the purchasing places according to each area, the price determination involved the costs of plantation so that the farmer eventually could establish their own firms (sinar baroe, 2063). castor-oil plant plantation in the meeting of nomuka representative, he said that of all war equipment, an airplane is said to be vital to win the war in great east asia. castor-oil contributed as a source of energy to win the war. castor-oil seeds produce oil which can be used as fuel for the airplane. the atmosphere of sulawesi is good to plant castor-oil seeds. how far the contribution of castor-oil seeds to war arms could be indicated that every 280 castor-oil trees were able to fly a bomber airplane 20 hours long or equivalent to 14 trees per hour. for training airplane, it needed only 4 trees for an hour flight. in addition, castor-oil with java variety could deliver more yields until 20,000 fruits per one tree (post 1991). a thousand of good quality castor-oil fruit weighted 50 gr whereas the common quality weighted only 35 grams. an average tree could yield 400 grams and when this amount was distilled, it could result from 180 grams of oil. other plants to be obliged to farmers were castor for lubricating oil. before the war, south sulawesi had a limited production especially in gowa, bontain, bulukumba, and bone, this production was only around 10.000 tons. at that time, there was 30% of castor oil exported by south sulawesi to japan. this oil was particularly used as the lubricating material for airplane machine and since the war, the need for this oil by japanese army increased rapidly. japanese military government in makassar tried to increase castor oil production. he set up the target from the amount of 40,000 tons in 1943 to rise up to 60.000 tons in 1944. to satisfy this target, a great campaign had been started since 1942 and to be continued during occupation time (sinar baroe, 2063). indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 91-102 © 2017 the economic policies of japan naval government in south sulawesi 1942-1945 | 100 weaving cotton cloth in south sulawesi in addition to farms, spinning and weaving cotton were also encouraged in rural areas. training and courses for spinning were carried out by every level of government. for example, in bone and sinjai regencies, there were two representatives of fujinkai from every district sent to regency capital city and trained for three months in 1944. this training was sponsored by hokokai and fujinkai at regency branch offices led by regent’s wife. the trainees stayed at the boarding house near a regent office. they learned how to extract the raw cotton fibers from its seeds (kernels) and span them into cotton fibers. after training, they went back home and executed the same training at the district level. the trainees at this level came from every village. the tools used in training to extract and spin the cotton were provided by the government. the costs for training, food, and accommodation of the trainees were provided by hokokai. in malino, gowa regency, some schools of cotton spinning existed permanently. with these courses, the technique of spinning cotton had been mastered by rural people. as the result, many householders ran this business. with the cotton fibers they produced, the householders started to weave and activated the traditional weaving tools (chaniago 1985). before the war (1941) there were many hands weaving tools for industry in the hinterlands area of buginese. with the japanese support, weaving as home industries developed in many areas in south sulawesi. they made their own tools imitating the tools provided by the government. in many cases, the scale production of weaving was small and just for satisfying the need of the family. they, however, probably sold one or two pieces of their productions if there were a surplus or they needed cash for expenditures. according to h. ambo in sinjai, one could sell a piece of sarong weaved by hand in the black market with the price of 400 kg rice equivalent. one piece of sarong took four days to weave. because of its lacking, the cloth could be used as media of exchanges or barter. it was estimated that a piece of sarong needed 300 grams of raw cotton while this amount was harvested in two square meters of land. spinning and weaving as the home industry in maros were carried out in every area. with this condition, the shortage of cloth could be overcome for a certain level after 1944. the skill of farming, spinning and weaving in rural people then revitalized under soekarno regime with the slogan berdiri di atas kaki sendiri (berdikari: self-sufficient), and manual weaving machine made in japanese occupation were reused and given name as woven non-machine or alat tenon bukan mesin (sinar baroe, selasa 7 juli 2043) regardless this home industry, raw cotton that was sold to japan lastly were given to spinning manufactures controlled by the government. the total productions of cotton fibers and cloth at the end of occupation were cotton fibers 171.600 pounds/month, wide cloth 270.000 /month, and narrow cloth 2.830 pieces/month. other textile materials which were encouraged by japanese authority included hard fibers such as hemp, jute, rosella, and mulberry (berita ekonomi, 1954: 17-19). hemp and jute were put in priority since these materials had fibers relatively soft indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 91-102 © 2017 the economic policies of japan naval government in south sulawesi 1942-1945 | 101 and could be made clothing material as well bags for agricultural products. all farmers who have interviewed complaint about lacking cloth and gunny sack for shorts in japanese occupation. in the dutch period, eight millions of gunny sacks were produced a year although this amount satisfied only 35% of the demands and the rest of it should be imported from india. since the import was stagnant, japan had to satisfy their needs and in june 1942 through the intensification program called nanpo ko-niki asarui zosan keikaku yoko in ko area, southeast asia. this program was designed by planning bureau (kikakuin) of japanese government. based on this program, there were 81 productions targeted for rosela and gunny sack between 1942 and 1947. with good natural condition and energetic people, the cotton plantation in the whole sulawesi had started and given good prospect. it was hoped that in the next five years the production became multifold. according to the report written by an expert that the weather and land, either in the whole region of sulawesi were more suitable for cotton plantation. conclusion this study is about economic policy and its implementation in the area where japanese navy governed especially in south sulawesi. the existence of japanese government in south sulawesi at second world war seemed to have two major interests. firstly, makassar was made as a center maritime fleet of the japanese navy, and secondly, south sulawesi was driven to empowering the war logistics. these two aspects gave impacts on the type of strategies in political and economic policies implemented in south sulawesi. this was quite different in paddy-field, where people were directed to be romusha and labors in various sectors of mining and plantations. whereas in south sulawesi, japanese was more cooperative with local kings, related to economic development. not only was the different type and policy characteristics based on the individual area but also the characteristics of the population became the main consideration for policy implementation. in addition, there was also a polarization between japanese army and navy in java. such polarization was interesting to study in order to get a deeper understanding about the history of japanese occupation in indonesia, especially in south sulawesi during the war period i.e., decolonization period and the replacement of dutch regime to japanese occupation. the way of local kings fought against the dutch seemed has affected the local king’s attitude to be loyal to the japanese government. in fact, this research is supposed to correct various researches done by historians and other scientists who were concerned to the dynamics of japanese local history in indonesia and who were tended to equalize java and outside java. references berita ekonomi, 1954. chaniago, j. r. editor. (1985). di bawah pendudukan jepang. jakarta: arsip nasional republik indonesia. indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 91-102 © 2017 the economic policies of japan naval government in south sulawesi 1942-1945 | 102 indische verslag, 1943. kurasawa, a. (1993). mobilisasi dan kontrol, studi tentang perubahan sosial di pedesaan jawa 1942-1945. jakarta: gramedia. mailrapport nomer 317/23 mvo serie 2e rol nomer 23 koleksi anri jakarta. murtono, s. (1968). state and statecraft in old java: a study of the later mataram period, sixtenth to nineteenth century. ithaca: cornell modern indonesian project. paeni m. (1985). sejarah sosial daerah sulawesi selatan: mobilitas sosial kota makassar. jakarta: departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan direktorat sejarah dan nilai tradisional proyek inventarisasi dan dokumentasi sejarah nasional. portelli, a. (1991). the death of luigi trastulli and other stories: form and meaning in oral history. albany: state university of new york press. post, peter (1991). japanese bedrijvigheid in indonesia, 1868-1942. structurele elementen van japan’s economische expansie in zuidoost azie. academisch proef schrift vrije universiteit amsterdam. sinar baroe, 20 july 2065. sinar baroe, 25 juli 2065. sinar baroe, 25 juli 2065. sinar baroe, jumat 27 november 2062. sinar baroe, june 2604 soeara asia, 18 mei 2064. soeara asia, januari 2064. sutter, john o. (1959). “the indonesian economy during the revolution.” “indonesianisasi politics a changing economy, 1940-1950. vol. 2.” ithaca: departement of far eastrn studies cornell university. us department of commerce. (1963). “japanese military administration in indonesia.” technical services. microsoft word 8.layout santi.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 64-75 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 how economic space movement: shifting functions of semarang suburban land | 64 received: july 6, 2023 revised: july 25, 2024 accepted: august 15, 2024 economic space movement: shifting functions of semarang suburban land at the beginning of the 21st century c. santi muji utami,1* nur aini setiawati2, nur aeni marta3 1department of history, faculty of social sciences and political science universitas negeri semarang, semarang, central java indonesia 2department of history, faculty of humanities universitas gadjah mada, yogyakarta indonesia 3history education study program, faculty of social sciences universitas negeri jakarta, jakarta indonesia *corresponding author: mujiutami@mail.unnes.ac.id doi: https:// 10.14710/ihis.v8i1.19235 introduction the transformation of the structure of the suburban area of semarang city from agricultural to non-agricultural includes physical and socio-economic aspects. the shift in space from the city centre to the city's outskirts was triggered by increased population and industrial economic activity, which resulted in the need for space. the growth of peripheral communities is increasingly accelerated when capitalist groups are intensively involved in industrialization. meanwhile, improvements to various infrastructures in the city centre have attracted investment in trade and services. the increasing need for spatial space for investment in this sector raises the problem of abstract in long-term planning, the central area of semarang city is intended to serve as a centre for government, business development, and trade. as a result, more and more settlements are being evicted or marginalized. the manufacturing industry was relocated for business expansion, so it needed new land both to develop activities and provide supporting facilities. these two sectors eventually shifted to the city’s outskirts, causing spatial transformation in suburban areas. this research was conducted as social research with an environmental history approach. the problem that arises is how suburban areas should move due to changes in land use and significant increases in land values. this study applies qualitative research methods with a historical approach to look at phenomena that occur in the suburbs of semarang. the research results show that, in the 21st century, rice fields and swamps in the eastern region of semarang city have been converted into industrial areas. this area connects semarang city with cities in the eastern region of java island. meanwhile, the western part of the city of semarang, with its flat topography and close to the coast, has become an industrial area and is also being built for residential purposes. both are close to tanjung emas harbor. increasingly intensive changes in land use have caused land prices to increase significantly yearly. keywords: space movement; shifting functions; suburban land; semarang. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 64-75 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 how economic space movement: shifting functions of semarang suburban land | 65 land availability. dense settlements, increasing economic activity, trade and services, increasingly narrowing open space, the higher the value of land prices (surbakti, 1996, pp. 11-22). the suburban spatial structure is developing rapidly, marked by the growth of economic activity areas and new housing, which is natural when there is a shift and change in the use of city centre space. the use of suburban space certainly requires instruments that regulate economic activities and must be accompanied by consideration of sustainability aspects (anwas, 2014, p. 42). according to the iucn program 2004, sustainability, in this case, illustrates the importance of interdependence between components such as economic, social and environmental. thus, when the built-up area is expanded in the outskirts of semarang city, the balance of socio-economic and environmental aspects must be maintained. the topography of the city of semarang is very unique and diverse. as a coastal area, semarang city consists of coasts, lowlands, and hills. the city center is in the lowlands and settlements are developing in the hilly areas. land use in the city center occurs in various groupings (segregation) in the form of zones including government centers, housing, offices, shops and commerce. this group tends to occupy the core area in the central and central parts. elite housing tends to occupy hilly areas. industrial activity follows the coastline, to the west and east, to the city's outskirts. location of areas with diverse topography. the aim of the research is to obtain an explanation of the transformation of land use changes in the suburban areas of semarang city. spatial changes in urban space can occur with the addition of built-up areas and population growth. developed patterns that are well planned will encourage sustainable development (torrens 2008). city area development spurs regional development which not only has an influence on the city, but also provides opportunities for other areas in the surrounding area to develop as well. physical development in the form of public facilities or infrastructure extending to peripheral areas aims to improve people's lives. a socio-economic approach is used to look at the value of land due to conversion of functions and existing resources (rosyidi, 2011, p. 2). the two works above are a reference, looking at strategic spaces in suburban areas of semarang which have the ability to increase land use value, by optimizing their use. fringe areas are areas around cities that are between rural areas and urban areas. some areas will show the shape of a city, but some suburbs will show another shape (yunus, 2008, p 11) which is closer to rural characteristics. such areas are often defined as peri-urban areas. peri-urban areas are characterized by a mixture of the physical capabilities of urban and rural areas are symbolized by the form of land use. this area shows dynamics in various activities compared to other parts of the peri-urban characteristics that have been stated by yunus (2008), as a basis for analyzing the development of the outskirts of semarang city which tends to follow centrifugal force, moving away. kurnianingsih (2013) is the basis for looking at the development of the suburbs of semarang city based on regional typology. as stated by cahyati (2010), the relatively flat outskirts of gresik have become industrial economic areas semarang places all industrial areas in the lowlands, while semarang, which also has hilly areas, ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 64-75 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 how economic space movement: shifting functions of semarang suburban land | 66 is a residential and higher education area. yesiana (2014), provides an overview of klaten, a peri-urban area located on the main traffic route with a strategic location, providing easy economic accessibility. when semarang chose and placed various economic and industrial activities in the western and eastern areas of the city center, this was a long-term sustainable development plan. meanwhile, in the southern region with hilly topography, including tembalang, banyumanik, gunungpati, mijen, it is designated for residential, educational and service areas, as well as non-manufacturing industrial economies. the increasing burden on urban space, over time, has resulted in land conversion in suburban areas. this condition causes an unavoidable increase in land prices on the outskirts of the city, following the functional change of land to become a more productive location for economic activity. these conditions directly trigger land prices in suburban areas to increase significantly over time. method this article uses the historical method. according to kuntowijoyo, the stages of the historical method consist of heuristics, external and internal criticism, interpretation, and historiography (kuntowijoyo, 2013, p. 69). various reviews of land function movement in semarang city were obtained through different written sources in the form of documents published by relevant institutions, such as archives in the form of documents related to semarang city. this article also uses secondary sources such as books and articles from various journals to acquire a more complete and in-depth context. leaving the city center: entering the outskirts regional autonomy has been implemented in semarang city since 2001. since then, semarang city has strengthened its position as a centre for business activities, services, and public spaces. however, when the semarang city government began to establish a long-term master plan, segregation occurred in society. previously, the government had designated the national main road area, including pahlawan street, pandanaran street, mt haryono street, and pemuda street, as the centre of government and business. the area then formed an office environment for both government and private, as well as the development of the service sector, shops, education, and several public facilities. moreover, a policy emerged to optimally utilize the suburban area as a buffer for the city centre. based on this, mcgee argued that the heavy physical burden on the city resulted in a massive land-use transformation. these transformed the area into an industrial area on the outskirts of the town (mc gee, 1991, pp. 3-25; dicky, 2002, p. 57). therefore, many investors began to invest in industries in the suburban area. during its development, land use in the suburban areas of semarang city began to be influenced by the increasing population. its conciseness also affected the need for increasingly diverse land use to meet the social and economic needs of the community. semarang city’s different needs must be met, and more representative space is ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 64-75 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 how economic space movement: shifting functions of semarang suburban land | 67 required. meanwhile, city space is limited and needs to meet the community's demands, namely the need for space to carry out economic activities. hence, suburban areas were chosen as an alternative to solve various problems. further, the area directly adjacent to the city centre is the target of city development. the needs of the community with the availability of space in the city of semarang are not balanced because the availability of land is limited. however, many still assume everyone can access city space (haryono, 2003, p. 133; madanipour, 1996, p. 167). on the contrary, serious handling is needed to provide awareness to the community about city space as a public space. it must be done because today's society cannot keep up with the rhythm of city life, which must be abandoned. in fact, people with such a mindset need to be moved to the suburbs to make their lives easier. that differs from people who have succeeded in living in the city as entrepreneurs. they then occupy suburban areas close to the town to develop their businesses because of easier access. scramble suburban space 2004 the government issued government regulation no. 16 of 2004 concerning spatial planning. article 2 states that land use must be able to increase land value following the function of the space. that policy then caused the suburban areas of semarang city to begin to have other roles besides being areas for expanding economic activities. hence, the suburban areas began to be allocated through careful planning because of the varied land contour conditions in semarang city. consequently, land use needs to be initiated with various studies and research from various disciplines. land uses need their value so that the area can support regional income in various sectors. in addition, land use also influences the economic activities of the population to become more varied. the role movement of the suburban areas of semarang city, such as the tugu, ngaliyan, and genuk districts, into industrial areas has also affected the people around the area. it can be seen from the community's economic activities, which are starting to become involved in the industrial sector. various changes and movements in the role of the suburban areas have caused segregation in society. that is caused by grouping economic activity spaces in the community, such as housing, shops, offices, and trade centres. segregation has been a long-standing issue in suburban areas. however, until the 21st century, it did not pose significant problems due to the lack of competition for space in community activities. yet, as the intensity of each group increased, problems began to emerge. the community groups have shown remarkable adaptability, finding new ways to expand their economic activities to survive and thrive in the changing landscape. principally, there are differences between the city centre and the suburban areas. it can be seen from slum areas that only exist in the city centre. meanwhile, rural areas close to the city centre play an important role in supporting the city centre. consequently, changes in land use in the suburban location will cause a ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 64-75 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 how economic space movement: shifting functions of semarang suburban land | 68 transformation built based on social and economic relations based on sustainable spatial planning (prins & peter, pp. 158-167). for the indigenous people of semarang city, changes in land use also affect their lives, including increasingly appreciating time and accepting different types of livelihoods. these changes can be caused by their interactions with newcomers and the environment that is starting to develop with various economic activities. land use changes from one user to another over time (pidora, 2010, p. 10). furthermore, several areas on the outskirts of semarang city that were initially forests and fields or rice fields began to decrease or even disappear altogether. however, infrastructure development is improving. it is evident from the construction of roads of increasingly better quality. residential and industrial areas are also starting to have adequate facilities and infrastructure. in other words, companies operating in nine industrial area locations also benefit. therefore, the development of the outskirts of semarang city is strongly supported by the availability of supporting facilities. that's in line with a study conducted by alhusain, which states that facilities and infrastructure are urgent in helping and supporting the wheels of industry (alhusain, 2014, p. 40). furthermore, the movement of semarang city space has become more dynamic since the beginning of the 21st century due to changes in the function of space as a city centre. the city centre area began to be designed as a centre for government offices, tourist destinations, culture, public facilities, and businesses. the movement of the city core area caused the suburbs to begin to be prioritized for development by the community and city government. for example, the gunungpati area began to be developed into a residential area, tourism, and one of the new educational areas. the genuk area also began to show its identity as an industrial area even though it has been prone to tidal flooding since the 2000s. besides, prihanto (2012) has analyzed the development of two other suburban areas, namely ngaliyan and tembalang, some of which are hilly. in his study, he described the conditions of the two areas as continuing to develop as educational, residential, and public spaces. based on the research results, the suburban areas of semarang city began to be of interest to domestic and foreign investors in the early 21st century. the demand for land caused changes in land function and the movement of economic space in the two areas (ngaliyan and tembalang). entering the second decade of the 21st century, the gunungpati and mijen areas became the target of developers to invest their capital in the two areas. geographically, the four areas are partly or even 80 per cent hills, so they are considered ideal residential areas. developers also continuously began to convert land into residential areas with various classifications based on marketing prices. they built residential areas with high prices for the elite and some with low prices that low-income people could reach. the four areas became the location for the construction of state and private universities. that condition triggered the construction of public facilities for economic services, health, and transportation that were adequate and integrated with residential areas. furthermore, the semarang city government began to determine the division of ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 64-75 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 how economic space movement: shifting functions of semarang suburban land | 69 areas with existing land conditions. the industrial area is designated to be in the western suburbs, although some are in the ngaliyan and tugu districts. the determination of ngaliyan and tugu districts as industrial areas is because they are not far from the port area. in its development, rice fields have been converted into industrial areas, settlements, facilities, and public infrastructure that is increasingly intensive in the ngaliyan, tugu, tembalang, gunungpati, and mijen districts (figure 1). figure 1. source: prihanto, 2012. relative to the development of suburban areas, it is necessary to improve facilities and infrastructure. one of them can be done through the expansion of facilities and improving the quality of toll roads. the expansion will be related to the conversion of rural land, especially those around the toll gate (semarang city service, 2015, p. 15). however, the conversion of suburban land, referred to as a protective area for the sustainability of the ecosystem, should be used more. that condition can have a negative impact in the long term if it is maintained continuously. in addition, crucial problems will also occur if the conversion of land does not pay attention to the environmental impact. one of the problems that will arise is the loss of infiltration areas and plantations, which will cause landslides and floods. yet, some developers still prioritize current needs over the security and balance of the ecosystem. that condition can trigger excessive land use without considering the negative impact on the environment. for example, what happened in the suburban area of semarang city, which consists of hilly areas that have started to turn into residential areas? the land conversion resulted in flooding in semarang city. the problem was then overcome by the existence of polders spread across the old city area, precisely in front of tawang station, semarang city, becoming one of the solutions to accommodate flood overflows from the upper areas of semarang city, as well as floods caused by high tides. meanwhile, drainage channels in the west semarang area include the mangkang river, tapak river, boom karanganya river, jumbleng river, and tugu river. the drainage system in semarang city is integrated with drainage in coastal areas. this ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 64-75 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 how economic space movement: shifting functions of semarang suburban land | 70 drainage is one of the efforts to overcome flooding in the semarang city area. another effort the semarang city government made was to build the jatibarang reservoir, located between two sub-districts, gunungpati district and mijen district. the reservoir was built to control flooding while supporting the regional economy because it has the potential to be a tourist destination, irrigation provider, and power plant. industrial area: economic value of a space the transformation of land on the outskirts of semarang city has caused a high demand for land. it has affected the increasingly high price of land on the market. the condition occurs on the outskirts of semarang city, so agricultural land is converted into an industrial area. as a result, the area is starting to become dense and expanding. in his study, arsyad stated that an industrial area can be formed if there is a process of utilizing natural and human resources to increase the added value of raw materials into products, which affects the development of the trade and service sectors (arsyad, 2010, p. 442). the development of the outskirts of semarang city has its appeal to urban communities. basically, land conversion can occur intentionally or unintentionally. the utilization of space on the outskirts of semarang city is one example of a planned land conversion. the space is utilized by considering the benefits, convenience, and development demands and paying attention to environmental aspects. the planning can be caused by various things, one of which is the limited capacity of the city centre space, so a shift or expansion of space is needed. in addition, population growth can also result in a shift in space. therefore, planning for the development and expansion of urban areas needs to be carried out to anticipate various problems such as population density, transportation congestion, and air pollution (bapeda semarang city, 2015). in its development, nine industrial areas were built in semarang city until the end of the 21st century, one of which is bukit semarang baru, conceptualized as an integrated area. the industrial area was built near the main highway (national) traffic route. meanwhile, other industrial areas are located on the main intersections between cities and provinces on java island. the nine industrial areas occupy areas with easily accessible topography, making them very economically beneficial as built-up areas for business activities. in developing existing industrial areas, the government has carried out careful planning for long-term sustainable programs. based on table 1, the area is determined by considering aspects of environmental sustainability and products produced by each industrial sector. table 1. industrial estates have continued to be developed in the early 21st century no name industrial estate type of industry developed 1 wijayakusuma industrial park machinery, heavy equipment, electric 2 industrial estate terboyo machinery, heavy equipment, electricity 3 lamicitra nusantara industrial estate electronic, motor vehicle and gamelan assembly (all nonpollutant industries) 4 new bukit semarang integrated area: residential areas, ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 64-75 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 how economic space movement: shifting functions of semarang suburban land | 71 industrial area (112 ha) business and service centers, electronics assembly, motor vehicles and gamelan (all non-polluting industries) 5 small industrial environment new bugangan various household needs, offices, 6 industrial estate guna mekar tambak aji machinery, heavy equipment 7 candi industrial estate machinery.heavy equipment, electronics 8 tugu industrial estate machinery, heavy equipment, steel processing 9 sinar centra cipta industrial park manufacturing, consumer products source: processed from the official website of each region 2010-2020 and capital investment dynamics and semarang city government one stop integrated services based on table 1, the development of industrial areas that have been determined is influenced by government regulation no. 16 of 2004 concerning regional spatial planning. as previously explained, policymakers are carrying out the spatial planning of industrial areas and the development of transportation infrastructure in the suburban areas of semarang to achieve sustainable urban development in the future. rodrigue, comtois, and slack (2009) in their study argue that transportation itself is a link between various built-up areas and commodity centres. it can be seen in semarang city in the development of several industrial areas spread across various regions, both in the eastern, western, and northern parts of semarang city. these industrial areas include the wijaya kusuma industrial area located on pantura semarang kendal road, tugu district, owned by bumn, together with the central java provincial government and the cilacap regency government with ready-to-use land and modern ready-to-use factory buildings (bpsp) with international standards (kiw.co.id, june 2024). then, the terboyo industrial area is located in trboyo wetan village district genuk, semarang city, which borders demak city. bukit semarang baru (bsb), as the largest satellite city (suburb) in semarang, has an industrial area with a clean industry concept (pp no. 24 of 2009), which is equipped with a city park. in addition, this area is easily accessible because of the excellent road quality from various directions, which connects it to other sub-districts. the superb road quality also facilitates the community around the bsb area. the area is also not far from the jatibarang reservoir, thus accelerating the rate of industrial growth. furthermore, other small industrial areas are in the bugangan baru area in muktiharjo lor village. the lamicitra nusantara industrial area is also located at tanjung emas port, tanjung mas district, semarang. the industrial area is currently seeking to expand its location for export processing. then, the mekar industrial area is in the tambak aji village area, ngaliyan district. meanwhile, the candi industrial area is an industrial area that produces heavy equipment, machines, electronics, and other components. that area is located in ngaliyan village, ngaliyan district. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 64-75 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 how economic space movement: shifting functions of semarang suburban land | 72 meanwhile, in the westernmost area of semarang city, with the smallest population, there has been an industrial area since 1988 that the government has managed. infrastructue, land prices, and distribution patterns the enactment of law number 38 of 2004 concerning the construction of the second road triggered a change in land use in the outskirts of semarang city. we can understand that roads are land transportation infrastructure that includes all parts of the road intended for traffic on the ground's surface. hence, road infrastructure is one of the important elements in changing the spatial planning of industrial economic activities through expansion. road infrastructure development and land use changes are very closely related. that is because the expansion of the area requires transportation with good road conditions. consequently, the expansion of the industrial area will follow the axis of growth, namely following existing transportation routes or newly developed routes, to the final destination area. this pattern forms an industrial area that is interconnected with each other even though its location is spread out. in line with the program to increase the capacity of the toll road that passes through semarang city, investors have made related plans. investors have invested in response to the policy of improving the quality of toll roads. it is done by competing for new strategic land as the centre of their business development. giuliano argues that improving infrastructure will increase accessibility. that is because the land has value that needs to be developed further. then, land development will trigger the growth of various new economic activities in the community (giuliano, 2004; 2012). several new industrial areas on the outskirts of semarang city that are integrated with housing, business centres, services, and industry are developed by the private sector in collaboration with the government and state-owned enterprises. the development is an effort by the government to increase economic income and regional independence following presidential decree no. 41 of 1996. the policy was then followed up with regional autonomy law no. 22 of 1999. meanwhile, law no. 32 of 2004, which was replaced by law no. 23 of 2014, has explicitly stated that each region can optimize their potential and diversity. the policy also provides convenience for investors to invest in industrial development (suara merdeka, may 25, 2015). the description above is one factor causing the rapid conversion of land functions. in addition, the need for industrial areas also affects the value of land, which increases in a short time. when several industrial areas, such as the candi industrial area, the bukit semarang baru area, and the lamicitra nusantara area, began to be built, the surrounding areas experienced a change in function due to the drastic increase in land value. the rise in land value can occur due to several factors, including the location close to the toll gate and one of the flood-free areas. geo-economically, areas with these characteristics are considered strategic. these conditions are attractive places for business development. that is because the distance and travel time are shorter, transportation costs are cheap, and the ease of transporting goods and passengers. in ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 64-75 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 how economic space movement: shifting functions of semarang suburban land | 73 addition, high accessibility attracts investors, entrepreneurs, and the community to invest in this location. the location also has easy access to the port as an infrastructure for loading and unloading export-import commodities because it is close to the national highway. in other words, its location is on the main route connecting semarang city in the western and eastern regions of java island. moreover, the area began to be equipped with trade, commerce, services, and industry sectors that increasingly provide convenience and comfort for the residents. that is because almost all user needs can be met or obtained. these various facilities indirectly became one of the factors that caused land prices to double. at the end of the 20th century, the phenomenon that occurred in big cities in western countries was the demand for job locations close to where they lived. in addition, locations close to the workplace are also equipped with recreational, entertainment, and sports facilities, education, communication, transportation, business, services, and trade. the phenomenon will occur in developing countries in the future. therefore, developers in semarang city are always looking for strategic space by considering economic principles. on the other hand, consumers are willing to pay any price offered if they get adequate facilities. when suburban areas have access, as mentioned above, there is the potential for an increase in demand. it will impact the increase in land prices that cannot be predicted or controlled (disperindag, semarang city government, 2020). based on law no. 14 of 2011, the spatial development pattern of industrial areas can be based on the location and function of the land being developed. in general, industrial areas in semarang are located along faster transportation routes. land development in these areas can cause high mobility. therefore, land use can be explained using the relocation diffusion model. the spatial distribution model is used when people leave their home areas for economic interests. related to the topography and division of areas in an area, northam explains that appropriate topography and zoning will facilitate the provision of utility infrastructure. the expansion of the city area in his study can be called "invasion", and the process of introducing the city can be called "urban sprawl" (northam, 1994, pp. 31-35). in general, the physical distribution of semarang city follows a pattern similar to northam's explanation. that is because the road network in various regions shows uneven distribution in each part of the suburban development. the topography and geographical conditions of the area have varying contours, so the development tends to be elongated/linear. in addition, the spatial distribution pattern in the suburban area is formed evenly due to the increasing quality of connecting roads (neighbourhood roads). therefore, there is a space division between community groups in residential, industrial, and commercial areas. as instructed by the central government, the business licensing process needs to be facilitated so that the conversion and utilization of land in the suburban areas of semarang city are increasingly intense. based on the results of the spatial planning and spatial utilization analysis, many suburban villages are declared eligible as integrated industrial areas, even though they have an area of >50 ha. that is because the waste treatment plant (ipal), one of the requirements for developing an area, can ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 64-75 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 how economic space movement: shifting functions of semarang suburban land | 74 be built (mayor regulation no. 9 of 2015). the determination and placement of the area have also gone through a feasibility analysis and careful planning. the analysis was carried out by considering the availability of supporting infrastructure, such as the tanjung emas seaport's location within a certain radius as an outlet for inter-island and export products. in addition, there is also a network of northern and eastern arterial roads as primary collector roads connecting the area with the port (outlet). the network is equipped with adequate capacity electricity, water sources, telecommunications networks, and supporting facilities such as banking, health, and safety infrastructure. based on data from the department of industry and trade in 2019, more than 50% of land ownership in industrial areas on the outskirts of semarang city is managed and run by the private sector. that condition illustrates the intensity of domestic and foreign private investment. in addition, these institutions supervise area ownership, control it, and evaluate its use. meanwhile, the division of industrial locations must always follow mitigation laws. niandyati et al. (2019) explained in their study that changes in land use in suburban areas designated for industrial areas must consider the social impacts. that is because the suburban agricultural regions will continue to experience densification and expansion. that condition will cause various problems if not anticipated in advance and through an environmental impact analysis (amdal). conclusion the increasingly limited land in urban areas is one of the causes of the rapid growth of suburban areas. it is due to the movement of people from the city centre to the suburbs in the early 21st century. the movement of people occurred because the suburbs could still find relatively empty land and could be developed with careful planning to make it relatively more comfortable. the use of space to meet housing and business needs has caused land prices to increase quickly. the suburbs of semarang have become a new space for macro-scale economic activities. integrated regional development is an inseparable part of environmental change and its use. meanwhile, the selection of industrial areas has been carried out with careful planning, calculation, and analysis. the determination was made by considering environmental aspects. the government did that to avoid future problems such as natural disasters. referrences anwas, m. o. (2014). pemberdayaan masyarakat di era global. bandung: alfabeta. department of industry and trade semarang city’s government. (2015). development of small and medium industries in the city of semarang. semarang: semarang city’s government. department of industry and trade semarang city’s government. (2020). semarang city's industrial area is almost full. semarang: semarang city’s government. dicky, h. (2002). surabaya city of work: a socioeconomic history 1900 -2000. athens: ohio university press. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 64-75 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 how economic space movement: shifting functions of semarang suburban land | 75 giuliano, g. (2004). land use impacts of transportation investments: highway and transit. in the geographyof urban transportation, by s. hanson and g. giuliano (eds.). new york: the guilford press. giuliano, g., c. redfearn, a. agarwal, & s. he. (2012). network accessibility and employment centers. urban studies, 49(1): 77–95. government of the republic of indonesia. (2004). industri. bandung: solusimedia. kuntowijoyo (2013). pengantar ilmu sejarah. yogyakarta: tiara wacana. kurnianingsih, n. a. (2013). classification of regional typology of peri-urban areas in kertasura district, sukoharjo regency. journal of region and environment, 1 (3), 251-264. kurnianingsih, n. a. (2013). typological classification of peri-urban regional zones in kartasura district, sukoharjo regency. journal of regions and environment, 1 (3), 251-264. mcgee, t. g. (1991). the emergence of desakota regions in asia: expanding a hypothesis. in b. koppel & t.g. mc. gee (eds.), the extended metropolis: settlement transition in asia ginsburg. honolulu: university of hawaii press. pidora, d. (2010.) perkembangan struktur ruang kota bangkinang setelah relokasi aktivitas pemerintahan (undergraduate thesis). universitas diponegoro, indonesia. prihanto, t. (2012). rencana pembangunan jangka menengah daerah (rpjmd) tahun 2010-2015. sainteknol journal, 10 (2). prins, w. j. m. & j. m. nas. peter (1983). the struggle for the third world city. in g. ansari and p.j.m. nas (eds.), town-talk: the dynamics of urban anthropology. leiden: brill. regional planning department semarang city’s government (2019). semarang city government will not build industrial areas again. semarang: semarang city government. rodrigue, j., comtois, c., slack, b. (2009). the geography of transport systems (2nd ed.). amazon: routledge. rosyidi, s. (2011). introduction to economic theory: approaches to micro and macro-economic theories. jakarta: rajawali press. semarang city government (2015). regional development. semarang: semarang city government. semarang city planning agency (2011). spatial development plan 2011-2031. semarang: semarang city planning agency. yesiana, r. (2014). typologies of peri-urba klaten central java: a study based on socioeconomic perspective. the indonesian journal of planning and development, 1 (1), 57-64. yunus, h. s. (2008). dynamics of peri-urban areas: determinants of the future of cities. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. yunus, h. s. (1994). city space theory and model structure. yogyakarta: faculty of geography ugm. microsoft word 4. i. safitri.docx indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 44-57 © 2019 keraton yogyakarta masa lampau dan kini: dinamika suksesi raja-raja jawa | 44 keraton yogyakarta masa lampau dan masa kini: dinamika suksesi raja-raja jawa dan politik wacana “raja perempuan” ilmiawati safitri program studi s2 ilmu sejarah, fakultas ilmu budaya, universitas gadjah mada alamat korespondensi: ilmiawatisafitri@gmail.com abstract this article presents the dynamics of the succession of the king's regime in the yogyakarta palace, which entered the crisis period because of the absence of successors to the male king. the emergence of the queen discourse that echoed at the yogyakarta palace since 2010. it has sparked new tensions for the relatives of the palace. this discussion continues to grow. the words of the king echoed by sultan hamengku buwono (hb) x under the pretext of gender became political ambition to perpetuate power. this study used the historical method to answer the problems that in every change of regimes in the sultan palace, yogyakarta was always followed by conflicts over the throne and tug of war which affected the people outside the palace, such as when islamic mataram broke into four kingdoms. at that time, the community took part in regional warfare. this impact arose because of the desires of every descendant of the king, who feels entitled to become the next king. keywords: yogyakarta palace; king successions; sultan hb x; queen. abstrak artikel ini menganalisis dinamika suksesi kepemimpinan raja di keraton yogyakarta yang masuk pada masa krisis karena ketiadaan penerus raja laki-laki. kemunculan wacana “raja perempuan” yang menggema di keraton yogyakarta sejak 2010 memantik ketegangan baru bagi kerabat keraton. wacana yang muncul pada 2010 ini terus berkembang. sabda raja yang dikumandangkan sultan hamengku buwono (hb) x dengan dalih gender sesungguhnya merupakan sebuah ambisi politik guna melanggengkan kekuasaan. dengan menggunakan metode sejarah, artikel ini menjawab bahwa dalam setiap pergantian kekuasaan di keraton yogyakarta selalu diiringi konflik perebutan tahta dan tarik ulur kepentingan yang berdampak pada masyarakat di luar keraton, seperti ketika mataram islam pecah menjadi empat kerajaan. pada saat itu, masyarakat ikut andil dalam perang perebuatan wilayah. dampak ini timbul karena keinginan setiap keturunan raja yang merasa berhak menjadi raja selanjutnya. kata kunci : keraton yogyakarta; suksesi raja; sultan hb x; raja perempuan. diterima/ received: 11 mei 2019 disetujui/ accepted: 4 juli 2019 indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 44-57 © 2019 keraton yogyakarta masa lampau dan kini: dinamika suksesi raja-raja jawa | 45 pendahuluan legitimasi suatu kekuasaan adalah suatu alasan pembenar bagi seseorang atau suatu kelompok untuk memegang dan menggunakan kekuasaannya terhadap orang atau kelompok lain. dengan demikian, legitimasi merupakan prasyarat yang tidak dapat diabaikan, baik oleh seseorang maupun sekelompok orang yang hendak berkuasa. ringkasnya, legitimasi menjadi prasyarat sekaligus jaminan yang menopang keberadaan serta pemberlakuan sebuah kekuasaan (berlian, 2002: 238). jika menuntut kehidupan yang ideal, maka semestinya manusia hidup dalam kesetaraan. namun demikian, harus diakui bahwa legitimasi telah menciptakan hubungan yang tidak seimbang. dibebani oleh godaan-godaan kekukasaan tanpa batas, serta tanggung jawab tunggal dan luas untuk memertahankan ketertiban dunia, maka kedudukan raja haruslah diisi oleh seseorang yang memiliki keunggulan dan kecakapan luar biasa. orang jawa beranggapan bahwa keunggulan yang demikian harus nyata dalam sinar cahaya wajah raja. seorang raja yang buruk bahkan sering kali dianggap cacat. (moertono, 1985, p. 47). di jawa, kedudukan raja sering diabsahkan dengan membuktikan kesinambungan. hubungan darah dengan seorang pendahulu yang agung, memungkinkan seseorang ikut mendapatkan aura keagungan. kedatangan islam tidak menghilangkan kebiasaan membuktikan kesinambungan melalui kekerabatan, dan ini diperkuat dengan kehadiran budaya arab yang menggabungkan nama seorang leluhur dengan namanya sendiri (moertono, 1985, p. 62). dalam penulisan artikel ini, penulis memiliki dua pertanyaan kritis yang muncul dari peristiwa lampau dan peristiwa kontemporer yang terjadi di tanah yogyakarta. pertama, bagaimana bentuk dinamika suksesi para raja kesultanan yogyakarta dari masa ke masa? kedua, bagaimana tanggapan masyarakat dan dampak sosial politik warga yogyakarta terhadap munculnya wacana “raja perempuan”. menggunakan pendekatan ilmu politik, tulisan ini menganalisis peristiwa pemberian gelar baru bagi gkr pembayun yang sekaligus menandakan pengangkatannya sebagai putri mahkota keraton yogyakarta dengan mengaitkan terhadap kemungkinan konsep kuasa jawa, khususnya pada peran dan posisi perempuan jawa kontemporer. keraton masa lampau, suksesi raja-raja yogyakarta dari masa ke masa lahirnya kesultanan yogyakarta dan kasunanan surakarta pasca-perang perang suksesi iii atau disebut juga dengan perang mangkubumi (1746-1755) dapat dipandang sebagai kelanjutan peristiwa geger pecinan, yaitu pemberontakan yang dilakukan oleh orang-orang cina terhadap verenigde oost-indische compagnie (voc). pemberontakan ini bermula di batavia, lalu meluas hingga ke kerajaan mataram (supariadi, 1998, p. 2). perang suksesi iii yang berkecamuk selama hampir 10 tahun ini mengakibatkan terpecahnya kerajaan mataram islam menjadi dua melalui perjanjian giyanti, yaitu kesultanan yogyakarta dan kasunanan surakarta. kejadian ini dikenal pula dengan sebutan palihan nagari. peristiwa palihan nagari ternyata bukan akhir dari perpecahan kerajaan mataram. dua tahun setelah perjanjian giyanti diratifikasi, tepatnya pada 17 maret indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 44-57 © 2019 keraton yogyakarta masa lampau dan kini: dinamika suksesi raja-raja jawa | 46 1757, kembali ditandatangani suatu perjanjian damai antara sunan pakubuwono iii dengan raden mas said1. raden mas said mendapatkan gelar mangkunegara i. ia mendapat wilayah kekuasaan baru yaitu berupa tanah lungguh seluas 4.000 karya, serta mendapat hak khusus untuk menyelenggarakan kegiatan upacara kerajaan. penerimaan kedua pihak terhadap perjanjian damai, sekaligus menjadi tanda bahwa pengaruh voc dalam urusan intern keraton semakin kuat. tindakan voc bahkan tidak hanya berhenti sebagai pencetus gagasan saja, melainkan juga berperan aktif sebagai perantara, sehingga dalam sumber tradisional dituliskan bahwa voc merupakan ingkang minangka dalang (soekanto, 1952, p. 5). pemilihan nama dan gelar bagi masing-masing raja juga tidak luput dari perebutan. pada awalnya, raja mataram menggunakan gelar panembahan, sultan, dan sunan. raja pertama yang menggunakan gelar sultan adalah sultan agung hanyokrokusumo (1613-1645). sultan agung mengirimkan utusan ke makkah guna meminta gelar sultan pada ulama makkah untuk melegitimasi kekuasaannya. beberapa sejarawan mengatakan jika sultan agung termotivasi mengislamkan gelarnya karena sering muncul perselisihan antarpemeluk hindu dan islam. sebagai penguasa tertinggi di tanah mataram, sultan berkewajiban sebagai penata agama dan wakil allah, sehingga gelarnya adalah sayyidin pantogomo khalifatullah. namun raja penggantinya, amangkurat i hingga iii tidak melanjutkan gelar sultan dalam kepemimpinannya. begitu pula pakubuwono yang memilih menggunakan gelar susuhunan atau sunan. maka setelah perjanjian giyanti, gelar khalifatullah melekat pada sultan yogyakarta dan sunan pada surakarta (fuhaidah, 2015, p. 3). konflik elite dalam konteks pergantian tahta g. moedjanto menjelaskan konsep kekuasaan raja-raja mataram (1575-1755) bersifat absolut, yang tergambar dalam konsep keagung-binataran. hal itu berarti bahwa kekuasaan raja sangat besar “wenang wisesa ing sanagari” (berwenang tertinggi di seluruh negeri), tetapi harus pula diimbangi dengan kewajiban yang besar (moedjanto, 1987, p. 77-78). di puncak tertinggi, tangga bangsawan-bangsawan jawa adalah raja (sultan dan susuhunan), yang melegitimasi kekuasaannya dengan mengaku memiliki sebuah posisi sakral (kasekten). idealnya, seorang raja tidak ikut campur dalam urusan-urusan negara. akan tetapi, pada praktiknya hal ini berbeda antara satu penguasa dengan penguasa yang lain. pengelolaan harian kerajaan diserahkan kepada perdana menteri (patih), yang setelah tahun 1743 mengabdi kepada penguasa jawa dan penguasa belanda (houben, 2002, p. 12-13). dalam kaitan dengan kerajaan mataram ada dua penyebab utama perubahan yang harus diperhitungkan, yaitu penyebaran islam dan kehadiran voc, yang pada mulanya berjalan berdampingan, namun kemudian mengungguli dan akhirnya 1raden mas said adalah putera pangeran mangkunegara kendhang dan cucu raja amangkurat iv. raden mas said yang nantinya bergelar mangkunegara i ini melakukan perlawanan terhadap pakubuwono ii karena ia tidak setuju dengan perlakuan pakubuwono ii yang mudah terhasut oleh voc. pakubuwono ii juga dianggap lemah dan tidak dapat memimpin kerajaan. indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 44-57 © 2019 keraton yogyakarta masa lampau dan kini: dinamika suksesi raja-raja jawa | 47 merebut kekuasaan. sejak kedatangan voc ke tanah mataram, disusul inggris, lalu digantikan oleh pemerintah kolonial belanda, keadaan keraton semakin rumit. campur tangan pihak asing selalu menjadi pemicu perpecahan dan permusuhan antarkerabat keraton. selain itu, dalam disertasinya darsiti suratman juga menuliskan bahwa penyebab penyusutan atau erosi kekuasaan raja adalah faktor intern keraton. perebutan tahta kerajaan selalu menjadi masalah, yaitu ketika raja yang berkuasa mangkat. pascakemangkatan seorang raja, sering kali terjadi peristiwa-peristiwa yang tidak diharapkan dan berkembang menjadi perang suksesi (suratman, 1989, p. 425). tujuannya tidak lain untuk mendapatkan atau mempertahankan tahtanya. bukan menjadi rahasia umum apabila sang raja atau pangeran meminta bantuan kepada voc yang memiliki kekuasaan militer. kesempatan ini tentu dimanfaatkan sebaikbaiknya oleh pihak voc, dan dilanjutkan oleh pemerintah kolonial hindia belanda. namun kemudian, oleh pihak kolonial, lingkup kekuasaan raja dipersempit, sehingga tidak terasa habislah kekuasaan raja menurut konsep politik. suksesi raja-raja di kesultanan yogyakarta rumitnya perputaran kekuasaan dari sultan hb ii ke hb iii raden mas sundoro atau raden mas timur terpilih menjadi putra mahkota saat ia berusia sepuluh tahun, dengan gelar kanjeng pangeran adipati anom hamengkunegara sudibya raja putra nalendra mataram. pada 24 maret 1792, sang ayah, yaitu sultan hb i wafat (darmasastri, 2006, p. 41). raden mas sundoro diangkat menjadi raja selanjutnya dengan gelar sri sultan hb ii. ia dikenal sebagai raja yang keras dan anti terhadap belanda. oleh sebab itu, masa pemerintahan sultan hb ii menjadi salah satu periode pemerintahan yang paling bergolak. konflik-konflik yang terjadi di antara para putra mangkubumi dan orang-orang eropa menghiasi jalannya pemerintahan sultan. berbeda dari sikap yang ditunjukkan oleh sultan hb i yang bersedia bekerja sama dengan pihak belanda, sultan hb ii menolak dengan tegas campur tangan lebih besar dari pihak asing, baik belanda maupun inggris. sutan hb ii tidak menganggap belanda sebagai kekuatan yang harus diperlakukan dengan hati-hati. situasi dalam keraton menjadi semakin pelik. pasalnya, sultan hb ii mengganti sebagian penasihat raja pada masa sultan hb i, padahal para pengganti tidak cakap dalam mengatasi permasalahan pemerintahan dalam keraton. salah seorang di antara penasihat keraton yang dipilih oleh sultan hb ii adalah patih danureja ii, cucu patih danureja i (1755-1799). namun demikian, keputusan untuk memilih patih danureja ii ini ternyata sangat merugikan keraton, karena sang patih justru berbalik mendukung belanda. dukungan yang lemah dari orang-orang di sekitar raja rupanya membuat pemerintah kolonial belanda berkeinginan mengganti kedudukan sultan hb ii dengan putra mahkota yang dipandang lebih lunak dan mudah diajak bekerja sama. hal ini bemula ketika terjadi pertikaan antara sang raja dengan belanda pada 28 juli 1808. pada waktu itu, daendels mengumumkan suatu peraturan baru mengenai upacara penerimaan wakil bangsa belanda di dalam keraton. peraturan tersebut indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 44-57 © 2019 keraton yogyakarta masa lampau dan kini: dinamika suksesi raja-raja jawa | 48 dibuat daendels dengan tujuan agar tercapai kesetaraan derajat antara residen belanda sebagai wakil raja louis dari belanda dengan penguasa jawa. namun demikian, hanya susuhanan dari kasunanan surakarta yang menerima dan menjalankan peraturan dari daendels tersebut, sedangkan sultan hb ii menolaknya. (darmasastri, 2006, p. 51). ia beranggapan bahwa peraturan baru tersebut adalah bentuk penghinaan terhadap kedudukannya. pada 30 desember 1810 daendels bergerak menuju yogyakarta dengan membawa 3.200 serdadu dan memaksa sultan hb ii turun tahta untuk kemudian menyerahkan tahta kepada putranya yang kini menjadi wakil raja. selain itu,, sultan juga dituntut untuk membayar sebanyak hampir setengah juta gulden sebagai uang tebusan bagi pasukan daendels. setelah peristiwa penyerbuan tersebut, sultan hb ii masih diperbolehkan tinggal di keraton dan berganti nama menjadi sultan sepuh. akan tetapi, pemerintahan baru ini tidak berlangsung lama karena pada akhir september 1811, sultan hb ii berhasil merebut kembali tahta pemerintahan (sumbogo, 2000, p. 42-43). pada pemerintahannya yang kedua, sultan hb ii kembali menghadapi masalah dengan penguasa baru, yaitu thomas stanfford raffles (1811-1816). tidak jauh berbeda dengan daendels, raffles juga menentang feodalisme. pada mulanya, raffles tidak ambil masalah dengan sultan hb ii. namun ternyata, secara diam-diam sultan hb ii berkoordinasi dengan kasunanan surakarta untuk mengumpulkan militer guna menyerang pasukan inggris. hubungan rahasia ini diketahui oleh pihak inggris berkat mata-mata pangeran natakusuma yang telah dijadikan sekutu inggris di dalam keraton yogyakarta. hingga akhirnya, pada juni 1812, raffles memutuskan untuk menyerbu keraton yogyakarta karena usahanya untuk bekerja sama dengan sultan hb ii ditolak. penyerbuan ini dilakukan oleh 1200 prajurit eropa dan sepoy (india) serta didukung 800 prajurit legiun mangkunegaran. peristiwa ini kemudian dikenal dengan peristiwa geger sepoy (darmasastri, 2006, p. 55-56). dampak dari peristiwa geger sepoy ini sangat merugikan kesultanan yogyakarta. keraton dirampok dan dijarah oleh orang-orang inggris. selain kehilangan harta, keraton juga kehilangan naskah berharga. tidak hanya itu, uang perbendaharaan milik keraton juga dikuasai dan diambil oleh raffles. beberapa literatur menuliskan bahwa uang yang diambil adalah sebesar 500.000 gulden (m.c ricklefs, 2005, p. 250). sultan hb ii kemudian ditangkap dan menjalani hukuman pengasingan di pulau penang bersama dengan putranya, yaitu pangeran mangkudiningrat (carey, 1985, p. 11). pasca-geger sepoy, pangeran natakusuma yang membantu pihak inggris dihadiahi wilayah kekuasaan seluas 4.000 cacah di kawasan yogyakarta. ia juga mendapat gelar baru, yaitu pakualam i dengan kerajaan baru yang bernama pura pakualam. setelah diasingkan di pulau penang, sultan hb ii dipindahkan ke jakarta selama satu tahun, untuk kemudian dipindahkan ke ambon (1816-1826). di usianya yang ke76, sultan hb ii dipulangkan dan diangkat kembali menjadi raja hingga akhir hayatnya (1826-1828). sultan hb ii atau dikenal sebagai sultan sepuh merupakan raja yang paling kontroversial, karena menjadi satu-satunya raja yogyakarta yang indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 44-57 © 2019 keraton yogyakarta masa lampau dan kini: dinamika suksesi raja-raja jawa | 49 dinaikkan ke tahta tiga kali berturut-turut sebagai akibat dari kisruh politik internal keraton. meskipun demikian, sultan hb ii tetaplah raja besar, dengan sifat “kepala batu” sebagaimana julukan yang diberikan belanda. ia mewariskan sifat ksatrianya pada keturunannya. ia pula satu-satunya raja yogyakarta yang tidak dimakamkan di kompleks pemakaman sakral raja-raja mataram, di bukit imogiri. gambar 1. pasang surut suksesi politik keraton yogyakarta 1812-1828 sumber: purwadi, 2007. sultan hb v, raja tanpa putera mahkota sultan hb v memiliki nama kecil g.r.m. gathot menol. g.r.m. gathot menol dinobatkan sebagai raja di usianya masih sangat muda, yaitu tiga tahun. pada saat naik tahta, g.r.m. gathot menol didampingi oleh dewan perwalian yang terdiri atas neneknya, ibunya, pangeran mangkubumi (putra sultan hb ii), dan pangeran diponegoro (anak sultan hb iii) karena masih balita. beberapa sejarawan mengatakan bahwa salah satu penyebab dari perang diponegoro adalah penobatan sultan hb v tanpa memedulikan hak-hak pangeran diponegoro. (purwadi, 2007, p. 445-447).hal itu lah yang ditengarai menjadi penyebab, pangeran diponegoro mundur dari jabatannya sebagai dewan perwalian, dan mulailah diponegoro dibantu kyai mojo serta sentot prawirodirdjo melakukan perlawanan terhadap kolonial. kehidupan sultan hb v dianggap sebagai kehidupan raja yang paling dramatis. ketika ia dinobatkan sebagai raja, tahtanya sempat “diambil” oleh pendahulunya yaitu sultan hb ii atas campur tangan belanda. sultan hb ii sebenarnya masih menjalani masa pengasingan di ambon. belanda sengaja memulangkannya agar dapat berkuasa kembali dengan misi khusus yang telah mereka rencanakan. setelah sultanhb ii wafat, hb v kembali naik ke singgasana raja pada 1828. akan tetapi, pada masa pemerintahannya, sang raja kehilangan banyak dukungan, baik dari internal keraton maupun sebagian rakyat yogyakarta (https://tirto.id/mk-putuskan-sultanperempuan-bisa-jadi-gubernur-diy-cvgn, diakses 17 oktober 2018). harus diakui bahwa pengaruh pemerintah kolonial belanda sangat kuat dalam suksesi paksa ini. saat itu, belanda menggunakan “akal bulusnya” dan berusaha memecah belah internal keraton serta rakyat yogyakarta. selain karena sultan hb v dinilai kurang cakap dan masih terlalu muda, belanda juga membutuhkan sultan hb ii untuk memecah dukungan rakyat yogyakarta dalam perang diponegoro, karena sebagian besar rakyat yogyakarta mendukung pangeran diponegoro. sultan hb ii naik tahta (1792) sultan hb ii dilengserkan, sultan hb iii naik tahta (1810) sultan hb iii dilengserkan, sultan hb ii naik tahta kembali (1811) sultan hb ii dilengserkan, sultan hb iii naik tahta kembali (1812) sultan hb ii naik tahta untuk ketiga kalinya, hingga beliau wafat (1826) indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 44-57 © 2019 keraton yogyakarta masa lampau dan kini: dinamika suksesi raja-raja jawa | 50 pada 28 maret 1830, de kock berhasil menangkap pangeran diponegoro di wisma keresidenan kedu. selanjutnya, pangeran diponegoro bersama beberapa pengikutnya dibawa ke semarang, kemudian dibawa ke batavia untuk diasingkan ke manado. sampai akhirnya, sang pangeran wafat di makassar pada 8 januari 1855 (https://www.kratonjogja.id/raja-raja/6/sri-sultan-hamengku-buwono-v, diakses pada 17 oktober 2018). sang sultan yang lahir pada 1821 ini wafat pada 5 juni 1855 dalam usia 34 tahun. pada saat itu, g.k.r. kencono sebagai permaisuri pertama belum memiliki putra. sementara itu, permaisuri kedua, yaitu g.k.r. sekar kedaton yang sedang hamil juga belum menunjukkan tanda-tanda kelahiran. maka dari itu, untuk kali pertama, tahta kerajaan diserahkan kepada adik kandung sultan hb v yang bernama raden mas mustojo. pada 15 julli 1855, raden mas mustojo dinobatkan menjadi raja selanjutnya yang bergelar sultan hb vi. meskipun sultan hb vi bukan putera kandung dari raja sebelumnya, ia mendapatkan dukungan penuh dari kalangan bangsawan di yogyakarta. oleh sebab itu, setelah mendapat persetujuan dari pihak kolonial, raden mas mustojo tanpa ada halangan dilantik menjadi raja (sesana, 2010, p. 31). guna mencegah hal-hal yang tidak diinginkan, seperti pertumpahan darah karena perebutan tahta, sultan hb vi segera menetapkan putra mahkotanya pada 1872. akan tetapi, ternyata tidak semua hal berjalan sesuai rencana. raden mas mohammad, putra sultan hb v yang lahir pada 17 juni 1855 atau 14 hari setelah sultan hb v wafat meminta agar dirinyalah yang dinobatkan menjadi raja selanjutnya. permintaan itu kemudian memicu konflik internal di keraton yogyakarta, yang dikenal dengan peristiwa suryangelangan. akhirnya, permaisuri dari sultan hb v yaitu ratu sekar kedaton dan raden mas mohammad diasingkan ke manado hingga akhir hayatnya. konflik perpindahan kekuasaan sultan hamengku buwono vii ke hb viii sultan hamengku buwono vii lahir pada 4 februari 1839 dengan nama g.r.m. murtedjo. setelah sang ayah wafat, sultan hb vii semakin ditekan oleh pihak kolonial untuk menandatangani berbagai perjanjian yang telah dipersiapkan oleh penguasa hindia belanda. kenaikan tahta sultan hb vii pada 1877 berlangsung hampir bersamaan dengan kenaikan tahta k.g.p.a. paku alam v yang dinobatkan setahun kemudian. hal ini berarti bahwa kedua wilayah kekuasaan raja-raja ini, yang secara administratif merupakan wilayah pemerintahan residen yogyakarta, sudah siap menerima rencana pembaharuan yang dikonsepkan oleh pemerintah kolonial, khususnya dalam bidang hukum dan keamanan (sesana, 2010, p. 39). sultan hb vii memiliki 21 istri serta memiliki 78 anak yang terdiri atas 31 putra dan 47 putri. pada 1872-1883, g.k.r. kencono yang merupakan permaisuri sultan harus dilengserkan dan menjadi bergelar g.k.r. wandhan. selanjutnya, kedudukan permaisuri digantikan oleh gkr hemas yang memiliki lima putra dan enam putri. putra laki-laki pertama bernama g.r.m. akhadiyat yang ketika berusia sembilan tahun diangkat menjadi putra mahkota (margana et al., 2016, p. 43). indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 44-57 © 2019 keraton yogyakarta masa lampau dan kini: dinamika suksesi raja-raja jawa | 51 dalam tradisi raja-raja jawa, sejak masa dinasti mataram islam, penunjukan putra mahkota memang tidak selalu dilakukan oleh raja menjelang akhir hayatnya, atau akhir kekuasaannya. justru sebaliknya, untuk memperkuat posisinya, raja-raja jawa sering kali menyiapkan putra mahkota pada masa puncak kekuasaannya. setidaknya, hal ini memiliki dua manfaat; pertama, untuk mencegah terjadinya intrikintrik di kemudian hari;. kedua, untuk memperkuat posisi raja sendiri dan dinastinya, karena jika status pewaris tahta jelas, maka dukungan kesetiaan dan kepatuhan di kalangan para pendukung putra mahkota akan dijamin (sesana, 2010, p. 67). pada 1892, g.k.r. hemas wafat. setahun kemudian, sang putra mahkota yang masih berusia 17 tahun dan belum menikah juga wafat. peristiwa ini tentu menimbulkan pergolakan di kalangan elite keraton. ratu kencono sebagai permaisuri kedua meminta agar putranya, yaitu pangeran mangkukusumo diangkat menjadi pengganti pangeran akhadiyat. namun demikian, sultan hb vii tidak mengabulkan permintaan tersebut atas pertimbangan karena g.k.r. kencono berstatus sebagai permaisuri kedua. atas dasar pertimbangan itu, sultan hb vii tetap menunjuk putranya dari ratu hemas yang bernama raden mas (r.m.) juminah menjadi pewaris tahta. r.m. juminah yang bergelar pangeran adipati anom hamangkunagoro dikenal sebagai seorang pemuda yang pandai dan kritis. pada mulanya, pihak kolonial menganggap hal ini menguntungkan karena sang putra mahkota masih remaja, sehingga mudah diajak bekerja sama. namun di luar dugaan, pangeran juminah ternyata mempelajari pasal-pasal yang dimuat dalam verklaring atau kontrak yang diajukan oleh pemerintah kolonial belanda dengan seksama. ia lantas menolak kontrak yang antara lain berisi (1) pemberian hak bangun (opstalrecht) kepada pemerintah kolonial; (2) pengambilalihan hak dari penguasa lokal bagi monopoli penjualan garam; (3) candu di wilayah kesultanan diganti menjadi kompensasi tahunan; (4) ketentuan lebih longgar tentang sewa tanah bagi perkebunan (onderneming) dan (5) kesanggupan pewaris tahta untuk tidak memungut pajak baru. kekecewaan pihak belanda terhadap pangeran juminah berujung pada usaha untuk menurunkan sang pangeran dari tahtanya. usaha yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah kolonial belanda salah satunya adalah dengan menghasut sultan hb vii agar menurunkan sang putra dari tahtanya atau kemudian dikenal dengan “politik adu domba”. pemerintah kolonial belanda rupanya berhasil menghasut sultan. pada 1902, pangeran juminah diturunkan dari kursi putra mahkota. berkali-kali gagal dalam menentukan putra mahkota yang menjadi pewaris kerajaan, sultan hb vii akhirnya menunjuk rm putro adik kandung g.r.m. juminah sebagai putra mahkota. pemerintah kolonial belanda berharap persoalan verklaring dapat diselesaikan ketikan r.m. putro beranjak dewasa, terlebih pada 1911 diumumkan peraturan baru mengenai kontrak politik. namun demikian, harapan itu pupus ketika diketahui r.m. putro sering sakit dan kesehatannya terus menurun. pemerintah hindia belanda yang mendengar kabar tersebut kemudian mengupayakan pengobatan medis. akan tetapi, upaya itu tidak membuahkan hasil, hingga akihrnya r.m. putro wafat pada 20 februari 1913 (sesana, 2010). indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 44-57 © 2019 keraton yogyakarta masa lampau dan kini: dinamika suksesi raja-raja jawa | 52 keinginan hindia belanda untuk segera menguasai garam yang ada di kesultanan yogyakarta melalui penandatanganan verklaring oleh putra mahkota, memaksa sultan hbvii segera menentukan pengganti rm putro. liefrinck (residen belanda) berusaha membujuk sultan agar mengangkat pangeran mangkukusumo, putra dari ratu kencono (permaisuri kedua). namun demikian,sultan hb vii menolak. penolakan tersebut masi berdasar pertimbangan yang sama, yaitu status ratu kencono sebagai permaisuri kedua. keteguhan hati sultan hb vii ini membuat kursi putra mahkota kosong hingga 1915. banyak permasalahan yang terjadi setelah r.m. putro wafat, salah satunya adalah calon putra mahkota selanjutnya, yaitu pangeran puruboyo yang dituduh mencuri uang, sehingga menyulut kemarahan sultan hb vii. hal ini merupakan kesempatan emas bagi ratu kencono dan r.m. mangkukusumo guna menggantikan puruboyo. sultan hb vii hampir saja mengangkat mangkukusumo sebagai putra mahkota. akan tetapi, keputusan itu tidak langsung disetujui oleh gubernur jenderal hindia belanda karena mereka mencium ada sesuatu yang tidak wajar. pada akhirnya, pangeran puruboyo memang ditakdirkan untuk menggantikan ayahnya. pada 13 juli 1924, ia dikukuhkan menjadi putra mahkota. namun demikian, residen bijleveld mengusulkan kepada sultan hb vii agar puruboyo melanjutkan pendidikan ke luar keraton. sultan hb vii memberikan izin kepada puruboyo berangkat ke belanda, untuk melanjutkan pendidikan sekaligus mempersiapkan diri menjadi pewaris tahta. sementara sang putra menuntut ilmu di negeri belanda, sultan hb vii merasa sangat tertekan dengan kebijakan pemerintah kolonial belanda yang dirasa semakin mengurangi wewenang dan kewibawaannya sebagai raja. berbagai permasalahan datang silih berganti, baik yang bersifat kenegaraan maupun kekeluargaan, termasuk persoalan putra mahkota dan para permaisuri. dalam bidang politik dan pemerintahan, sultan hb vii menyadari bahwa dirinya semakin tidak bebas membuat kebijakan. hal itu terjadi karena birokrasi kolonial semakin mendominasi wilayah kerajaannya. namun demikian, ambisi untuk menjadi seorang raja yang besar dan berwibawa masih tinggi. hal itu kemudian diwujudkan dengan memberikan perhatian pada bidang kesenian dan kebudayaan. pada desember 1920, kondisi fisik sultan hb vii semakin menurun. beberapa pejabat belanda di batavia yang telah menyiapkan rancangan verklaring dan akta van verband untuk ditandatangani oleh pewaris tahta dan calon raja baru kemudian berinisiatif memanggil puruboyo untuk pulang ke yogyakarta. rancangan upacara pergantian tahta juga telah disiapkan. demikian sultan hb vii berada di akhir kepemimpinannnya. sebelum wafat, sultan hb vii secara resmi digantikan oleh rm puruboyo (sesana, 2010). peristiwa penurunan sultan ini hampir serupa dengan yang terjadi dengan sultan hb ii, yaitu lengser keprabon dinamika polemik keraton masa kini dalam silsilah raja-raja di kesultanan yogyakarta belum pernah didapati seorang ratu (raja perempuan). sistem patrimonial yang diaplikasikan pada pewarisan tahta kerajaan ini menggunakan sistem pewarisan tahta menurut garis ayah, yang lebih indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 44-57 © 2019 keraton yogyakarta masa lampau dan kini: dinamika suksesi raja-raja jawa | 53 mementingkan laki-laki daripada perempuan sebagai pewaris tahta. raja adalah seorang bapak, mulia, memiliki kuasa seperti dewa, sumber segala kebaikan, kemakmuran, keadilan, kesejahteraan, dan pelindung semua orang sebagaimana tercantum dalam babad tanah djawi, serat tjentini, dan serat wulangreh (dewi, 2017, p. 67). demikian tradisi yang telah mengakar di kesultanan yogyakarta, sehingga ketika sultan hb x mengangkat putrinya, yaitu g.k.r. pembayun menjadi putri mahkota dengan gelar g.k.r. mangkubumi muncul protes dari berbagai kalangan. keputusan berani itu dianggap sesuai dengan tradisi dan sejarah kesultanan yogyakarta, sehingga menyebabkan polemik terutama di kalangan bangsawan. seperti yang kita ketahui bahwa yogyakarta merupakan daerah istimewa yang sah sejak masa awal kemerdekaan. keistimewaan yogyakarta semakin kuat setelah uu no. 13 tahun 2012 tentang kesitimewan diy dikeluarkan. seiring dengan pengakuan masyarakat mengenai keistimewaan yogyakarta, keraton yogyakarta menetapkan semacam paugeran (konstitusi) yang menyatakan bahwa gubernur atau raja adalah seorang laki-laki keturunan raja yang bertahta sebelumnya. hal ini tercantum dalam uu no.13 tahun 2012 pasal 18 ayat 1 tentang pengisian jabatan gubernur dan wakil gubernur yang berbunyi “menyerahkan daftar riwayat hidup dengan melampirkan riwayat pendidikan, pekerjaan, saudara kandurng, istri, dan anak”. jika melihat pasal tersebut, maka dapat kita ketahui bahwa seharusnya yang menjadi gubernur adalah laki-laki. polemik di atas muncul karena sri sultan hb x tidak memiliki anak laki-laki. oleh karena itu, kemudian dibuat raperdais (rancangan peraturan daerah istimewa) nomor 2 tahun 2015 yang berisi tata cara pengisian jabatan gubernur, khususnya persyaratan pengisian jabatan. pada pasal 3 ayat (1) huruf (m) disebutkan bahwa syarat menjadi gubernur adalah “menyerahkan daftar riwayat hidup yang memuat, antara lain riwayat pendidikan, pekerjaan, saudara kandung, dan anak” (undangundang nomor. 13 tahun 2012 tentang keistimewaan daerah istimewa yogyakarta). kemunculan sabda raja sebanyak empat kali berturut-turut ini merupakan dampak dari kegelisahan sultan hb x yang merasa sulit menobatkan g.k.r. pembayun menjadi putri mahkota. dalam catatan sejarah, suksesi raja mataram belum pernah ada sultan perempuan. jika seorang sultan tidak memiliki putra lakilaki maka yang berhak mewarisi tahta adalah adik laki-laki sultan. namun demikian, jika dilihat dari kacamata politik keraton, sebenarnya yang membuat sulit penobatan putri mahkota adalah masalah paugeran. oleh sebab itu, sultan hb x harus menggunakan kekuasaan dan kewenangannya untuk mengubah paugeran keraton demi memudahkan penobatan putri sulungnya. menurut para pengamat politik keraton, ada dua penghalang utama dari dalam keraton yang harus diterobos oleh sultan hb x sebelum menobatkan putrinya menjadi putri mahkota. pertama, sultan hb x harus memensiunkan keris ki ageng kopek dan keris joko piturun. keris dalam konsep kekuasaan jawa bukan hanya sebagai senjata sang raja, tetapi keris adalah wujud konkret dari kekuasaan itu sendiri. (putra, 2016, p. 42). keris juga merupakan ageman bagi laki-laki dan tentu tidak diperuntukkan bagi perempuan. kedua, permasalahan atas penghapusan gelar indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 44-57 © 2019 keraton yogyakarta masa lampau dan kini: dinamika suksesi raja-raja jawa | 54 khalifatullah yang bukanlah tanpa makna. gelar ini berarti bentuk tanggung jawab sang raja di hadapan allah swt selama memimpin di bumi. selain itu, gelar ini merupakan jati diri seorang raja yang bernafaskan islam. dengan demikian, jika merujuk pada asas kepemimpinan islam, maka seorang pemimpin atau raja adalah laki-laki. wacana “raja perempuan” dan politik kekuasaan sepanjang 2015 sultan hb x telah mengeluarkan sabda raja sebanyak empat kali. sabda yang dikeluarkan oleh sultan tersebut berkaitan dengan persoalan suksesi di keraton yogyakarta. pada 6 maret 2015, masyarakat yogyakarta dikagetkan dengan sabdatama sultan hb x yang merupakan kali kedua sang sultan mengemukakan sabda. pada sabdatama pertama, sultan mengeluarkan titah sebagai bentuk tanggapan atas polemik pembahasan rancangan undang-undang keistimewaan (ruuk) yogyakarta. sementara itu, sabdatama kedua, adalah tanggapan sultan hb x atas penggodokan rancangan perdais yogyakarta di dprd diy yang tergolong panas (putra, 2016, p. 1). pada 30 april 2015, ngarsa dalem kembali mengeluarkan sabda. isi sabda raja kali ini antara lain, pertama, penyebutan buwono yang diganti menjadi bawono; kedua, gelar khalifatullah seperti yang tertulis lengkap dalam gelar raja-raja sebelumnya dihilangkan; ketiga, penyebutan kaping sedoso diganti menjadi kaping sepuluh; keempat, ada penambahan gelar suryaning mataram. maka dari itu sultan hb x juga mengubah gelarnya, dari yang awalnya bergelar ngarso dalem sampeyan dalem ingkang sinuwun kanjeng sultan hamengku buwono senopati ing ngalogo ngabdurrahman sayyidin panotogomo khalifatullah ingkang jumeneg kaping sedoso ing ngayogyakarta hadiningrat, berubah menjadi ngarso dalem sampeyan dalem ingkang sinuwun sri sultan hamengku buwono ingkang jumeneng kasepuluh suryaning mataram senopati ing ngalogo langgeng ing bawono langgeng, langgeng ing tata panotogomo. tidak lama kemudian, hanya berselang lima hari, sultan hb x kembali bersabda. pada 5 mei 2015, sultan hb x mengeluarkan dhawuh raja yang mengangkat g.k.r. pembayun sebagai putri mahkota. sebagai penanda pengangkatannya, g.k.r. pembayun memperoleh gelar baru, yaitu gusti kanjeng ratu mangkubumi hamemayu hayuning bawono langgeng ing mataram. dhawuh raja atau sabda raja tersebut sontak membuat gaduh politik internal keraton. g.b.p.h. yudhaningrat yang pada saat sabdatama masih bersikap tenang, mendadak bersuara lantang menolak kedua sabda tersebut. begitu juga adik-adik sultan hb x lainnya, seperti g.b.p.h. prabukusumo dan k.g.p.h. hadiwinoto yang menganggap titah sultan hb x melanggar paugeran keraton (putra, 2016, p. 6). suhu politik yang terus naik juga merupakan dampak dari pemberitaan media massa yang terlalu masif, sehingga memunculkan banyak tanggapan dan komentar. wacana raja perempuan ini juga menjadikan kerabat keraton yogyakarta tercpecah. perubahan paugeran keraton dalam persoalan pengaturan suksesi raja diduga akan menimbulkan goncangan yang besar. sebab, perubahan gender raja akan berakibat pada perubahan tata nilai dan sistem ideologi yang dianut keraton. sementara itu, indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 44-57 © 2019 keraton yogyakarta masa lampau dan kini: dinamika suksesi raja-raja jawa | 55 keraton mengemban misi pengayoman bagi seluruh masyarakat (harjono, 2011, p. 8). pengaturan mekanisme suksesi di keraton yogyakarta sudah paten, yaitu fiqh islam dalam hukum khilafah. al-mulk (raja) dalam konsep ini adalah seorang laki-laki, sehingga kontradiksi wacana raja perempuan dikhawatirkan akan menyebabkan disharmoni sosial bagi yogyakarta itu sendiri. keluarga sultan, terutama adik-adiknya menilai bahwa langkah sultan hb x keliru dan bertentangan dengan adat, dan aturan keraton yogyakarta. oleh sebab itu, beberapa adik sultan berziarah ke makam leluhur memintakan maaf atas perilaku sultan hb x yang dinilai melanggar adat istiadat. mereka bahkan tidak hadir ketika sultan hb x mengumumkan nama baru bagi putri sulungnya. barangkali itu merupakan bentuk protes terhadap kebijakan sultan. namun demikian, pergantian nama ini tetap berlangsung dan menjadi tanda bahwa pembayun akan menggantikan ayahnya menjadi sultan ke-sebelas yang bertahta di yogyakarta (kedaulatan rakyat, 7 mei 2015). simpulan kondisi yang dialami yogyakarta saat ini persis pernah terjadi seperti yang dialami oleh sri sultan hb v menjelang suksesi kekuasaannya. sultan hb v tidak memiliki anak laki-laki yang dapat menggantikannya. semua anaknya perempuan, sehingga adik kandungnyalah yang menggantikan sang sultan. akhirnya, sultan hb vi bertahta menggantikan kakaknya yang wafat di usia cukup muda. belajar dari sejarah memang bukan hal mudah. perubahan dan perputaran kehidupan terus terjadi. apabila sultan hb x mengikuti paugeran keraton, maka seharusnya ia mewariskan tahtanya kepada sang adik. akan tetapi, semuanya berbeda, ketika paugeran bukanlah tonggak utama dalam pengambilan keputusan, maka hal di luar aturan pun dapat terjadi. sabdatama dan sabda raja yang diterbitkan sultan hb x bukan merupakan sumber hukum tata negara, baik dilihat dari segi formal maupun materiil. hal itu karena isi dari sabdatama dan sabda raja sampai saat ini belum sepenuhnya diakui oleh pemerintah diy dan masyarakat yogyakarta, sehingga dianggap tidak memiliki legitimasi. oleh sebab itu, menurut penulis, sultan hb x sebaiknya meminta pendapat rakyat terlebih dahulu, apakah rakyat menghendaki perubahan uuk (undang-undang keistimewaan) seperti isi dari sabdatama dan sabda raja atau tetap seperti apa yang sekarang sudah ditentukan dalam uuk. keistimewaan yang dimiliki diy bukannya tanpa batasan-batasan konstitusional, apalagi hanya ditentukan oleh satu orang, tetapi pemerintahan yang demokratis menghendaki dukungan dari segenap lapisan masyarakat. referensi berlian, s. (2002). “legitimasi dan suksesi (studi tentang dasar hubungan rakyat dan penguasa dalam sejarah politik jawa abad xv-xvi) (tesis). universitas gadjah mada, yogyakarta. carey, peter (terjemahan) (1985). asal-usul perang jawa: pemberontakan sepoy dan lukisan raden salen. jakarta: pustaka azet. indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 44-57 © 2019 keraton yogyakarta masa lampau dan kini: dinamika suksesi raja-raja jawa | 56 darmasastri, hayu a. (2006). tradisi militer di kerajaan jawa: prajurit wanita di kasultanan yogyakarta masa sultan hamengkubuwono ii 1767-1830 (tesis). universitas gadjah mada, yogyakarta. dewi, kurniawati h. (2017). pegangkatan putri mahkota dan indikasi pergeseran konsep kuasa jawa: analisis pendahuluan. jurnal masyarakat & budaya, 19 (1): 59-76. fuhaidah, u. (2015). resistensi penobatan putri mahkota untuk kasultanan yogyakarta. jurnal esensia, 16 (2). 169-175. harjono, s. (2011). konflik di seputar suksesi raja kraton kasultanan ngayogyakarta hadiningrat: dulu, kini serta konteks masa depan (tesis). universitas gadjah mada, yogyakarta. houben, vincent j. h. (2002). keraton dan kompeni surakarta dan yogyakarta, 1830-1870. yogyakarta: bentang budaya. https://tirto.id/mk-putuskan-sultan-perempuan-bisa-jadi-gubernur-diy-cvgn, diakses 17 oktober 2018. https://www.kratonjogja.id/raja-raja/6/sri-sultan-hamengku-buwono-v, diakses pada 17 oktober 2018. kedaulatan rakyat, 7 mei 2015. margana, et al. (2016). sultan hamengkubuwono vii dan kedaton ambarukmo, yogyakarta: dinas kebudayaan diy. moedjanto, g. (1987). konsep kekuasaan jawa: penerapannya oleh raja-raja mataram, yogyakarta: kanisius. purwadi (2007). sejarah raja-raja jawa (sejarah kehidupan kraton dan perkembangannya di jawa). yogyakarta: media abadi. putra, fajar r. (2016). sikap politik media dalam polemik suksesi raja yogyakarta (analisis wacana kritis terhadap surat kabar harian kedaulatan rakyat dalam polemik suksesi kraton yogyakarta) (skripsi). universitas gadjah mada, yogyakarta. ricklefs, m. c. (2005). sejarah indonesia modern 1200-2004. jakarta: pt serambi ilmu semesta. sesana, r. (2010). intrik politik dan pergantian tahta di kasultanan yogyakarta 18771921 (tesis). universitas indonesia, depok. soekanto (1952). sekitar jogjakarta. yogyakarta: t.p. sumbogo, r. m. wibatsu harianto (2000). sri sultan hamengku buwana ii, sultan sepuh hambangun tapa. yogyakarta: mandara giri mataram. supariadi (1998). surakarta masa pemerintahan sunan pakubuwono iv 1788-1820 priyayi dan kyai pada masa transisi kolonial (tesis). universitas gadjah mada, yogyakarta. microsoft word 15. desi susilowati et al. (apa-n).docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 170-185 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 kampung improvement program: obstacles and implementation in semarang, 1978-1988 | 170 received: june 16, 2020 revised: december 9, 2020 accepted: december 9, 2020 kampung improvement program: obstacles and implementation in semarang, 1978-1988 desi tri susilowati*, yety rochwulaningsih, haryono rinardi master program of history, faculty of humanities, universitas diponegoro, semarang, indonesia *corresponding author: desi.bpdikjur@gmail.com doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v4i2.8951 abstract this study analyzes kampung improvement program (kip) implementation and its impact on social life in semarang between 1978-1988 periods. the kip program is considered successful in building and managing slum settlements in semarang. the success of semarang in implementing this program makes it as a pilot project for the arrangement of two cities in southeast asia, namely manila and bangkok in 1987. this study emphasizes the use of government documents and newspapers to analyze kip implementation progress in semarang in the period of 1978 and ended at 1988. the program implementation was divided into two major stages, kip urban iii and kip urban v. from kip program, various physical infrastructure to support basic needs, such as toilets, clean water networks, sanitation, and road paving have been built. in its development, the kip implementation brings a new face to semarang towards slum villages, decreases the social pathology of the communities, and develops social groups, such as empowering integrated health service port (posyandu) and family welfare program (pkk). kip urban iii was able to complete the construction of 21 villages, while in kip urban v there were 35 villages, bringing the total number of 56 villages developed. keywords: kampung improvement program (kip); urban problems; slum; settlement. introduction urbanization and increased number of population occur in several major cities in indonesia since the beginning of new order, causing regional governments to be hit by a pile of urban problems. the growth of urban homelessness, unemployment, squatter huts, slums and poor, metropolitan youth gangsters, increasing crime, and crowded public transportation are unavoidable consequences. the government tries to solve these urban problems by implementing a strategy, namely national urban policy according to the needs of each city growing rapidly with a focus on the implementation of city building, structuring and development. in terms of area arranging, the government makes arrangements for deemed slum areas by implementing the kampung improvement program (kip). it is supported by loan funds from the world bank, the state budget (apbn), the provincial state budget, and the regional revenue and expenditure budget (apbd) ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 170-185 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 kampung improvement program: obstacles and implementation in semarang, 1978-1988 | 171 in each city/district. kip i and ii were the initial projects held in jakarta and surabaya. entering kip stage iii (1978-1988), semarang became one of the designated target cities to implement the kampung improvement program (semarang regional development agencies, 1986, p. 123-127). kip is then structured in such a way that it is able to achieve its ideal targets, for the sake of improving the quality of life for residents of urban villages and continuing to kip stage v. the target of kip implementation are physical and non-physical improvements to urban villages which are categorized as slums, densely populated, and lacking health, cleanliness and habitability requirements. the aspiration to achieve success in building a city into a modern area with complete village facilities, adequate physical infrastructure, as well as for its residents to be more productive is slightly hampered by social obstacles that arise in its implementation (simone, 2015). however, from the facts, it can be said that the kampung improvement program (kip) in semarang which was implemented in 1978-1988 has succeeded in arranging and improving the villages, road access and bridges, so, they are able to demonstrate the uniqueness of semarang city new face as a modern city, with complete village facilities, adequate physical infrastructure, as well as residents who became more productive. several important studies relevant to semarang city improvement policies are written by historians and urban planners, as well as the narratives about kip in indonesia. the study from devas (1981) narrates one of the initial pilot projects of a kampung improvement program in indonesia located in jakarta. this program became the forerunner of kip in various cities in indonesia afterwards. the villages considered to be slum, poor, unorganized, and far from the standards of cleanliness, health, and habitability are gradually changed. kip implementation had been considered successful in changing the face of jakarta’s village. meanwhile, the jakarta government had received praise from the international community for being able to combine physical improvement with changes in the residents’ behaviour who are more concerned with health and environmental hygiene. another study come from kusno (2012) which has relevance to the long journey of urban planning policies that can be a lesson learned for urban policy makers. to make a city demonstrate an identity and a happy face for its residents, a city must be built with careful planning and coordination in clear and firm direction. the excellence of kusno’s study lies in the narrative at the level of detail city planning about municipalities. he is able to pinpoint the mistakes of regional and central leaders who fail to translate the desire of their citizens to build a more humane and liveable city. political policies of the state and local governments have indeed become an affirmation of easy improvement implementation to coordinate and organize, but the government has abandoned the aspirations of its citizens in implementing improvement. method the first stage was the collection of sources, consisting of primary sources and secondary sources. to obtain primary sources, the authors searched related sources, those were suara merdeka and wawasan, prisma, regional development agencies ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 170-185 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 kampung improvement program: obstacles and implementation in semarang, 1978-1988 | 172 semarang, central java provincial library and archives service, semarang central bureau of statistics (bps), and semarang public works office. the sources obtained from suara merdeka and wawasan archive center were contemporary newspapers which report on the dynamics of kip semarang implementation, the obstacles and data on the results of program implementation. from the offices of regional development agencies and semarang central bureau of statistics (bps), the authors found reports on the results of 1986 city planning and kampung improvement program (kip) counselling, statistical data for the city of semarang 1978-1988. in these statistical data, there were various reports relating to the population and area of semarang in general. in addition to conducting searches to various offices and related agencies, the author also interviewed several informants to looking for the experiences during the implementation in the communities from the start of its implementation in 1978 to 1988 in detail. they were senior journalists for suara merdeka newspaper, ngo activists, neighbourhood (rt) leaders and residents whose villages had received the kip project. from the results of the interview, the author obtained additional information that was not in the written data. apart from utilizing primary sources, the author also utilized secondary data obtained from articles, books, and relevant scientific papers. after all the sources had been collected, then criticism was conducted on these sources, both external criticism to obtain authentic sources and internal criticism to obtain credible sources. the third stage in historical research was interpretation. at this stage, accuracy and objective attitude were required, especially in terms of interpretation of historical facts. the last stage was historiography. historiography was the process of rewriting historical events which was limited by spatial scope, in this case, semarang city and the temporal scope covered the 1978-1988 period relating to the implementation of the kip program and its influence on social life in society. the emerging and planning of the kip kip is raised with the aim of improving the conditions of housing environment, slum and unsanitary, in the city. so, people can live in a healthier and more comfortable housing environment. by implementing this improvement program, it is expected that the conditions of houses and village environment where the community live can change and have better physical environmental infrastructure. the creation of slum environment is inseparable from the problems caused by urbanization, migration, population growth which is increasing from year to year (purwantiasning, 2011, p.54). before the implementation of kampung improvement program, semarang has become a destination for urbanization. it is because semarang is one of the provincial capitals that offers various dreams to change one's destiny and economic level for better condition. this urbanization has actually created a poverty problem resulted in slum settlements. those who make a living then lived in villages located near economic centers, ports, and industrial areas. the villages turn into slums, unsanitary, unorganized, and lacking facilities. one example is bandarharjo located in north semarang. the port which is a place of economic turnaround has caused people from ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 170-185 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 kampung improvement program: obstacles and implementation in semarang, 1978-1988 | 173 outside semarang area to come to this place. empty land is getting narrower and turning into residential houses (haryono, 2008, p. 64-65). similar situations can be found in areas located along the railroad tracks such as bulu lor, plombokan, purwosari, and dadapsari. the raised beds are then built as shelter, without adequate latrines, and proper sanitation (kumala and yusman, 2014, p. 249). bandarharjo, bulu lor, plombokan, purwosari, and dadapsari are only small examples of emergence of slum settlements in semarang. there are many other places scattered in various parts such as krobokan, rejomulyo, kemijen, penggaron kidul, kaligawe, jabung, and so on. the existence of slum villages is certainly not a good assessment for the growth of a city (aminuddin, 2015). kip then becomes a program that is expected to change the conditions of slum area. there are various methods in its implementation. these include: 1) purchasing clean water as much as possible and link it to a water company distribution network, with hydrants for four hectares of environmental services; 2) environmental drainage to prevent flooding and secondary drainage that follows the existing road and city drainage patterns; 3) public toilets with 12 holes for every 3,500 people; 4) asphalt and concrete roads with a width of 3 meters to 8 meters; 5) a walking area of 1.5 m wide made of concrete with drains, should be provided at the side of the road; 6) disposal of garbage with a volume of 12 cubic meters, as well as procurement of trucks to transport garbage to landfills (hamidah, et al., 2016, p. 15). under the responsibility of semarang mayor, kip is then implemented by regional development agencies with public works and housing as the project implementer. everything that occurs must be reported by the central government and regional house of representatives. then, the central government reports its accountability to the world bank. kip appeared and started at the end of 1978. by the initial target of 27 villages located in urban areas. the implementation of kip certainly requires a very long discussion, considering that several villages targeted by kip are villages with historical values, economic potential, cultural roots, and strong religious elements. the survey was conducted in 1975 in the targeted villages. these were promotion measures and to avoid potential upheavals occurring among citizens (“dprd kodya semarang,” 1978). the mayor of semarang then issued decree number 190/wk/1978 on the establishment of semarang level ii (municipal) kip unit as the legal basis for the implementation of this program. kip implementation dynamics in semarang public works office (dpu) of semarang is the spearhead of kip implementation in semarang. this occurs because the initial focus of kampung improvement program is to focus on physical improvement. provision of adequate infrastructure is seen as a basic need of an area. kip urban iii ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 170-185 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 kampung improvement program: obstacles and implementation in semarang, 1978-1988 | 174 semarang government targeted that for five years from 1979 to 1983 the program was going to complete the improvement of 27 villages with a total area of 626.6 hectares and a total population of 207,200. meanwhile, the average population density in the 27 villages was 331 people per hectare. kip development was divided into two stages. the first stage was focused evenly over a period of three years from 1979-1981 covering 15 villages, divided into three periods. (1) the years 1979-1980 covered two villages with an area of 65.9 hectares and a population of ± 23,600 inhabitants; (2) 19801981 covered four villages with an area of 98 hectares and a total population of ± 35,800 people; (3) the years 1981-1982 covered nine villages with an area of 154.7 hectares and a population of ± 67,000 people. the second stage was conducted with a period of two years from 1982-1983 as a continuation of the program in the first stage covering 14 villages. (1) 1982-1983 covered nine villages with an area of 156 hectares with a population of ± 51,800 people; (2) 1983-1984 covered five villages with an area of 156 hectares with a population of ± 28,800 people. the improvement of an expansion area on the border of semarang was a question of several parties. therefore, the government reiterated its policy, that the priority for kip implementation was only conducted in villages according to the results of field research that had been outlined by the government and the consultant team. the villages, total 27 villages, were located in the urban area of semarang, while rural areas in several border areas of semarang built with a separate program. this was explained by officials of ministry of home affairs, suwarno during a visit to semarang city on december 24, 1978. the following was a map of kip urban iii implementation in semarang which was targeting densely populated settlements in the lower part of semarang, as shown in the reconstruction of the kip map in figure 1. figure 1. reconstruction of kip urban iii in semarang ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 170-185 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 kampung improvement program: obstacles and implementation in semarang, 1978-1988 | 175 based on the mapping image of kip urban iii project area, it can be seen that the majority of kip urban iii implementation in semarang is still targeting densely populated settlements in the lower semarang area. the implementation of kip from the period 1980-1984 covered 21 villages. in 1979-1980 the implementation only covered two villages. the total improved areas were 23 villages. the initial agreement between regional house of representatives and semarang government was for 27 villages. the number of improved villages in kip urban iii mostly targeted the central semarang area with a total of 12 villages improved, followed by west semarang with 7 villages, east semarang with 2 villages, and north semarang with 1 village. to make the kip as a successful program, the government held a series of promotion preparations for the implementation of kip in several villages in semarang. the last four villages that were in the process of being finalized were mlatiharjo, krobokan, kuningan and karang kidul. the districts that were the overall target of kip urban iii presented in the table 1. table 1. data of districts affected by kip urban iii semarang project year no kampung (village) sub-districts 1980-1981 1. mlatiharjo north semarang 2. kuningan west semarang 3. karang kidul east semarang 4. krobokan (sebagian) west semarang 1981-1982 1 peterongan east semarang 2 jagalan middle semarang 3 kentangan middle semarang 4 brumbungan middle semarang 5 gabahan middle semarang 6 pandansari middle semarang 7 karangtengah middle semarang 8 kembangsari middle semarang 9 kembangpaes middle semarang 10 miroto middle semarang 11 sekayu middle semarang 12 kranggan middle semarang 1982-1983 1. krobokan (partially) west semarang 2. karangayu west semarang 1983-1984 1. banjarsari west semarang 2. darat lasimin west semarang 3. tawang komplek west semarang total 21 source: regional development agencies of semarang, 1986. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 170-185 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 kampung improvement program: obstacles and implementation in semarang, 1978-1988 | 176 some of the ongoing improvement activities were informed in the form of news in newspapers. the following is an example of the arrangement of krobokan which has undergone significant changes in the kip arrangement. this can be seen from the results of suara merdeka documentation which indictaed the gate entering one of the alleys in krobokan (as it is presented in figure 2). figure 2. one alley in post-kip krobokan source: “hasil perbaikan kampung,” 1980, p. 3. kip urban v semarang government continued kip for the period of 1983 to 1987. this proposal was conveyed by the secretary of semarang village improvement project implementation agency (bapem ppk) ir. a. wasis. in the plan, semarang city needed at least fresh funds to continue the project, worth rp. 5.6 billion, targeting 33 villages with an area of 600 hectares and a population of 296 thousand people. for the criteria of villages that were targeted by kip in this project, wasis gave quite strict criteria. these criteria included the age of village which was old and prioritized to have existed before the era of indonesian independence, there were still problems in the supply of drinking water, environmental cleanliness, toilets, and other requirements according to the needs of a decent life in the village. kip urban iii succeeded in completing 21 villages, while kip urban v succeeded in completing village improvement as many as 35 villages. village improvements were also adjusted to the semarang master plan, although it was not comprehensive. there were several components fulfilled by executors in this framework, such as the first, the construction or repair of roads traversed by people had to include completeness, namely channels, culverts, and bridges. second, construction and repair of roads that were traversed by vehicles and their networks. third, manufacture and repair sewers. fourth, installation of drinking water networks and public taps. fifth, construction of toilets [mandi cuci kakus] and family toilets. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 170-185 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 kampung improvement program: obstacles and implementation in semarang, 1978-1988 | 177 kip urban v project as a continuation of kip urban iii was conducted in semarang. the naming that did not follow the numbering order was due to the loan process and funding for this national strategic project that had exceeded the financing limit for kip urban iv project. in addition, the village improvements can only be performed again in kip urban v because the funds disbursed by the central government for kip urban iv were not intended for village improvement, but for infrastructure development related to increasing human resources from a social and economic perspective, such as the construction of schools, flats and small businesses. the villages that were the targets of kip urban v presented in table 2. table 2. kip urban v and improved area year no kampung (villages) improved areas 1984 1. banjarsari 8 2. mlayu darat (partial) 7 3. darat lasimin 13 4. tawang 7 1985 1. panggung 26 2. dadapsari 6 3. krobokan 23 4. celengan 5 5. sukolilo 6 6. bojong salaman 21 7. purwosari 28 8. mlayu darat (partial) 7 1986 1. rejosari (partial) 70 2. plombokan 12 3. bulu lor 58 4. jomblang 18 1987 1. rejosari (partial) 40 2. bulustalan 8 3. barusari 5 4. pendrikan lor 23 5. cabean 16 6. demangan 12 7. lemah gempal 15 8. bongsari 25 1988 1. bangunharjo 8 2. kauman 7 3. kartoharjo 13 4. gandek puspo 5 5. karangturi 17 6. karangtempel 38 7. sarirejo 22 8. pederasan 13 9. kebon agung 7 10. taman harjo 6 11. kemijen 5 total 35 source: regional development agencies of semarang, 1986. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 170-185 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 kampung improvement program: obstacles and implementation in semarang, 1978-1988 | 178 the success of this project made semarang become a pilot project for two cities in southeast asia, manila and bangkok. another change in the face of another kampung (villages) at kip urban v was seen in mlatiharjo village. settlements facing kali banger with conditions prone to flood runoff had received more attention. residents in this village also had difficulty finding open spaces or fields as places for residents to gather and perform daily activities. figure 2 and 3 indicated the conditions in mlatiharjo in 1982. figure 2. mlatiharjo threatened by floods source: “terancam banjir banger,” 1982, p. 2. figure 3. gymnastics with mlatiharjo residents source: "senam bersama", 1983, p. 2. in addition to these activities, regional development agencies of ppk kip has also conducted the arrangement and dismantling of water channels in several villages around tawang station, starting from bandarharjo, petek, purwosari, sayangan, and kaliasin. to realize this improvement plan, semarang mayor, imam soeparto, again ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 170-185 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 kampung improvement program: obstacles and implementation in semarang, 1978-1988 | 179 had to perform calculations with semarang house of representatives to increase the amount of improvement loans to the world bank. in imam's initial estimation, semarang had to increase the loan amounting to idr 447.63 million from the total loan amount for other improvement programs of idr 9.091 billion. the total amount of this loan has been approved by semarang regional parliament. these additions came after imam consulted with the pt trans asia improvement consultancy team, and through meetings with the ministry of finance, dg cipta karya, and the world bank. it is feared that the additional budget became troublesome for the city government, because the loan repayments at maturity in the 1989/1990 period was worrying and exceeding 15 percent of the limit stipulated by the minister of home affairs. however, imam emphasized that the swelling financing which not be avoided, because it was not only related to kip financing, but also other improvement projects, such as mrican market and peterongan market. in general, the figure 4 is a map of kip urban v implementation in semarang focusing on targeting densely populated settlements in the lower semarang area. figure 4. map study reconstruction of kip urban v in semarang. seeing the urgency of kip to become so great, the implementation of kip project at this stage received tighter supervision from related parties such as regional development agency and semarang house of representatives. the possibility of fraud had to be minimized because the amount of funds disbursed for the implementation of kip was not a small amount and the funding had consequences for returns within a predetermined time. the success of kip project was claimed by mayor imam soeparto to have changed the face of semarang by improving 56 slum villages over a period of ten years. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 170-185 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 kampung improvement program: obstacles and implementation in semarang, 1978-1988 | 180 the mayor's statement was conveyed by assistant ii of regional secretary, ir. tommy sasmito utomo in his written speech at the opening of urban integrated basic social service training (lpsdtp) at balai kelurahan bulu lor. kip urban iii succeeded in improving 21 villages, while kip urban v succeeded in reorganizing 35 villages, so, total of 56 villages were successfully improved and arranged. as for the continuation of kip project, to the residents, it will be conducted tri bina approach by the semarang government. the tri bina included environmental improvement, human improvement, and integrated business improvement. even though in its implementation, the government needed seriousness, because the mayor of semarang still felt there was a lack of awareness from residents in post-kip villages to seriously maintain maternal and child health, family nutrition, clean water and environmental sanitation. kip implementation obstacles slum villages with high population density are mostly inhabited by people with lower education, poor, and familiar with violence. kip project in semarang, which targets villages with such conditions, certainly does not escape obstacles during its implementation. dissatisfaction with the distribution of land and building certificates obstacles over the distribution of land certificates occurred because communication problem between the government and villagers. the residents were aware that the house they live in had the status of being an illegal house, so, when kip was implemented in their village they felt threatened and afraid to be evicted. the legal force of land and buildings ownership that they did not own, sparked outrage in their minds. therefore, it happened naturally if citizens were suspicious of the government for the implementation of first phase of kip iii program, as occurred in bandarharjo, bugangan and mlatiharjo. in addition, not less than 1500 residents in 1980 inhabited the areas of kampung jagalan and brumbungan in contact with the nusaputera school and the buddhist foundation (“warga jagalan dan brumbungan,” 1983). citizens viewed the semarang government in this case, as merely simplifying the process of implementing kip, so, it ran smoothly, but did not care about the fate of other residents who experienced it, and had not received legalization of land ownership. the problem of land ownership disputes in a number of slum villages in semarang became a fundamental problem in village improvement during the 19801990s. basically, the community strongly agreed if there was an improvement in the quality of life and a healthier environment. however, it was acknowledged that in practice the government had not actually conducted a comprehensive mapping, so, the issue of land disputes became crucial when the kip program was implemented. citizen protests and complaints ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 170-185 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 kampung improvement program: obstacles and implementation in semarang, 1978-1988 | 181 the lack of socialization and open communication to the public regarding the targets for implementing kip has triggered a misunderstanding between the government and residents affected by kip. good communication in general took place when all the existing elements accumulated opinions and accepted all decisions gracefully. social obstacles faced by the government included problems regarding the provision of clean water in mlatiharjo ("realisasi air bersih kip,” 1983). semarang water company became the target of residents' anger because the clean water channels that were ready to drink were not properly distributed according to their designation. in addition, residents protested against water company officers who came to check the damage and collect the amount of clean water used by the residents in the village. kip project that missed purwosari perbalan village for improvement also encountered serious problems. residents filed a protest to the mayor on the grounds that the village was classified as slum, densely populated and often traversed by heavy traffic, so, it was a strategic village for semarang that needed more attention from the government. the complexity of this problem was compounded by the traffic of trucks carrying materials crossing the area for the construction of drainage improvement program (drip) and kip, causing disruption of environmental cleanliness and disturbing environmental hygiene. the residents felt that they had not received justice from the government, which only made their village a mere crossing point for transportation of construction materials (abdullah et al., 1987). protests after protests by residents had not been reported much, but this problem had triggered the unsuccessful implementation of kip in several villages in semarang. the government even stated in its written remarks that the physical construction that had been conducted in 56 villages was successful. however, semarang mayor imam soeparto, s.h., felt that the mayor of semarang was still lacking in improving the quality of life and behavioral awareness for healthy living in the kip villages. therefore, improvement volunteers from the lowest level in the social structure were invited to participate in assisting and empowering residents in kip villages. impacts of kip implementation the arrangement of kampung kip is an urban improvement fostering project undertaken by the regional government (pemda) at the second level region (dati ii) of semarang. the regional government semarang in its implementation is based on a series of observations and research on the conditions and situation of villages in semarang which are conducted by public works office (dpu) of directorate general of human settlements in collaboration with clarke urban system consultant biec international. these institutions then compile a feasibility study as outlined in the internal report (english: interim report) 1 and 2, as well as the final. in these reports it is decided that the kampung improvement program (kip) would be implemented within a period of five years and outlined in the kip urban iii program from 1979/1980 to 1983/1984, then continued at kip urban v 1984/1985 to 1988/1989. dewi yuliati, who was involved as ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 170-185 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 kampung improvement program: obstacles and implementation in semarang, 1978-1988 | 182 kip consultant secretary in semarang, said that after this project existed, the villages looked clean and tidy. in kip urban iii, semarang government had targeted that for five years from 1979 to 1983 they completed the improvement of 27 villages with a total area of 626.6 hectares and a total population of 207,200 people. then the results reached 21 villages. semarang government continued kip for the period 1983 to 1987 through kip urban v. in its plan, semarang at least needed fresh funds to continue the project worth idr 5.6 billion with a target of 35 villages with an area of 600 hectares and a population of 296 thousand people. so, the total villages that had been improved and arranged reached 56 villages. meanwhile, as the continuation of kip project, to the residents, it was conducted tri bina approach by semarang government. tri bina included environmental improvement, human improvement, and integrated business improvement. although in its implementation, it required the seriousness from government because the mayor still felt that there was still a lack of awareness of residents in post-kip villages to seriously take care of maternal and child health, family nutrition, clean water, and environmental sanitation. decreasing on the community’s diseases the implementation of kip urban iii and kip urban v brought many changes to the behavior of residents. symptoms of social pathology appear, indeed, as a result of residents’ poverty who inhabited urban slum villages. many criminal behaviors appeared situational, because it was squeezed by the economics problems and needed for their children and wives. situational crimes that often occurred were mugging and theft targeting quiet and poorly guarded places, pickpocketing in crowded places and entertainment centers in semarang, and thuggery in several public places such as terminals, cinemas, and parking lots in several places, shopping center or entertainment center. residents who were in such urgency did not usually commit the situational crime in the area where they lived. the impact of their actions eventually led to negative labelling or stigma in villages among semarang. one of the informant also experienced this situation when he introduced himself as a krobokan resident. this inherent bad image made the government also anxious and worried, when it distributed aid for poverty alleviation. he was experienced to be invited by the semarang government regarding the kip plan to be implemented in krobokan. he said that one rk manager alongside urban village (kelurahan) had to be socialized and asked repeatedly to ensure that the situation was safe when kip was implemented. as a result, there were no naughty children or young men hanged out and being drunken at night. several youths whom he had visited with rt management expressed their shame because they made the village restless. law enforcement officers did not hesitate on several occasions to conduct surprise reviews in krobokan village in 1983, as seen in the figure 5. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 170-185 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 kampung improvement program: obstacles and implementation in semarang, 1978-1988 | 183 figure 5. babinsa [village community security] and police conduct security checked in krobokan, semarang source: “periksa,”, 1983, p. 2. community social groups improvement several social community groups grew with the end of kip, although these social groups had existed long before kip was implemented. these community social groups included family welfare program (pkk) and integrated service post (posyandu). kip development projects that had also been carried out in dozens of slum villages in semarang city only strengthened the activeness of existing social groups. he still remembered the incessant appeals from the government through neighbourhood (rt), or hamlet (rw), and urban village administrators to support improvement. the residents of bandarharjo were grateful that the new village streets had also made the family welfare program, who were not active, became active. children under five years old (toddler) and mothers group were also united to improve health conditions that were lacking, such as children growing stunted and malnourished. the residents of bandarharjo were grateful that the new village streets had also made the family social program members, who were not active, became active. in 1982 a number of family social program administrators conducted coaching activities for housewives of family social welfare members in entrepreneurship. family social welfare volunteers conducted visits to entrepreneurship units that had been implemented after the kip program, while handing over stationery assistance for underprivileged family social welfare activists. the improvement of the village had been able to improve social activities, even strengthening its existence such as family social welfare and integrated service post which increasingly had a strong role in society, even though the government had initiated them since before kip was implemented. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 170-185 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 kampung improvement program: obstacles and implementation in semarang, 1978-1988 | 184 conclusion kip is a government program to improve the housing environment in a slum and unsanitary city. by implementing this kip, it is expected that the conditions of the houses and the village environment where most of the urban residents live can change through the construction of various physical infrastructure to support their basic needs. kip was implemented in semarang started at 1978 and ended at 1988 in two major stages, kip urban iii and kip urban v. kip is a conceptually very good program because it is aimed at improving village conditions and creating a healthy, clean, and liveable environment. kip runs according to measured planning, supervision, and implementation and targeted at the slum villages in the lower part of semarang. however, in implementing kip in semarang, it is inseparable from a number of social obstacles which are sufficient to make the village arrangement a little choked up, such as protests due to injustice in improvement and community dissatisfaction with the distribution of land certificates. moreover, all kip percentage in semarang is successful in achieving the physical improvement of village as expected. kip as a project of great value with a loan amounting to billions of rupiah from the world bank is able to provide social influence to the people living in several slum villages in semarang. semarang kip is able to bring a new face to semarang city by physically structuring slum villages, decreasing social pathology in society, and developing and strengthening social groups, such as integrated service post and family social welfare. semarang government claims the success of changing the face of the city with the improvements among 56 villages. references abdullah, h., lestari, n., widodo, sutejo, masjkuri, n. n. (1987). tingkat kesadaran sejarah masyarakat propinsi jawa tengah: kotamadya semarang. jakarta: direktorat sejarah dan purbakala. aminudin, (2015). fungsi pengawasan dprd dalam mewujudkan tata kelola pemerintahan yang baik. jurnal katalogis, 3 (12). devas, n. (1981). indonesia's kampung improvement program: an evaluative case study. ekistics, 48 (286), 19-36. retrieved december 15, 2020, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/43620193 dprd kodya semarang setujui perbaikan 27 kampung dengan dana bank dunia. (1978, november 20). suara merdeka. hamidah, n. rijanta, r. setiawan, b. & marfai, m. a. (2016). analisis permukiman tepian sungai yang berkelanjutan, jurnal inersia, xii (1) https://doi.org/10.21831/inersia.v12i1.10343 haryono, a. t. (2008), perencanaan jaringan drainase sub sistem bandarharjo barat. semarang: jurusan teknik sipil fakultas teknik universitas diponegoro. hasil perbaikan kampung. (1980, august 24). suara merdeka. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 170-185 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 kampung improvement program: obstacles and implementation in semarang, 1978-1988 | 185 kumala, s. & yusman, f. (2014). kajian karakteristik dan metode penanganan kawasan kumuh di semarang. jurnal teknik pwk, 3 (2). https://ejournal3.undip.ac.id/index.php/pwk/article/view/5046 perbaiki jalan-jalan kampung. (1978, march 15) suara merdeka. purwantiasning, a. w. (2011). pola dan strategi perbaikan permukiman kumuh di perkotaan. jurnal nalar, 10 (1). https://doi.org/10.24853/nalars.10.1.%25p realisasi air bersih kip bukan tanggungan pam. (1983, july 15). suara merdeka. regional development agencies of semarang (1986). hasil penyuluhan perencanaan kota dan program perbaikan kampung (kip) tahun 1986. semarang: bappeda. simone, a. (2015). the urban poor and their ambivalent exceptionalities: some notes from jakarta. current anthropology, 56 (s11), s15-s23. doi:10.1086/682283 soemardi, s. (1972). kerangka permasalahan: kebijakan nasional perkembangan perkotaan. prisma, 7. terancam banjir banger. (1982, january 6) suara merdeka. warga jagalan dan brumbungan lega: kalau keberatan dipindah walikota tidak memaksa. (1983, november 26). suara merdeka. microsoft word 5. syahrun, et al.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 60-77 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 historic sites during the world war ii in south konawe, southeast sulawesi as a source of historiography | 60 received: february 3, 2022 revised: may 30, 2022 accepted: june 3, 2022 historic sites during the world war ii in south konawe, southeast sulawesi as a source of historiography syahrun1*, rahmat sewa suraya2, sandy suseno1 1study programme of archaeology, faculty of humanities, universitas halu oleo 2study programme of oral tradition, faculty of humanities, universitas halu oleo jl. h.e.a mokodompit, andonouhu, kendari, indonesia 93232 *corresponding author: syahrun_antro@yahoo.com doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v6i1.13589 introduction the constellation of the world war ii became an inseparable part of indonesian history. the event took place in the context of the transition from the end of the dutch east indies era to the japanese era to the republic of indonesia era. at that time, the republic of indonesia did not exist yet, but it was still called the dutch east indies. in the context of the nation's independence journey, one of the triggers for the transfer of power from the dutch colonial government to the indonesian nation was the world war ii, especially the theater of pacific. nonetheless, it should be realized that the world war ii (theater of pacific) is a historical archeological study in which until now the existence of military documents is still kept secret. thus, the interpretation of the world war ii studies is based on the presence of material remains. this condition was abstract the world war ii in indonesian territory at that time involved the imperial japanese army against the military from the allies and was known later as “theater of pacific”. the massive military activities that took place in indonesian territory during the world war ii definitely left a lot of and varied material evidences. however, in fact, many of the material evidences from the world war ii have been forgotten due to its dilapidated condition. one of the military operational areas where many evidences of the world war ii can be found is south konawe, precisely at kendari ii airfield site, which is now known as hlo airfield (halu oleo airfield). this research utilized archives and aerial photographs during the world war ii combined with direct observation at the site and reconstruction efforts using excavated data. based on the findings, it reveals the existence of the world war ii remains at kendari ii airfield area. it is also known that the condition of the most massive findings is located in the japanese military administration and maintenance area during the world war ii at kendari ii airfield area. these remains can certainly be a source of historical writing of the japanese government era in south konawe. keywords: the world war ii; south konawe; kendari ii airfield; japanese military administration and maintenance area; historiography. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 60-77 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 historic sites during the world war ii in south konawe, southeast sulawesi as a source of historiography | 61 getting complicated because during the japanese occupation in indonesia, so many military documents of the japanese government were destroyed. the japanese government as the losing party at that time took this step as an effort to maintain secrecy during the occupation. the lack of availability of military documents from the japanese occupation is inversely proportional to the abundance of material data from the world war ii era. the material data became the foundation for building archaeological research, especially during the world war ii in indonesia. the remains can be found in, among others: (1) important cities that became the administrative centers, (2) natural resource processing locations in the form of plantation and mining, (3) land, water and air distribution routes, (4) military bases. the massive potential remains of the world war ii are also found in southeast sulawesi. this is very possible because this area basically has 4 main locations that have the potential to find the world war ii remains (report of south sulawesi archaeological center, 2016). the archaeological remains from the world war ii scatter from pomalaa in the north to bombana in the south and from kolaka in the east to buton in the west. the remains are generally in the form of defensive buildings, such as: pillboxes, bunkers, airfields, defensive caves, armories, as well as civil and military administration buildings. in this decade, several studies related to the world war ii remains in southeast sulawesi have been carried out by several agencies and researchers. the identification and inventory of the world war ii remains have been carried out by south sulawesi archaeological center and south sulawesi cultural heritage preservation center. the results of the inventory carried out by the two archaeological agencies confirm that several areas contain massive world war ii remains, such as pomalaa, poleang, and kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) area (inventory report of makassar cultural conservation preservation center (bpcb), 2015; report of south sulawesi archaeological center, 2016). especially at kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) area, department of archeology, faculty of cultural studies (fib) of halu oleo university (uho) carried out research in 2015 and 2016 aimed at conducting comprehensive inventory of the entire kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) area. this research was based on the research conducted by hayunira. her research identified and analyzed the distribution of defensive buildings, especially at kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) area. her research used a spatial archaeological approach to the findings of 42 buildings from the world war ii era at kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) area. other research was carried out by sunarto in 2018 which examined the importance of the world war ii remains at kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) area. subsequently, in the same year, riyanto revealed the existence of the bunkers around kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) area (hayunira, 2013; sunarto, 2017, riyanto, 2018). the hlo airfield area is a very potential area for in-depth research. nevertheless, previous studies have only examined the archaeological remains in this area from a cultural history perspective. therefore, it is not surprising that the findings of the research so far have only been ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 60-77 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 historic sites during the world war ii in south konawe, southeast sulawesi as a source of historiography | 62 limited to the inventory and description of the archaeological remains at hlo airfield area. the research stages at kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) area so far have only studied descriptively the world war ii remains. therefore, it is suggested that there is a need to apply a new perspective to examine the world war ii remains. various research models that examine the world war ii remains are growing in the world, including battlefield archaeology, occupation archaeology, military archaeology, and holocaust archaeology. these various research focuses apply various approaches from other fields of science. as the case in the field of geography which applies the latest technology such as geographic information system and 3d modeling in conducting studies on the phenomenon of the world war ii remains. the application of the latest technology in the study of the wwii remains makes the research more comprehensive. through a spatial approach, at least historical sites at kendari ii airfield can be seen from 3 perspectives, such as the perspective of the landscape as a battlefield, the perspective of the landscape as a conflict area, and the perspective of the landscape as a marker of events (saunders, 2001; shackel, 2003). in the field of history, the use of historical archives and oral traditions is the main basis in revealing the phenomenon of the world war ii remains. military activities during the japanese government era can still be seen from the world war ii physical remains that still exist today. they are in the form of remains of the massive structures such as bunkers, ammunition stores, building structures, or artifacts in the form of bottles, bullets, metal remains, and ceramics. furthermore, the landscape as a conflict area can be seen through the features resulting from the world war ii, such as the former sites of bomb explosion or the remains of war conflict. the landscape as a marker area is attached to kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) area based on the historical data. as the landscape of a marker area of the world war ii, this area has significance for the public today. significance has an impact on the sustainability of this area. when the significance is maintained, the sustainability in this area will automatically take place continuously. on the other hand, if the significance is not maintained, this area will automatically be “forgotten” from the collective memory that exists in the public today. apparently, various important things can still be revealed from the archaeological remains found at kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) area related to the physical and morphological aspects. as a result, by combining data on the physical and morphological aspects of the remains of the japanese government era at kendari ii airfield site with the historical data, it will become a source of historical writing of the japanese government era in south konawe. method this study begun with reconstructing the design patterns found in the world war ii remains at kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) area. the reconstruction was carried out by making a research design by collecting and summarizing the research findings, archives, photo documentation, maps or other supporting data as the initial data. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 60-77 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 historic sites during the world war ii in south konawe, southeast sulawesi as a source of historiography | 63 then, the archaeological data were collected and carried out in the form of surface survey and excavation. the surface survey was carried out by observing the ground surface and its anomalies that indicated the existence of the world war ii remains. its locations were carefully determined based on the summaries compiled from the previous research or archival data. a very significant source of archival data played roles in the archaeological survey, that was the aerial photo data conducted by the allies in 1944 against kendari ii airfield area. the data were then listed in allied geographical section document in 1945 of kendari area (se celebes) terrain study, no. 107. the results of the surface survey were then used as the basis for determining the excavation areas. excavation was focused on finding the remains of the building structures buried in the ground. in addition, it was intended to look for in situ artifacts and loose artifacts that showed associations with certain activities so that they could be used in interpreting the function of the structures or buildings. in this research, the excavation was carried out with box and trench systems. the box system was carried out by opening 2x2-sized boxes at the areas suspected of containing the world war ii remains. on the other hand, the trench system was carried out in the areas that have remains in the form of found structures. the deepening technique was the spit technique with a depth that was adjusted based on the conditions of the excavation areas. excavation finding analysis was carried out by utilizing the existing archival data with the aim to produce a chronology of regional developments, create permanent spatial visualizations, and produce interpretation materials (nolan, 2009). the first stage in this analysis was the reproduction and integration of the aerial photographs and old maps into a single projection system so that we could find out the current locations of the areas being photographed or mapped in the present (stichelbaut, 2005). the information in the photos and maps could be used to identify the presence of the archaeological remains. the analysis then proceeded to the integration between the results of the photo reproductions, the results of surveys, and the archaeological excavations as well as the interpretation of the historical documents. description of kendari ii airfiled kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) area is an airfield located in ranomeeto district, south konawe regency, southeast sulawesi province. astronomically, this area is located at the coordinates of 4° 3′ 49.06″ 4° 5′ 56.40″ls and 122° 23′ 27.47″ 122° 27′ 14.96″ bt. this airfield has the following boundaries. in the north, it is bordered by wanggu river; in the south, it is bordered by amba-amba river; in the west, it is bordered by mount puurui; and in the east, it is bordered by wai-wai river. during the world war ii, this airfield was the only airfield that had been built in southeast sulawesi and was taken over by the japanese. after southeast sulawesi area was occupied, the japanese built 4 new airfields to be used by the japanese army during the world war ii. the other four airfields were; (1) witikola/ambesia airfield in ambesa; (3) pomelaa airfield in kolaka regency; (4) tiworo airfield in muna regency; (5) baroe airfield in boepinang, bombana regency. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 60-77 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 historic sites during the world war ii in south konawe, southeast sulawesi as a source of historiography | 64 during the world war ii, kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) was under the rule of the imperial japanese army. during this era, it was not impossible for the japanese who temporarily occupied the area to take advantage of the existing buildings, modify the existing buildings from the dutch east indies era, or even rebuild new buildings as an effort to strengthen the position of the japanese military. this definitely continued during the independence of indonesia. the republic of indonesia adjusts the utilization of the existing buildings. an important information that needs to be understood here is that in the context of a geographical area, there are 3 different phases of time, and each phase leaves its own unique characteristics. the three main phases that affected the world war ii remains at hlo airfield (kendari ii airfield) area can be seen from the following treatise table 1. table 1. historical treatise of kendari ii airfield, southeast sulawesi period (era) important event dutch east indies government 1936/1937 – 1942 construction of airfield landing of dutch air force aircraft (7 oct 1938) construction of emergency runways and demarcation of land boundaries (apr 1939) deployment of war logistics by allies (jan 1942) japanese era 1942-1945 takeover of airfield by japanese army (24 jan 1942) change of runway direction and length addition of airfield defensive, maintenance, and administration buildings a series of bombing missions by allied soldiers (28 jan 1942 – 16 feb 1945) construction of supporting airfields in boro-boro, ambesa, kolaka, muna, and buton. nica era 1945 – 1950 repair of damaged airfield facilities due to wwii republic of indonesia era 1950 – now landing of first republic of indonesia air force aircraft; formation of kendari ii air detachment (oct 1950) change of name to wolter monginsidi kendari indonesian national army air force base (27 may 1958) shelter for civilian victims of di/tii kahar mudzakkar rebellion reserve base in jaya wijaya operation added function as airfield for civil/commercial aircrafts (1975) change of name to wolter monginsidi kendari airfield (1985) inauguration of new passenger terminal and change of name to halu oleo airfield (13 feb 2010). source: annual report of south sulawesi archaeological center, 2016. the aerial photographs taken on 16 february 1945 show that during the world war ii, kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) had four runway lanes (1 main runway, 3 aircraft taxi lanes). around the runway, there were a number of defensive buildings in the form of bunkers, earthen forts, ammunition storage warehouses, and several ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 60-77 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 historic sites during the world war ii in south konawe, southeast sulawesi as a source of historiography | 65 defensive posts equipped with anti-aircraft weapons. in the south of the runway, there was a concentration of buildings annotated as extensive administration and maintenance area (see figure 1). the completeness of the existing physical buildings shows that during the world war ii, kendari ii airfield area was an important operational area for the imperial japanese army (allied geographical section, 1945). figure 1. situation map of hlo airfield area on 16 february 1945 source: collection of allied geograpical section. figure 2. situation map of hlo airfield area nowadays source: google earth, 2016. nowadays, some of the physical buildings operated at kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) area have undergone changes, but most of them are still deposited underground. the runway of ±2600 m of concrete and asphalt is the main attribute in extensive maintanance and administration area of kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) runway hlo airfield nowadays, during wwii a similar area was an extensive maintanance and administration area of kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 60-77 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 historic sites during the world war ii in south konawe, southeast sulawesi as a source of historiography | 66 supporting the flight operations. the runway stretches from the west to the east. the average altitude of kendari ii airfield area is 44 meters above sea level, with the lowest point is 18 meters above sea level in the east and the highest point in the west is 42 meters above sea level. thus, it can be seen that kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) area is a relatively plain area and ideal for the location of the establishment of an airfield (see figure 2). the interesting thing on the south side of the runway is that there is a river on the left and right sides of which a number of remains of defensive structures and buildings are found. excavation of japanese military extensive administration and maintenance area at kendari ii airfield, south konawe after conducting a toponym deepening based on the results of research that had been conducted since 2015 – 2016, it is known that the area with the most massive remains is the japanese military extensive administration and maintenance area at kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield). the findings of the surface and the building remains provide an illustration that the area was once the center of the japanese government military operations during the world war ii (see figure 3). figure 3. wall building remains in japanese military extensive figure 3. administration and maintenance area at kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) area source: excavation team of department of archeology of universitas halu oleo, 2017-2019. based on the aerial photo map of 1944 and direct observation of the location, it is known that the world war ii remains have an area that extends along the bank of the river that divides kendari ii airfield area. the cluster of the world war ii remains covers an area of 120 meters in the south of the river. when viewed closely, the main landscape picture is still very visible and can be mapped clearly (see figure 4). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 60-77 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 historic sites during the world war ii in south konawe, southeast sulawesi as a source of historiography | 67 figure 4. distribution map of wwii remains in japanese military extensive administration and maintenance area at kendari ii airfield area source: excavation team of department of archeology of universitas halu oleo, 2017-2019. at the end of 2017, the department of archeology of uho carried out excavation in the japanese military extensive administration and maintenance area at kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) area. the excavation was based on the massive findings of the surface and structures of the world war ii remains which can still be seen today. the excavation carried out at that time focused on finding the remains of the building structures that had been buried in the ground. moreover, it was intended to look for in situ artifacts and loose artifacts that show associations with certain activities so that later they could be used to interpret the function of structures or buildings in the area. in the 2017 excavation, there were 3 main excavation areas, including a1, a2, and a3 areas. the selection of the excavation areas was based on the results of the identification of the soil surface in the form of the distribution of faults and chunks of the building structures of the wwii remains. in general, the condition of the vegetation in this area is almost the same, in the form of a landscape overgrown with weeds, shrubs, trees, and other wild plants. in general, the opening of the initial excavation box was in the size of 1 meter x 1 meter to provide the same work steps in the excavation. a3 area is located in the central area of the japanese military extensive administration and maintenance area. the findings of the surface in this area are pictures of sanitation and hygiene buildings used during the wwii by the japanese military (see figure 5). the purpose of opening the excavation box at the first location was to reveal details of the sanitation system used in the japanese military extensive administration and maintenance area during the wwii. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 60-77 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 historic sites during the world war ii in south konawe, southeast sulawesi as a source of historiography | 68 figure 5. wwii remains at a3 area, kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) area source: excavation team of department of archeology of universitas halu oleo, 2017-2019. a3 area is in the form of 2 main buildings in the middle of which there is a waste storage pit. the first building is located in the east in the form of a sanitation cubicle. the building in the east still has an intact perimeter wall. the sanitation building in the east has a length of 5.10 meters and a width of 5.58 meters. the sanitary building has 3 chambers in the south and 3 chambers in the north. the 3 chambers in the south are the waste disposal chambers, while the 3 chambers in the north are the body cleansing chambers. each chamber in the south has a size of 1.05 meters x 1.20 meters. on the other hand, each chamber in the north has a size of 1.4 meters x 2.06 meters. the sanitation buildings in the east and the waste storage area are connected by a 20 cm waste disposal area. moreover, at this location there is also a similar building for sanitation in the west of the waste storage pit. the building in the west of the waste storage area is sanitation and hygiene building in the form of chamber as found in the building in the east. the building in the west is rectangular with a size of 6.25 meters x 4.40 meters. the remains of the building can still be seen to have 4 chambers facing each other with the middle part between the chambers is an open space. the four chambers facing each other have different functions when viewed from their morphological conditions. the first line chambers are for body hygiene activities. the size of the chambers is uniform, by 1.4 meters x 1.2 meters. on the other hand, the second line chambers are in the form of a waste disposal chamber (wc). this is clearly evidenced by the presence of a toilet in each chamber. the size of the second chamber is smaller than the first, by 1.25 meters x 0.85 meters. similar to the sanitation building in the east, the sanitation building in the west also has a sewer that leads to a waste storage facility with a length of 7.40 meters and a width of 20 cm. meanwhile, the waste storage area, located between the two sanitation and hygiene buildings, is rectangular with a size of 3.2 meters x 1.9 meters. the building has a depth of 2 meters with the bottom of the shelter in the form of soil. one of the most striking morphologies is the existence of pits in the building walls that lead to the river that runs along this area. the existence of the pits is allegedly a mechanism ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 60-77 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 historic sites during the world war ii in south konawe, southeast sulawesi as a source of historiography | 69 to cope with the flow of water entering the reservoir so that the storage room will not experience problems if the incoming water discharge is too much. additionally, the bottom of the shelter in the form of soil is intended as an effort to absorb waste naturally into the soil. the complete reconstruction of the a3 area can be seen from the top view plan below: figure 6. building reconstruction at a3 area, kendari ii airfield area, source: excavation team of department of archeology of universitas halu oleo, 2017-2019. a2 area is in the form of wall structure that is no longer intact. the wall structure indicates the existence of a rectangular building with a size of 30.5 meters x 6.25 meters. it appears to be a fairly wide space with morphological completeness in the form of a 1-meter-high wall. with the morphological evidence of a 1-meter-high wall, it can be assumed that the wwii military building at the time of its establishment was an administrative room that was not completely enclosed, but was combined with the upper wall made of wood, or without any additional walls. the 2017 excavation at this area aims to reconstruct the formation of the existing spatial patterns through the building foundations. excavating the building foundation can assume the room formation that existed at the time this building was erected. the results of the excavation at the second area revealed that the wall space, which was initially seen as 2 separate buildings, is basically an intact building that is mutually sustainable. this can be seen from the unity of the foundation that connects along 30.5 meters. besides, after the excavation results, the building room which was initially assumed to be a whole room without wall partitions, it can be assumed that the continuous space is actually divided into smaller rooms. based on the excavation results, it is known that the room in the building at the second area consists of 2 main rooms. the first room is 10.51 meters x 6.25 meters. in addition, the second room is 19.67 meters x 6.25 meters. the difference in measurement of each room is the size of the room foundation. in the 2017 excavation, it only succeeded in revealing and proving the unity of the building and proving that the room in this second area is a whole building consisting of smaller rooms inside. however, it is unfortunate that the excavation results have not been able to reveal the exact size of each room in the second ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 60-77 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 historic sites during the world war ii in south konawe, southeast sulawesi as a source of historiography | 70 area. when viewed from the morphology, the building in the second area is a barrack building that functioned as a japanese military administration room during the wwii. this is also supported by the aerial photo toponym which explains that this area was a japanese military administration and maintenance area during the wwii at kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield). in 2019, the excavation in the second area continued to obtain more authentic evidence of the spatial details of the remaining buildings which were assumed to be the military barracks. the 2019 excavation results prove the existence of smaller rooms at the second area. in room 1, based on the excavation reconstruction results of the building foundation, it was found that room 1 consists of 2 smaller rooms. each room is 0.4 meters x 3.8 meters and the other room is "l" shaped with the size of the first room being subtracted from the small room inside. then the second room consists of 3 rooms measuring 0.4 meters x 3.8 meters, 4.3 meters x 4.8 meters, and 14.7 meters x 6.7 meters. the excavation results of the building foundations in 2019 prove that the building at the second area is an office barrack consisting of even smaller rooms and these rooms certainly have different functions from one another. the lack of documents related to the japanese military during the wwii era makes the disclosure of the functions of each of these rooms still constrained. the map of the spatial reconstruction results of the japanese military administration and maintenance barracks during the wwii era can be seen as follows in figure 7. a1 area is in the form of a floor structure in which one of its parts is in the form of a chamber. at the third area, the findings of surface show that during the wwii this area was a very wide hall. the area of the structure at the third area is 30 meters x 6 meters. in the chamber area, the width of the building structure reaches 6 meters while in the lobby of the other room it reaches 3 meters. subsequently, the building remains at a1 area have a part in the form of a waste storage room (see figure 8). the excavation results show that this building is a building that is mutually sustainable and whole. the building is divided into two main rooms. the first room is spacious hall corridor with a size of 25 meters x 3.5 meters while the second room is a room with a much smaller area, by 5 meters x 6 meters. in this second room, there are 4 waste disposal chambers. all of the chambers is 1.2 meters x 0.8 meters. the chambers have one channel leading to the storage channel which is at the back of this building unit. one thing that distinguishes this building from the buildings in the second area is the floor formation which is in the form of rectangular cement molds arranged like tiles. meanwhile, the floor formation of the barrack building in the second area is only in the form of cement cast made evenly on the entire building floor. furthermore, the characters of the walls of the remaining buildings in the third area are similar to the other remaining buildings in the wwii japanese military administration and maintenance area. it consists of half part in the form of 1-meterhigh cement wall while the upper part is a combination of wooden walls or without walls. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 60-77 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 historic sites during the world war ii in south konawe, southeast sulawesi as a source of historiography | 71 figure 7. building foundation reconstruction at a2 area, kendari ii airfield area source: excavation team of department of archeology of universitas halu oleo, 2017-2019. figure 10. floor remains and waste storage at a1 area, kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) area source: excavation team of department of archeology of universitas halu oleo, 2017-2019. the 2018 excavation results the 2019 excavation results the 2017-2019 excavation reconstruction results ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 60-77 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 historic sites during the world war ii in south konawe, southeast sulawesi as a source of historiography | 72 the 2019 excavation at a1 area focused on getting a complete picture of the floor formation in the first room. additionally, it also revealed the channels from the waste storage included in a series of building structures at a1 area. after the excavation, the tracing of the floor plan in the first room actually found a concentration of collapsed walls towards the outside of the building. as a consequence, the excavation results in the first room at a1 area did not produce significant data changes. nonetheless, from the excavation results, it was found that the wall at the third area is 1 meter wall. on top of that, the tracing of the waste disposal at a1 area actually found the continuation of a similar channel. this mechanism is found in the existing sewage system at a1 area. it seems that this kind of waste disposal system has been applied to the japanese military facilities at kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield). the length of the channels revealed in the 2019 excavation was 6.3 meters measured from the base of the waste storage pit to the foundation of the final finding behind the iii area structure. figure 11. reconstruction map of excavation results at a1 area, kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) area. source: excavation team of department of archeology of universitas halu oleo, 2017-2019. the 2017-2019 excavation reconstruction results the 2018 excavation results the 2019 excavation results ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 60-77 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 historic sites during the world war ii in south konawe, southeast sulawesi as a source of historiography | 73 as an illustration, from the 2018 and 2019 excavations, it appears that there is a potential for the disclosure of the existing structures at x kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) area, especially in the japanese military administration and maintenance and center area during the wwii. the development of spatial pattern mapping data that was successfully reconstructed from the 2018 and 2019 excavations is as follows (figure 11). kendari ii airfield site as a source of historical writing the utilization of kendari ii airfield site as a source of historical writing will lead to positive perceptions and make public indirectly participates in its preservation (triaristina and rachmedita, 2021). according to wasino (2007), the historical sources based on their forms can be divided into three types, that are object sources (buildings, tools, weapons), written sources (documents), and oral sources (interviews). in this context, kendari ii airfield site along with its artifacts are included in the object source category because the shape of the existing remains is in the form of building structures, bunkers, and artifacts in the form of ceramics, bottles, fuses, and hinges, so they are historical remains and symbol of historical events. talking about history means talking about a series of developments involving human life in the past in various aspects. in this case, kendari ii airfield site certainly has important roles in the historical writing in relation to the collaboration between the scientific disciplines that are archeology and history. it can be used as a historical source that presents various facts closer to the truth and provides facts that can be more helpful in the historical writing in understanding and trying to arrange events that occurred in the past. the existence of the world war remains at kendari ii airfield site is the evidence of the existence of events and locations written in the historical documents since basically, between the historical documents and historical remains is a logical unified process that supports each other so that there is no longer a need for a process of selecting or rejecting a document. in practice, one of the most valuable applications of the archival techniques is to identify the work of earlier historians and antiquities (department of culture and tourism, 2006). in this case, the historical documents from the world war ii are evidenced by the existence of the world war ii remains at kendari ii airfield site. based on the military archives of the allied forces, it is known that the airfield in kendari, that is kendari ii airfield, was an important air base for the imperial japanese army. this was based on its strategic and very significant position as an auxiliary/transit point that could reach australian mainland which was the southernmost location of the allied power center during the world war ii in the pacific at that time. it is supported by a statement in the world war ii archive, that is: “main military significance of the area is its large air base near kendari known as kendari airfield. the base is favorably situated as a feeder point for enemy airfield to the nw of the australian main land” (allied geographical section, 1944 (military importance). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 60-77 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 historic sites during the world war ii in south konawe, southeast sulawesi as a source of historiography | 74 with its strategic position, it is not surprising that the imperial japanese government during the world war ii developed kendari ii airfield with various supporting facilities for all types of aircraft of the imperial japanese army. the statement from the allies is evidenced by the massive existence of the world war ii remains at kendari ii airfield site, especially in the military administration and maintenance area. the remains as the indications of military activities are the remains in the form of barrack structures, sanitation, bunkers, and military artifacts. kendari ii airfield site was an airfield belonging to the dutch east indies which was originally used to support the mobility of the dutch east indies army to face the military aggression from the japanese army. nevertheless, after the dutch east indies was occupied, this airfield was reused by the japanese army as the main airfield at that time. kendari as the center of the dutch east indies government in afdeling butoen en laiwoi certainly already had transportation support facilities or other public facilities. this was also what made kendari ii airfield site which is currently located in south konawe as the location for the japanese army bases and facilities, one of which was also used to protect the nickel mining activities in southeast sulawesi during the japanese government. “kendari airfield was the only airfield in the area the time of japanese occupation……the airfield development is largely for the protection of extensive nickel mining activities. it was estimated that by 1944. celebes might have been able to produce 67% of japan nickel requirements…” “on the mainland a fair motor road run across country from east to west, connecting kendari and kolaka. roads have been developed in the important nickel mining area in the pomelaa region on the west coast. (allied geographical section, 1944 (military importance)) from the statement above, it is also known that during the dutch east indies there were transportation facilities intended for the nickel exploitation in kolaka. after the dutch east indies was occupied by japan, the japanese government used the means of transportation to carry out the increasingly massive nickel exploitation in kolaka to support the military activities of the japanese army (see table 1). the destroyed remains of japanese occupation at kendari ii airfield site that required excavations needs to be carried out to prove the existence of the structures, the building remains, and its artifacts was caused by the attempt to take over kendari ii airfield by the allies. since the japanese government took it over from the dutch east indies, the allies had carried out frequent bombing missions to this area since 1942 to 1945 (see table no 2). the bombing carried out by the allies did not only destroy the military facilities at kendari ii airfield, but also caused the death of japanese army. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 60-77 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 historic sites during the world war ii in south konawe, southeast sulawesi as a source of historiography | 75 table no.1 nickel production at kolaka mining 1938 – 1941 by dutch east indies, 1944 by japanese government. year nickel ore production estimated nickel production 1938 20000 tons 500 tons 1939 23000 tons 570 tons 1940 56000 tons 1380 tons 1941 25000 tons 620 tons 1944* 300000 tons 4000 tons source: allied geographical section, 1944 (resources, repair facilities, etc.) table 2. allied bombing missions at kendari ii airfield year mission date operation description 1942 28 january and 30 june operation succeeded with 160 soldiers killed and 216 injured on the japanese side 8 – 9 february operation failed because it was repelled by japanese aircraft and 3 allied aircrafts were shot down 1943 20 – 24 april military facilities at the airfield and its surroundings were damaged, including in kendari 16 – 30 may 15 june 03 july 23 august 13 september 20 september military barracks and airfield defensive infrastructure were damaged 1944 11 february airfield facilities caught fire and were damaged 4, 5, 16, 25, 26 and 29 september airfield and armory were damaged 1945 10 – 11, 16 january attack intensity started to decline source: research report of makassar archaeological center, 2016; pacific wrecks (2016). american missions against kendari and kendari airfield. from the facts found in the field in the form of the world war ii remains from the excavations, they are the evidence of the important areas and events during the world war ii in south konawe. the narrative to explain the findings is based on the world war ii archives. meanwhile, the evidence from the information contained in the world war ii archives is obtained from the existence of the world war ii remains at kendari ii site, south konawe. this is the evidence that the historical information and historical material is a logical unity in the comprehensive and reliable historical writing. consequently, the historical sites can be used as the basis for the historical ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 60-77 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 historic sites during the world war ii in south konawe, southeast sulawesi as a source of historiography | 76 writing. in this context, kendari ii airfield site with the remains in its area can be the basis for the historical writing of the world war ii in south konawe. conclusions based on the 1944 aerial photographs, it is known that the japanese military administration and maintenance area in kendari ii airfield area was an area that had a very dense concentration of buildings. even compared to other areas in kendari ii airfield (hlo airfield) area, this area can be said to be the most densely populated area. over time, these military buildings were increasingly disappearing. the disappearance of the wwii building remains belonging to the japanese military was allegedly due to the massive bombing of the allied forces. moreover, since the independence of indonesia the area is no longer used as the operation center. over the decades, the building and structure remains are still clearly visible. nonetheless, the detailed morphological formations are still deposited in the soil. through the excavation which focused on the japanese military administration and maintenance center area, the morphological details of the building rooms could be revealed. the morphological details of kendari ii airfield site are the evidence of the veracity of the information presented in the world war ii archives. hence, the existence of the site as the physical evidence and information from the world war ii archives is a logical unity that supports each other so that the historical site during the world war ii in south konawe, that is kendari ii airfield, can be a source of historical writing. references allied geographical section. (1945). kendari: (se celebes) terrain study no. 107. canberra: general headquarters, southwest pacific area. miliaty importance allied geographical section. (1945). kendari: (se celebes) terrain study no. 107. canberra: general headquarters, southwest pacific area. resources, repair facilities, etc. balar sulawesi selatan. (2016). laporan penelitian “studi arkeologi historis situs lapangan udara kendari ii rekonstruksi lapangan udara kendari ii (kendari ii airfield) sebagai medan pertempuran masa perang dunia ii”. makassar. bpcb makassar, & disbud parekraf kab. bombana. (2015). kajian pelestarian cagar budaya: laporan pendataan dan inventarisasi tinggalan jepang di kecamatan poleang selatan kabupaten bombana sulawesi tenggara. retrieved from makassar. direktorat nilai sejarah, direktorat jenderal sejarah dan purbakala departemen kebudayaan dan pariwisata, 2006. penulisan sejarah lokal sebuah pedoman praktis (writing local history: a practical guide). jakarta. hayunira, s. (2013). masa pendudukan jepang di kendari: interpretasi terhadap tinggalan bangunan jepang di kawasan tni au ranomeeto, konawe selatan. (undergraduate thesis), universitas hasanuddin, makassar. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 60-77 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 historic sites during the world war ii in south konawe, southeast sulawesi as a source of historiography | 77 nolan, t. j. (2009). geographic information science as a method of integrating history and archaeology for battlefield interpretation. journal of conflict archaeology, 5(1), 81-104. doi:10.1163/157407709x12634580640290 pacific wrecks. (2016a). american missions against kendari and kendari airfield. retrieved from. http://www.pacificwrecks.com/airfields/indonesia/kendari/missionskendari.ht ml riyanto, d. e. (2018). identifikasi tinggalan bunker pertahanan militer jepang di kecamatan ranomeeto kabupaten konawe selatan. (undergraduate thesis). universitas halu oleo: kendari. unpublished. saunders, n. j. (2001). matter and memory in the landscapes of conflict: the western front 1914–1999. contested landscapes: movement, exile and place, 37-53. shackel, paul a. (2003). archaeology, memory, and landscapes of conflict. historical archaeology, 37(3), 3–13. stichelbaut, b. (2005). the application of great war aerial photography in battlefield archaeology: the example of flanders. journal of conflict archaeology, 1(1), 235243. doi:10.1163/157407705774928944 sunarto, s. (2017). analisis nilai penting dalam upaya pelestarian sumberdaya arkeologi di kawasan pangkalan militer tni au haluoleo desa ranomeeto kabupaten konawe selatan. sangia: journal of archaeology research, 1(1), 17-29. triaristina, a. dan rachmedita, v. (2021). situs–situs sejarah di lampung sebagai sumber belajar sejarah. journal of research in social science and humanities, 1(2), 61-70 doi: 10.47679/jrssh.v1i2.16 http://jrssh.org/index.php/jrssh wasino (2009) pokok pikiran untuk menulis sejarah lokal. makalah sarahsehan dan koordinasi dan curah pendapat sejarah lokal untuk meningkatkan wawasan kebangsaan deputi menkokesra bidang koordinasi kebudayaan pariwisata, pemuda dan olah raga. semarang: unpublished. microsoft word 4. layouted, darini et al 2021 [apa-n].docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 30-44 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the life of deli tobacco plantation’s workers in east sumatera, 1880-1930 | 30 received: june 2, 2021 revised: june 5, 2021 accepted: june 7, 2021 the life of deli tobacco plantation’s workers in east sumatera, 1880-1930 ririn darini,* dyah ayu anggraeni department of history, faculty of social sciences, yogyakarta state university, yogyakarta indonesia *corresponding author: ririn_darini@uny.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v5i1.11150 introduction in the framework of the implementation of modern imperialism, through its liberalism policy, the colonial government issued an agrarian law 1870, that applied in the dutch east indies. since then, many private entrepreneurs have invested in the dutch east indies, including in deli in east sumatra. deli had experienced rapid economic growth after the success of jacobus nienhuys to develop tobacco plants. through a wide land concession permit from the sultan of deli, the dutch trading company nederlandsch handel maatschappij (nhm) together with janssen, clemen, and nienhuys on november 1, 1869 established the first limited liability company engaged in the field of reach in east sumatra, deli maatschappij. the great advantage of this cultivation led to many other entrepreneurs also interested in developing tobacco in the region (stoler, 2005). in 1871, the predecessors of the senembah company, namely naeher and grob, opened the tandjong morawa company on the border of deli and serdang. at first, they grew nutmeg, as well as cocoa, tilapia, and coconut. then from this plantation senembah maatschappij was founded in 1889 (janssen, 1914, p. 9) which developed as a tobacco company. besides senembah maatschappij, there are also several large tobacco companies in east sumatra, such as the deli-batavia maatschappij (1875), the amsterdam-deli maatschappij, the tobacco company arendsburg, and the united abstract this paper aims to reveal the life of deli tobacco plantation workers in east sumatra during the period 1880-1930. the problem was focused on the policies issued by the colonial government on labor and its implementation, and its consequences for the lives of the plantation workers. this study applies a historical method which includes four stages, namely heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. the result shows that through a variety of policies that apply in plantations cause daily laborers were very tied to plantation life. they will receive physical sanctions if they violate the rules. the living facilities on the plantations were initially very limited, although later efforts were made to improve the company. meanwhile the entertainment facilities, such as prostitution in which actually made their lives even more difficult. keywords: workers; tobacco plantation; east sumatra; colonial business. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 30-44 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the life of deli tobacco plantation’s workers in east sumatera, 1880-1930 | 31 langkat plantations maatschappij (volker, 1928, p. 13) the development of the plantation business in deli turned out to be experiencing difficulties related to worker issues. it was because the population in east sumatra at that time was still very sparse and the reluctance of local communities, both melayu and bataks, to work in the plantation companies (perret, 2010). in 1866 nienhuys first came up with the idea of contracting workers from china and paying them based on the amount and quality of tobacco each worker produced (pelzer, 1978). the idea was later modified by j.t. cremer as a former gardener who became minister of the colony (1897-1901), proposed to bring in coolies from outside. initially, chinese coolies were imported from penang, and then coolies from java. to attract workers, brokers persuade prospective coolies by promising them high salaries. brokers also commit fraud and even kidnapping (said, 1977). efforts to bring in these migrant workers require very large costs. as a result, plantation entrepreneurs try to bind the workers and ensure that the workers are always ready to work on the plantations. for this reason, plantation entrepreneurs through the government issued a regulation called koelie ordonantie which also mentions the poenale sanctie rule. this rule greatly benefits the plantation owners because they have the right to punish workers who are negligent in their work. in addition, the employers also suppress the wages of workers in such a way that the workers must be involved in debt to meet their needs, and in the end, they continued to extend their contracts to become plantation workers. there are several studies which expose deli, especially on the plantation worker issue. the study from breman (1997) describes the cruel practice of colonial politics against migrant workers working on plantations. he concluded that the violence received by the workers was structural violence because of the conspiracy between the colonial government and the owners of capital. meanwhile, stoler (2005) examines sumatran plantation workers for a long period, from the colonial era to the new order era. according to stoler, the state plays an important role as an agent of direct and indirect control for the workers. meanwhile, sairin (1997) explained about the income of javanese workers on sumatran plantations and their strategies for survival. sairin (1997) also reveals the ways in which plantation companies bind their workforce. suwirta (2002) examines worker issues as the efforts to maintain workers. rosyidah (2012) and anisyah (2018) discusses female coolies in tobacco plantations. in contrast to previous studies, this paper focuses more on the daily lives of tobacco plantation workers in deli. this article aims to reveal about the lives of tobacco plantation workers in deli related to the policies issued by the government regarding employment and its implementation in the plantation areas. the initial period used is 1880 taking into account that the koeli ordonantie regulation was officially issued. the year 1930 is used as the end of the period, because in 1930 america passed a new tariff act which prohibited the goods imports in which produced on the basis of forced or contract worker. in particular, this study targets the dutch east indies by imposing an embargo on the import of tobacco packs if contracted workers on the east coast of sumatra with punitive sanctions still apply. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 30-44 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the life of deli tobacco plantation’s workers in east sumatera, 1880-1930 | 32 method this study was conducted using the historical method which consisted of four stages of research. the first stage is the heuristic or source collection. the second is source criticism, emphasizing on the internal criticism, which will produce historical facts. after obtaining historical facts, the next step is interpretation or arranging historical facts as a unified whole. the last step is historiography. the sources used in this study are written documents collected from archival institutions and libraries. in addition, also through online explorations on historical sources, some facts are revealed. staatsblad van nederlandsch indie (1880), de million uit deli by van den brand's (1902), oerbosch tot cultuurgebied by t. volker (1928), schadee (1919), and uit onze colonial (1903) by van kol. in addition to these sources, contemporary novels will also be used to describe the daily life in plantation communities, including the works of hamka (1966) and lulofs (1985). colonial penetration in tobacco plantation business in deli the presence of tobacco plantations in east sumatra began with the efforts made by jacobus nienhuys to develop tobacco plantations in 1863. these efforts yielded extraordinary results. the tobacco leaves produced are of good quality so they can be sold at high prices. in 1865 he managed to sell as many as 189 bales of tobacco leaves easily in europe at a high market price. the profits obtained attracted the attention of other entrepreneurs to participate in investing in east sumatra. among them was the nederlandsche handel maatschappij, a dutch trading company owned by king willem i, who invested in the nienhuys plantation, namely maatschappij in 1869. in line with the issuance of agrarische wet 1870, many private venture capitals expanded tobacco plantations in indonesia and turned forest areas into plantations. the period from 1873 to 1884 became a development period of tobacco cultivation. in 1872 there were 13 plantation companies operating in deli, each one langkat and serdang. at the end of the next period, there were 44 companies in deli, 2 in bedagai, 1 in padang, 20 in langkat, and 9 in serdang. deli tobacco production value was also increasing. the yield in 1884 of more than 125,000 packages with a value of about 27,550,000 guilders made deli became one of the world's main tobaccoproducing regions and amsterdam one of the most important tobacco markets in the world (schadee, 1919, p. 19). however, tobacco industry had been hit when the crisis occurred to 169 companies in 1891. between 1870 and 1895, tobacco exports increased from 2,868 to 204,719 bales. deli has even become a major source area for the expansion of the american cigar industry (airries, 1995, p. 69). besides the deli company being the largest, several other major tobacco companies were sanembah company in 1871, deli-batavia company in 1875, amsterdamdeli company, tobacco company "arendsburg" in 1877, and united langkat plantations company. as their topography is suitable for growing tobacco, plantations began to expand to other areas of the langkat and serdang sultanates. in a relatively short time, plantation companies have been established along the east coast of sumatra, stretching from the asahan river in the south to the batangan river in the north, a distance of ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 30-44 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the life of deli tobacco plantation’s workers in east sumatera, 1880-1930 | 33 about 200 km (broersma, 1919, p. 164). in 1891 there was a tobacco crisis as a result of overproduction since the late 1880s. as more plantations were established in deli, langkat, and serdang and tobacco production continued to increase throughout the 1880s due to attractive prices on the world market, signs of excess tobacco production began to appear at the end of the decade. production in 1891 reached 500,000 bales. the overproduction caused a crisis so that the price of tobacco on the world market fell by more than 50%. the most important factor causing the tobacco crisis was the world market which experienced an increase in tobacco supply due to the increase in deli tobacco production. the next factor is the issuance of the mc. kinley (tobacco imports tariffs in the united states). import duty rates were raised so that america would not buy tobacco. this rate varied from 35 cents to 75 cents per pound depending on the quality, but by 1890 it had risen to $2 per pound. in 1891, america did not participate in the purchase, while the supply of the new tobacco harvest that year increased by more than 25% over the previous year (thee, 1977, p. 10). as a result of the crisis, several tobacco plantations began to close. between 1890 and 1894 about 25 tobacco companies were dissolved. in 1896 the number of tobacco plantations remained 120 and in 1904 it shrunk again to 114 plantations. the newly opened plantation in padang-bedagai only operated until 1892. in 1891 there were 170 tobacco plantations in operation, in 1927 only 70 plantations remained. many plantation lands were then diverted to other plantations such as coffee, rubber, and oil palm. the tobacco crisis of 1891 marked the end of the first phase of deli tobacco development. the next phase is the consolidation phase. after the crisis, the remaining tobacco plantations were managed by people who were genuinely interested in investing in tobacco plantations. efforts were made to rationalize tobacco plantations. to get quality deli cigar wrapping tobacco leaves, special soil, climate and care are needed. deli wrapping tobacco is a monopoly product that has high quality due to the unique combination of climate and soil. only plantations that exist in suitable locations and climates are continued as tobacco plantations, namely in deli, especially around medan and binjai. production methods were improved and scientific research was carried out to overcome plant diseases and improve the quality of deli tobacco. the deli research institute was established under the supervision of the deli planter association / deli planter vereeniging (dpv) which carries out important research activities on ways to improve deli tobacco quality. the process of consolidating tobacco plantations in deli in 1920 left only four large tobacco plantation companies, namely deli company, the deli-batavia company, the sanembah company, and the arendsburg company (thee, 1976, p. 11). until 1940, almost all tobacco plantations in east sumatra were operated by these four large plantations. although the number of tobacco plantations decreased over the decades, the area planted to tobacco each year has not changed much, varying from 14,000 to 20,000 ha annually. the total area of tobacco controlled by plantations ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 30-44 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the life of deli tobacco plantation’s workers in east sumatera, 1880-1930 | 34 is certainly larger, at least 8 times the area planted with the shifting cultivation system practiced by deli tobacco farmers. the tobacco crisis has also taught planters an important lesson that highly profitable tobacco cultivation cannot be practiced everywhere in east sumatra. labor recruitment the availability of worker is one of the supporting factors to sustain large plantations. however, in the case of deli plantations, the labor factor has become a big problem, including since the first plantation owned by nienhuys was opened in 1863. this is because the population in deli is still sparse and they do not want to become plantation workers (encyclopedisch bureau, 1919, p. 132). in general, malays and bataks are not willing to work for plantations because they are used to shifting cultivation and do not like to work regularly from morning to evening. therefore, to overcome labor problems, workers from outside deli were brought in. the workers were procured through chinese brokers from penang and singapore. however, it was later realized that it would be cheaper to bring in labor from java. at the end of 1875 there were about 50 companies with about 4000 chinese and 1000 javanese and keling (encyclopaedisch bureau, 1919, p. 132). there are several factors that cause plantation entrepreneurs in deli to recruit workers from java. first, the uncertainty about which chinese workers will be sent to the plantations because of the negative image of plantations in deli spread by the chinese press. second, javanese workers are considered to have a more obedient nature than chinese workers who tend to be rebellious and conspire. third, the chinese government urges an increase in labor wages so that workers can set aside some of their wages to be sent to their families in china (breman, 1997, pp. 64-67). these factors caused the plantation entrepreneurs to bring in workers from java. the number of workers coming from outside deli can be seen in table 1. tabel 1. number of immigrant workers in east sumatra, 1883-1930 year ethnics chinese javanese indians 1883 21.136 1.711 1528 1893 41.700 18.000 2000 1898 50.846 22.256 3360 1906 53.105 33.802 3260 1913 53.617 118.517 4172 1920 27.715 209.459 2010 1930 26.037 234.554 1021 sources: wie, 1977, p. 39. the deployment of workers from java, received support from the government, especially at the beginning of the twentieth century poverty in java continued to increase due to population growth, narrowing of land, and increased living needs. javanese workers were obtained through deli planter vereeniging (dpv) agents ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 30-44 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the life of deli tobacco plantation’s workers in east sumatera, 1880-1930 | 35 managed by europeans with javanese field workers, known as werek-deli. the main targets of these werek are villagers who are less educated, illiterate, still innocent so they are easily deceived. they were persuaded and deceived about the success story on the other side of the deli plantation. delis are often advertised as paradise lands, where money, land, and women are abundant. many villagers in java are lured into free cash advances, when in fact the down payments are considered debts that they must repay by reducing their income as contract workers (lulofs, 1985). koelie ordonantie the immigrant worker system is not profitable for plantation companies. it has several disadvantages and requires very large costs so that it brings a certain inelasticity to plantation operations, and causes instability in the east sumatran economy. it results fluctuations in population numbers which happened when the immigrant workers are imported or sent home in large numbers (thee, 1976, p. 44). due to the high cost of bringing in these workers, either from china or from java, plantation companies to bind the workers and ensure that these contract workers keep all signed agreements. moreover, there were many cases of workers fleeing from plantations after receiving advances due to inadequate supervision (schadee, 1919, p. 13). given the difficult problems, the dutch east indies government in 1880 issued a regulation for plantation workers called koelie ordonantie (“deli data 1863-1938,” n.d.). koelie ordonantie entered into force on october 28, 1880, is a regulation regarding the duties and obligations of the coolies. these workers are bound in a contract with the employers so that the workers find it difficult to terminate the contract. the contents of the coolie ordinance work contract are contained in the state gazette (staatsblad) no. 133 of 1880 which states that there should be no relationship between a coolie and an employer without a written agreement. in the contract written name and occupation. the length of work is 10 hours a day with a three-year contract period. the responsible official must prove that the contract is voluntary and the coolie confidently carries out the work assigned to him and must not leave the plantation without written permission. the contract stipulates the employer's obligation to provide accommodation complete with washing and drinking water facilities. when the contract expires, the coolies must be returned to their original place if the coolies so desire. every violation of the employment contract will be punished, on the part of the employer in the form of a fine of not more than 100 guilders, on the part of the worker who does not receive wages of no more than three months. the coolie ordinance was made to regulate the relationship between coolies and their employers. in the koeli ordonantie regulations, it is known that the poenale sanctie law was imposed on workers who run away. poenale sanctie ruled threats of refusal to do work or punishment if they escape. according to this regulation, workers are not allowed to leave the plantation area, workers must work obediently, workers cannot run away, and cannot rebel. coolies who violate the rules can be sentenced to imprisonment, fines, or forced worker for a period that exceeds the term of the contract. in addition, plantation ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 30-44 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the life of deli tobacco plantation’s workers in east sumatera, 1880-1930 | 36 companies are also trying to reduce the level of wages for workers so that workers will always be in debt and as a result these workers are forced to extend contracts to pay debts. poenale sanctie basically aims to bind coolies to always obey the coolie ordinance rules. in practice, this coolie ordinance is more detrimental to the workers. brand widely criticized the atrocities committed by the gardeners to their workers. this regulation protects the interests of plantation entrepreneurs rather than protecting the rights and interests of workers (brand, 1902). social class and plantation facilities communities in the tobacco plantations in deli are classified and separated rigidly based on status and wage system, nation, skin color, and race. the division of labor on plantations is based on nationality. tobacco plantation work organization has been determined, namely one plantation is led by an administrator who supervises 4 assistants, 1 chief supervisor, and 12 supervisors including tandil, with area of 280 ha (400 bau). an assistant can supervise 3 supervisors with 70 ha (100 bau), and 1 supervisor in charge of 50 contract laborers (breman, 1997, p. 97). plantation communities are divided into four groups which include administrators, staff employees, non-staff employees, and labors (mubyarto, 115). europeans dominated the upper class. the european staff of the tobacco companies in deli consisted of 740 people, not including the european staff of the deli planter secretariat and the deli trial center which numbered 26 people. of these, 556 were dutch (volker: 65). this upper-class society includes administrators or managers called masters or gardeners, assistants and plantation supervisors (opziechter). they are mostly adventurers from europe who have ambitions to collect treasures. the second class which consists of eurasian descent and contract coolies who have advantages. there are middle class groups who work as clerks (kerani) in the field of administration, generally chinese people who can speak malay, as the language of instruction on plantations. the third class is foremen (non-staff employees), including foreman planting, harvesting, processing, sorting, packing, and so on. meanwhile, the lower class are the contract workers who are dominated by chinese, keling, and javanese. in addition, in the tobacco plantation community, there is also a division of worker based on ethnicity which aims to facilitate the accountability of the coolies in the event of unfinished work. the chinese were assigned the task of planting and picking coolies, the javanese as hoe coolies, the kelings as porters and other transportation activities, the people from bawean and banjar islands as construction workers, and the batak people. help clear the jungle (encyclopedisch bureau, 1919, pp. 133-135). in 1884 the number of coolies in tobacco plantations was 26,000, who worked under the coolie ordinance and 6,000 workers. of the 26,000 coolies, 21,000 were chinese, 1800 javanese, 1500 kelings, 1200 boyans, and 100 malays. while most of the free workers were chinese (volker, 1928: 67). the coolies who had arrived at the plantation were placed in barracks or huts that could accommodate twenty people. in each barracks there is a leader. the bed of porters was lined up, in the middle there was a place to cook, the environment was ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 30-44 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the life of deli tobacco plantation’s workers in east sumatera, 1880-1930 | 37 very dirty and lacked water. such conditions are very easy to cause disease (breman, 144). the sewerage site is very close to the barracks, while the barracks themselves are full of mud during the rainy season, the walls are made of wood and the roof is made of nipa palm. the barracks had no windows, there was only one way in and out. they ate in the barracks bed. the coolies did not get a cupboard, they were only given a wooden box in which to store clothes and belongings (lulofs, 1985). barracks for coolies at any time can be occupied by other coolies and they can also move to other barracks if desired by the little master who orders it to the foreman or tandil. married couples try to make curtains with tattered cloth. the proposal to live in a separate cottage for married people was opposed by the gardener (van den brand, 1902: 69). the existing facilities are very inadequate for the workers. when many coolies died due to the plague, the problem of workers' settlements was just beginning to become a serious concern for plantation entrepreneurs. in the records of the snembah company, there was a death rate of 71 per 1000 people during the period 1890-1894. the biggest cause of workers' deaths was due to the cholera epidemic. for example, what had been done by sanembah company in response to the epidemic, they paid attention to housing issues on the advice of dr. schuffner who did a lot of research on tropical diseases (janssen, 1914). under janssen's leadership, housing for javanese workers was built and suitable for living in a javanese village atmosphere. the house for married coolies was different from those who were single coolies. housing policy for single koolie in an elongated barracks occupied up to 30-40 people. work routines and wages to open a plantation and produce good quality tobacco, it takes many stages of work. the work begins with clearing land. all foreign plantations in east sumatra were opened only by manpower. clearing of groves of forest, felling of large logs, construction of water canals, and land preparation were carried out by plantation workers who were imported from outside east sumatra. javanese workers made a big contribution in clearing forest land in deli land for plantations. at that time there were no machines. they only use simple tools such as hoes and machetes. the next work is nursery, tobacco planting, maintenance, supervision, and harvesting. after harvesting, the produce is transported from gardens and drying sheds. after drying, it is taken to a sorting warehouse, after which it is transported to the port for export. every day the workers do their routine. fourteen days of work, a day of rest. fourteen days toiling, exhausting and a day playing, smoking, talking about petty events. the coolies always worked in the same order. they were awakened by the sound of a gong, and went to bed with the sound of a gong. they run the job like a machine, without thinking and without understanding why the work is being done (lulofs, 1985, p. 65). at 5 a.m., the gong sounded. the foreman or tandil are responsible for the coolies in the barracks and check who is not working. coolies walk in groups to work, and start work at 5:30 or 6:00, break at 11:00 for 1 or 1 and a half hours and return to work until 5:30 or 18:00. the rule of working for 10 hours a day in practice is often an excess ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 30-44 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the life of deli tobacco plantation’s workers in east sumatera, 1880-1930 | 38 of 1 or 2 hours (szekely-lulofs, 1947, p. 215). the gardeners, both male and female, have to get up at four in the morning because the garden where they work is far away. at seven or eight o'clock in the evening they returned to the barracks where they rested. they work hard hoeing in eight to twelve hours a day, with very disproportionate rewards (malaka, 2017, p. 68). in addition to male workers, plantations also employ women. women workers are related to tobacco plant care, including sorting or sorting, looking for pests and diseases such as caterpillars, harrowing the soil, tying and hanging tobacco leaves. according to the rules in the koelie ordonantie, female coolies only do light work including sorting and tying tobacco leaves, weeding nurseries and fields, looking for tobacco caterpillars, sweeping streets, and other work that is not burdensome (breman, 1997, p. 101). but in reality, female coolies also do heavy work such as dredging pebbles from rivers, breaking stones, hauling and so on (breman, 1997, p. 101). the workers were tasked with making wards (a place for drying tobacco leaves) as well as barracks or other buildings related to plantations. the keling people work as porters, namely carrying tobacco leaves in carts to the drying area or to the collection point. the bengalis served as custodians (opas) of warehouses or housekeepers for big and small masters. the chinese workers, had done to sowing tobacco for 40 days until the planting season, usually at the end of the month. meanwhile, the chinese coolies worked to raise young tobacco plants, watering, sowing, looking for caterpillars, and preparing the soil for sowing or planting. the wages payment under the contract was f0.40 per day. meanwhile, the minimum daily wage on the first contract for male coolies in east sumatra ranged between 30 cents per day (1935-1937) and 55 cents (1920-1921). a survey conducted by the government in 1924 showed that the lowest wage for contact coolies in east sumatra was 42 cents (reid, 2011, p. 59). the wage rate of tobacco workers in east sumatra can be seen in table 2. if they work for 28 days in a month then they would receive f9.8 as their wages, which still be deducted from the down payment (vorschoot), so it remains only f2,4 (sairin, 1997, pp. 29-31). table 2. wages in east sumatra tobacco plantation, 1913-1940 (cents/day) years daily wages allowance for food, board, health total m f m f m f 1913 43 33 10 10 53 43 1920 54 42 44 44 98 86 1925 52 42 10 10 62 52 1930 58 44 10 10 68 54 1935 49 30 7 7 55 37 1940 52 29 5 5 57 34 sources: wie, 1977, p. 99. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 30-44 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the life of deli tobacco plantation’s workers in east sumatera, 1880-1930 | 39 table 3. expenditures for living cost of a worker type of expenditure living cost/ month matches f 0,10 salt f 0,11 rice f 2,22 salted fish f 0,90 feeding oil f 0,40 vegetables f 0,60 tobacco f 0,50 korosene (5 bottles) f 0,50 total expenditure f 5,33 table 3 shows the amount of labor expenditures for a month that was greater than the income they received. with income of f2.4 they had to spend for living cost of f5.33. it means that the workers income was not sufficient to meet their daily needs. therefore, many workers were involved in debts to the foreman or chief supervisor. by pledging their wages, they would not fully receive their wages because it had been deducted for debts payment (hamka, 1962, p. 62). this involvement in debt makes it difficult for them to move. gambling and bullying gambling activities and illegal habits in plantation areas are activities that were commonly found as an entertainment for workers to overcome boredom. meanwhile, from the plantation side, this activity was deliberately held to bind the workers to continue working on the plantation, because through this activity the workers could still be in debt. the first debt for coolies was the down payment given. the money must be repaid after deducting their salaries. furthermore, this debt circle is maintained by the plantations with gambling and opium. this gambling activity is usually done after payday arrives. in 1935, the average wage received by tobacco plantation workers was 33 cents per day for male coolies and 38 cents per day for female coolies working 13 hours per day. the wages of chinese coolies in tobacco plantations are higher than those of javanese coolies, at 40 to 50 cents per day because they were judged to be better at doing their jobs related to discipline and endurance. in general, in tobacco plantations, salaries are paid twice a month, the big paycheck every first day and the small paycheck in the middle of the month (lulofs, 1985). gambling become entertainment for the workers so that gambling activities become a social phenomenon that is inseparable from the lives of workers on plantations. lulofs (1985) in his novel mentions that on the workers' payday which takes place every two weeks, the bookies are ready to persuade the workers to place their paychecks as bets for gambling games. many of them immediately lost their salaries, so they had to get into debt again and eventually had to extend their contracts with plantation entrepreneurs in order to keep earning.hamka in his novel, merantau ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 30-44 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the life of deli tobacco plantation’s workers in east sumatera, 1880-1930 | 40 ke deli , describes the coolies who won gambling with a beaming face, while the losers looked furious because within two hours the salary money that had just been received immediately ran out on the gambling table. gambling has become a tool for plantation entrepreneurs to snare coolies. this gambling has received support from the government by granting bookies permits and collecting gambling taxes. through gambling, the coolies got into debt and were forced to extend their contracts making it difficult for them to return to java. this is also described in the novel lulofs (1985) about a coolie from java named ruki. after working as a contract coolie in deli for decades and planning to return to java, the night before his return he was tempted by the gambling table. in no time the savings accumulated over the years had vanished on the gambling table, even the clothes he was wearing. there was a special place for gambling. foremen, tandils, coolies were often involved together in gambling games. gambling was usually managed by wealthy chinese and organized through foremen who extended credit to coolies who were interested in borrowing money. the chinese also opened grocery stores that served the daily needs of coolies, sold opium, ran pawnshops, became bookies, and built barracks for prostitution. in addition to gambling, opium was also introduced to the plantation environment. this is inseparable from the interests of the colonial government in order to cover the costs of domestic government, courts, and the deployment of soldiers. according to breman, through the bulk of opium smoked by the coolies, the costs mentioned above can be met. the income obtained through opium is a large income for the government, especially to increase regional budgets in general. government revenue through opium and gambling in east sumatra in 1901 reached f2,259,500, and in 1902 it reached f2,321,980. prostitution the first workers brought to deli were mostly male coolies. european workers for positions as management staff are also selected who are not married and many plantation companies prohibit their staff from bringing their children and wives to deli. at the end of the 19th century, of all 55,000 asian workers only about 10-20% were women. in deli plantations, by 1912 there were 100,000 more men than women, and of the nearly 100,000 chinese, about 93,000 of them were men (stoler, 2005:49). meanwhile, from breman's records (1997:205) it is known that at the beginning of the 20th century there were 62,000 workers in deli maatschappij, which included 57,000 male coolies and 5000 female coolies. both stoler's and breman's records show a disparity in the number of men and women. this inequality makes women in plantation communities a scarce resource and is often a source of conflict between chinese and javanese workers, and attacks against european workers, as illustrated in madelon lulofs' novel. the imbalance in the number of men and women in the plantation community led to the emergence of prostitution activities. the female coolies were imported from java, and the wages they received were lower than that of the male workers. therefore, ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 30-44 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the life of deli tobacco plantation’s workers in east sumatera, 1880-1930 | 41 their income is not enough to meet their daily food needs and even for other purposes. in van de brand's report it is even stated that unmarried female workers do not have a house to live in but they live wherever they can find it. hundreds of female contract laborers support themselves by serving the large number of bachelor coolies in the chinese barracks. they were forced and forced into prostitution. stoler (2005:51) mentions various responses to the problem of venereal disease among coolies. some officials argued that this was due to the low wages of female laborers, others stated that it was due to the depravity of the female coolies themselves as evidenced by the many incidents of child neglect and the frequent sale of the coolies' children. the female coolies were part of the bait used to lure male workers to the deli and as part of the solace expected to keep them there. prostitution usually occurs every pay night. at that time female coolies would dress up beautifully and become ronggeng dancers. after the ronggeng performance was over, it was continued with the practice of prostitution. plantation entrepreneurs also facilitated by building prostitution tents on vacant plantation lands (stoler, 2005). health state van kol's report (1903:100) states that the mortality rate in plantations is high. for example, records in 1901 show that the number of workers who died reached 4,403 out of a total of 93,468 people. the workers generally suffer from anemia, fever, dysentery, eye disease, bone disease, and ulcers. the high mortality rate is mainly due to dysentery, syphilis, and heart disease. a source said that there were cases of syphilis. it was reported by a doctor that more than half of the women in one plantation district suffered from venereal disease. during a visit to one of the deli plantations, van kol reported that in a room without a partition there was a woman with syphilis with malaria, beriberi, and leprose. she was a very young girl, lay face down of venereal ulcers (van kol, 1903, p. 106). it means that the plantation community suffers from many diseases such as anemia (hookworm disease), skin diseases, malaria, and venereal diseases. in addition, outbreaks of cholera and flu were also reported. poor health facilities, low wages, dirty residential environment, working too hard, and very poor nutrition are some of the factors that cause the high mortality of plantation workers. during the period 1872-1884 it was reported that many plantation workers were reported to have died from disease outbreaks. during this time there were several cholera epidemics. it was reported that in 1876 213 patients at deli hospital died of cholera. in 1901 a cholera epidemic occurred again with the death rate reaching 40 per 1000 people (darini, 2021, p. 27) the high mortality rate and to improve the health conditions of the workers the plantation side began to repair health facilities that were previously very minimal. health services from plantations such as improvement of hospital facilities, environmental sanitation, and nurse visits can reduce mortality among plantation workers. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 30-44 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the life of deli tobacco plantation’s workers in east sumatera, 1880-1930 | 42 punishment and violence through the coolie ordinance, coolies live a difficult life on the plantations, especially with the very burdensome poenale sanctie. any protest made by the workers will result in receiving a caning sentence. the coolies who leave their jobs, or run away, or neglect their work obligations, fight, kill, causing a coolie to be punished either in the form of fines, caning, or imprisonment. the gardeners in practice act as judges who try contract laborers who are considered to have violated the rules. the life of the plantation coolies was based on contracts signed by coolies from both china and java, so they could not escape from work. they are forced to work around the clock under the supervision of slackers, supervisors, and low-level employees on the plantations, who are generally stocky and very violent. they are also tasked with looking for traces of the coolies who fled. if they caught the coolie, they would beat him to a pulp and lock him up. various forms of punishment that apply in plantations are a form of cruel punishment, for example being tied to a tree without being given food and water. caning or being tied up and then beaten with a rattan or stick is a type of punishment that often afflicts contract laborers. on the other hand, as a form of protest, the workers also fought back in the form of attacks on the superiors of contract workers. the contract laborers who could not hold themselves back often attacked their superiors, both europeans and javanese. according to reid, almost every year there are attacks on plantation assistants. the highest recorded case occurred in 1930, where there were 60 cases of assault with a total of two deaths (reid, 2011, p. 61). violence did not only occur between coolies and their superiors or supervisors, but also between coolies themselves. often there is competition between coolies, especially regarding women's issues. as mentioned in the previous section, women are so rare that they become objects of struggle for male coolies, especially between javanese and chinese coolies (lulofs, 1985). conclusions based on the description above, it can be concluded that deli developed into a large plantation area in east sumatra because its area is indeed potential for plantation economic activities and it is especially supported by the policies of the dutch colonial government with the issuance of the agrarian law 1870 and other regulations that support plantation companies, especially related to labor issues. , such as koeli ordonantie. the existence of workers is one of the elements of the success of the plantation business in deli. in this case, workers from java and china played a vital role in the development of plantations in deli. despite having an important role in the success of the plantation business, the life of plantation workers can be said to be far from prosperous. through various policies that apply in plantations, the daily life of workers can be said to suffer greatly. they do not have freedom, but are bound by plantation life which is conditioned in such a way by the gardener. their work routine is like a machine. they receive severe physical sanctions if they are deemed to have violated the rules. the facilities that can ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 30-44 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the life of deli tobacco plantation’s workers in east sumatera, 1880-1930 | 43 be enjoyed on the plantation are very limited and even lacking. meanwhile, the entertainment they get, such as gambling and drugs, actually makes their lives entangled in a cycle of debt and increasingly tied to plantations. references airries, c. (1995). port-centered transport development in colonial north sumatra". indonesia. 59, 65-91. breman, j. (1997). menjinakkan sang kuli: politik kolonial pada awal abad ke-20. jakarta: pustaka utama grafiti. broersma, r. (1919). oostkust van sumatra eerste deel: de ontluiking van deli. batavia: boekhandel & drukkerij. darini, r. (2021). deli maatschappij's contribution to the transformation of east sumatra, 1869-1940s. paramita: historical studies journal 31(1), 22-32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/paramita.v3lil.25774 deli data 1863-1938 (n.d.) mededeeling no.26 van het oostkust van sumatra-instituut. encyclopaedisch bureau. (1919). de buitenbezittingen oostkust van sumatra. 'sgravenhage: boekhandel & drukkerij. hamka. (1962). merantau ke deli. jakarta: jamhuri. janssen, c.w. (1914). senembah maatschaapij: 1889-1914. amsterdam: koeloffzenhubner en van santen. kol, van h. (1903). uit onze kolonien. leiden: a.w. sijthoff,. malaka, t. (2017). autobiografi tan malaka: dari penjara ke penjara. yogyakarta: narasi. mubyarto, et al. (1992). tanah dan tenaga kerja perkebunan: kajian sosial ekonomi. yogyakarta: aditya media. pelzer, k. j. (1978). planter and peasant: colonial policy and the agrarian struggle in east sumatra 1863-1947. ‘s-gravenhage: martinus nijhoff. ramayanti, a. (2018). kehidupan kuli perempuan di perkebunan tembakau deli sumatera timur, 1870-1930. avatara, 6(2), 58-67. reid, a. (2011). sumatera: revolusi dan elite tradisional. jakarta: komunitas bambu. rosyidah, i. (2012). eksploitasi pekerja perempuan di perkebunan tembakau deli, sumatera timur, 1870-1930 (master thesis). universitas diponegoro. said, m. (1977). koeli kontrak tempo doeloe dengan derita dan kemarahannya. medan: percetakan waspada. sairin, s. (1997). kebijaksanaan perburuhan di perkebunan sumatera timur pada masa kolonial. antropologi, 52, 54-64. schadee, w.h.m. (1919). geschiedenis van sumatra's oostkust. amsterdam: oostkust van sumatra-instituut. staatsblad van nederlandsch indie no. 133, 1880. stoler, a. l. (2005). kapitalisme dan konfrontasi di sabuk perkebunan sumatra, 1870-1979. yogyakarta: karsa. suwirta, a. (2002). buruh perkebunan di sumatera timur: sebuah tinjauan sejarah. historia: jurnal pendidikan sejarah, 5(3), 19-36. szekely-lulofs, m.h. (1985). kuli. jakarta: grafiti press. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 30-44 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the life of deli tobacco plantation’s workers in east sumatera, 1880-1930 | 44 szekely-lulofs. (1947). ons leven in de tabaks. in zoo leven wij in inidie. ‘s-gravenhage: w. van hoeve. thee, k. w. (1977). plantation agriculture and export growth: an economic history of east sumatra, 1863-1942. jakarta: leknas-lipi. volker, t. (1928). van oerbosch tot cultuurgebied: een schets van de beteekenis van de tabak, de andere cultures en de industrie ter ooskust van sumatra, medan: de deli planters vereeniging. microsoft word layout cultural pluralism in bali.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 14-27 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 ethnolinguistic pluralism and multiculturalism in contemporary indonesia |14 received: april 16, 2025 revised: june 10, 2025 accepted: june 11, 2025 ethnolinguistic pluralism and multiculturalism in contemporary indonesia: a case study of minority javanese muslim migrants in bali i nyoman wijaya1*, sri lestari1, mosli tarsat2 1department of history, faculty of humanities, udayana university, denpasar, bali, indonesia 2history programme, faculty of social sciences and humanities, universiti malaysia sabah, kota kinabalu, sabah, malaysia *corresponding author: inyoman_wijaya@unud.ac.id doi: https:// 10.14710/ihis.v9i1.26624 introduction in the late 1990s and early 2000s, bali was experiencing heightened ethnic and religious tensions after the fall of president suharto and crises in the tourist industry. these tensions led to what social historian henk schulte nordholt called “entrenched identities” amongst balinese, fostering an attitude towards the island of it being an “open fortress” (nordholt, 2008, pp. 387-416). in the period since his research, there have been marked changes and a lessening of these tensions. by examining a small javanese muslim migrant community and their inter-ethnic/religious relations with the balinese in the predominantly hindu village (or kelurahan) of sumerta (figure 1), in the eastern part of bali’s capital city, denpasar, we ask how hindu-muslims relations are currently being managed within everyday interactions on bali. of particular importance to this question is the everyday nature of language use, which abstract this article examines how majority-minority relations in bali, indonesia, have changed in the last decade, in the context of multiculturalism and multilingualism. it does so through a case study of the socio-cultural practices of minority muslim migrants in a predominantly hindu community in the village of sumerta, which is part of bali’s capital city of denpasar. the study shows fresh evidence for the dynamic nature, issues and challenges of interethnic/religious relations at the most local level, a matter of great significance in debates on cultural pluralism, multilingualism, tolerance and modern democracy on the broader national and global levels. our discussion and analysis makes use of methodological and theoretical insights from socioethno-linguistics, in combination with history and cultural studies. we argue that the cultural-religious and social practices of the different ethnolinguistic groups in this village are based on culturally plural community interactions, where the different ethnic and religious groups remain separate. intergroup relations, however, show positive forms of cultural and linguistic engagement, primarily symbolic in nature, and thus tend towards multilingualism as an indicator of multiculturalism. keywords: minority; migrant; islam; cultural pluralism; multilingualism; multiculturalism; intergroup relations; tolerance. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 14-27 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 ethnolinguistic pluralism and multiculturalism in contemporary indonesia |15 we argue is indicative of a tendency towards multiculturalism and positive interaction. one major point of tension examined by schulte nordholt was the high influx of muslim migrants from other islands to predominantly hindu bali. sumerta, as a site of such migration by javanese muslims, is an important test case. in 2009, the migrants of sumerta formed an organisation called paguyuban umat muslim akasia (puma), or the akasia muslim community (akasia refers to the name of the road on which most of the migrants live). this organisation marks a form of identification that in many ways represents the local dynamics of inter-ethnic/inter-religious relations of contemporary indonesia, where groups are formed within communities. the local majority-minority power relation is a reverse image of relations on the national level, where muslims are the majority. both locally and nationally, inter-groups relations are a sensitive issue, and are the subject of major indonesian debates about the nature of multiculturalism. figure 1. maps of the village of sumerta in denpasar, bali, indonesia. source: central bureau of statistics. (2019). geospatial maps. retrieved from https://geoportal.bps.go.id/maps/apps/webappviewer/index.html?id=b47355787be7484f9ba0 23a407a5a15a. multiculturalism is a complex notion, with many different usages and contexts, in which it can serve as an ideology, a policy, or a postmodernist discourse with different meanings as it is characterized in different ways and used in different contexts, e.g. inglis (2018) and oktay (2016, p. 77). crucially, it assumes tolerance to the religious and cultural difference, and perhaps recognition of group or cultural rights (kymlicka, 1995; kukathas, 2003; ashcroft & bevir, 2018, p. 12). the emergence of home-grown radicalism or extremism is often considered as indicating the ‘failure’ of multiculturalism in its ideological and policy agenda, and the most dramatic indonesian example would be the terrorist bali bombing of 12th october 2002. however, ‘multiculturalism’ as a broad descriptive term characterizes the ethno-linguistic diversity of society, in which there are always challenging inter-related issues of how majority ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 14-27 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 ethnolinguistic pluralism and multiculturalism in contemporary indonesia |16 minority group relations, human rights, and collective identities are best handled in modern democracy. there have been few studies of multiculturalism in bali investigating interactions of ethno-religious groups of the type seen in the village of sumerta (sujana, 2004, p. 7; suacana, 2004; wisarja & sudarsana, 2023). they all recognise that the balinese society has been increasingly diverse. all of them, except atmadja (2009, p. 19), claim that the balinese society is multicultural. they do not, however, distinguish multiculturalism (as defined by rex’s, 2010, pp. 217229) from what furnivall’s (1956, pp. 304-305) calls ‘plural society’. the key difference between culturally plural and multicultural societies lies in the nature of the cultural integration and synchronization in the lives of member groups in the society. in a culturally plural society, each group lives in its own cultural world, maintaining its cultural boundaries more or less firmly, with almost no (or very minimal) cultural interaction with other groups (wang, 2024, p. 6). even if there is an interaction, the interactional situation is typically limited; for example, of the type seen in the market or other public space where it is because of a specific occasional purpose. in addition, in culturally plural societies, different groups are incorporated in different ways, typically with different degrees of asymmetrical political power with relationships commonly characterized by social segregation, domination, and discrimination (in some kind of disguise). in contrast, in a multicultural society, there are ample active cultural interactions among the social groups in their everyday lives. the intensive interactions are more than simply of the type in the market, rather in various public spaces with various sociocultural interests. socio-politically in modern context, a multicultural society is typically characterized by democracy and egalitarianism with individuals and groups in the society synchronizing equivalently. people and social groups (including minorities) are equal before the law. the yare considered to have equal rights in exercising power, for example, through voting or other means. while distinguishable, the distinction between multiculturalism and cultural pluralism is arguably not clear-cut, but gradient in nature. there are multiple variables across individual and societal levels involved whose characteristics may be analysed as in between cultural pluralism and multiculturalism. in line with the previous studies, particularly naya sujana’s (2004, p. 7) and suacana’s (2004), our study confirms the increasingly diverse nature of the balinese society, which is susceptible to conflicts. we outline our findings in the ensuing subsections, showing that there has been promising evidence of local community members’ embracing certain degrees of inter-ethnic/religious integration and engagement, and displaying on-going informal public civic education towards a multicultural society at the local village level in bali. issues of pluralism/multiculturalism and minority rights have been debated in the context of western liberalism and democracy. the debate is whether ethnolinguistic, cultural and religious diversity should be publicly recognized in a democratic society, giving rise to two opposing views, which kymlicka and opalski (2002, p. 1) call the ‘orthodox liberal’ view and the ‘liberal pluralist’ view. these views differ as to the role of the private versus the public sphere, with the orthodox liberal view negating totality and rejecting homogenizing forms of nationalism. rather, every cultural community has the right to define itself without having to turn to or refer to a universal standard. this view is strongly influenced by the classical liberalism that emphasizes the necessity of legal restrictions to state power in managing its people to protect human rights. individuals should be considered equal insofar as they have equal opportunity in ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 14-27 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 ethnolinguistic pluralism and multiculturalism in contemporary indonesia |17 expressing the differences. the concept of a multicultural country is in this orthodox liberal view a country that maintains its distance to ethnolinguistic issues and that it guarantees each cultural community to take care of its own cultural affairs. the state respects cultural plurality but there is no need to formulate ideal (ideological and cultural) frameworks for its ethnolinguistic communities to adopt. in this view, if the state guarantees the rights of every citizen equally through the concepts of citizenship and individual rights, then in theory there is no minority issue. method the liberal pluralist view advocated by kymlicka (1995, pp. 11-33), in contrast, argues that justice in relation to minorities requires the public recognition and accommodation of diversity. the liberal pluralist view of multiculturalism combines the liberal values of autonomy and equality with the communitarian values (leung & valdes, 2019, p. 365) and the values of cultural membership. cultural membership is crucial for an individual’s self respect; hence it is a ‘primary good (nathan, 2015, p. 124; kymlicka, 2016). it is a condition of personal autonomy, providing meaningful options and scripts with which people frame, revise and pursue their goals (stockemer & sundstrom, 2025, p. 274). individuals/minority groups are entitled for special protections because the inequalities and circumstances that they are under are not of their own choice. kymlicka (1995, p. 109) argues that a liberal egalitarian theory emphasizes the importance of rectifying unchosen inequalities. in kymlicka’s view, individuals are not part of the state in the universal sense where each citizen is in direct relationship with the state; rather, through a process of membership in one of the ethnolinguistic communities. then, the nature of individual rights and the opportunities for individual members to exercise them tend to vary according to the cultural communities. in the liberal pluralist view, to resolve multicultural issues, individual rights must be supplemented by collective minority rights, or what kymlicka (1996) calls ‘group–specific or group–differentiated rights’ (ragazzi, 2016, p. 737) the ultimate result of the interaction between the state and the minority group would be the recognition ‘group–differentiated rights’ such as self-government rights (through some form of federalism), polyethnic rights (for financial support and legal protection for their cultural/religious practices), and special representation rights (e.g. guaranteed seats in central institutions of the country). using liberalism as the basis of analysis does not really work in indonesia, however, where there is no strong tradition of liberalism. liberalism is in fact specifically rejected on the level of the state. indonesia’s constitution explicitly states the adopted ideology of pancasila (five principles) with the national motto of bhinneka tunggal ika (unity in diversity) recognizing multiculturalism as the central foundation of the indonesian society. the indonesian system therefore does not provide room for the implementation of forms of liberalism in determining the most appropriate multicultural model. indonesian multiculturalism (or rather ‘plural society’ in furnivall’s term) has a long history, characterised by its indigenous multilingualism (vaughan & singer, 2018, pp. 83-90). its nature as seen in bali and elsewhere in indonesia is quite different from that in western countries. while the situation in sumerta is undoubtedly a product of increasingly mobile era in modern indonesia, indigenous multiculturalism has long existed in indonesia. we have seen, for example, the case where a group of buginese muslims from south sulawesi who have settled in the loloan village in western bali sincethe 18th century and have lived in harmony with their balinese hindu neighbours since then (sosiowati, et al, 2019, pp. 586-617). the diversity of indonesian ethnolinguistic make-up has led to complex indigenous ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 14-27 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 ethnolinguistic pluralism and multiculturalism in contemporary indonesia |18 multilingualism and multiculturalism. the founding fathers of indonesia were all too aware that the size and ethno-linguistic diversity of indonesia is not only a source of pride and strength but also a source of problems (arka, 2013, pp. 74-105). to resolve the problems, the concept of bhinneka tunggal ika (‘unity in diversity’) was introduced in the early stages of the formation of indonesia. it has become the foundation of the indonesian multiculturalism model, officially determining the design of the nation's culture as stated in the explanation of article 32 of the 1945 constitution: indonesian cultures are the peaks of local or regional cultures of indonesia (suparlan, 2002, pp. 98-104). the status of indonesian as the national language has always been important to the idea of national unity, one of the five principles of the national ideology, pancasila. bhinneka tunggal ika and have been often enforced vigorously by the government, unfortunately with the emphasis on unity rather than diversity via forceful indonesianisation especially during the era of soeharto, indonesia’s second president (1966–1998). while having a clear constitutional and ideological reference, multiculturalism in indonesia is arguably an on-going project. the question is whether or not its ideals and goals as embodied by concept of bhinneka tunggal ika and the ideology of pancasila have been achieved. indonesian pancasila-based multiculturalism recognizes and glorifies ethnicreligious-cultural differences with equality and balance of the rights of individual and local ethnolinguistic groups within the framework of the unity of indonesian state. the post-suharto era, which began with the reformation era of 1998 to 2008, saw the return of democracy in combination with greater autonomy given to the local government. these changes have given rise to more space for freedom of expressions of political, ethnic/religious aspirations and identities. unfortunately, however, these changes have also given rise to the resurgence of the so-called politik aliran, the politics of ‘ethno-religious streams’, a form of identity politics (nurjaman & jainuri, 2019, p. 241). indonesian multiculturalism is therefore paradoxically under threat. in bali, local identity politics has been seen in the emergence of the movement the formal version of which was called ajeg bali, ‘bali first’ in 2002 (rosalina et al., 2023, p. 1). the movement is on-going in response to the perceived threat of the growing dominance and influence of islam and muslims on balinese culture and local economy (budiasa & gunarti, 2016). the recognition of both individual and collective rights of ethnolinguistic groups is definitely not unique to indonesian multilingualism. this idea is in a way seen in rex’s liberal pluralist approach mentioned earlier. salient to indonesian multiculturalism model, however, is that a society is seen as having a common national mosaic culture, covering all salient cultures of local societies of indonesia. what this means in practice is not always straightforward. one might wonder whether the indonesian society nowadays is already a multicultural society as envisaged by the founding fathers of indonesia, and/or as seen by outsiders. scholars have been engaged in indonesian multiculturalism, and put forward various thoughts and proposal how to achieve the ideals. for example, an international symposium organised was organized lasting for 4 days in july 2002, entitled "rebuilding indonesia, a nation of unity in diversity: toward a multicultural society. "it was a big academic event, attended by 400 participants, with 200 presentations across 25 panels. it was attended by both domestic speakers coming from different parts of indonesia, and international speakers coming from different countries across the globe (singapore, malaysia, japan, australia, france, england, usa, italy, denmark, etc.). one of the important topics discussed in the symposium, still relevant today, is ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 14-27 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 ethnolinguistic pluralism and multiculturalism in contemporary indonesia |19 multicultural education and tolerance. parsudi suparlan, a prominent indonesian anthropologist, in the opening of the symposium, proposed that the ministry of national education should include multicultural education in school curriculum, from elementary to senior high schools. according to him, there is a pressing need for this, especially for areas where bloody communal conflicts among ethnic and religious groups have happened such as in poso central sulawesi and west/central kalimantan. the proposal was unanimously agreed and supported. multicultural education should be promoted and is believed to be the best strategy to prevent the recurrence of such communal bloody conflict (“kompas”, july 31, 2002). azyumardi azra, professor of social-intellectual history and rector of syarif hidayatullah state islamic university jakarta, proposed that the curriculum of multicultural education in indonesia should include subjects such as tolerance, themes on ethno-cultural and religious differences, the dangers of discrimination, conflict resolution and mediation, human rights, democracy and plurality, humanity universal, and other relevant subjects. multicultural education as discussed in the symposium had in fact been advocated in the 1980s as ‘an inclusive concept used to describe a wide variety of school practices, programs and materials designed to help children from diverse groups to experience educational equality’, to deal with serious problems in society that can evoke strong emotions, feelings and highly polarize opinions’ (yang, 2022, p. 4). however, the formulation and implementation of multicultural education in indonesia, according to azyumardi azra, still requires serious and specific discussions. for example, a careful consideration is needed to decide whether multicultural education should become a separate and independent subject, or integrated into existing subjects, given the fact that indonesian school curriculums have been quite crowded (“kompas”, july 31, 2002). eighteen years on, there is still a question whether the indonesian society is indeed already multicultural, in line with the concepts of bhinneka tunggal ika and pancasila, and consistent with universally adopted values such as human rights and tolerance. such question arises in light of recent troubling development of intolerance in indonesia, where ethnoreligious sentiments have been utilized for political gains; e.g. in the 2017 jakarta’s governor election and the imprisonment of former governor, basuki tjahaja purnama or ahok. the jakarta’s case is phenomenal as it received national and international coverage for its significance. however, at the grass root and most local level in other parts of indonesia, there is an ongoing underlying tension reflecting the dynamics of intergroup relations in the process of achieving a multicultural society, to which we now turn by looking at the case of muslim migrants in kelurahan sumerta in denpasar. the arrival of muslim migrants in the village of sumerta the sumerta muslim migrants began to settle in this village within the city of denpasar in 1997-1998, when indonesia was hit by the asian economic crisis (kayun suhairi, personal communication, march 18, 2017). they came as economic migrants seeking work in bali’s tourist industry and related enterprises. since then, the number muslim migrants coming and living in sumerta village has increased significantly, even though there was a halt temporarily due to the bali bombings of 2002 and 2005. bali’s tourism began to recover after 2008, resulting in a substantial increase of the number of muslim migrants in predominantly hindu sumerta. this was the stimulus for the establishment of the association, puma. the association was initiated and established by the muslim community leaders, who argued that such an organization was badly needed to accommodate the needs, or ‘aspirations’ in indonesian ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 14-27 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 ethnolinguistic pluralism and multiculturalism in contemporary indonesia |20 discourse, of its members. the organization would also help muslim migrants handle a range of issues in their daily social lives, something for which the traditional banjar structure supported hindu balinese (kayun suhairi, personal communication, march 18, 2017). the birth of puma the birth of puma was informally proposed during a quran recitation session organized by a migrant named samali. he invited muslims living in jalan akasia to hold such recitations regularly. in one session, after the recitation, some of the male community leaders sat around, talking about the increasing number of muslim migrants living in sumerta. one of them, waluyo, proposed to form an organization. other fellow muslims agreed, and waluyo was then elected as the chairperson of the association, which he was happy to accept. currently, its members are more than fifty-four families; most of them are from jember and other areas in east java (waluyo, personal communication, march 18, 2017). in addition to quran recitation activities, puma also organises social-religious events such as taraweh (prayers during the month of ramadan) and halal-bihalal (social gatherings to celebrate the end of ramadan), usually held outdoor in bedugul recreational park in central bali. however, if the activity takes place at the puma office, then the non-muslim banjar officials including elders, community leaders, and sumerta’s lurah (official head) are invited as guests of honour. during idul fitri celebration (marking the end of ramadhan fasting), sumerta’s village head is invited to convey the greetings and other information to be sent to puma members. they also organize other celebrations, in particular the celebration of maulid (the prophet’s birthday) and, isra miraj (the prophet’s spiritual journey). all of these religious activities require the proper approval or permit from such local authorities as the kelian banjar (the head of the traditional sub-village neighbourhood unit), bintara pembina desa (the village military security apparatus). to maintain security during the events, pacalang (‘traditional’ village security) are always invited (waluyo, personal communication, march 18, 2017). these security groups developed in the late 1990s in response to balinese perceptions that society was becoming more dangerous, although in popular discourse they are said to have always existed. the relation between islamic migrants and local hindus in the sumerta village since its establishment in 2008, there have been no serious troubles in the relation between islamic migrants and local hindus. there have been even virtually no activities breaching from puma's organizational statutes. this is because no matter however small the problem is, it has been promptly resolved by the puma’s board (waluyo, personal communication, march 18, 2017). the interaction of muslim puma members with local hindu residents and government officials in sumerta village has been going well. the local government at the village level has done its function as the guardian of all religious people quite well making sure that different ethnic/religious groups can do their cultural practices freely and safely. in terms of multicultural ideals, such socio-cultural practices as seen in sumerta can be thought of as a form of civic education in the public sphere for multiculturalism. while on the surface there is no turmoil, one might wonder what the underlying condition is. for this, we investigated muslim-hindu intra/inter-group interactions, scrutinizing important intertwined identity-related symbolic variables, especially language, religion and ethnicity. language is more than simply a means of communication; in its broad sense, it covers “not only words but also other languages of art, of gesture, of love, and the like (taylor, 1994, p. 32.).” ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 14-27 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 ethnolinguistic pluralism and multiculturalism in contemporary indonesia |21 language has crucial socio-cultural symbolic functions particularly in complex multilingual settings as is the case in bali, where it serves as a means of expressing group identity, and has unique pragmatics of inclusion and exclusion (sosiowati et al., 2017, pp. 273282). in this respect, the phenomenon of multilingualism and code switching/mixing is of particular interest as it is sociolinguistically motivated, as will be shown in the later part of this article (nguyen, 2024). religion and ethnicity are two most important socio-cultural variables that make up groupings in indonesian’s pluralistic societies. they come with a set of shared values and common histories, identities/memberships. pluralism/multiculturalism becomes a problem when members of different ethno-religious groups cannot manage cases when these different ethno-religious values (or the interpretation of them) are in conflict, or cannot be comfortably accommodated within the same society. therefore, a harmonious plural, especially multicultural, society requires tolerance. this is one of the issues examined in this study as it is relevant in contemporary indonesian context, following the widespread intolerance practices in this country in the last two decades, for example as evidenced from the attacks of christians, churches, and police stations and police headquarters by terrorists affiliated with groups of muslim extremists in several places in indonesia during recent years. in the context of multiculturalism, ethnicity, and tolerance, the fulfilment of civic duties is very important, as has been done by the british, who have implemented multicultural education since the 1960s (sutherland, 2024, p. 104; callan, 2000). in the case of sumerta, there are good lessons from this study about the interactional dynamics of minority and majority groups in the public sphere. before discussing this, we first clarify the key terms, debates and approaches in the context of the previous studies of pluralism/multiculturalism in bali, indonesia and beyond. linguistic practices linguistic practices in bali, including in the village of sumerta, are characterized by multilingualism, used here in a broad sense to cover bilingualism. multilingualism is defined as ‘the ability of societies, institutions, groups, and individuals to engage, on a regular basis, with more than one language in their day-to-day lives’ (the council of europe in (krawczykneifar, 2017, p.172). it is a norm in bali, and elsewhere in indonesia. the balinese people speak their mother tongue, balinese, and indonesian equally well. the puma members speak their mother tongue, javanese, and the national/lingua franca indonesian. some of them also speak balinese although their balinese is typically restricted to the low/common register. in this section we provide examples of linguistics practices of puma migrant members, and then discuss their significance in the context multiculturalism. the subject of whether the balinese language should be a compulsory subject in all balinese education has been hotly debated in formal and social media contexts in recent decades. prior to the 1980s, one could still find many balinese who did not have a very good knowledge of indonesian, and so balinese language was present in formal education. this situation changed markedly after the 1980s, to the point where younger balinese grew up with indonesian as their first, rather than second language. fearing the marginalization of their language, the balinese have successfully advocated making the balinese language a compulsory element of the educational curriculum (“kompas,” may, 4 2013). based on 2006 legislation, a minimum of balinese language was mandated in 2013. in 2018, advocates of balinese lobbied for its compulsory use in government offices (“antara bali,” february, 1 2018). such use of language sends signals to non-balinese about relations between insiders and ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 14-27 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 ethnolinguistic pluralism and multiculturalism in contemporary indonesia |22 outsiders. the first notable pattern of linguistics practices of puma migrant members is the prevalent use of indonesian in intergroup communication, or even in intragroup communication among the puma members. the use of indonesian as a lingua franca in interethnic communication is not surprising, definitely not unique to the village of sumerta. indonesian for wider inter-ethnic communications elsewhere in indonesia has been widely reported in previous studies (abas, 1987; fachrurozi, 2017, pp. 216-217). the second pattern is the use of javanese. it is typically used in domestic settings among the family members of the migrants. however, indonesian, instead of javanese, is also often used in intragroup communication among the migrants, as reported by waluyo, a puma member. this is rather surprising. a plausible explanation for this is that the muslim migrants come from different parts of java with different javanese dialects. indonesian is then used a lingua franca, an egalitarian language levelling the need to have distinct social registers, also geographical dialectal differences. in addition, the use of indonesian appears to be motivated by a practical need in inter-group communications. mistari explained it this way: “as for indonesian, we usually use it during meetings; when there is a meeting with the attendees of mixed people; so yes, we won’t use the local language but we must use the indonesian language so that all can understand.” (mistari, personal communication, march 24, 2017) the third pattern is code switching done by certain puma members who have acquired some competency in balinese. this is a common practice of linguistic engagement with ethnic difference in the interactional sphere. limited code switching is possibly done by using simple tags/particles (like ’nggih ‘yes’, tan ‘not’, both high balinese forms) and kin terms of address like bli ‘(elder) brother’. this is a strategy to index a willingness to accommodate the local language of the ‘host’ group. a more extensive code switching is typically encountered with migrants who have settled in sumerta for long time and/or who are married to the balinese. puji suwantoro, for example, from jember east java, moved to bali in 1990 and married a balinese from singaraja, north bali. his family members are multi-linguals, with code switching (indonesian-balinese-javanese words or phrases) is a common practice in the family. the same code-switching practice in the family domain has been reported by waluyo and mistari. according to waluyo, the puma migrants consider that they feel obliged to use balinese, or code switching with balinese, or indonesian, instead of using javanese when they communicate among themselves in public space in the presence of the balinese around. this is to avoid misunderstanding. for the migrants who have acquired competence in balinese, the puma members are encouraged to use balinese especially when communicating with the local balinese. in fact, as reported by mistari, they do prefer to speak balinese in such a situation. this is a deliberate choice of symbolic gesture to show cross-cultural awareness and respect to the local balinese. they expect that such linguistic practice would lead to a harmonious inter-ethnic/personal relation. this symbolic engagement is a kind of linguistic accommodation to efface conditions of ethnic, ingroup/outgroup difference and possible local resentments (lele, 2021, pp. 8). however, when they know that the balinese interlocutor is of high caste (which requires a proper high register in balinese), they usually switch to indonesian. mistari described the language choice in such a situation as follows: ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 14-27 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 ethnolinguistic pluralism and multiculturalism in contemporary indonesia |23 "in order not to make mistakes, we just use the indonesian language when we talk toa high-caste balinese. i may still be able speak (proper/high register) balinese (for this), but my fellow javanese migrants may not understand it; so we just use the indonesian language so that there won't be any problems." (mistari, personal communication, march 24, 2017) such issues are not uncommon in urban settings, where balinese too are anxious not to offend by using the wrong language level, although in the case of balinese usage, this is usually handled by using high status forms of words. balinese also use a lot of indonesian vocabulary in their use of balinese language. to conclude, linguistic practices so far outlined reflect some degree of diglossic (indigenous) multilingualism: indonesian is used as a language for wider inter-ethnic communications, also used in formal context and perceived as having high social status. balinese and javanese as local ethnic languages are used typically in informal contexts e.g. in domestic and intragroup communications. code switching in inter-ethic communication is deliberately used with symbolic pragmatic intent to show respect and engagement with the local culture in the context of harmonious inter-ethnic relations. turning to the relation between multilingualism and multiculturalism, we can have a space as represented in table 1 below. multilingualism and multiculturalism are complex notions, and the relation of the two is also equally complex. the binary notation of +/– in each of the two should be understood as representing the opposite ends of the degrees of presence and absence of multilingualism/multiculturalism. that is, their presence at the individual and societal levels is a matter of continuum. in what follows, we only discuss the spaces that are relevant for our present study, namely cell (3) “multilingual societies/individuals that are not multicultural”, and cell (4) “multilingual societies/individuals that are also multicultural”. we ignore cells (1)-(2) as we are not dealing with monolinguals. it should be noted that on the notion of multilingualism at the societal level, [+multilingual] in table 1 could mean a society comprising of distinct monolingual groups. thus, cell (3) represents ambiguous situations. first, it captures the common case with individual members of the society being multi/bilinguals (to be discussed below). second, it also captures the society comprising of monolingual groups, counted as ‘plural society’ in furnivall’s sense (kusumaryati, 2023, p. 202). this is extremely unusual in modern era, not attested in sumerta and it perhaps does not exist elsewhere in contemporary indonesia. multicultural – + multilingual – (1): –/– (2): –/+ + (3): +/– (4): +/+ table 1. the interrelation of multiculturalism and multilingualism on the basis of what we know about the patterns of linguistic practices (i.e. multilingualism) and patterns of cultural practices as discussed earlier (i.e. multiculturalism) as shown in table 1, we argue that the sumerta society is essentially within cell (3), with some sign of properties leaning towards (4). as mentioned in the beginning of this subsection, the sumerta society is multilingual in the sense that individuals or ethnic-groups in sumerta, in this case the balinese and puma members, are able to engage with more than one language ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 14-27 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 ethnolinguistic pluralism and multiculturalism in contemporary indonesia |24 in their daily lives. of course, their proficiency of engagement across different languages is of varying degrees. for example, certain puma migrant members who are able to speak balinese can engage only in the common/low register of balinese, and switch to indonesian if they know that their balinese interlocutors are of higher caste status. on the basis of ‘engagement’, parallel to the definition of multilingualism given in the beginning of this subsection, we can also define multiculturalism as the proficiency of cultural engagement: the ability of individuals or groups of individuals to engage with more than one culture in their day-to-day lives. on this view, while puma migrant members have been demonstrated to show some degree of cultural awareness in multicultural communication (e.g. using code-switching with certain pragmatic intent as discussed earlier), on the basis of our ethnographic work, they are typically not (yet) proficient multicultural agents. that is, most of them are not yet able to perform a high level of engagement with the balinese culture in their everyday lives. most of the engagements are symbolic in nature, as we shall discuss below. in fact, because the balinese culture is primarily hinduism based, and the puma’s is islam based, active cultural engagements of the puma migrant members in balinese culture (or vice versa, the balinese group in islamic culture) would only possible within certain limits. in other words, full or deep cultural engagements may not be allowed on religious grounds. an individual for example cannot be both a muslim and a hindu at the same time in the current legal system in indonesia. thus, a puma migrant who married a balinese wife has to choose either religious affiliation. being a muslim, he may have acquired a high degree of balinese cultural knowledge, potentially allowing him to have an active engagement in the balinese culture. however, as a muslim, he will be prohibited by the hindu based awig-awig (i.e. customary laws) to participate in local hinduism related cultural events. note that his islam religion will also prohibit him from active engagement in non-islamic cultural practices. thus, a truly multicultural society with deep inter-group cultural engagement would be in theory impossible. the engagements are therefore understandably typically symbolic, confined to certain non-religious roles; e.g. the involvement of the pacalang as the security as mentioned earlier. likewise, certain ritual practices and arts performances linked to religious identity are highly sensitive, and cannot be mixed. for example, it would be impossible if the hindu balinese to participate in the collective ritual prayers of sholawatan. likewise, it impossible for the migrants to perform balinese dances such as rejang renteng, a sacred dance usually performed in hindus temples during the piodalan ritual. the participation of the balinese or the migrant in these events is at best as helpers and on-lookers. to conclude, the individuals and ethnic/religious groups in sumerta are primarily engaged with their own cultural practices. this suggests a characteristic of rex’s (2010, p. 155) cultural pluralism as each group maintains its cultural boundaries. they, however, show awareness of each other’s cultures, and have demonstrated limited cultural engagements characterizing multiculturalism for symbolic reasons. these facts support the analysis that we primarily have a culturally plural society in sumerta. conclusion this paper has discussed indigenous multiculturalism involving majority-minority intergroup relations in the village of sumerta in bali, contributing to the debate on the distinction of cultural pluralism and multiculturalism. it has presented the complex dynamics how interethnic/religious group relations have evolved, with the javanese muslim migrants successfully maintaining harmonious relations with the dominant hindus. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 14-27 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 ethnolinguistic pluralism and multiculturalism in contemporary indonesia |25 the behavioural characteristics exhibited by both groups as seen by their religious, cultural and linguistic practices suggest a village-level plural society mirroring the society of bali and indonesia. individuals and ethnic/religious (sub)groups are well aware of the ideals of pancasila-based multiculturalism because such multiculturalism is part of the national ideology of indonesia. ethnic groups show active engagements with different cultures in the society. the engagements are however essentially symbolic and limited in nature, typically intended as a public display serving as informal civic education to the public 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(2022). chinese contemporary art teachers’ professional development in the 20th and 21st centuries within the multicultural framework. heritage science, 10 (1). https://doi.org/10.1186/s40494-022-00692-8. microsoft word new layout fix fibiona et al.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 26-39 ©2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 inya: wet nurse and succesful regeneration of the mataram islamic court authorities in the past | 26 received: june 20, 2023 revised: august 5, 2024 accepted: august 5, 2024 inya: wet nurse and succesful regeneration of the mataram islamic court authorities in the past sumarno sumarno,1 indra fibiona,2* siska nurazizah lestari3 1the national research and innovation agency, central jakarta, jakarta 2cultural preservation center for region x, special region of yogyakarta 3ikip pgri wates, kulon progo, special region of yogyakarta *corresponding author: indra.fibiona@kemdikbud.go.id doi: 10.14710/ihis.v8i1.18615 introduction the life of the islamic mataram palace is very complex, starting from the initial period of its establishment until it was divided into several kingdoms including kasunanan, kasultanan, mangkunegaran and pakualaman. the dynamics of the kingdom from time to time make the events within the palace walls interesting to study more deeply. every event related to life inside and outside the palace walls becomes interesting if studied in depth. one of the interesting sides of the life of the islamic mataram palace is the existence of ex-blambangan people who also served the palace and the king. they served because they became prisoners of the mataram kingdom. blambangan was originally known as balambwangan. the people of the region often refer to themselves as “wong lamboeng”. some researchers explain that blambangan or balambangan means “border land”, which is inhabited by the pinggir community. during the defeat against mataram, blambangan militants became prisoners of war. gent explains that the derivation process of the name blambangan comes from the word “bëlambang”, which is a swamp full of thickets. this explanation abstract the fame of islamic mataram, a kingdom that encompassed java and its surroundings, is reflected in its strong javanese culture. since the mataram era, javanese culture has been an important part of javanese life. one of the main characteristics of the culture that is inherent in the lives of javanese people is inya. inya is the term for the nurse or mother of the king's baby who is considered a symbol of the fame of the islamic mataram kingdom. this study discusses the ins and outs of inya and its contribution to the regeneration of the rulers of the islamic mataram palace. the method used in this study is the historical method. data search focused on literature studies related to the empowerment of inya in the past. the results of this study indicate that inya has a very important role in the regeneration of the rulers of the islamic mataram palace. inya has the task of raising and caring for the king's baby. inya also has an obligation to educate and train the king's baby according to the procedures and customs of the islamic mataram community. keywords: inya, wet nursing, javanese. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 26-39 ©2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 inya: wet nurse and succesful regeneration of the mataram islamic court authorities in the past | 27 is also related to the discovery of the former blambangan area which is an area of grassy swamps or full of thickets. the name blambangan also comes from the derivation of the words bala (bolo/ friend in javanese) and mbang (region, side or boundary), in this case affiliated with the eastern region (in javanese, namely mbang wètan or more fully manca negara mbang wètan). some researchers also argue that the word “balamboang (han)” comes from the using/ osing dialect (stoppelaar, 1927, p. 3). some literature explains that the blambangan people who later defended the islamic mataram were called tiyang pinggir or wong pinggir. this group of people eventually became a separate community living in the surakarta and yogyakarta regions. after the split of the islamic mataram kingdom in 1755, the blambangan warriors were also divided into two. some affiliated with the kasunanan palace, some moved with the new sultan (hamengkubuwana i) who occupied the land of yogyakarta. in surakarta, during the reign of pakubuwana iii, the existence of prajurit blambangan corps was disbanded because it was considered no longer powerful. however, the blambangan people were recruited again during the reign of pakubuwana iv (1788-1820). the new corps was awarded 400 pangkon or lungguh lands (cultivated land) covering an area of approximately 100 bahu, located around the kartasura and ngadireja areas. during the reign of pakubuwana iv, the prajurit blambangan corps was under the command of pangeran aria mangkubumi ii. the prajurit blambangan corps was then divided into two parts after the death of mangkubumi ii. the two corps were named suratetana and jayatetana, which later became known as prajurit kartasura. from then on, prajurit blambangan was fully under the authority of surakarta (lieberman, 1999). the blambangan people who defended the islamic mataram contributed a lot to the palace. one of the interesting sides of the life of the palace world is the contribution of women, especially from blambangan, in an effort to help the kings or the palace elite to care for their children. the role of women in the life of the palace world basically has a minor proportion. despite having a role with a minor proportion, women, especially the nurses of the king's children, cannot be underestimated. they are willing to become milk mothers (wet nursing) to provide nutrition and nutrition for the growth and development of the king's children. based on the background that has been described, the main problem addressed in this study is how important is the role of inya for the success of the regeneration of the ruler of the islamic mataram palace? from the main problem, it is detailed into several questions to analyze the existing problems. the formulation of questions used to analyze include the following. what is the history of inya’s involvement in the growth and development of noble children? the question is then broken down into several questions to analyze more deeply, namely how is the history and background of inya, the wet nurse behind the successful regeneration of the rulers of the islamic mataram palace in the past? how did inya contribute to the successful regeneration of the rulers of the islamic mataram palace in the past? what strategies and techniques did inya use to ensure the success of the regeneration of the past rulers of the islamic ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 26-39 ©2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 inya: wet nurse and succesful regeneration of the mataram islamic court authorities in the past | 28 mataram kraton? what impact did inya’s efforts have on the royal family of the islamic mataram kingdom? what can be learned from inya’s story and how can it be applied today? the method used in this research is the historical method, a scientific process that allows us to find and analyze historical evidence. this method includes a number of steps such as collecting sources of information, conducting further research, analyzing facts, drawing conclusions, and creating an accurate reconstruction of the past. it also includes the use of various techniques such as analysis, comparison, interpretation and criticism. this process allows us to make responsible assumptions about the past and gives us the opportunity to understand the worldview and attitudes of people in the past. the spatial scope of this research focuses on the capital city of the islamic mataram kingdom, especially the surakarta and yogyakarta regions. the temporal scope that limits this research starts from the collapse of the blambangan kingdom until the reign of his majesty sultan hamengkubuwono iii. the collapse of the blambangan kingdom as the initial temporal scope in this research was motivated by the proximity between islamic mataram and the former blambangan kingdom. there are several references related to this research. one of them is the research conducted by darsiti soeratman, published under the title of aspects of the life of women in the surakarta palace, 20th century, the first part. the article reviews the lives of women, especially abdi dalem in serving the king. one of the women who served the king (soeratman, 1981). the article discusses the role of inya, especially related to her duties in overseeing the growth and development of the king's children. however, darsiti soeratman did not explain much about the impact of infant care by inya. therefore, darsiti soeratman's article is a starting point to explore the impact of inya. another writing that raised other social conditions in java, especially in the xiv century, was written by pigeaud with the title java in the 14th century: a study in cultural history. the book reviews the socio-cultural problems that existed in java, and one of them alludes to the world of life around the islamic mataram palace. it also discusses the social, political, and economic changes that occurred in java in the 14th century. overall, java in the 14th century: a study in cultural history is a thorough and valuable book on the cultural history of java in the 14th century (pigeaud, 1962). there are only a few reviews of the inya. however, it provides a platform to delve deeper into the culture of javanese society, especially in relation to the upbringing of the inya. therefore, this research discusses more deeply the role of inya as the nurse behind the successful regeneration of the rulers of the islamic mataram palace in the past. the need for wet nursing in some past civilizations the practice of inya in java itself has existed since the time of the hindu kingdom. this is evidenced by the depiction of the story of the birth of lawa and kusa in the reliefs of the prambanan temple. the baby was born by sita while in exile in the forest. inya takes care of the baby until it grows up (creese, 2015, p. 76). the relief found in prambanan temple does not provide a detailed story about breastfeeding for babies ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 26-39 ©2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 inya: wet nurse and succesful regeneration of the mataram islamic court authorities in the past | 29 who are being cared for (wet nursing) (figure 1). figure 1: a temple relief that tells the story of the birth of lawa and kusa. sita, exiled to the forest, gives birth to rama's sons lara and kusa in a hermitage. a nanny holds one of the babies and becomes his nurse (breastfeeding mother). source: brahma temple, prambanan, central java (creese 2015, p. 76). kakawin manuscripts of javanese hindu kingdoms rarely describe the phase or childhood of the king’s sons and daughters. the most complete kakawin manuscript description of childhood is found in the fragment princess indumati’s death by sumanasa flower. mpu monaguna writes in twenty-one stanzas describing indumati's passage through childhood and adolescence. indumati is told to have a nanny (woman) who is a noble class and still has a lineage from the royal family. the nursemaid (inya) has a position and dignity and good character. mpu monaguna was very careful in describing the character of the milk lady (inya) in his literary work. inya is described not as an ordinary citizen but has an important position. this also refers to inya's duty and heavy burden in taking care of the king's child with care and affection. mpu monaguna does not explain in detail how inya's relationship with the king's child in the next phase of growth and development. only a few verses highlight the stages of the child's development, such as when the princess first learns to crawl and walk independently, and when she first utters words (creese, 2015, pp. 76-77). the existence of inya in several javanese literatures has been revealed, one of which is in babad majapahit (irawan, kriswanto, noegraha, & national library (indonesia), 2013, p. 24). the excerpt of the poem is as follows. nuju pinarak dalem sang dēwi / jwala nglayung kasunaring pandam, melok gumawang cahyanē / emban inya nẽng ngayun, sang kusuma manamur wingit, nanging meksa kawentar / telenging jroning kung / ngandika mring babu inya. waktu menghadap sang dewi terkena cahaya kelihatan jelas wajahnya. abdi (perawat/inya) berada di depannya. sang dewi menyembunyikannya namun tetap kelihatan dalam batinnya (dan) berkata kepada abdinya (perawat/inya). the need for local elites (especially kings) to provide adequate nutrition to their ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 26-39 ©2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 inya: wet nurse and succesful regeneration of the mataram islamic court authorities in the past | 30 children by hiring women to breastfeed the king's children is actually not only found in java but in many parts of the world. employing women to breastfeed children as in java is also found in the colonial region of lima (a royal territory in peru). the similarity in the need for wet nursing (caring for and feeding babies) found between the region and java lies in two purposes, namely physically and spiritually. physically, breastfeeding children by employing women who have quality breast milk will maintain the child's endurance until adulthood, so that it is not susceptible to disease (premo, 2006, p. 52). breastfeeding has a positive physical and mental impact on a baby's development. breastfed babies tend to have stronger immune systems, higher iqs, and better cognitive and motor skills than those who are formula-fed (nonbreastfed). breastfeeding also provides babies with essential nutrients, antibodies and other beneficial compounds that can help them grow and develop. in addition, studies show that breastfed babies may have fewer psychological and behavioral problems than those who are bottle-fed. breastfeeding can also have a positive impact on mother-child bonding and help children develop attachment (premo, 2006, p. 52). breastfeeding a baby usually creates a mystical resonance related to spirituality between the breastfeeding mother and the baby. the care taken by the mother gives rise to a spiritual intimacy between the two. in elite european societies, such as those found in spain, breastfeeding offspring with breast milk is something that parents must do. modern moralists and medical experts in spain urged mothers to breastfeed their own offspring. damiln in 1541 also issued an instruction titled libro del arse tie las comadres o madrinas (book on the bond of foster mothers or godmothers), which aimed to provide guidance in choosing women to care for and raise babies. however, he also praised the benefits of breast milk, stating that it is the most instinctively preferred food for children. the same advice was given by the medical expert named cabildo jaen, don juan gutierrez de godoy. in 1629, he wrote that breast milk, which is biologically closest to the baby, is the best food intake. cabildo regrets that many upper-class mothers find breastfeeding their own children too hard and tend to neglect the task (premo, 2006: 52). colonial elites in some parts of the world also needed wet nursing services for their infant offspring. they could afford to pay higher prices for pregnant female slaves because these women could care for their children (premo, 2006, p. 52). a similar phenomenon in the archipelago is also found in the maluku region (eastern indonesia). the son of the sultan of the maluku kingdom is given the assistance of several women who are considered noble as nurses who breastfeed him. each nurse breastfed the sultan's son for one or two weeks. the woman personifies the relationship in a profound way. one manuscript found in makassar (south sulawesi) in the 16th century explains that the milk mother (like the inya in java) has a high position. the breast milk obtained from her becomes a debt that must later be repaid. the manuscript refers to milk mothers as anrong tumappasusu. a similar phenomenon in southeast asia can also be found in burma. milk mothers have an important position in overseeing the growth and development of noble children. in return, the aristocratic children must replace the breast milk they drink by making the milk mother (u pon ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 26-39 ©2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 inya: wet nurse and succesful regeneration of the mataram islamic court authorities in the past | 31 san) happy and honored. usually the milk mothers are compensated in the form of several plots of land, servant slaves and some livestock (cows) (andaya, 2004). the background of the emergence of inya and its role in the life of the islamic mataram kingdom islamic mataram sought to emulate majapahit's cultural style in certain aspects. this was done by its predecessor kingdom (demak), which had its capital on the coast of java. they brought in artists and craftsmen from majapahit to build facilities such as mosques, gardens and other royal buildings. later, some of them also served sultan agung (ruled 1613-1646) as architects for his new palace in karta, near the opak river. among these craftsmen and artists (architects) was a group of balinese who specialized in woodworking and metalwork. they became known as the kalang people, which later became a separate identity in the kutha gedhe region of yogyakarta. they fell into a special category of royal bondholders who came from the blambangan region. although they were initially brought to the capital of islamic mataram as prisoners of war, they gradually contributed much to islamic mataram, becoming personal followers of the ruler. kalang women were also often used as second wives (selir, garwa ampeyan). some kalang men worked as skilled architects in the construction of buildings in the palace (lieberman, 1999, p. 273). in 1639 blambangan was successfully subdued by the islamic mataram. prisoners of war from east java and blambagan were brought to mataram to serve as workers or servants of the islamic mataram kingdom. they became known as orang pinggir or gajah mati (indonesian council of ulama, 1991, p. 419). if we look at the history of blambangan society, during the time of the establishment of the kingdom until the end of the kingdom’s glory, there were two groups of people, namely the people of the former majapahit kingdom and the pinggir community. the classification of these community groups is the result of regional zoning, where biluluk majapahit is the former province as the center of the region which mostly consists of the brantas river valley, while outside the province lumajang, pajang and others are called by their own names (including pinggir). the pinggir community is defined as the people who live in the paraduhur temple area, namely the border area (pigeaud, 1962, p. 419). tiyang pinggir is synonymous with people who come from the eastern tip of the island of java or called tiyang pinggir. tiyang pinggir or blambangan is famous for its power or immunity. soehari revealed that the pinggir people from blambangan were offered to join a corps called prajurit balambangan. the blambangan soldier corps was then divided into 2, namely suratetana and jayatetana (lieberman, 1999). tan boen swie also explained that in the early islamic mataram period, men from blambangan were used as coban (experimental rabbits) for weapons used in battle. if the man died, the weapon was declared good and suitable for use. blambangan women were used as nurses for noble children (inya) (lieberman, 1999). the islamic mataram kingdom then protected the settlements of the pinggir people who were loyal to islamic mataram. the elite of the islamic mataram palace still needed the services of the peripheral communities, especially to provide ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 26-39 ©2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 inya: wet nurse and succesful regeneration of the mataram islamic court authorities in the past | 32 breastfeeding women (later known as inya) for the children of the kingdom. the tradition of the mataram palace employing breastfeeding women from the former blambangan kingdom started from the need for breast milk for the king's children. women who were hired as inya (breastfeeding women) were initially captives from blambangan, because they were considered capable of caring for and providing quality breast milk, the king of mataram then entrusted the care and breastfeeding of his children to the ex-blambangan people, who were located in an eastern district of the islamic mataram kingdom. this is as mentioned in the piuluk charter which mentions the name pinggir, which is identified as the collective name of a remote perdikan area. the people of pinggir were also called paradapur. the differentiation refers to majapahit's rank system that placed higher people near the center of civilization. in the book negara kertagama, it is mentioned that there were two paradapur groups, namely aputih and sujyana (pigeaud, 196, p. 419). the two groups then inhabited the blambangan region and partly served the islamic mataram. the process of dedication of the paradapur group to the islamic mataram kingdom was also influenced by several events. one of them was the suropati rebellion. the rebellion led to the events of 1636, where the fifth prince of mataram sent paradapur blambangan into exile as slaves in mataram territory. they later had descendants who later lived in the area known as gajahmati and pinggir as remote areas (van der aa, 1875, p. 578). the first opinion on the meaning of the word pinggir simply indicates the place of origin of the people, namely in blambangan which is located on the seafront. the story associated with this opinion comes from surakarta, starting with panembahan senopati who conquered blambangan. since senopati sympathized with the king who ruled the tip of east java, he was not made his vassal, but his ally. the only kingdom that had been conquered, senopati obliged the king of blambangan to come to mataram once a year. in the next period, after senopati and the conquered king of blambangan also died, blambangan was led by pangeran cinde amoh and his brother. both leaders were not loyal to mataram. as a result, sultan agung sent his army to destroy blambangan. sultan agung's army won, then the two princes of blambangan were arrested and brought to mataram. sultan agung received a report on the persistence of the blambangan people in their efforts to defend the independence of their country. the sultan concluded that the blambangan people were brave warriors and had war knowledge and magic. furthermore, the sultan was pleased to help a special line named prajurit blambangan. consisting of people who are placed under the leadership of their own kings. in addition, the blambangan people were used as coban, meaning that they were used as experiments whether the newly made weapons were effective or not. if the person who was used as an experiment died because of the new weapon, then the weapon was meaningful enough to be taken to the battlefield. their wives became inya for the king's sons. in general, the blambangan people who were in mataram attracted the sultan and were well received by the people of mataram. after sultan agung died and subsequent kings did not pay much attention to the blambangan people, ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 26-39 ©2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 inya: wet nurse and succesful regeneration of the mataram islamic court authorities in the past | 33 therefore, their residence was increasingly far from the position of the king, especially after the capital of islamic mataram moved to surakarta. actually, sunan pakubuwono iii still paid attention to the blambangan people, but they were still used as coban. since they were no longer as devoted as their ancestors in the early mataram era, hundreds of those who became coban died. the rest fled to the old capital of the mataram kingdom. pangeran mangkubumi, son of sunan pakubuwono iii, called back the blambangan people who had fled to yogyakarta. they were no longer used as coban, but as soldiers. the formation of the blambangan army under the leadership of its chiefs, namely jatasuro, surowikoto, surowilarso, and others. as in previous times, the wives of the blambangan people were made inya for the sons of the king. to be able to carry out their obligations regularly, one of these women became the leader (commonly called inya bugel) by the pinggir people. the inya bugel then passed on the experience to her inya in the following period. another story was given by raden ngabehi mangunwiguno in kartasura around 1929, containing information that since long ago the pinggir people were often used as inya for the king’s sons. raden ngabehi mangunwiguno explained that when prince puger was just born, the islamic mataram palace had difficulty in getting an inya. finally, a suburban person was taken who turned out to be suitable for the prince. after the prince became the king of mataram with the title sunan pakubuwono i, the recruitment of fringe people to be used as inya for the king's children became a tradition. at the time of the palihan nagari incident, the sultan of yogyakarta asked for half of the number of pinggiran people, and the request was agreed upon by sunan pakubuwono iii. patih yogyakarta around 1929 explained that when pangeran mangkubumi, who later became the first sultan of yogyakarta, was still struggling on the slopes of mount sundoro. in the midst of the sultan's struggle, his wife gave birth to a son. this son was named raden mas sundoro who would later replace his father as sultan hamengkubuwono ii. at the time of the war, there were very few wives of soldiers who followed their husbands, and perhaps at that time there was only one who was breastfeeding a child, namely a woman from blambangan, so pangeran mangkubumi asked the woman to be his inya for his newborn son. after the war ended, pangeran mangkubumi was appointed sultan, so the blambangan woman who had contributed was given a piece of land. the land was located on the border of kotabaru. the village where the woman who became her inya lived is known as minggir or minggiran village (referring to the minggir or minggiran people who became her inya) (soeratman, 1981, pp. 13-21). pangeran purbonegoro (from surakarta) once said that during the time of sunan pakubuwono iv, a line of blambangan soldiers was formed under the leadership of the king's son-in-law (pangeran arya mangkubumi ii) husband kanjeng ratu pembayun. as the eldest princess, kanjeng ratu pembayun became the leader of the other princesses in the palace. the order from the king to find her inya was also conveyed to her. the task was carried out easily because her husband was the head of the blambangan army. based on the narrative of kyai lurah surocundoko, nginyani ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 26-39 ©2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 inya: wet nurse and succesful regeneration of the mataram islamic court authorities in the past | 34 or ngempengi work makes women from minggir have a close relationship with the palace family. they are called pinggir because they are people who are loved or chosen. nyanyi lurah also explains that these women came from blambangan who were brought to mataram after being conquered by sultan agung (soeratman, 1981, pp. 13-21). at the beginning of the 20th century, the kraton no longer recruited inya from kartasura, because the pinggir women had mixed blood with other communities. efforts were made by the kings to maintain the blood purity of the pinggir people. these efforts included prohibiting the blambangan people from marrying people in their group. therefore, the blambangan people had to live separately from the javanese (islamic mataram). the king then isolated the place where the blambangan people lived. the king also issued rules so that people did not enter the village where the blambangan people lived. however, people who are members of the blambangan group feel that these restrictions actually restrict their lives. people who live in the blambangan group want a wider family relationship. therefore, many people from the blambangan group prefer to leave the village. they continue their lives by marrying people from outside the blambangan group. so, there was a marriage that caused them to have mixed blood offspring. how to detect a woman born of mixed blood is seen through the breast milk that the woman produces. the purity of women of marginal descent has breast milk that is bluish in color. javanese people often refer to breast milk with these criteria as half wulung. regardless of whether an inya is a genuine descendant of the pinggir community or not, her relationship with the putra raja she breastfed is very close. an inya who has a husband, when her husband dies, will stay in the palace. an inya will follow her breastfed baby faithfully, even if the breastfed baby is taken by the king out of java (soeratman, 1981, pp. 13-21). the inya (nurse) has a very important role, as important as the heroine. some javanese literary texts (serat and other manuscripts) depict the inya character as clumsy and rude but funny. the success and failure of the inya's tasks are reflected through the appearance and development of the infants they care for or accompany (scheltema, 1996). the description of inya has been documented in platen album yogya 25 (catalog ll 25) this album is a copy of the image description of moens album no. 25 (kbgg 950), which was done by pigeaud himself in 1935. it is one of 30 illustrated albums compiled on the initiative of ir. moenś in yogyakarta around 1929-1937. the album contains kratonhuishouding, which describes the state of the servants in the keparak court, in terms of rank, name, occupation, clothing, inheritance, nyai, amping, inya, emban; ladosan pangantèn èstri; apprentice bedhaya, srimpi, manggung; langenkusuma (kaprajuritan putri), garwa ratu, padmi, klangenan, pelara-lara (behrend and feinstein, 1990). there are actually several diversifications of nurses that existed in the life of the islamic mataram palace and its royal successors. they include inya or wulucumbu, mbok emban, and ngenger. inya or wulucumbu (companion servant) was in charge of breastfeeding (soekiman, 2000, p. 76). meanwhile, women who had the specific task of taking care of the king's children were called mbok emban. some people identify the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 26-39 ©2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 inya: wet nurse and succesful regeneration of the mataram islamic court authorities in the past | 35 nurses who take care of the children of kings and nobles as emban inya, because the inya also act as emban after the child is weaned (no longer breastfeeds). thus, there is a bias in the distinction between inya and mbok emban. the boundary between inya and mbok emban (abdi pamomong) is actually emphasized by the differentiation of tasks that the two abdi dalem have. inya has the task of caring for and nursing the king's children, especially those less than 2 years old, while mbok emban has the task of caring for the king's children, especially those more than 5 years old. ngenger acts as a caretaker for the king's children when they are teenagers. the pinggir people did specialize as inya who were loyal to the king (kawula raja). therefore, the kingdom or nobility gave appreciation to the inya. the women from blambangan were used as milk mothers (inya) for noble children. some stories explain that the breast milk of blambangan women is bluish white and is often referred to as "satengah wulung" (semi-indigo). apart from being milk mothers (inya), the blambangan women are also assigned to maintain the cleanliness of bathroom or toilet sanitation (kumar, 2013, p. 178). in order to maintain the quality of breast milk, during pregnancy blambangan women routinely drink herbal concoctions made from the extraction of rajegwesi leaves. the herb causes their breast milk to become halfwulung (semi-indigo). the babies who consume the breast milk will grow up to be digdaya (invulnerable) (lieberman, 1999). the inya has the rather important task of overseeing the growth and development of the king's or nobleman's baby. as long as the baby cannot walk properly, and cannot eat independently, respected and wealthy parents will entrust the baby to a nurse or "ëmban". some people also refer to her as inya. generally, the nurse took care of the baby until it was three or four months old, sometimes even more. inya is also in charge of changing the baby's diapers. the diapers used are used clothes (lungsuran) belonging to the parents. the clothes used are a piece of cloth pulled between her legs and tied to her stomach. the use of the cloth makes it easier for inya so that she does not need to change diapers frequently, if the baby wets the bed. javanese people often call the slip or diaper “cawět”. the sons of kings or aristocrats who are cared for by inya usually do not wear clothes or body coverings other than slips or diapers. the diaper is usually wide enough to cover the chest as well. the inya also sometimes dressed the infant in an upper waistband, called an “octopus”, consisting of a piece of white cotton or linen, which was to wrap around the child's upper body. her infant care also usually involves keeping the baby's fontanel (quadrangulus fonticulus) hardened. this is done because the baby's skull bones in the fontanel are very vulnerable. some people call the bones that have not formed completely, especially at the front of the head, “baby” or “baby”. in order for the crown to harden, the baby is usually covered with a concoction of “bôboq” or “popog”. “bôbog” is made from finely ground natural ingredients such as ndringo, banglé, fennel, pulasari, and castor leaves. the concoction is applied for seven consecutive days (mayer, 1894, pp. 161-162). protection of the baby is also done when the baby goes on a trip or is outdoors for a long time. usually, the inya or mother puts on a headgear or what is called ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 26-39 ©2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 inya: wet nurse and succesful regeneration of the mataram islamic court authorities in the past | 36 “hierpoes”. head coverings are given to protect the baby from cold or heat. if no headgear is found, the inya covers the baby with a piece of slèndang that is used to carry the baby. when the baby grows up and starts crawling (mrangkang), the use of tjawët is replaced by shorts (katok). in addition, underwear (jarit or sinjang) can be used, but it is left loose and no longer pulled between the legs (mayer, 1894, p. 163). inya usually has a special role in the traditional tedak siten ceremony. inya carries the child accompanied by mbok emban. the abdi dalem putri head to the wisma inside the palace which marks the end of the tedak siten ceremony. inya must also be required to attend several ceremonies conducted by the king. one of them is when the ngabekten ceremony is held. inya comes during ngabekten for women, especially in the evening, afternoon, and before isha, with the concubines, granddaughters, wives and widows of the princes and dukes (adipati) (margantoro & nusantara, 1999, p. 208). the impact of inya parenting on the growth and development of children of the king/ nobles the eighteenth-century javanese babad kraton explains that amangkurat ii (16731703), who had only one male heir from his consort ratu kulon, attempted succession by trying to abort a pregnant concubine. another figure involved in palace intrigue was the mother-in-law (inya). southeast asian society, as elsewhere, usually had other women take care of the royal children even when they were new borns, due to the belief that the colostrum produced by the biological mother after childbirth was not so much and only slightly thick breast milk could ensure the baby’s health and growth. some chinese historians also point out that milk mothers (nurses as well as inya) held an honorable position in the imperial court, where the milk mother was respected by the emperor because her child had been breastfed and well cared for. the existence of milk mothers (a kind of inya) in the household life of islamic empires in asian regions such as the mughal region of india was also highly respected. they created a kind of “nurturing community” formed by ties of blood, birth and marriage. wet nurses in southeast asia became the center of a network of reciprocal relationships, turning unrelated individuals into “family” through breastfeeding. the resulting lineage can have a decisive effect on marriage patterns. the children of certain noblewomen would usually be candidates for a prince’s (crown prince’s) first wife. however, if they were breastfed by the same milk mother (inya), they became “blood brothers”. thus, they were not allowed to marry (andaya, 2006, p. 186). javanese people call breastfeeding siblings sedulur suson. because he was breastfed by inya, the king’s son had to be more careful in choosing a concubine when he grew up. the bond caused by several babies breastfed by inya made other children breastfed by inya and the king's son become sedulur suson (language center of the special region of yogyakarta province, 2001, p. 683). in islam, marrying a sibling is considered incompatible with sharia law. this is because consanguinity cannot guarantee that the relationship will go well and will not cause problems in the future. in addition, consanguinity will also expose the children resulting from the relationship to long-term health problems. for this reason, islam prohibits marriage to siblings (rizvi, 2021). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 26-39 ©2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 inya: wet nurse and succesful regeneration of the mataram islamic court authorities in the past | 37 the existence of inya is actually still widely found until the 20th century. one of the famous figures in 20th century java who is still cared for by an inya is suryopranoto. as is common among the nobility, from birth a child is usually immediately taken care of by a special caregiver, called mbok emban, and breastfed by an inya. in the hands of the mbok emban the child is expected to quickly understand orderly, polite, and refined behavior. meanwhile, the child is breastfed by the inya in order to have a mawateja (bright shining) face thanks to adequate nutrition (anak bangsawan bertukar jalan, 2006, p. 30). the shortcomings of infant care by inya or wet nursing compared to biological mothers in the islamic mataram kingdom include that inya or wet nursing can cause infants to experience a lack of immunity because they do not get antibodies from biological mothers. in addition, oxytocin produced by biological mothers can induce a state of calm, and reduce stress. this can increase feelings of affection between mother and child, and enhance bonding. pleasant forms of touch stimulate the secretion of oxytocin, as well as prolactin, and skin-to-skin contact between mother and baby after delivery aids breastfeeding and emotional bonding (who, 2018). therefore, the presence of inya or wet nursing can cause the baby to experience a lack of love and affection from the biological mother. inya or wet nursing can cause the baby to experience unpleasant environmental influences. conclusion the inya of blambangan had important implications for the regeneration of the rulers of the mataram palace as she was the milk mother of the children of the nobility. she acted as a nurturer during the childhood of noble children, providing insight and teachings on how to behave as a noble. inya also had very important implications for the regeneration of the rulers of the mataram court due to the traditional belief that a nursing mother's milk had the power to pass on her good spiritual and physical traits to the child she nursed. the history of inya's involvement in the growth and development of aristocratic children dates back to the hindu buddhist era and this practice flourished until the majapahit era. this was mainly because the inya was not only responsible for providing nutrition to the baby but was also seen as a spiritual guardian. the historical involvement of inya in the development of noble children began in the 17th century when troops from blambangan surrendered to the islamic king of mataram and the kingdom hired blambangan women as inya. the king of mataram trusted his inya to care for and provide the best service to his children. the task of the inya was to take care and nurture the children of the nobles, keeping them properly nourished through breast milk. in addition, the inya is also in charge of maintaining the physical, emotional, and spiritual health of the baby, providing nutrition, supervising the baby's health, and ensuring the baby's safety. the inya must also ensure that noble children grow up to be good leaders, who can perform royal duties well. an inya must also abide by the traditions, customs, and beliefs of the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 26-39 ©2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 inya: wet nurse and succesful regeneration of the mataram islamic court authorities in the past | 38 mataram palace as values that she must adhere to in caring for the sons and daughters of kings or nobles. the inya recruitment process was carefully conducted by the king. at first, they only accepted candidates from blambangan, although in the 20th century, this began to change. the selection of an inya is based on social status, physical appearance, and her ability to carry out her duties as an inya. women who can become milk mothers are usually between 18-50 years old with a respectable family background and experience in caring for children. she must have a high sense of affection and care, and be a good example for the children of the nobility. references andaya, b. w. (2004). old age: widows, midwives and the question of “witchcraft” in early modern southeast asia. in the 18 international seminar association of historians of asia (iaha), december 6-10, 2004. academia sinica, taiwan andaya, b. w. (2006). the flaming womb: repositioning women in early modern southeast asia. honolulu: university of hawaii press. language center of the special region of yogyakarta province. (2001). kamus basa jawa. yogyakarta: kanisius. behrend, t. e., & feinstein, a. h. (1990). katalog induk naskah-naskah nusantara. yogyakarta: yayasan obor. budiawan. (2006). anak bangsawan bertukar jalan. yogyakarta: lkis pelangi creese, h. (2015). women of the kakawin world: marriage and sexuality in the indic courts of java and bali. london: routledge. irawan, y., kriswanto, a., noegraha, n., & national library of indonesia (2013). babad majapahit. jakarta: national library of indonesia. kumar, a. (2013). java and modern europe: ambiguous encounters. london: routledge. lieberman, v. b. (1999). beyond binary histories: re-imagining eurasia to c. 1830. michigan: university of michigan press. margantoro, j. b., & nusantara, a. a. (1999). sri sultan hamengku buwono x: meneguhkan tahta untuk rakyat. jakarta & yogyakarta: gramedia widiasarana indonesia & harian bernas yogyakarta. mayer, l. t. (1894). de javaan, als mensch en als lid van het javaansche huisgezin. batavia: albrecht & rusche. premo, b. (2006). children of the father king: youth, authority, and legal minority in colonial lima. north carolina: university of north carolina. pringgodigdo, a. g. (1993). ensiklopedi umum. yogyakarta: kanisius rizvi, s. a. s. a. h. s. h. (2017). islamic marriage handbook. california: createspace independent publishing platform. scheltema, j. f. (1996). monumental java. new delhi: asian educational services. soekiman, d. (2000). kebudayaan indis dan gaya hidup masyarakat pendukungnya di jawa, abad xviii-medio abad xx. yogyakarta: yayasan bentang budaya. soeratman, d. (1981). segi-segi kehidupan wanita keraton surakarta (abad ke-20 bagian pertama). yogyakarta: javanologi. stoppelaar, j. d. w. (1927). balambangansch adatrecht. h. wegeningen: veenma n & zonen. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 26-39 ©2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 inya: wet nurse and succesful regeneration of the mataram islamic court authorities in the past | 39 theodore, g. t. (1962). java in the 14th century: a study in cultural history. dordrecht: springer science & business media. indonesian council of ulama. (1991). sejarah ummat islam indonesia. jakarta: mui. van der aa, a. j. (1875). nederlands oost-indië, of beschrijving der nederlandsche bezimingen in oost-indië: voorafgegaan van een beknopt overzigt van de vestiging en uitbreiding der magt van nederland aldaar. breda: schleijer, broese & comp. van esterik, p., & o’connor, r. a. (2017). the dance of nurture: negotiating infant feeding (vol. 6). oxford: berghahn books. who. (2018). infant and young child feeding: model chapter for textbooks for medical students and allied health professionals. retrieved july 5, 2022 from hrp://www.wpro.who.int/nutrition_wpr/publications/infantchildfeeding.pdf. indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 71-82 © 2018 cerita si kuncung: membaca relasi kuasa dalam majalah anak-anak indonesia atika s. hadi magister ilmu sejarah, fakultas ilmu budaya, universitas indonesia alamat korespondensi: atika.ash@gmail.com abstract si kuncung is the first kid’s magazine that officially accepted as a national kids magazine by the indonesian government in the era of president soeharto. aside from being a media for education and culture, the government also helped si kuncung's publications, especially in marketing and financing. the relationship between the publishers and the government expanded the deployment of si kuncung and strengthened its position in the national children's reading materials. however, on the other hand, si kuncung who dissolved in the leadership of power also faded along with the collapse of the new order era. keywords: si kuncung; kid’s magazine; power relation. abstrak si kuncung merupakan majalah anak-anak pertama yang didaulat secara resmi sebagai majalah anak nasional oleh pemerintah indonesia pada era presiden soeharto. selain sebagai media pendidikan dan kebudayaan, pemerintah juga turut membantu penerbitan si kuncung dari segi pemasaran dan pembiayaan. relasi yang terjalin antara pihak penerbit dengan pemerintah memperluas penyebaran si kuncung dan memperkuat posisi si kuncung dalam jajaran bacaan anak-anak nasional. namun di sisi lain, si kuncung yang terlarut dalam kepemimpinan kekuasaan turut meredup seiring runtuhnya orde baru. kata kunci:. si kuncung; majalah anak-anak; relasi penguasa. pendahuluan anak-anak menanggung beban tentang apa yang akan terjadi di masa depan. pandangan tentang anak-anak sebagai makhluk kecil yang belum sempurna membuat masa kanak-kanak dipenuhi dengan mimpi dan idealisme orang dewasa. secara berantai, masa kanak-kanak akan memengaruhi keputusan-keputusan mereka di masa yang akan datang, dan kembali membentuk idealisme masa kanakkanak mereka pada generasi selanjutnya. kondisi demikian menempatkan anakanak sebagai sebuah kelompok masyarakat yang paradoksal. mereka mengandung impian dan juga kekhawatiran, dicintai sekaligus ditakuti (sartre, 2009, p. 19). namun sejarah sering kali melupakan masa kanak-kanak dalam catatancatatannya. cerita tentang bagaimana mereka dibesarkan, apa yang mereka lakukan, mereka gunakan dan kenakan jarang muncul sebagai tema-tema penulisan sejarah yang komprehensif. hal ini membuat penulisan sejarah tentang anak-anak ibarat padang rumput yang luas dan hijau, bebas untuk ditanami atau dibangun sekaligus membingungkan untuk memulai dari mana. kehadiran si kuncung dalam penelitian ini dapat dilihat sebagai sebuah celah untuk mengintip dunia anak-anak di masa lalu. melalui perjalanan penerbitannya serta relasinya dengan pemilik kekuasaan, dapat dipahami dunia baca anak-anak dibentuk dan dikonstruksi dalam periode yang cukup panjang, yang disadari atau cerita si kuncung: membaca relasi kuasa dalam majalah anak-anak indonesia | 71 diterima/ received: 25 november 2018 disetujui/ accepted: 2 desember 2018 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 71-82 © 2018 tidak telah menjadi bagian penting yang melekat dalam diri orang-orang dewasa saat ini. meski fokus pembahasan diletakkan pada si kuncung, pembahasan tentang bagaimana media baca anak-anak yang pernah berkembang di indonesia perlu dibahas dengan singkat agar informasi yang diolah dapat dipahami secara lebih komprehensif. tulisan ini merupakan bagian dari penelitian berjudul majalah anak-anak si kuncung: relasi media, politik dan kekuasaan tahun 1979-1988, dimana sumber primer yang digunakan merupakan cetakan-cetakan majalah si kuncung serta informasi langsung dari para redaktur dan penulis cerita. tulisan terkait majalah anak-anak juga tidak dapat dilepaskan dari kajian pers, terutama yang berkembang di era orde baru. meski majalah anak-anak jarang dilihat sebagai media cetak yang berhubungan langsung dengan unsur kekuasaan, si kuncung dalam penelitian ini justru lebih banyak menggunakan pustaka-pustaka bernuansa politik. sekilas bacaan anak-anak di indonesia “dalam zaman belanda kita ada bertaman, dalam zaman djepangpoen taman kita masih ada. akan tetapi dalam zaman kita sendiri, di masa kita telah bernegara kembali, telah bertanah air merdeka, taman kita itu tak tentu lagi dimana letaknja. kakak ta’ bertemoe-temoe lagi dengan adik-adik, dan soeara adik-adik jang riang gembirapoen tidak kedengaran lagi. heran... mengapa dalam masa sekarang ini, ketika kakak dan adik-adik haroes bersatoe-padoe, harus selaloe berdekatan dan bertoekaran pikiran, taman tempat kita bertjengkerama itu hilang lenjap sadja?” kutipan diatas merupakan penggalan bagian pendahuluan edisi pertama majalah sahabat anak-anak yang terbit perdana tanggal 14 juni 1946. mengapa di tengah gegap gempita kemerdekaan serta kemelut suasana perang, bacaan anakanak menjadi sebuah ruang yang perlu mendapat perhatian khusus? jika ditelusuri, bacaan anak-anak telah mendapat perhatian khusus jauh sebelum indonesia memproklamirkan diri menjadi sebuah negara yang berdaulat. cristantiowati dalam karyanya yang berjudul bacaan anak-anak tempo doeloe tahun 1900-1945 mendeskripsikan perkembangan bacaan anak yang semakin meningkat pasca penerapan politik etis dan pendirian commissievoor de inlandsche school en volkslectuur atau yang kemudian dikenal sebagai komisi bacaan rakyat. sejak didirikan 14 september 1908, commissievoor de inlandsche school en volkslectuur atau komisi bacaan rakyat ini bertujuan menyediakan bacaan sehat bagi para murid yang mampu membaca serta memberi pertimbangan kepada pemerintah hindia belanda dalam memilih buku yang akan disebarkan kepada masyarakat. secara administratif komisi bacaan rakyat bertugas memberikan pertimbangan kepada departement van onderwijs en eeredienst (departemen pengajaran) dalam memilih naskah yang akan diterbitkan sebagai buku bacaan dalam pengajaran sekolah. hal ini diperlukan agar pemerintah dapat mengendalikan bacaan bagi rakyat yang rentan terhadap pengaruh datangnya bacaan dari luar negeri (alisjahbana, 1992, p. 20).1 kekhawatiran pemerintah dan keputusan untuk berkonsentrasi pada bacaan anak-anak bukannya tanpa alasan. munculnya semangat kebangsaan beraliran nasionalisme dan sosialisme dianggap semakin mengkhawatirkan, terutama dengan berdirinya boedi oetomo tanggal 20 mei 1908 oleh sekelompok mahasiswa stovia, 1munculnya semangat kebangsaan melalui bacaan beraliran nasionalisme dan sosialisme dianggap mengkhawatirkan pemerintah pada saat itu, terutama dengan berdirinya boedi oetomo pada 20 mei 1908 oleh sekelompok mahasiswa stovia, kemudian ditengarai berasal dari pengaruh bacaan asing. cerita si kuncung: membaca relasi kuasa dalam majalah anak-anak indonesia | 72 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 71-82 © 2018 yang ditengarai berasal dari masuknya pengaruh bacaan asing. pada 1911, dalam rangka menyalurkan buku-buku terbitan komisi bacaan rakyat sekaligus penyediaan fasilitas yang mampu menunjang kegiatan pengajaran, pemerintah belanda membangun volksbibliotheek atau perpustakaan rakyat. perpustakaan yang kemudian dikenal dengan nama taman pustaka ini menuai respon positif dan mengalami perkembangan yang signifikan. pembangunan taman pustaka memengaruhi minat baca sekaligus meningkatkan permintaan terhadap buku-buku bacaan, terutama buku bacaan anak. komisi bacaan rakyat lalu menghadapi kesulitan akibat birokrasi yang berbelit-belit dan menghambat penerbitan bacaan. demi peningkatan produksi, maka berdasarkan gouvernements besluit no. 63 tanggal 22 september 1917, dibentuklah balai pustaka yang mampu memangkas proses penerbitan dengan menjadi lembaga mandiri dan bertugas secara khusus memenuhi kebutuhan taman poestaka. balai pustaka lalu secara konsisten menerbitkan karya-karya sastra yang menarik, termasuk karya-karya dengan sasaran pembaca anak-anak dan remaja. meski banyak buku-buku merupakan karya terjemahan maupun saduran, balai pustaka setidaknya mampu menggairahkan dunia bacaan anak-anak kala itu. karya merari siregar, si djamin dan si djohan (1918) yang merupakan saduran dari karya oliver twist atau novel tom sawyer karya mark twain yang mampu meraih popularitas dalam masa yang cukup panjang. ruang bacaan anak-anak juga mendapat perhatian semasa gejolak perang dunia ii. pemerintahan balatentara dai nippon yang berhasil menguasai hindiabelanda setelah pemerintah belanda menyerah tanpa syarat tanggal 8 maret 1942, dengan segera menutup sekolah-sekolah dengan maksud membendung pengaruh barat di wilayah indonesia. seluruh buku dan bacaan terbitan belanda dilarang dan seluruh percetakan diambil alih (christantiowati, 1993, p. 93).2 sekolah desa diganti dengan nama sekolah pertama dengan masih menggunakan bahasa daerah sebagai bahasa pengantar, sedangkan sekolah tingkat kedua, his dan sekolah lainnya digabung dengan istilah baru yaitu sekolah rakyat dengan bahasa pengantar bahasa melayu-indonesia yang sudah cukup populer pada masa itu. balai pustaka, yang kemudian berganti nama menjadi kokumin tosyokyoku, diberi tugas untuk segera menerbitkan buku-buku pelajaran baru bagi sekolahsekolah yang akan dibuka. buku-buku yang mendapat prioritas penerbitan merupakan buku-buku terkait kebudayaan jepang, bahasa jepang dan teknik-teknik dasar pertahanan diri (christantiowati, 1993, pp. 94-95). kokumin tosyokyoku juga menerbitkan ulang buku-buku populer sebelumnya dengan judul baru dan beberapa revisi penggunaan bahasa serta menerima karangan dan tulisan karya pembaca. selama periode pemerintahan militer jepang, tidak banyak buku-buku baru yang diterbitkan. majalah atau surat kabar bahkan diawasi dan beberapa dimatikan. hanya asia raya satu-satunya surat kabar di jakarta dan majalah panji pustaka yang diperbolehkan terbit (jassin, 1992, pp. 59-60). bacaan anak-anak kemudian diruangkan dalam lampiran taman kanak-kanak, yang diterbitkan melalui majalah panji pustaka. hingga masa kemerdekaan yang dipenuhi dengan gejolak, ruang baca untuk anak-anak perlahan semakin menyusut lalu kemudian menghilang. si kuncung: lahirnya bacaan sekolah rakyat pada 1955, setelah pemilu pertama selesai diselenggarakan, jumlah penerbitan mingguan, bulanan dan berkala membengkak hingga mencapai 351 judul, dari yang sebelumnya pada 1950 hanya berjumlah 226 judul (junaedhie, 1995, p. 24). surat 2seluruh sekolah baru diizinkan untuk dibuka kembali pada 29 april 1942, setelah melalui proses pelaporan pembukaan sekolah pada pemerintah setempat. cerita si kuncung: membaca relasi kuasa dalam majalah anak-anak indonesia | 73 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 71-82 © 2018 kabar dan majalah tumbuh dimana-mana tanpa harus meminta izin terlebih dahulu. publik bebas mengutarakan pendapat dan kemauan masing-masing. sudjati sa, wartawan pedoman, berinisiatif menggunakan peluang tersebut dengan menerbitkan majalah anak-anak si kuncung untuk menyediakan ruang baca anak-anak yang lama hilang. pedoman sendiri merupakan sebuah surat kabar yang berasosiasi dengan partai sosialis indonesia (psi), sebuah partai kecil anti komunis yang vokal dan beberapa kali bersitegang dengan pemerintah (hill, 2011, p. 101). berdasar pada pengalaman menulis berita serta keterlibatannya dalam penerbitan cerpen sastra bulanan “kisah” bersama hb jassin, idrus, dan m. balfas, sudjati mulai menulis cerpen untuk anak-anak. berkantor di jalan madura no. 2, menteng, jakarta, sudjati mulai mengumpulkan rekan-rekan sesama wartawan dan beberapa sastrawan untuk membantunya mengasuh si kuncung. pengarang-pengarang yang kemudian terlibat sebagian besar berasal dari majalah kisah, mimbar indonesia dan siasat. si kuncung lalu tampil dengan membawa idealisme jurnalis dan sastrawan muda yang prihatin terhadap kurangnya bacaan bermutu bagi anak-anak. pertemuan sudjati dengan soekanto sa menjadi langkah awal yang positif bagi si kuncung. semula, soekanto menolak dengan alasan tidak terbiasa menulis cerpen anak-anak. cerita anak-anak dianggap sebagai bagian dari pekerjaan guru. selain itu, keharusan untuk berkomunikasi dengan pesan moral yang disampaikan dikhawatirkan dapat membatasi pengarang dalam mengekspresikan pikiran dan perasaan. namun pada akhirnya, kesadaran tentang pentingnya sastra bagi anakanak meluluhkan hati soekanto. cerita anak-anak adalah bagian dari sastra, dan sastra adalah sastra. soekanto sa pun menjadi salah seorang penulis inti yang mengasuh si kuncung. soekanto yang terinpirasi oleh kedatangan seorang anak gadis bernama gustini di kantor redaksi si kuncung di jalan madura no. 12 jakarta, lalu menciptakan serial cerpen berjudul hari-hari bersama gustini.3 cerpen yang bercerita tentang anak gadis yang cerdas ini menjadi cerpen khas si kuncung dan mengisi edisi si kuncung hingga 1958.4 selain soekanto, nama lain yang muncul dalam tahun-tahun awal si kuncung antara lain, trim sutidja, k. usman, mansur samin, julius sijaranamual, darmosusanto, surtiningsih w.t., s.toer, b.s.tron, suyono hr, hb soepiyo, dan rys therik. sistem redaksi dalam penerbitan si kuncung menggunakan sistem yang sederhana. terdapat bagian redaksi, karyawan, ilustrator, dan penulis lepas (wawancara dengan eddy herwanto, 10 agustus 2015). pada terbitan tahun pertama dan kedua, sudjati sa sebagai pemimpin redaksi dibantu oleh muharijo, riardi, soekanto, dan suyono hr sebagai redaksi.5 bagian ilustrasi diisi oleh ekana siswoyo, hidayat said, ipe ma’ruf, dan beberapa karyawan lain yang membantu percetakan dan penjualan. penulis yang berkontribusi mengirimkan tulisan dibayar sesuai dengan cerpen atau tulisan yang diterima. hal demikian membuat penulis dalam si kuncung sering kali berganti-ganti dan berbeda dalam tiap edisi. meski demikian, terdapat beberapa nama yang konsisten mengirimkan tulisan dan menjadi penulis tetap si kuncung selama bertahun-tahun. berdasar nama-nama penulis yang muncul dibalik cerita-cerita si kuncung, sudjati tampaknya memilih penulis-penulis yang tidak terlibat dalam perseteruan dunia sastra yang saat itu tengah terjadi. meski tidak secara langsung menyatakan 3jalan madura kini berubah menjadi jl. moh. yamin, menteng, jakarta pusat. 4serial “hari-hari bersama gustini” berakhir pada edisi no. 8 tahun 1958, dimana gustini diceritakan telah mendapat beasiswa untuk melanjutkan sekolah menengah dan selesai melewati ujian akhir di sekolah rakyat. 5nama-nama tersebut diperoleh dari catatan redaksi si kuncung no.1 tahun 1957 serta hasil beberapa wawancara. cerita si kuncung: membaca relasi kuasa dalam majalah anak-anak indonesia | 74 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 71-82 © 2018 diri sebagai majalah anti-komunis, belum ditemukan catatan terkait keterlibatan sastrawan maupun penulis lekra atau gerakan kiri lainnya dalam cerpen-cerpen si kuncung. sebagian besar merupakan rekan sastrawan, jurnalis dari siasat, pedoman atau pengarang muda yang baru menjejaki dunia kepengarangan.6 sudjati tampak menempatkan dunia anak-anak sebagai dunia yang paralel dari dunia politik dengan tetap memberikan edukasi nilai dan norma dalam cerita-ceritanya. keputusan untuk menyajikan karya tanpa keberpihakan yang mencolok menempatkan si kuncung pada jalur aman dunia penerbitan pada saat itu. edisi perdana si kuncung yang terbit 1 april 1956 menjadi terbitan fenomenal karena untuk kali pertama kali majalah ini dicetak ulang untuk satu nomor terbitan perdana (soekanto, 1986, pp. 340-345). tampilan depan diisi dengan sebuah logo khas si kuncung dan sebuah cerita berjudul “pesta kacang” karya darmosusanto. halaman selanjutnya menampilkan lagu karya pak kasur yang berjudul naik delman, yang juga dengan cepat meraih popularitas. pada halaman depan bagian atas, si kuncung menggunakan gambar berupa lima anak-anak yang berbaris dengan menggunakan topi kertas berbentuk kerucut dan anak terakhir yang pakaiannya digigit seekor anjing kecil. mereka membawa mainan, alat musik, dan bendera bertuliskan si kuncung dengan ekspresi gembira. bendera tersebut memiliki semboyan si kuncung yang bertuliskan “si kuntjung batjaan sekolah rakjat”. gambar ini kemudian menjadi ciri khas si kuncung, baik dalam kolom iklan maupun dalam ragam terbitan si kuncung yang lainnya. kata “kuncung” dalam bahasa jawa berarti gombak, atau dalam bahasa indonesia berarti semacam jambul (pada ayam, burung dan bunga); jambak (rambut di dahi pada kuda); rambut di atas dahi yang ditinggalkan sehabis dipangkas (kamus besar bahasa indonesia, 2018). pada logo, tampak anak yang berjalan paling depan memiliki “kuncung” yang menonjol di sela topi kerucutnya sehingga dapat berarti “anak yang memiliki model rambut kuncung”. namun selain itu, kelima anak yang berbaris tersebut juga menggunakan topi kerucut yang juga disebut “ topi kuncung”, sehingga “si kuncung” juga dapat berarti “anak yang menggunakan topi kuncung atau kerucut”. penggunaan istilah “kuncung” sendiri lebih dikenal dalam masyarakat secara umum terutama masyarakat pedesaan di daerah jawa.7 hal ini memberikan kesan kedekatan antara majalah si kuncung dengan masyarakat. selain itu, penyajian konten cerita dalam si kuncung yang didominasi oleh cerita-cerita dari pelosokpelosok daerah di indonesia membuat si kuncung kental dengan aura anak-anak pedesaan. berdasar surat izin terbit yang diperoleh pada 1957, si kuncung tersebar luas hampir di seluruh jakarta dan beberapa kota besar di jawa. respon positif dan tingginya penjualan membuat si kuncung tetap terbit dengan harga yang masih terjangkau, meski situasi perekonomian sedang memasuki masa-masa krisis. bahkan, banyaknya karangan yang masuk membuat si kuncung mampu membuka peluang baru dengan menerbitkan si kuncung istimewa, semacam edisi spesial yang terbit sebulan sekali. pada 1960, sudjati menyatakan bahwa si kuncung istimewa telah membantu meningkatkan penjualan hingga mencapai 800.000 pembaca sejak pertama kali terbit. si kuncung istimewa dianggap mampu menarik minat pembaca si kuncung kepada lingkup pasar yang lebih luas (si kuncung istimewa, 1960). si kuncung semakin ramai digemari dan banyak menerima karangan. diluar penerimaan karangan melalui pos, 6hingga penelitian ini disusun, belum ditemukan adnaya keterlibatan penulis ataupun sastrawan lekra dalam penerbitan si kuncung. 7terdapat sebuah cerita yang terkenal yaitu si kuncung dan si bawuk yang beredar di kalangan anak-anak di jawa (wawancara dengan seto mulyadi, 22 februari 2015) cerita si kuncung: membaca relasi kuasa dalam majalah anak-anak indonesia | 75 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 71-82 © 2018 banyak penulis muda yang tertarik untuk menuliskan cerita pendek secara reguler. banyaknya persediaan tulisan, terutama cerpen, memicu produktifitas si kuncung untuk menerbitkan varian baru berupa buku kecil berisi kumpulan cerpen. gejolak politik dan perubahan sistem pada 30 september 1965, indonesia dikejutkan dengan peristiwa penculikan dan pembunuhan jenderal-jenderal yang konon dilatarbelakangi oleh pemberontakan partai komunis indonesia (ricklefs, 2008, pp. 598-600).8 peristiwa tersebut turut mengguncang dunia perpolitikan indonesia yang berakhir pada penyerahan kekuasaan dari presiden soekarno kepada jenderal soeharto melalui surat kuasa yang dikenal sebagai supersemar (surat perintah sebelas maret) 1966. orde baru lahir dengan semangat membedakan diri dengan “orde lama”, sebuah istilah yang ditujukan pada pemerintahan soekarno sebagai rezim yang telah berlalu. kebijakan dan haluan politik yang diambil juga bertolak belakang dengan kebijakan pemerintah sebelumnya. orde baru yang inti dukungannya terdiri atas faksi militer kemudian sering kali identik dengan rezim militer (alkatiri, 2014, pp. 155-169). pemerintah orde baru dengan segera mencanangkan empat tahap strategi politik yang secara langsung memengaruhi kebijakan di berbagai bidang. empat tahapan tersebut adalah penghancuran pki beserta ideologi marxisme dari kehidupan politik bangsa, konsolidasi pemerintahan dan pemurnian pancasila dan uud 1945, menghapuskan atau menghilangkan dualisme kepemimpinan nasional, serta mengembalikan stabilitas politik dan merencanakan pembangunan (djojonegoro, 1996, p. 149). pada tahun-tahun pertama pemerintahannya, presiden soeharto menargetkan dua prioritas penting, yaitu pengembalian stabilitas dan keamanan negara serta pengendalian inflasi dan penurunan harga bahan pokok. stabilitas dan keamanan negara dikendalikan dengan “pembersihan” unsur-unsur perusak dan pengganggu dalam seluruh aspek dan lapisan masyarakat.9 hal ini kemudian menjadi salah satu ciri khas model pemerintahan orde baru, pemerintah menempati posisi sebagai pihak baik yang selalu benar dengan pihak lain yang berbeda haluan sebagai musuh, provokator, ekstrimis, anti-pancasila dan anti-pembangunan (djojonegoro, 1996, p. 149). berdasar alasan stabilitas negara dan penegakan pancasila, pemerintah orde baru dengan jeli mengawasi dan mengendalikan media informasi yang berhubungan secara langsung dengan masyarakat. pemerintah mengambil tindakan perubahan di segala bidang, termasuk dalam dunia pers dan percetakan. pada 1969, permasalahan bacaan anak-anak menjadi tema yang menarik perhatian. hal ini tampak dari dewan perwakilan rakyat yang menyatakan masalah bacaan anak sebagai masalah nasional yang perlu segera ditangani. resolusi yang diprakarsai oleh nyonya sukahar ini mendapat reaksi positif dari anggota dewan dan juga presiden (djojonegoro, 1996, p. 149). pada tahun yang sama, segera dibangun pusat perpustakaan anak-anak di balai pustaka dengan dasar pertimbangan penyediaan bacaan bermutu bagi anakanak (soekanto, 1986, p. 352). perhatian yang diberikan secara langsung oleh presiden pada pihak si kuncung dengan segera turut membesarkan nama si kuncung. pada awal 1970-an, si kuncung kedatangan penulis-penulis muda berbakat, antara lain soerasono, eddy herwanto dan m. sobary. mereka merupakan pelajar perantauan di jakarta yang 8terdapat berbagai macam versi terkait pelaku peristiwa 30 september 1965, namun demikian pemerintah menetapkan peristiwa tersebut didalangi oleh pki. 9unsur-unsur perusak dan pengganggu lebih ditujukan kepada kelompok pembuat onar atau seringkali merujuk pada anggota maupun simpatisan pki setelah penetapan pki sebagai partai terlarang. cerita si kuncung: membaca relasi kuasa dalam majalah anak-anak indonesia | 76 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 71-82 © 2018 semasa kecil adalah pembaca setia si kuncung. kebiasaan membaca si kuncung sejak kecil membuat mereka dapat beradaptasi dengan cepat dalam hal menulis tematema serupa. gaya penceritaan khas si kuncung yang sederhana namun sarat pesan moralpun dapat dilanjutkan melalui tulisan-tulisan mereka sebagai generasi kedua si kuncung (wawancara dengan soerasono, 15 agustus 2015). pada 7 desember 1973, pemerintah menerbitkan instruksi presiden tentang program bantuan pembangunan sekolah dasar. inpres tersebut menyebutkan bahwa dalam rangka mempercepat peningkatan kesempatan belajar di sekolah dasar, khususnya bagi anak-anak yang berumur 7-12 tahun, perlu diadakan penambahan gedung-gedung sekolah dasar baru serta peningkatan anggaran bagi rencana pembangunan pendidikan sekolah dasar yang dimulai dalam repelita ii.10 berdasar petunjuk pelaksanaan program bantuan pembangunan sekolah dasar, yang dimaksud dengan program bantuan pembangunan sekolah dasar adalah bantuan langsung atas beban anggaran pendapatan dan belanja negara 1973/1974 untuk pembangunan gedung-gedung sekolah dasar, yang dilengkapi dengan penyediaan guru, perabot sekolah, buku-buku pelajaran pokok, dan buku bacaan kanak-kanak untuk perpustakaan. berdasar inpres pertama tersebut, pemerintah menyediakan bacaan anakanak melalui pembelian terhadap bacaan anak-anak yang telah diterbitkan. pemerintah membeli sejumlah judul buku bacaan anak-anak dengan oplah masingmasing telah ditentukan kepada penerbit-penerbit yang memproduksi bacaan anakanak. (sutidja, 1984). pada tahap pertama, dibeli sekitar 300 judul dengan oplah diatas 24.500 eksemplar. buku-buku tersebut kemudian disebar di tiga rayon, dengan prioritas daerah pedesaan dan perkotaan yang penduduknya berpenghasilan rendah.11 hingga 1981, telah dibeli lebih dari 2.500 eksemplar dari 300 judul setiap tahun, kecuali pada 1982 dilakukan pengecilan jumlah pembelian buku. pasca-peristiwa malari, beragam media cetak dan surat kabar memperbaharui surat izin cetak dan surat izin terbit, begitu pula dengan si kuncung. namun demikian, si kuncung yang tidak mengala)mi masalah dalam proses penyegaran, justru mendapat dukungan yang semakin besar dari pemerintah. pada 1976, berdasar pelaksanaan inpres atas pembelian bacaan anak-anak, si kuncung turut dipesan oleh pemerintah untuk kemudian disebar ke seluruh pelosok indonesia (wawancara dengan soekanto, 20 agustus 2015). penyebaran ini sangat menguntungkan si kuncung dan secara otomatis mengubah banyak hal, diantaranya model pendistribusian, tampilan fisik, dan konten dalam majalah si kuncung. pada 1979, si kuncung mengubah tagline yang semula berbunyi “bacaan sekolah dasar” menjadi “ majalah pendidikan dan kebudayaan”. tagline baru yang diusung membuat si kuncung berbeda dari majalah anak-anak pada umumnya.12 si kuncung tidak lagi dilihat sebagai majalah hiburan biasa, melainkan media bacaan anak yang mengandung informasi dan ilmu pengetahuan. "majalah anak-anak si kuncung mempunyai pola dasar pemikiran tersendiri, yakni membaca sambil berpikir demi peningkatan daya nalar pada si anak, agar potensi mereka bisa berkembang. jadi cukup jelas bahwa si kuncung bukan majalah hiburan, melainkan majalah pendidikan dan kebudayaan" (sudjati, 1980). 10instruksi presiden republik indonesia nomor 10 tahun 1973. 11100 buku untuk setiap rayon. 12pada 2004, pusat bahasa departemen pendidikan nasional menerbitkan buku berjudul peran majalah hiburan tahun 1970-1980 dalam perkembangan kesusastraan indonesia modern yang merilis daftar majalah-majalah hiburan yang terbit selama rentang 1970-1989. rilisan tersebut tidak mencantumkan si kuncung sebagai bagian dari majalah hiburan yang pernah beredar, berbeda dengan majalah kawanku, bobo dan beberapa majalah anak-anak yang terbit setelah 1970. cerita si kuncung: membaca relasi kuasa dalam majalah anak-anak indonesia | 77 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 71-82 © 2018 istilah pendidikan dan kebudayaan pada dasarnya sejalan dengan semangat program pemerintah dalam dunia pendidikan. daoed joesoef, menteri pendidikan dalam periode 1978-1983, menyatakan bahwa pendidikan merupakan bagian dari kebudayaan, dan keduanya tidak dapat dipisahkan (sardiman dan yuliantri, 2012). pendidikan dan kebudayaan dapat menjadi poros penting dalam pembangunan generasi muda, sehingga perlu digalakkan dan didukung baik di sekolah maupun di luar lingkungan sekolah dan dalam kehidupan sehari-hari. pembangunan pendidikan dalam masa orde baru mengacu pada pembentukan manusia pancasila, manusia pembangunan yang tinggi mutunya dan mampu mandiri, serta memberikan dukungan perkembangan kepada masyarakat yang terwujud dalam ketahanan nasional yang tangguh. sistem ketahanan nasional yang tangguh secara otomatis dapat membendung generasi muda dari ajaran ataupun ideologi asing yang bertentangan dengan asas pancasila (djojonegoro, 1996, p. 149). berdasar pada pengembangan mutu pendidikan dan kebudayaan tersebut, maka perubahan tagline si kuncung mengandung makna dan tanggung jawab besar. si kuncung telah menempatkan diri sebagai media yang ikut berpartisipasi dalam program pembangunan pendidikan nasional. apresiasi pemerintah terhadap majalah si kuncung terus meningkat hingga pada 1980 sudjati sa mendapat piagam hadiah pendidikan. penghargaan dari presiden soeharto yang ditanda tangani oleh menteri pendidikan dan kebudayaan daoed joesoef tersebut diberikan kepada sudjati atas jasanya terhadap negara sebagai “perintis majalah kanak-kanak dan sudah berprestasi selama 25 tahun”. hadiah tersebut diberikan atas dasar keputusan presiden republik indonesia nomor 23 tahun 1976 tanggal 7 mei 1976 dan keputusan menteri pendidikan dan kebudayaan nomor 0265/m/1977 tanggal 13 juli 1977. pada ulangtahunnya yang ke 27, si kuncung bahkan merayakannya dengan melakukan kunjungan ke kediaman menteri pendidikan dan memberikan bundel si kuncung sebagai kenang-kenangan sekaligus meminta secara langsung menteri daoed joesoef untuk memberi pesan bagi para pembaca setia si kuncung. kedekatan si kuncung dengan departemen dan menteri pendidikan secara langsung tidak hanya berhenti sampai di situ. setelah pergantian menteri pada 1983, dimana nugroho notosusanto menjabat sebagai menteri pendidikan, si kuncung tetap berperan aktif dalam menjalin hubungan baik dengan pihak pemerintah. pada 1980, pemerintah melalui dirjen pendidikan menerbitkan seri cerita pedoman penghayatan dan pengamalan pancasila (p4) dalam setiap terbitan si kuncung. rubrik ini berisi cerita-cerita yang mampu menggugah semangat pancasila, dimana di setiap cerita tersurat pesan-pesan moral pancasila. pada tahun yang sama, pemerintah juga turut mensosialisasikan program-programnya melalui rubrik-rubrik si kuncung. dr. suwardjono surjaningrat selaku menteri kesehatan/kepala badan koordinasi keluarga berencana nasional (bkkbn) bersama si kuncung lalu menerbitkan seri kependudukan yang berisi cerita maupun artikel terkait ledakan populasi penduduk dan pentingnya program keluarga berencana. "usaha untuk menerbitkan tulisan seri kependudukan untuk anak anak tingkat sekolah dasar ini merupakan suatu usaha yang sangat penting yang memcerminkan rasa tanggungjawab kita semua terhadap hari depan generasi mendatang. hal ini sejalan dengan usaha kegiatan pendidikan kependudukan di sekolah dan di luar sekolah yang telah dimulai sejak awal tahun tujuh puluhan, diharapkan dengan ini diberikan informasi mengenai masalah kependudukan kepada anak anak kelas v dan vi yang akan memasuki usia remaja dalam lima atau enam tahun mendatang" (si kuncung, 1980). cerita si kuncung: membaca relasi kuasa dalam majalah anak-anak indonesia | 78 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 71-82 © 2018 penggunaan dasar pemikiran bahwa anak-anak akan menginjak remaja lima hingga enam tahun ke depan, membuat pendidikan terkait keluarga berencana untuk anak-anak setingkat sekolah dasar terkesan dipaksakan. terlebih lagi, dimuatnya rubrik tersebut justru mengurangi ruang cerita dan kreasi bagi anakanak. namun demikian, pemerintah tetap dengan gencar melaksanakan sosialisasi program-programnya melalui si kuncung. pada 1 oktober 1981, si kuncung menambah muatan seri diorama museum abri satriamandala. serupa dengan penerbitan seri kependudukan dan penerbitan seri p4, seri diorama juga dimulai dengan sambutan dari pihak pemerintah. melalui sambutan tertulis oleh kepala pusat sejarah abri departemen pertahanan keamanan, brig. jen. prof. dr. nugroho notosusanto dan direktur jemderal pendidikan dasar dan menengah prof. darji darmodiharjo, sh, diorama tersebut membawa suatu misi dan menitikberatkan pada kejadian kejadian yang penting, dalam hal ini peristiwa-peristiwa dalam perang kemerdekaan 1945-1949 (si kuncung, 1981). sambutan yang dimuat dalam setiap serial baru lalu menjadi ciri khas yang terus berlangsung hingga 1988. selain seri yang menampilkan semangat kebangsaan dan nasionalisme dan sosialisasi program, si kuncung juga kebanjiran tulisan dan seri karangan ilmiah yang berjalan seiring dengan kebijakan pemerintah. pada 2 mei 1984, dirjen pendidikan dasar dan menengah kembali menerbitkan seri baru, yaitu seri karangan ilmiah populer tentang uraian geologis proses terjadi dan terbentuknya pulau pulau serta laut di bumi nusantara indonesia dengan judul "indonesia tanah airku". penerbitan seri ilmiah yang disusun oleh soewarno darsoprajitno tersebut bertepatan dengan dimulainya perubahan penyempurnaan penggambaran peta indonesia, dari penggambaran kumpulan pulau pulau yang dipisahkan oleh lautan menjadi penggambaran kumpulan pulau pulau yang justru disatukan oleh lautan. cara pandang tersebut dikenal dengan "wawasan nusantara". konsepsi wawasan nusantara yang disajikan dalam si kuncung memberi manfaat yang cukup besar bagi anak-anak. hal ini didasarkan pada konsepsi wawasan nusantara yang juga dicantumkan dalam kurikulum pelajaran ilmu bumi sehingga bacaan melalui si kuncung dapat secara langsung membantu anak-anak dalam memahami pelajaran sekolah. terdapat pula seri karangan lain karya prof. dr. ir. otto soemarwoto yang berjudul "pengelolaan air dan sungai". seri karangan ini disajikan dengan tujuan melengkapi pengetahuan tentang lingkungan hidup yang pada saat itu belum diterapkan dalam kurikulum sekolah dasar. "pada tingkat sekolah dasar ini anak didik tidak perlu memperoleh mata pelajaran khusus tentang lingkungan hidup. untuk ini beban pelajaran yang diterima murid murid menjadi terlalu berat. yang penting adalah menanamkan wawasan penglihatan lingkungan kepada anak didik melalui cara mengajar (dedaktika) berbagai ilmu, seperti ilmu pengetahuan alam, ilmu pengetahuan sosial, pendidikan moral pancasila, agama dan olahraga kesehatan. mata pelajaran ini bisa diajarkan dengan menggunakan contoh, antara lain dengan mengutip cerita prof. otto soewarmoto tentang daerah aliran sungai ini. dengan begitu ilmu masuk dengan wawasan penglihatan lingkungan”. selain seri karangan ilmiah, si kuncung juga menyajikan kisah wiraswasta, yang menampilkan profil-profil pengusaha sukses dan ragam usahanya (si kuncung, 1980). pengusaha yang ditampilkan pada umumnya merupakan pengusahapengusaha di bidang pertanian dan perikanan. rubrik ini juga seringkali menyediakan tips dan resep singkat dalam membuat sebuah produk yang mudah, menarik dan ramah lingkungan. cerita si kuncung: membaca relasi kuasa dalam majalah anak-anak indonesia | 79 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 71-82 © 2018 halaman si kuncung yang semula berjumlah 36 lalu menyusut menjadi 32 halaman. si kuncung terbit dengan total 32 halaman dianggap belum mencukupi untuk menampung semua rubrik tersebut. oleh karena itu, beberapa rubrik disajikan secara berselang setiap edisi genap dan ganjil. seperti halnya rubrik kebunku yang dimuat berselang dengan seri ekologi, serta rubrik seri karangan ilmiah yang disajikan hanya setiap dua minggu sekali. selain itu, si kuncung juga kerap menyajikan program-program pemerintah yang sedang berjalan, seperti kegiatan koperasi, transmigrasi dan program perumahan rakyat. lembaran iklan komersilpun semakin menyusut dan hanya tersedia dalam dua kolom kecil. iklan yang ditampilkan sebagian besar merupakan produk negara atau iklan resmi dari lembaga pemerintah tertentu. bahkan, ketika pemerintah tengah gencar melancarkan program pertambangan dan penjualan minyak, si kuncung turut berpartisipasi dengan menyajikan seri pertambangan yang diterbitkan dua pekan sekali (si kuncung, 1979). seri pertambangan yang menampilkan proses pertambangan dan manfaatnya bagi bangsa indonesia tersebut didukung sepenuhnya oleh pertamina. analisa: membaca akhir cerita si kuncung anak-anak menanggung beban masa depan, sehingga perencanaan jangka panjang perlu mempertimbangkan keberadaan anak-anak. perhatian pemerintah terhadap si kuncung tampak serius. “media massa, jadi alat penting dalam memelihara dan membantu beranakpinaknya legitimasi orde baru. ini bisa dipahami, sebagai lembaga budaya, pers indonesia telah mengalami masa-masa keji penuh badai dalam perjalanan sebuah negara” (hill, 2011, p. 34). kekhawatiran pemerintahan soeharto tampaknya bukan hanya sebatas pada lembaga media atau pers. pendidikan melalui kurikulum, tayangan, tontonan dan bacaan anak-anak menjadi bidang khusus yang terus mengalami pengawasan.13 si kuncung yang berperan sebagai media massa sekaligus penghubung yang ideal dengan dunia anak-anak secara otomatis menjadi agen penting yang perlu diperhatikan dan diawasi. pemilihan si kuncung sebagai media yang mendapat “perhatian” khusus bukan suatu kebetulan yang terjadi secara acak. si kuncung adalah satu-satunya majalah anak-anak yang mampu bertahan lebih dari sepuluh tahun dan telah membentuk hegemoni kecil melalui pembaca-pembacanya dari pelosok-pelosok daerah di indonesia. hegemoni yang telah terbentuk serta kesempatan untuk memonopoli informasi membuat si kuncung menjadi media komunikasi ideal untuk mensosialisasikan dan“menanamkan” nilai-nilai yang dikendaki oleh pihak penguasa. padatnya rubrik yang disajikan menggeser kehadiran cerpen-cerpen kiriman pembaca dan juga penulis tetap dalam si kuncung. dalam satu terbitan, hanya dapat ditemui dua atau tiga cerita pendek sepanjang satu halaman karangan pembaca ataupun penulis lepas. rubrik-rubrik yang khusus yang disajikan tidak dapat ditulis oleh sembarang orang, melainkan oleh tokoh tertentu seperti perwakilan badan atau lembaga terkait serta ilmuwan yang sudah dikenal masyarakat luas. selain meningkatkan profesionalisme dalam menyampaikan ilmu pengetahuan, penulis yang selektif akan meminimalisir adanya pengaruh atas bacaan yang dianggap kurang baik. seri karangan ilmiah yang semakin mendominasi membuat banyaknya penulis ilmiah yang terlibat dalam penerbitan si kuncung. kualifikasi yang tinggi serta gaya bahasa ilmiah yang digunakan membuat si kuncung bukan lagi majalah anak-anak yang bersifat menghibur dan rekreatif. penulisan rubrik-rubrik khusus tersebut 13terutama terkait peristiwa 1965 dan peristiwa di sekitar proses peralihan kekuasaan. cerita si kuncung: membaca relasi kuasa dalam majalah anak-anak indonesia | 80 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 71-82 © 2018 melibatkan banyak tenaga ahli yang sudah diakui kemampuannya. “...karena para sarjana ini mempunyai pemikiran akademis, maka tidak ada salahnya bila dijabarkan secara sederhana anak-anak dapat mengikutinya. toh, para sarjana ini sudah menguasai ilmunya hingga rasanya tidak mungkin melakukan kesalahan” (kompas, 1980). selain para sarjana, pengisi majalah si kuncung juga datang dari kalangan profesor. prof. andi hakim nasution dari ipb dengan senang hati mengisi rubrik matematika. begitu juga dengan prof. teuku jacob dari ugm yang menyajikan rubrik arkeologi dalam serial manusia purba indonesia, serta prof. otto soemarwoto yang menulis rubrik lingkungan hidup (kompas, 1980). peningkatan kualitas konten si kuncung secara keilmuan, diharapkan mampu mempertahankan bahkan meningkatkan penjualan si kuncung. pandangan terkait “bacaan yang bagus dan berkualitas akan senantiasa diminati” membuat si kuncung dan pihak pemerintah terus berupaya meningkatkan mutu pendidikan dalam ceritacerita si kuncung. di lain pihak, ramainya penulis ilmiah yang terlibat justru mengurangi komposisi penulis cerita dengan tema yang lebih lepas. sebagian besar penulis yang sebelumnya mengisi cerpen si kuncung kini beralih mengisi majalah maupun surat kabar lain. selain itu, ruang yang disediakan untuk penulis juga semakin terbatas sehingga karangan kiriman pembaca, khususnya anak-anak, mulai sulit ditemukan. kehilangan banyak penulis lepas berakibat pada menurunnya regenerasi si kuncung. hal ini membuat si kuncung tidak lagi mampu mengikuti perkembangan jaman, terlebih dengan kehadiran kompetitor yang semakin kuat. pembaca anak-anak yang disuguhkan materi ilmiah yang cenderung serupa dengan pelajaran di sekolah perlahan kehilangan minat dan beralih ke majalah lain. pada 1988, sudjati kembali memperoleh lencana penghargaan dari presiden soeharto meski kepemimpinan si kuncung telah dialihkan pada putra sulungnya, indrawan sudjati (sang perintis kempis, 2015). sudjati juga memperoleh penghargaan dari ibu negara tien soeharto sebagai tokoh pencinta anak. sambutan-sambutan dari berbagai tokoh nasionalpun membanjiri lembar edisi khusus ulang tahun si kuncung yang ke-32. hubungan yang erat dengan pemerintah ternyata berbanding terbalik dengan posisi si kuncung di pasaran. penjualan terus menurun bahkan membuat si kuncung hanya mampu bertahan dengan biaya dari pemerintah (wawancara dengan soekanto, 20 agustus 2015). setelah 1988, si kuncung tidak lagi ditemukan di pasaran majalah anak-anak indonesia. si kuncung tergeser oleh majalah-majalah anak lain yang muncul belakangan, bahkan semakin tak terdengar dan kehilangan ruang. simpulan sejatinya, si kuncung telah berhasil meninggalkan catatan mengesankan, baik bagi para pembacanya maupun dalam sejarah bacaan anak di indonesia. sama halnya dengan posisi si kuncung dalam penelitian ini. si kuncung sebagai sebuah majalah, bisa jadi hanya merupakan satu dari ratusan bacaan anak-anak yang pernah ada di indonesia. akan tetapi, setidaknya si kuncung merupakan majalah pertama dan mungkin satu-satunya yang menjalin relasi sangat dekat dengan pemerintah di masa orde baru.14 hal ini tentu membuat si kuncung layak untuk memiliki ruang khusus dalam catatan sejarah anak di indonesia. referensi alisjahbana, s. t. (1992). sekilas riwayat hidup perjuangan budaya dan pengalaman pribadi selama di balai pustaka, dalam bunga rampai kenangan pada balai pustaka. jakarta: balai pustaka. 14kata mungkin ditulis dengan harapan akan muncul fakta lain yang bisa saja berseberangan dengan penulis, sehingga akan bermunculan penulis lain yang berminat untuk mengkaji bacaan anak. cerita si kuncung: membaca relasi kuasa dalam majalah anak-anak indonesia | 81 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 71-82 © 2018 alkatiri, z. (2014). pseudo nationalism of the commercial companies on the commemoration of indonesian national holidays through non-commercial advertising in print media in the years of 1980 to 2008. advances in historical studies. christantiowati. (1993). bacaan anak indonesia tempo doeloe: kajian pendahuluan periode 1908-1945, (skripsi). jurusan ilmu perpustakaan, fakultas sastra, universitas indonesia. djojonegoro, w. (1996). lima puluh tahun perkembangan pendidikan indonesia. jakarta: depdikbud. hill, d. t. (2011). pers di masa orde baru. jakarta: yayasan pustaka obor indonesia. instruksi presiden republik indonesia nomor 10 tahun 1973 jassin, h. b. (1992). pertumbuhan diri sebagai kritikus serbaneka pengalaman di balai pustaka. dalam bunga rampai kenangan pada balai pustaka. jakarta: balai pustaka. junaedhie, k. (1995). majalah anak-anak: peluang yang dilupakan. rahasia dapur majalah di indonesia. jakarta: pt gramedia pustaka utama. kamus besar bahasa indonesia. (2018). diakses dari melalui http://kbbi.web.id. membaca sambil berpikir. (1980, agustus 23). kompas. ricklef, m.c. (2008). sejarah indonesia modern 1200-2008. jakarta: serambi. sang perintis kempis. (2015, agustus 13). sardiman dan yuliantri, r. d. a. (2012). dinamika pendidikan pada masa orde baru. (laporan penelitian). fakultas ilmu sosial, universitas negeri yogyakarta. sartre, jean-paul. (2009). kata-kata (coeteau, j. terjemahan). jakarta: gramedia pustaka utama. si kuncung (1980, juli). si kuncung edisi spesial ulang tahun abri ke 36. (1981). si kuncung istimewa no. 6. (1960). si kuncung no. 2. (1979). si kuncung no. 33. (1980). soekanto. (1986, agustus). sutidja, t. (1984, juli 7). pasang surut bacaan anak-anak: dari si kuncung sampai proyek inpres. sinar harapan. daftar informan seto mulyadi, 22 februari 2015. eddy herwanto, 10 agustus 2015. soerasono, 15 agustus 2015. soekanto, 20 agustus 2015. cerita si kuncung: membaca relasi kuasa dalam majalah anak-anak indonesia | 82 microsoft word 4. awp et al.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 45-59 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 pni political strategy to win the 1955 election in indonesia | 45 received: april 9, 2022 revised: may 31, 2022 accepted: june 2, 2022 pni political strategy to win the 1955 election in indonesia agustina wilujeng pramestuti*, yety rochwulaningsih, singgih tri sulistiyono doctoral program of history, faculty of humanities, universitas diponegoro jl. prof. soedarto, s. h. tembalang, semarang, central java indonesia *corresponding author: awpbening@students.undip.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v6i1.14043 introduction democracy always needs a balanced structure of strength and flexibility to translate public opinion as the highest sovereignty holder of the state, so that effective policies can be established and protecting the rights of all groups and individuals. for the new democracies, establishing balance is a daunting challenge. in this context, political parties have become an essential component (reilly, 2003, p.3). political parties play a crucial role not only representing various interests, combining choices, and forming governments, but also resolving conflicts and supporting a stable political life. meanwhile, van biezen (2012) referred to political parties as political institutions in a modern democratic state which is an expression and manifestation of political abstract this article aims to reveal the reason and how the indonesian nationalist party (pni) succeeded in becoming the winning party of the general election (pemilu) in indonesia in 1955 by gaining the most votes as many as 8,434,653 votes, followed by the indonesian muslim shura council party (masyumi) of 7,903,886 votes and nahdlatul ulama party (nu) of 6,955,141 votes. the 1955 election was the first direct election in indonesia to be the most democratic in history since the campaign did not only take place in big cities, but had reached villages and even remote villages. the atmosphere of contestation was very strong, but it was not accompanied by a violent conflict even though the contestation was from political parties with very different ideological backgrounds. in this context, the political strategy pursued by the pni is very interesting, that is by consolidating politics both internally and externally. to examine the problems, historical methods were used in which data were excavated from primary sources including news and articles in newspapers and magazines, as well as minutes of parliamentary meetings regarding the election. the results of the analysis showed that the pni performed politics consolidation through cooperation with various groups and political parties of any ideology. in addition, the pni also adopted the conception of sukarno's thinking to mobilize supporters, including through meetings, open meetings attended by the people by presenting prominent nationalist figures as their orators. the issues raised in the campaign had distinctive characteristics of nationalism, citizenship, and mutual cooperation. keywords: pni, strategy, nationalism, elections 1955. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 45-59 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 pni political strategy to win the 1955 election in indonesia | 46 participation and pluralism. pasquino (2012) said consolidation efforts towards modern democracy always occur in countries that are mainly free from authoritarian regimes recently. the main focus is on political, social, and economic organizations. in a more recent development, the consolidation efforts towards modern democracy are rested on the movement of political figures in a political party. the direction of consolidation of political parties is mainly focused on influencing and building public awareness regarding an ideal political and democratic life (pasquino, 2012, p. 42). reilly (2003) exemplified some countries with quite dynamic democratic evolution in asia pacific along with their problems. these countries are papua new guinea which has hundreds of languages; indonesia with separatist movements that threaten its unity; the philippines which seeks to balance the interests of parties and social problems; and thailand which is dominated by the power of one political party. the main discussion of reilly's study on indonesia is focused on political constellation during the period of liberal democracy. previous studies have shown that both the system of government and democracy in indonesia have undergone several transitional periods, especially in the early days of independence (benda, 1964). however, not all those transitional periods received attention. lev (1967) provided an overview of the study on political parties in indonesia which is more directed at the dynamics of political parties during the guided democracy and pki received the greatest attention. meanwhile, there are very few studies of post-revolutionary political parties. lev (1967) cited the emergence of parties in indonesia as a political component since the enactment of ethical politics by the dutch colonial government in the early 20th century. in the 1910s to 1920s, the nationalism, islamism, and communism movements grew and raised hostile to the dutch. its activities were centered in java and spread unevenly in sumatra, kalimantan, and sulawesi. in the 1930s, the movement of non-cooperative nationalist organizations received pressure from the dutch colonial government and was prohibited through verbod vergader and led to the arrest of sukarno (utomo, supriyono, & indriyanto, 2021). nevertheless, the pressure was actually increasing the stir of movement of the organizations to carry out propaganda actions to raise the spirit of nationalism, both in the form of speeches and writings on mass media articles. during the japanese occupation, the political components were barely given space and only islam was encouraged to form an organization. only in 1945, after indonesia's independence was proclaimed, political components which were initiated by national movement figures rose and political parties began to be established. vice president notice no. x of 1945 concerning the election of members of the house of representative in january 1946 became one of the manifestations of democratic consolidation. after the presidential cabinet was replaced by a parliamentary cabinet led by sjahrir, the general election was used as a government program as contained in government notice dated november 14, 1945 which, among other things, reads, “other democratic actions must immediately be used as a way to hold general elections, so that the representatives who are elected in ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 45-59 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 pni political strategy to win the 1955 election in indonesia | 47 an independent manner can take the right part in carrying out the politics of the government and the course of the country" ("pemilihan umum dan fungsinya," 1952, p. 3). post-enactment of the government notice of 14 november 1945, political parties began to be established. the nationalist wing raised the banner of the indonesian nationalist party (pni). there was also the indonesian muslim shura council party (masjumi), an islamic ideology party that also accomodated the islamic association party of indonesia (psii), nahdatul ulama (nu), and muhammadiyah. in 1947, psii separated and stood as an independent party followed by nu in 1952 (believer, 2015, p. 487-494). in the next political contestation, the indonesian muslim shura council party (masyumi) became a strong rival of the pni. this article examines the political strategy carried out by one of the major parties in indonesia which became the winner in the first general election in indonesia, namely the pni. according to ufen (2008), political parties are the link between the state and the people. therefore, the analysis of various consolidation efforts made by political parties, especially before the election, is a necessity. it is also stated in various mainstream literature of political science that well-functioning political parties must be able to recruit political elites, organize opposition, defuse conflicts by establishing connections with representatives of other political organizations or parties, offer accountability, and combine various interests. in the theory of democratic freedom, it is stated that general election is a link between the principle of people's sovereignty and the practice of governance by a small number of officials. in this context, the people elect their leaders (liddle, 1978). therefore, it is very natural that in indonesia, during the period of liberal democracy, many parties fought to become the champion and defender of democracy, in the expectation of attracting people's sympathy ("anggaran negara dan perdjuangan untuk demokrasi," 1952, p. 5). method to examine the problems in the article, the historical method was used which is a set of principles containing systematic principles to find, test, and critically analyze past records and relics and then constructed them into a historical story (garraghan, 1959, p. 33). the historical method consists of four stages, namely: heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. heuristics was done by searching newspapers and magazines archives, both offline and online. newspaper and magazine articles published in indonesia, such as merdeka, merah putih, madjalah merdeka, and sikap mimbar indonesia regarding the 1955 election was accessed in the national library of the republic of indonesia (pnri). in addition, articles from foreign media were obtained online, such as the advertiser (adelaide), the guardian, and so on. these sources were used to obtain facts about the 1955 elections and the consolidation carried out by the pni. meanwhile, to provide a broader context and as an analysis tool, articles from journals both national and international were used that were relevant to the research topic. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 45-59 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 pni political strategy to win the 1955 election in indonesia | 48 political parties and elections 1955 as the first general election in indonesia, the 1955 election becomes a very strong magnet and attracts the attention of both the indonesian people and political observers abroad. the legal basis for holding of the 1955 elections is article 19 of the provisional constitution (uuds) of the unitary state of the republic of indonesia, reads: "everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression" (wirata, 1952). meanwhile, technically, the election bill began to be discussed in parliament in the second semester of 1952 (wilopo cabinet). the general elections had been a concern since indonesia's independence was declared. nevertheless, general elections cannot be held immediately for a number of reasons. the most powerful reason is because indonesia has to fight the allies during the revolution; secondly because there is no law governing the conduct of general elections. the bill governing the general election received attention only during the ris period and was often delayed in its discussion as a result of political instability in indonesia (feith, 1954, pp. 236-254). on the other hand, from the observers’ point of view in indonesia, the general election is the only way to form an ideal cabinet in the midst of multiparty system. hatta himself as a cabinet formateur stated that it is very likely that there is a "cow trade" in structuring the cabinet considering the party atmosphere in indonesia which is feared to make politics a goal, instead of a path to national interests (“29 hari sebelum 26 september 1955,” 1955, p. 5). the bill governing general elections was proposed by the government during the period of natsir cabinet with a view to the 1948 law (hatta cabinet) on indirect general elections. however, the bill was rejected by the parliament before being discussed in the plenary meeting because they expected a direct general election. during the period of wilopo cabinet, the bill and the country's articles of association for the general elections of parliamentarians and constituents were again discussed in parliament at the insistence of various parties due to the unstable political situation in indonesia (“pemilihan umum dan fungsinya 1952, p. 2). sikap mimbar-politik magazine described the precarious situation that occurred in various areas in the early 1950s, including the events of the demonstration of october 17, 1952, followed by the events of the brawijaya division of east java, and the events of the division of territorium vii of makassar. the event had led many parties to urge the government to take a stance that could bring indonesia to political order. one of them was through the discussion of the law and the articles of association of the state aimed at public elections (“anggaran negara dan perdjuangan untuk demokrasi,”1952, p. 5). in the second semester of 1952, the government began proposing an election bill (ruu) for constituent members and the house of representatives or known as the general election bill to the parliament. in general, the bill from the government (wilopo cabinet) did not get rejection from the factions in the provisional house of representatives (dprs). that was because the general election mechanism that ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 45-59 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 pni political strategy to win the 1955 election in indonesia | 49 involved the people to vote directly had been expected by the dprs for a long time. the first meeting, which was still conducted in a closed manner, discussed the conception of 15 electoral districts proposed by the government including east java; central java; west java; south sumatra; central sumatra; north sumatra; west kalimantan; south kalimantan; east kalimantan; sangihe-talaud (has electoral subdistricts: minahasa, north sulawesi, donggala, and paso); luwu (mandar, parepare, makassar, bone, bonthain, and southeast sulawesi); north maluku (central maluku and southeast maluku), former timor residency (timor, sumba, flores, and surrounding islands); bali (including lombok); and west irian. in determining the number of representatives, the minimum number was not applied but rather, adjusted to the number of residents of the chosen area. the general election committee consisted of party representatives and people's organizations ("rantjangan undang-undang pemilihan umum," 1952, p. 4). regarding the conception of the electoral district, there was one party which had different opinion from the government, namely the indonesian socialist party (psi). psi proposed that approximately 40 electoral districts could be designated. the psi conception allowed each region to have a minimum of one seat in the house and two seats in the constituent assembly. nevertheless, the issue of electoral districts did not lead to much debate in the end. a debate took place when it came to establishing the manner in which minority representatives were nominated and elected. anyone who wanted to be elected must submit a guarantee of rp250 for individual candidates and individual candidates in the first list as well as rp100 for candidates in the second list and so on. the existence of guarantees had caused debate from various parties. this was related to the number of voters from the electoral district who might also be included in the nomination requirements, that a minimum of 100 voters for individual candidates and 25 voters to nominate on the next lists. a quite interesting discussion was the opinion of a representative of european descent who expected the government to appoint one of their groups specifically for west irian ("rantjangan undangundang pemilihan umum," 1952, p. 4). when ali sastroamidjojo cabinet fell a month before the planned general election time, concerns arose from parties who wanted elections to be conducted immediately. moreover, the cabinet which replaced ali cabinet led by burhanudin harahap once stated that it took time and thorough checking of election preparations so that there was the possibility of the election being postponed ("pemilihan umum dan alat permainan politik," 1955, p. 3). in order to review the preparation of the elections, burhanuddin harahap appointed an adhoc committee chaired by the minister of home affairs, sunarjo. the purpose was to oversee the performance of the indonesian election committee (ppi) chaired by s. hadikusumo. members of the ppi themselves consisted of representatives of parties contributing to the 1955 election. the establishment of the adhoc committee itself marked masyumi's dissatisfaction with the composition of the ppi which according to them was dominated by pni representatives (“29 hari sebelum 26 september 1955, 1955,”1955, p. 5). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 45-59 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 pni political strategy to win the 1955 election in indonesia | 50 the planned postponement of elections by some circles was considered to be the effort of burhanuddin harahap to consolidate his forces in order to be better prepared for the elections. in fact, the burhanuddin harahap cabinet has seven work programs of cabinet mandated and emphasized by the vice president mohammad hatta when appointing. one of the articles in the seven work programs of cabinet is to carry out the general elections according to the established plan and hasten the formation of a new parliament (“susunan dan program kabinet mr. burhanuddin harahap, 1955). based on the mandate and insistence of various parties, the burhanuddin harahap cabinet finally held the elections according to the set time on september 29th for the election of members of the house of representatives and on december 15th for the election of members of the constitutional assembly (ayu, sulistiyono, & alamsyah, 2020, pp. 32-42). the 1955 election has been a catalyst that was able to attract parties to consolidate, both internally and externally (“opposisi hendaki intervensi negara-negara barat,” 1954). approaching the 1955 election, campaign became the main agenda in every activity organized by political parties. the meetings were held not only to propagate their ideology, but also as a means of evaluating the extent to which the people knew their party, so that its activities were aimed at obtaining as many votes as possible. it was not uncommon for political parties to also give opinions about the state of the country through articles published by their propaganda newspapers. the analyses delivered by political party leaders who did not support the cabinet regarding the domestic situation were signaled to be a series of interrogations in order to face the election, so that it seemed exaggerated. there were party leaders who used ways that were considered less constructive in campaigning ("kampanje pemilihan," 1954). nevertheless, various campaign activities were logical consequences of the election where people's sympathy was urgently needed. in a democratic country, the people were the determinants of the election and became the actual judges, so it was reasonable that political parties competed for the sympathy of the people (muljani, liddle, & ambardi, 2011, p. 41). one of the facts that concerned the public and even western media was the competition between masyumi and pki. both parties that were born from different ideologies claimed each other to win the election before the election was held (tan, 1955). the belief in winning the election was conveyed by burhanudin harahap from the masyumi, considering that indonesia is a country that has a muslim-population. on the other hand, if working hard, pki was predicted to achieve success in the election. two years before the election, tens of thousands of pki sympathizers led by d. n. aidit had done penetration in various cities. the coverage was also very deep up to the level of villages and hamlets (mccann, 1955). the final result of the 1955 election was the majority vote for the pni, which mainly came from java. meanwhile, masyumi took second place with the majority vote from sumatra. masyumi managed to get 37 seats out of the 260 contested seats. the third position was the nahdlatul ulama party (pnu). meanwhile, surprising results were achieved by the pki with more than five million votes and brought it to ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 45-59 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 pni political strategy to win the 1955 election in indonesia | 51 the top four (mccann, 1955). the contestation between masyumi and the pki took place on the basis of cold war ideology and alliances. masyumi was known as an islamic ideological party that although echoing neutrality, had a political preference for the west. this party was also known to have an anticommunist attitude so it rejected the existence of pki. meanwhile, pki had been known as a party in alliance with peking. the first elections in indonesia held 10 years (by western researchers called "only" a decade) after sukarno and hatta declared indonesia's independence had shown a good and dynamic progress in the democratic life. it became more and more interesting when looking at the contestation that occurred between parties that competed in the 1955 election, especially the contestation between major parties such as the pni, masyumi, nu, psi, and unexpectedly the mass campaign of pki. coming to the 1955 election, masyumi continued to express general opinions about the performance of the ali-arifin cabinet which according to some circles was masyumi's strategy to take the people's day. an article in merah putih magazine stated that it was true that political parties were part of everyday life. it was also stated that the terms "nonparty" and "nonpolitical" had very different meanings. non-party means non-partisanship and everyone was free to vote whether or not to sit in the party. however, non-party people did not always mean not being political because politics had a broad meaning and was attached to life. the main point of the article written by the editor of merah putih magazine highlights the contents of eid al-fitr khutbah at lapangan banteng which was considered to contain political contents. the editor interpreted the contents of the khutbah as an attempt to influence the audience to lean towards one of the political parties. it was pointed out that the party was an islamic party but did not join the cabinet. the contents of the khutbah were considered inappropriate, especially because political orations or speeches should be carried out in forums, meetings, or congresses that involved the people to speak. the description was an example of how political parties leading up to the 1955 election tried hard to compete for the people's attention by consolidating various forces (“politik kepartaian djanganlah menganggu ketenangan suasana,” 1955). foundation and direction of pni political strategy before the election, the pni, which at that time became a government party, had to face political turmoil and economic crisis. political and economic instability, as well as the threat of disintegration of the separatism movement in various areas led to the distrust motion proposed by burhanuddin harahap cs which was presented to the ali-arifin cabinet. the unstable political and economic situation and the protests waged by the opposition had forced p.m. ali sastroamidjojo to resign from his post in august 1955. on august 11, 1955, vice president moh. hatta confirmed burhanuddin harahap's cabinet. one of the articles in the seven programs mandated by burhanuddin harahap cabinet was to carry out general elections according to a ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 45-59 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 pni political strategy to win the 1955 election in indonesia | 52 predetermined plan and hasten the formation of a new parliament. (“susunan dan program kabinet mr. burhanuddin harahap, 1955). the central council (dp) of the pni itself interpreted the election not as a "celebration" with passion, but rather a bridge that could plunge the pni at any time into a deep abyss. the reason was the various problems faced by the ali-arifin cabinet. the pni admitted that social and economic problems that ensnare the community were very likely to bring government support parties into defeat, especially the pni as its matador and pioneer. indonesia's political and economic instability in the early 1950s until the 1955 elections was not merely the fault of the pni. in the cabinet itself, there were other parties, big and small, ranging from nu to the united republican party of indonesia raya (partai persatuan indonesia raya). moreover, during the time of ali-arifin cabinet, there were several corruption and nepotism violations that also received a spotlight. however, these issues did not necessarily discourage the pni in supporting the 1955 election (“p.n.i. menghadapi pemilihan umum,” 1955). in the vii-th congress held in bandung, sidik djojosukarto reaffirmed several policies, attitudes, and patterns of pni struggle for two years after the congress in surabaya. the ideology of pni was marhaenism with the symbol of the head of a bull. in the context of domestic affairs, the pni moved based on close cooperation with all parties and groups. broadly speaking, the pni wanted cooperation in realizing national revolution that included three mainstream ideologies, namely national, religious, and socialist (“pni sedia kerdjasama dengan partai partai manapun,” 1954). the desire to cooperate with all groups had become the foundation for the pni to be cooperative towards pki. this attitude then became the consumption of opposition propaganda to attack the pni (“opposisi hendaki intervensi negara-negara barat,” 1954). the foundation of pni consolidation was clearly the national unity that had always been presented in every speech of sukarno. however, as a party leading up to the 1955 election became a government party before it was finally replaced by masyumi, the pni tried not to exalt sukarno's perception. this was evidenced by providing the right of political parties that had different views in terms of the principle to oppose. national unity is not always built by forcing ideological unity, party unity, and class unity. the national unity is emphasized in gathering national resources (both party and non-party) to carry out national duties (“dengan kekuatan persatuan nasional,” 1955, p. 1). responding to the harsh reaction of anticommunist political parties, especially masjumi, the general chairman of the pni stated that “pni is not communist but also not anticommunist”. the reason was simple, as an effort to consolidate national power ("indonesia's difficulties," 1954). masjumi and pni were known to have different views in many ways so that the nuance of competition between these two big parties was very strong. these differences concerned foreign politics, the economy, defense, and security, etc. regarding foreign politics, pni and masjumi differed in their views on how to deal with the dutch. the pni had the courage to be harsh towards the dutch who had many interests in indonesia, including the west irian. meanwhile, masjumi ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 45-59 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 pni political strategy to win the 1955 election in indonesia | 53 argued that if indonesia was too harsh to the dutch, it was afraid that indonesia would not achieve better results, based on the consideration that the dutch was stronger because it had the support of large countries. as a result, these two big parties accused each other of leaning to a certain block. masjumi accused the pni of leaning towards the eastern block despite the fact that it was running an active-free foreign politics. instead, the pni accused masjumi of having a tendency to side with the western block. differences in views on foreign politics had also resulted in different attitudes in facing the separatism movement of darul islam /indonesian islamic armed force of indonesia (di/tii) (“kabinet jang akan datang,”1956). various issues of foreign politics and domestic security (separatism movement) and west irian were also the subjects of discussion in the consolidation carried out by the pni. the first election in indonesia itself by the pni was interpreted as an effort to harmonize various political forces for the purpose of the country which also became an anticipatory attitude so that there was no cabinet crisis as happened before ("crisis in indonesia, 1955). the ideological contents of nationalism were always conveyed in grand meetings held in various regions. in a meeting held in pati, sidik djojosukarto (general chairman) voiced a general view of the foreign imperialism schools which were one of the sources of difficulties in indonesia. the pni was not hostile to parties allegedly ridden by foreign imperialism forces, but might remain vigilant and stick to the "marhaenism" believed by the pni (“imperialisme diluar dan dlm negeri musuh pni,” 1954). the culmination of the consolidation of the pni was an effort to support the holding of the people's congress initiated by sukarno. on the basis of the national revolution, the pni invited all political parties and community organizations to be actively involved in the people's congress. in a speech at the introductory reception of the all-indonesian people's congress committee chaired by arudji kartawinata (psii), sukarno stated that the people's congress was held with the aim of building national unity. sukarno explained that the indonesian national revolution had not ended. he exemplified the struggle of national figures that played an important role in indonesia's independence efforts from various groups (“kepertjajaan kepada potensi rakjat jg pernah berevolusi,” 1955). psii's support for the indonesian people's congress was echoed at the psii congress held in surakarta in april 1955. the results of the congress showed support for government programs that were also the focus of discussion in pni congresses and meetings, including: the protocol for the dissolution of the dutchindonesian union, the indonesian people's congress, and the asian-african conference in bandung. furthermore, psii emphasized the importance of national unity in order to carry out the national revolution (“kongres psii," 1955). through speechs and concrete steps in promoting national unity, it was clear that the pni had a consolidated direction that adhered to the spirit of nationalism. the pni itself tried to serve the interests of the community from all walks of life. this was evidenced by the victory of the pni in north sumatra. although it was ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 45-59 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 pni political strategy to win the 1955 election in indonesia | 54 ranked second after masyumi, it was an achievement considering sumatra was the basis of the masyumi mass with the majority of the population was muslim. the campaign strategy carried out by the pni was generally the same as pki, which targeted the lower class. for example, at the time of the bulldozing case conducted by the governor hakim, the pni was among those who rejected the action. this made the people who were victims in that case easily put sympathy to the pni (lazuardi & rochwulaningsih, 2020, pp. 11-21). the strength of the pni in campaigning was also influenced by the mass media. the daily newspaper waspada became one of the most vivid newspapers voicing propaganda against the achievements of ali cabinet and uncovering masyumi's vicissitudes as an opposition party. merdeka newspaper reported about the congresses and pni resolutions in facing the 1955 elections. merdeka newspaper and merah putih magazine also countered masyumi's accusations to the mass media. in general, the political strategy of the pni in winning the 1955 election was formulated in two ways, that were by voicing the marhaenism ideology and enticing the people with sukarno. meanwhile, each region had its own peculiarities in the strategy of winning the general election. for example, central java, especially semarang, also took steps to support the pni strategy. these steps included holding group meetings in sub-districts or villages that were still not well acquainted with pni. in addition, pni cadres also held night patrols while reminding the community to choose pni (dewantarina, 2012, pp. 71-77). consolidation of political power to achieve national goals towards the 1955 election, political parties were established with various names sprung up like mushrooms. it was said to be like mushrooms because various questions arose, one of which addressed the ideology of political parties. in a speech, sukarno questioned the basis of the political parties which were busy to attract the sympathy of the people. according to sukarno, the ideology that developed in indonesia in fact was not as much as the name of the party that emerged. the large number of competing parties had led to separate concerns, especially with regard to the number of cadres that were certainly reduced. as a result, the parties sought sympathizers by not considering personal qualities. many people who were actually not qualified as mature leaders also reaped the benefits of being politicians. in this context, the interests of the party had become the main goal, while loyalty to the actual goal, which was the goal of the state, became less prioritized. a lot of people were fussing about the political struggle. in fact, according to sukarno, political struggle was only a tool to achieve the common interest which was the goal of independence. development that was necessarily a common purpose had escaped scrutiny. in the event of a mistake, the negligence of other people became the center of attention, instead of doing introspection. indeed, that by being political then one had made use of his democratic rights. nevertheless, all of them should be of equal size. (“politik dan pembangunan,” 1955). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 45-59 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 pni political strategy to win the 1955 election in indonesia | 55 one indicator of the neglect of the country's goals was leaders who transferred from one party to another because they saw good possibilities in the new party. it proved that there were some people who took advantage of political struggles to compete for power, so they forgot the state’s goals. in carrying out national goals, the pni placed their cadres in various regions and prepared them since they were young. since the early 1950s, the marhaenism movement and the indonesian democratic youth (pemuda demokrat indonesia) had held congresses and various trainings to prepare the cadres who would enter on the political stage. although the two organizations were not directly affiliated with the pni, the pni had a basic movement based on marhaenism. congress had been conducted even outside java to avoid the impression of "java centric" (mangunsarkoro, 1952). this was done to avoid the stereotype "java centric" in the body of the pni. the pni had stereotyped itself as an opportunist, conservative political party, and was dominated by javanese priyayi elites. the pni seemed to realize that the stereotype was very strong, so that in the early 1950s, the pni held an expansion of supporters. pni co-opted groups from various regions ranging from north sumatra to south sumatra, as well as north sulawesi and bali. when the pni appeared as a government party, the pni might utilize its bureaucratic base to organize branches in various regions, especially outside java. the effort proved successful with the joining of former federal leaders from outside java who decided to join the pni. the mass expansion of members was increasingly carried out in 1954 with the awareness that the victory of the pni in the 1955 election depended heavily on funds that were successfully collected and from the support of party members (rocamora, 1970, pp. 143-181). internal consolidation carried out by the pni included plenary meetings, both by central and regional governments through regional councils and congresses held annually. the plenary regional council of the central java pni, in its hearing in semarang in august 1955, examined the domestic affairs, especially regarding corruption. on the other hand, the pni fully supported the efforts to eradicate corruption but also feared that these measures would be abused by some people or groups to bring down political opponents. therefore, the corruption issues might be addressed by law enforcement bodies so that its decisions could be accounted for. on that occasion, the plenary regional council of the central java pni sent a letter to the president, parliament chairman, attorney general, and other officials. a statement letter was also sent to the pni dp containing recommendations that the nonparticipation of the pni in the cabinet should be accepted with sincerity and should instead be used to provide control to the government. the position of the pni at that time as affirmed in the statement letter was not only as a mere opposition, but also exercised the functions of control and correction of cabinet actions in the interests of the nation and state (“pni mengawasi tindakan kabinet,” 1955). meanwhile, regarding the general election, the pni invited the people to move simultaneously to promote the implementation of the election and reject the resignation of the election for any reason. the pni recognized that the authority of the government relied heavily on the trust of the people. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 45-59 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 pni political strategy to win the 1955 election in indonesia | 56 nationalism and pancasila as the basis of the pni struggle both in running the government and facing the general election, the pni always consistently and obediently adhered to the ideology of nationalism. this is stated and implied in the discussions of the pni meetings. the concrete step taken by the pni from the beginning was to establish cooperation with various groups and political parties from various schools (“p.n.i menghadapi pemilihan umum,” 1955). at meetings held in various regions, the pni always provided a good picture of cooperation with nu and psii. for example, when meeting in banten, gatot mangkupradja explained the good relationship between marhaenism and pancasila. both ideologies had become the foundation of the pni that could accept the establishment of nu and psii, especially because government laws and regulations were also drafted based on religious law (“gatot mangkupradja: kerdjasama pni,” 1954). the consolidation of pni was also contained in pni resolutions proposed since the vi-th pni congress in surabaya. the most important pni resolution was the unilateral cancellation of conditions that harmed indonesia's interests in indonesia's economic and financial agreement with the netherlands. this was related to the attitude of the netherlands towards west irian. the pni also fully supported the afro-asian conference which was followed by the ali-arifin cabinet. the conference held in bogor and attended by five prime ministers (birma, india, indonesia, pakistan, and sailan) was fully supported by the pni in order to face the international political constellation ("resolusi2 pni," 1954). the pni resolution that sought peaceful coexistence was fully supported and affirmed at the vii-th pni congress held in bandung. the conception of co-existence was approved by considering several things, including: the international world political situation which was covered by the conflict between the western and eastern blocks; the threat of the third world war which certainly endangers the country's independence and sovereignty; active-free foreign politics which led to independence as a whole; cooperation with countries that have the goal of world peace; as well as "goodneighbourpolicy" and "afro-asian" politics. based on these considerations, it was agreed that the principles of peaceful coexistence; non-interference in the domestic affairs of a country; mutual respect for state sovereignty; mutually beneficial cooperation with each other; and a country did not conduct aggression in any form against other countries (“p.n.i. menghendaki koeksistensi setjara damai,” 1954, p. 1). the asia-africa conference was part of the conception of sukarno that had inspired the pni. in every campaign activity, the pni almost always voiced sukarno's conceptions. although sukarno was not structurally included in the members of the pni, sukarno's ideology and conception were an integral part of the pni. it was seen in the election campaign of the constituent assembly after the election of members of the house of representatives. each political party proposed a basic conception of the state that would be fought for in constituent hearings. in this regard, the pni was the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 45-59 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 pni political strategy to win the 1955 election in indonesia | 57 only party that absolutely followed sukarno's conception, in order to maintain pancasila as the basis of the state. soyomukti (2012) stated that pancasila is the basis of the state that is very "sophisticated". this is mainly the nature of pancasila which is a meeting point with humanity. pancasila was created by the founders of the nation who aspired to an anticolonial and anti-oppressive spirit. the founders of the nation were people who did not oppose to anti pluralism and religious pluralism. h.o.s. cokroaminoto, for example, once wrote about islam and socialism. haji misbach once called for an islamic-communist regime. meanwhile, sukarno recognized nationalism, marxism, and islam. thus, the figures of basic constituents of the state consisted of people from various backgrounds, ranging from religion, ideology, beliefs, ethnicity, to race. the opinion of soyomukti (2012) confirmed that pancasila does have relevance to the basics of the struggle carried out by the pni as a party that stands in the axis of nationalism. however, pancasila is a national policy that encompasses all groups. according to sukarno, either the party with the ideology of nationalism or socialism have to maintain the basics of nationalism under the pancasila. everyone could give interpretations to each of them according to their religious understanding and beliefs, but they were not allowed to make a new state policy other than pancasila. according to muhammad natsir, pancasila is part of the islamic goal that masyumi fought for. meanwhile, according to nu, nationalism under pancasila is the basis of the state's view that must be completed with islamic laws. for pni, pancasila is a basis that can be accepted by all indonesian people. therefore, the pni consolidation movements were actually inspired by national movement figures who although different in direction and ideology, they had the same basis and purpose. it seemed that the pni leaders were very aware that the party whose embryo had existed since the time before independence, has a sucessfull period mostly because it adhered to the opinion that the pni was "the party of sukarno and hatta". this was also approved by foreign scholars (anggara, 2017, p. 662). conclusions the success of the 1955 election had also shown the maturity of the indonesian in democratic life. the pni's support in the 1955 election proved that the nationalism ideology based on pancasila was a middle course that was able to accommodate various schools and thoughts. the 1955 election is at the same time a sign that nationalism and pancasila are the most relevant ideology and basis of the state for the indonesian people. those two things were the foundation and direction of pni political consolidation, so that it was able to achieve a glorious victory in the first election in indonesia which obtained recognition as the most ideal and democratic election. in addition, pni also targeted people from various groups, especially from villages as marhaenism was promoted by pni leaders. approaching the election, the pni expanded supporters to outside java by engaging various organizations and community groups to remove the stereotype of "java centric". ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 45-59 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 pni political strategy to win the 1955 election in indonesia | 58 references 29 hari sebelum 26 september 1955. (1955, 3 september). madjalah merdeka, viii(36). anggara, d. (2017). peran ormas seazas dalam membangun dinamikan internal partai nasional indonesia tahun 1946-1962. avatara, e-journal pendidikan sejarah 5(3): 661-669. ayu, a. k., sulistiyono, s. t., alamsyah (2020). masyumi’s campaign strategies in the 1955 election in jakarta. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 3(2): 32-42. benda, h. j. (1964). review: democracy in indonesia. the journal of asian studies23(3): 449-456. charles m. mccann, “indonesia expected to deal bad news to communist china”, medford mail tribune, 27 september 1955. charles m. mccann, “indonesia expected to deal bad news to communist china”, medford mail tribune, 27 september 1955. crisis in indonesia. (1955, august 4) the straits times. d. wirata, “harapan rakjat”, sikap mimbar-politik, no. 37 tahun ke-v, 3 november 1952. dengan kekuatan persatuan nasional kesulitan2 dapat kita atasi! (1955, 11 juni) merah putih (mingguan populer), iii(113). dewantarina, a. (2012). partai nasional indonesia pada pemilihan umum tahun 1955 di semarang. journal of indonesian history 1(2): 71-77. edward w. tan, “indonesians start voting in test of democracy against red powe”, the journal (meriden, connecticut), 28 september 1955. feith, h. (1954). toward election in indonesia. pasific affairs 27 (3): 236-254. gatot mangkupradja: kerdjasama pni-psii dan n.u. daerah banten memuaskan. (1954, 4 februari). merdeka. imperialisme diluar dan dlm negeri musuh pni. (1954, 4 februari). merdeka. indonesia’s difficulties. (1953, 24 juni). the advertiser (adelaide). kabinet burhanuddin harahap tanpa pni. (1955, 13 agustus). madjalah merdeka, viii (33). kabinet jang akan datang. (1956, 28 januari). merah putih, iii(143). kampanje pemilihan. (1954, 7 juni). merdeka, 2. kepertjajaan kepada potensi rakjat jg pernah berevolusi. (1955, 28 maret). merdeka. kongres psii. (1955, 6 april). merdeka. lazuardi, m. f. & yety rochwulaningsih (2020). kontestasi partai politik di sumatra utara pada masa demokrasi liberal 1952-1955. historiografi 1(1):11-21. lev, s. d. (1967). political parties in indonesia. journal of southeast asian history8(1): 5267. liddle, r. w. (1978). the 1977 indonesian election and new order legitimacy. southeast asian affairs, 122-138. mujani, saiful, r. william liddle, kuskridho ambardi (2011). kuasa rakyat: analisis tentang perilaku memilih dalam pemilihan legislatif dan presiden pasca-orde baru. jakarta: mizan publika (anggota ikapi). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 45-59 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 pni political strategy to win the 1955 election in indonesia | 59 mukminin, m. a. (2015). hubungan nu dan masyumi (1945-1960): konflik dan keluarnya nu dari masyumi. avatara 3(3), 487-494. opposisi hendaki intervensi negara-negara barat. (1954, 8 januari) merdeka, 1. p.n.i. menghadapi pemilihan umum. (1955, 25 juni). merah putih (mingguan populer), iii (115). pasquino, g. (2012). party elites and democratic consolidation: cross-national comparison of southern european experience. in securing democracy: pol parties (pp. 54-73). routledge. pemilihan umum dan fungsinya. (1952, 24 desember). sikap mimbar-politik, v(44). pni mengawasi tindakan kabinet untuk kepentingan nusa bangsa: pernjataan dewan pleno pni djawa-tengah. (1955, 23 agustus). merdeka. pni menghendaki ko-eksistensi setjara damai. (1954, 23 desember). merdeka, 23, 1. pni sedia kerdjasama dengan partai partai manapun. (1954, 18 desember). merdeka,1. politik dan pembangunan. (1955, 2 april). madjalan merdeka, viii (14), 2. politik kepartaian djanganlah menganggu ketenangan suasana. (1055, 28 mei). merah putih, no. iii, tahun iii. rantjangan undang-undang pemilihan umum. (1952, 8 desember). sikap mimbarpolitik, no. 42 tahun ke-v. reilly, b. (2003). political parties and political engineering in the asia pacific region. resolusi2 pni. (1954, 22 desember). merdeka, 2. rocamora, j. e. (1970). the partai nasional indonesia 1963-1965. indonesia (10): 143181. stable url: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3350638 s. mangunsarkoro, “sendi2 marhaenisme”, marhaen, 15 juli 1952. soyomukti, n. (2012). soekarno dan cina: nasionalisme tionghoa dalam revolusi indonesia, soekarno dan poros jakarta-peking, sikap bung karno terhadap etnis tionghoa di indonesia. yogyakarta: garasi. susunan dan program kabinet mr. burhanuddin harahap. (1955, 27 agustus). merah putih, no. 122/123 tahun iii. ufen, a. (2008). political party and party system institutionalization in southeast asia: lessons for democratic consolidation in indonesia, the philippines and thailand. the pacific review, 21(3), 327-350. https:// doi.org/10.1080/09512740802134174 utomo, i. n., supriyono, a., indriyanto, i. (2021). bahaja mengantjam: ups and down of the new pni movement 1931-1942. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5(2), 148160. van biezen, ingrid (2012). constitutionalizing party democracy: the constitutive codification of political parties in post-war europe. british journal of political science, 42(1), 187-212. microsoft word 3. nasution.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 34-44 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 proposing indonesia history teaching that transcends political ideologies | 34 received: february 2, 2022 revised: june 3, 2022 accepted: june 4, 2022 proposing indonesia history teaching that transcends political ideologies nasution department of history education, faculty of social sciences and law, universitas negeri surabaya jl. lidah wetan, lakarsantri, surabaya, east java indonesia *corresponding author: nasution@unesa.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v6i1.13571 introduction reconstruction of history is almost always partial and never complete. this is due to some limited access or incomplete sources on past events. people's understanding of the past depends on how they construct the past itself. likewise, history teaching is a matter that always invites debate. in indonesia, the debate is generally related to the content of history lessons that are taught in schools, especially during the new order abstract the teaching of indonesian history, in many cases in school, remains dominated by history of politics and political indoctrination, underscoring the need for critical and holistic learning. this paper aims to analyze the indonesian national history textbooks used in schools, and to examine the possibility of teaching indonesian history that goes beyond political indoctrination and is holistic. the method used in this paper is the analysis of an indonesian national history textbooks that have been used as the main textbook for the history subject in schools. the teaching of indonesian history in schools is still dominated by a single version of historical events. the narratives of indonesian history lessons often ignore different perspectives, or other aspects of historical events that are of interest. indonesian history does not only belong to the winners. a holistic approach to the teaching of history is expected to help enrich students' knowledge of past events and provide a clearer picture of the history of a multicultural society. for example, a discussion of the benteng economic policy should not only revolve around the points of view of one ethnic group and ignore the suffering of others. in other cases, discussions on the pki revolt often neglect human rights aspects, et cetera. not only should students gain knowledge about past events based on the dominant interpretations, but are also exposed to the narratives of marginalized people. not only that, history lessons should also cover aspects that include arts, literature, painting, music and other cultural products. in the end, a holistic approach enriches students’ understanding of a historical event, foster a positive attitude and inspire them to learn about stories that have been under-heard or deliberately marginalized. keywords: holistic approach; indonesian history; indoctrination; learning. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 34-44 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 proposing indonesia history teaching that transcends political ideologies | 35 period. the content of history lessons is often one-sided and ignores other interpretations on a historical event. the problem of teaching history in schools is not as simple as adding historiographical and methodological aspects in history teaching, nor is it enough to add historical interpretations, especially if there are many empty spaces that the existing dominant narrative cannot explain. in addition to problems with the methods of history teaching in the classroom, the content of history lessons in our country is still coloured by dominant stories of past events. the teaching of history has not given students the space to analyze that different historians will have different interpretations about the same historical event. an example of this is lessons related to the cultivation system. in the history of indonesia, it is described as a dark period in the nation’s history as a result of dutch colonial policies. but fron another perspective, the cultivation system policy formed the basis of the indonesian economy. george orwell (2016) in his book, ministry of truth describes how governments use the teaching history to maintain power. they assume that control over the present and the future depends to a large extent on control over the past. in many countries, the main purpose of teaching national history is the political socialization of citizens. so, it can almost be said that there are no other subjects that are capable of serving the purpose of political socialization other than the teaching of history. this is because historical facts are like flexible clay whose interpretations can be formed and combined with one another (faruk, 2018). the facts in question are never independent because they are always tied to the characters and language of the subjects involved in the narrative. facts that historians try to assemble are influenced by certain interests which are rooted in the interests of the speaker as well as the context of his speech situation. for example, the book indonesian national history (poesponegoro & notosusanto, 1993), was written from the same facts but with a different narrative, which is considered the antithesis of colonial historiography. anti-colonial-oriented historical writing emerged as a result of the turbulent shift of power from the dutch government to the new indonesian government. and the plan for the the first indonesian national history (sni) book was adopted during the first national history seminar in 1957. the revolution spirit among indonesians gave rise to anti-colonial perspectives. the style of post-colonial historiography above emphasizes a history that aims to "break down and clean up colonial ruins." it was for this purpose that the national history seminar was held at that time. that is how the indonesian national history with the ideology of independence was agreed based on the spirit of anti-colonialism. the cultivation of the spirit of nationalism was deemed very important at that time, in order to form the national identity of a new nation-state. the way in which nationalism was imbued was contained in sni. soedjatmoko raised concerns about the direction of indonesian historiography, which he described as demagogic, during a national history seminar in 1957. soedjatmoko's criticism showed that at that time there was a strong tendency for ideological history writing that ignored scientific aspects. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 34-44 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 proposing indonesia history teaching that transcends political ideologies | 36 the seminar revealed the need for a deeper thought on indonesian historiography with the urgent need to write a national history textbook. because of that, the national history seminar i is considered to be the beginning of modern indonesian historiography (kartodirdjo, 1982). even though writing the sni book cannot be separated from political interests, historian sartono kartodirdjo (1982) reminded us that indonesian historiography must still adhere to empirical science. the teaching of history is sometimes used to cultivate patriotism among citizens, create a sense of pride, or present events heroically. however, historians should not write the glorified version of history, but also present past events in a proportional way. politics of education and political content in indonesian history books the politics of education according to o’neil (2008) is all efforts, policies, and tactics or strategies related to education. in subsequent developments, the the politics of education was determined by the authorities as agents to direct thought. several researchers have studied the relationship between historical education and the politics of education, especially in asia, the extent to which education politics is used in historical education. most studies discuss political content as generally seen in history textbooks (suwignyo, 2014; fraenkel & wallen, 2015; lin & jackson, 2019). in writing the master book, national history of indonesia, the powers that be were very dominant in shaping the content of indonesian history according to their interests. the history of indonesia during the dutch colonial period was overshadowed by the politics of 'decolonization'. national historical narratives often function to mobilize the masses by to burnish the image of those in power and discredit the previous regime to incite public antipathy. political legitimacy is the main reason for producing the indonesian historical narrative. this is used to maintain power through the dominant interpretations of historical facts. governments cultivate political ideologies in society in order to instill moral, political, and cultural values to maintain control and hegemony. resink (1953), likens historical events and historical constructions to a portrait. as a consequence of being a portrait, the results of the photo shoot are certainly influenced by various factors, such as: 1. the tools of the portrait (capturing power, approach, ability to reach and process sources), 2. the photographer (the historian), the choice of point of view, the distance between the author and the object of study being written, ideological positions, experiences, and other interests. the state often uses coercion through policy, education, publishing, broadcasting, and repetitive film production to influence society. the element of education is very important to create consent. writing a national history book which is part of historical education is itself a manifestation of the ruler's pursuit of hegemony. education is often used for pragmatic purposes to occupy or maintain control and the status quo. as down (2004) points out, rulers have the authority to produce and reproduce history. history education, as a bridge that connects the past, present, and future, is full of political interests. history education is often used to maintain and strengthen social structures. as kan (2007) writes “for all subjects in school, history is perhaps the most ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 34-44 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 proposing indonesia history teaching that transcends political ideologies | 37 effective for instilling political ideology, and the one that best reflects the culture and politics of society because it serves legitimacy to define national identities and ideologies, and contributes to nation-building”. according to him, historical education has three main political goals. first, uniting multicultural societies in various social strata in terms of their shared history; second, constructing the history of citizens in a particular country (national level); and third, building a history with mankind at the global level (global history). historical awareness and problem of logocentrism today the digital era has the consequence of transforming society from a passive audience into an information producer (ritzer, 2012). today, the problem of people's orientation in viewing information is no longer in the position of objects that are determined by the mainstream mass media, but furthermore society can play a role in producing knowledge. partial knowledge can lead to incomplete understanding. partial knowledge encourages someone to be trapped in post-truth, where people are looking for justification rather than truth. as the oxford dictionary itself defines the term posttruth as a condition in which facts are less influential in shaping public opinion than emotions and personal beliefs (ball, 2016). post-truth is deliberately developed and becomes a propaganda tool with the aim of processing public sentiment so that those who are less critical will be easily influenced by logocentrism. logocentrism refers to jacquess deridda's concept of a fundamental error in assuming what constitutes arbitrary and artificial constructs for verifiable events. the information conveyed creates a condition called an echo-chamber, in which a person receives homogeneous information and ideas continuously, while other perspectives do not fit into the space (dubois & blank; 2018). the notion of echo chamber metaphorically describes a situation in which only one narrative of belief in a particular knowledge discourse is shared (dubois, 2018). these knowledge institutions create a single discourse so that there is only obedience or resistance as well as a means of implementing power strategies (haryatmoko, 2016). because of the relative value of reality contained in the discourse, the truth that we understand is limited by certain dominant discourses. the science of history, as stated by lukacs (1968) "history has become a thought" for modern humans makes it influential in human thinking. historical awareness is a rational awareness tasked with providing explanations (kuntowijoyo, 2004). historical thinking functions as a foothold for modern humans to think rationally and guides humans to approach actual reality based on historical reality amidst the disruption of knowledge. attention to how historians put together words, as well as showing sensitivity to the language mastery possessed by historians. it is in some cases useful to reflect on the process of writing stories in the past. there is a connection between language and learning about the past. the past has become very much tied to the way historians use words and choose language. by depending on word construction, the main consequence of language choice is what teeuw (1996) calls "the fact that it depends on ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 34-44 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 proposing indonesia history teaching that transcends political ideologies | 38 words". the science of history through historical sources such as memories of actors, witnesses to events is useful for establishing an encounter between the relationship between the present and the past, especially those that cannot be obtained from documents. for foucault (2002), lines of words in historical sources in the form of archives, for example, show a character of thought. if you want to understand the thoughts contained in the archives at a certain place and time, then find the words in the text that dominate. foucault suggests that we are like archaeologists who trace the origins or context of the discourse produced. sigmund freud, the founder of psychoanalysis as a psychological theory, first put forward his view of archives as a source of knowledge. for freud, archives have an authoritative record in which the content as a whole is regarded as true and that the language of the archives is a stable thing. derrida (1996) rejected the psychic structure introduced by freud, which he considered strongly logocentrism. derrida's argument to reject freud's psychoanalysis is contained in the method of deconstruction and archives as a source of knowledge even though it cannot be separated from the context in which it is produced. derrida's deconstruction starts with a strategy of shaking up the basic categories and assumptions on which our thinking is established. in other words, deconstruction is an attempt to radically criticize and dismantle various basic assumptions that support logocentric thoughts and beliefs that glorify a single narrative. after the fall of the new order, many historians have begun to deconstruct the discourse in history books. for one, the agenda stems from the critique that the new order's national history was unidimensional, and militaristic (mcgregor, 2007). another criticism that exists is that the new order regime has distorted historical facts (adam, 2001, p. 23). however, this kind of criticism has the validity of a direct counter to the work of some historians (adam, 2001; mcgregor, 2007). but it is also inappropriate to blame all historiographical problems after the reformation on suharto and the new order regime. the roots of indonesia's current historiographical problems did not basically stem from the legacy of the new order, for which no one can fully blame the suharto regime. on the other hand, most of the crucial problems stem from a national historiographical perspective (suwignyo, 2014). every past event requires a chronological aspect to detail it continuously and assemble it into a memory to be presented in the present as a production of knowledge and experience from previous people (vansina, 2014). however, people tend to prefer history with a single narrative. when historians start a counter-narrative by writing many alternative versions, the public cannot accept it. rejection and prohibition of academic discussion, burning of history books, are representation of the inability of the public to distinguish between the academic realm and the public sphere. they are more accepting of history with a single narrative than to open a dialogue on alternative discourses. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 34-44 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 proposing indonesia history teaching that transcends political ideologies | 39 going beyond ideological history by using a holistic approach in teaching indonesian history multicultural society characterized by grouping based on ethnicity always creates problems in the process of developing the nation state. it is also able to stimulate competition and at the same time ethnic conflicts that interfere with social integration. these conflicts result in the dominance and advancement of one people over another, thereby promoting domination over other groups (weiner, 1987). different and conflicting ethnic demands encourage competition in a multicultural society, a factor of instability in the state (rabushka & shepscale, 1972). a holistic approach in a multicultural society can be used as a strategy to write a more comprehensive history involving many parties who are mirrors of a multicultural society, such as indonesia. the holistic approach does not have a single definition, but can be explained through a number of recurring themes that appear in the literature (forbes, 2003, p. 17; miller, 1991, p. 3). a holistic approach can be interpreted as a method of writing a comparative history of society, especially the process of the meeting between local history (based on indigenous experience) with colonial history, national history, and global history to search for patterns and processes of encounters across continents and centuries. comparative history starts from the fact that one's interpretation is tentative, thus trying to draw a diachronic line between chronological (time) and geographical (space) aspects. the holistic approach significantly expands and connects people throughout the country both indigenous, migrants, and all historical activities, so there is speculation to continue to rethink the debate about the historical experience of mankind in the past that determines the future (coates, 2004). clark (1991) states that the ultimate goal of holistic education is to change the perspective of oneself to others and the world from a fragmented perspective to an integrative one. the holistic approach focuses on integrating various thoughts (patel, 2003) and therefore, students are required to focus on the impact of their own actions on others in their environment. this is so that they can learn to take responsible action to solve the problems they face. forbes (2003) suggests that in a holistic perspective, students are positioned as active, participative and critical learners who perceive and understand themselves in a changing world and in various local and global scenarios. some thinkers agree that a holistic approach can be useful for developing critical learners. the perspective of a holistic approach demands that the world around us be treated with kindness. individuals are stewards of the environment and hold positions as stewards for others and future generations. the holistic approach orientation has a significant impact on the theory and practice of learning in the classroom. it also determines how the curriculum is understood and used from a societal perspective that focuses on the interrelationships between various subjects. history may be a difficult science because it has to do with subjectivity, to the scattered evidence of relics, and what historians find. even though historians have examined historical evidence, historical problems arise because too much evidence is selected in memory, and not all historical witnesses are still alive (husbands, 1996). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 34-44 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 proposing indonesia history teaching that transcends political ideologies | 40 today, in the era of liberal democracy, the discourse to change the formulation of a strict and uniform historical narrative becomes more elastic. this means that previously we only recognized historical stories from the dominating narrative, now we also recognize historical narratives with other versions, thus creating a different discourse. what happens in historical discourse will take into account the situation of certain groups of people, and those who have a different narrative from the dominant narrative, making history learning more interesting. in history lessons about the indonesian revolution, for example, local events which previously received less attention have a place to be discussed. this is as a result of the dominant discourse that places revolutionary events in the regions as limited to “a chorus that accompanies dominant themes” in national historiography (lucas, 1989). teaching history involves a complex set of skills to make classroom learning more active and creative. history teachers are not only required to have professional competence, but also substance competence in what will be taught. with a holistic approach, it is hoped that teachers can further develop history learning by connecting it to real life. the use of various social theories in studying historical events not only frames how history is written and taught, but also how events are constructed and written with various perspectives. modern historians have begun to dare to expand their studies by filling in the blanks on assumptions about possible past truths. the issue of the use of social theory in historical studies has long been the subject of debate. historian peter burke explains the need for the use of social science theory in historical studies, and comparisons in historical studies. by comparing two different community groups, the results obtained in describing one group will be clearer. within the framework of holistic history, many studies can be developed to allow children to better understand their society. an example is the study of chinese indonesians, which is still an area that still needs to be explored, because of the issue of identity that is still often questioned. skinner (1951), nio joe lan (1940), d.e. willmot, lea e. williams, claudine salmon, were the first generation who were interested in the study of chinese-indonesians (suryadinata, 1986). skinner (1951) in his work on the chinesse in southeast asia highlighted the problem of the chineseindonesian people and pinpointed critical aspects such as the characteristics of their minority and their separateness from the indigenous population. nio joe lan, (1940) in his book clearly describes the first chinese nationalist organization in java that involved many local figures. besides nio, there are also other works such as the work of liem thian joe (1933). in his work entitled riwajat semarang, joe describes the condition of the chinese community in java from 1416-1931. in holistic history learning, the theme of social movements can also be included. an example is a history of crime with a focus on resistance and social banditry. this focus was chosen so that students are able to reflect that banditry which was considered a criminal act by the colonial government was actually a form of resistance to repressive colonial power. the perpetrators of social banditry can be considered ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 34-44 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 proposing indonesia history teaching that transcends political ideologies | 41 both heroes and villains. students are expected to be able to reflect that there are many perspectives on the issue of crime, including the perspective of banditry as a struggle for minorities and as a weapon of resistance for natives who were defeated by the repressive and discriminatory regulations of the colonial government. historical lessons on the theme of the 1965 pki rebellion, for example, should not only focus on a single narrative, but also on the human rights of those who lost, their voices also need to be considered, the voices of their murdered families, the voices of their ostracized children, as if the problem was genetic, the voices of indonesian students who happened to be studying in a communist country, who were not allowed to go home and had to be separated from their relatives. on other themes, such as the benteng economic policy, the discussion should not only highlights the importance of protecting indigenous economic actors in accordance with the dominant narrative, but also has to listen to those who are expelled, killed, and so on. the discussion about the nationalization of dutch companies, for example, should not ignore the voices of the dutch owners of the company. that way, students are invited to think and have another perspective on violence, about human rights and about arbitrariness to gain positive lessons. on the theme of historiography, for example, a history teacher does not only teach the stages of historiography, such as heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography, for example. the teacher must introduce new perspectives to approach past facts, that a historical fact can be produced in various historical narratives depending on the ideology, ethnic group or point of view of the historical writer. in a holistic historical study, the lives of marginalized people who have not been presented or have been deliberately marginalized, become very important. simply put, a holistic understanding of history can be achieved if we present various perspectives in history learning. in a holistic historical approach, historical narratives belong to all groups. historians have the task and challenge to prove the existence of all groups. stereotyped images of traditional, parochial, patrimonial, racism, etc. have become the center of permissive campaigns that are dangerous for the life of a multicultural world. this kind of stereotype dominates the dominant discourse and can only be countered by giving the marginalized people a space to enter into historiography. many of us recognize the problem of perpetuating the dominant narrative, but discussion of the stories of the “others” is often separate from the discourse of the dominant narrative. in fact, the story of the “others” is more needed to get a comprehensive understanding of the dominant discourse narrative. efforts to reshape the historical teaching diktats that fill the void of dominant discourse spaces are carried out by integrating the stories of the “others” into the curriculum, in weaving them together to contribute to a “more authentic” history. this is what is known as holistic learning. the presence of more serious indonesian culinary studies or food studies in early academic circles such as the work of rahman (2011) and the work of ariwibowo (2011) has enriched the discourse on cultural history. there are also interpretive narratives ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 34-44 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 proposing indonesia history teaching that transcends political ideologies | 42 on historical data from cookbook texts, government and individual records about the culture of indonesian flavors and food scientists in the past. people do not just talk about the history of food only from a cultural perspective, but also become more comprehensive with an economic approach such as how commercial activities in the culinary field are a source of people's income, social approaches such as the variety of people's tastes that are shaped by social status. in addition, the study of holistic history raises new themes, such as maritime history, the history of old cities and ports, and many essays have been produced. even special seminars are often held to discuss the theme of port cities. some of them are "scientific discussion of silk road cities: collection of discussion papers (1998) designed by the ministry of education and culture (depdikbud) in 1994. the scope of scientific discussion covers the general description of the 1400-1600 period regarding port cities on the silk road, as well as commercial ports around the malacca strait, sumatran waters, and maluku waters. but little has been said about local ports, especially those that are now defunct. however, most studies of the history of local ports often escape scrutiny because historical writing tends to be dominated by major events on the mainland, especially in the center. historiography focusing on the history on land often ignores experiences from the periphery. in fact, the writing of indonesian history must be able to combine land and sea domains, or what is known as the history of "motherland" as seen in the monumental work of lapian (2004). j. burchard, suggested that national historical research, the standard is that which views the homeland in a perspective that can view the homeland within the framework of world history, which views the homeland as part of the universe. one of the hallmarks of a holistic approach is that it creates a comprehensive narrative. so that it touches the niches, and explores the uniqueness in historical studies. therefore, a holistic approach always gives special space to local history. in addition to the aspect of locality which is always unique and different in each region, local history must also be able to explain the problem of social dynamics and see whether there is a connection between the events or phenomena studied with economic, political and cultural structures as causal relationships (abdullah, 1979). the holistic approach in social history has the advantage of considering well the structural ties, namely the interconnected network of social roles, between historical actors and society. conclusions indonesian history does not only belong to the winners. a holistic approach to the teaching of history is expected to help enrich students' knowledge of past events and provide a clearer picture of the history of a multicultural society. for example, a discussion of the benteng economic policy should not only revolve around the points of view of one ethnic group and ignore the suffering of others. in other cases, discussions on the pki revolt often neglect human rights aspects, et cetera. not only should students gain knowledge about past events based on the dominant ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 34-44 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 proposing indonesia history teaching that transcends political ideologies | 43 interpretations, but are also exposed to the narratives of marginalized people. one of the hallmarks of a holistic approach is that it creates a comprehensive narrative. so that it touches the niches, and explores the uniqueness in historical studies. in the end, a holistic approach not only enriches students’ understanding of a historical event, but also foster a positive attitude and inspire them from learning it. 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(2014). indonesian national history textbooks after the new order: what’s new under the sun?. bijdragen tot de taal-, land-en volkenkunde/journal of the humanities and social sciences of southeast asia, 170(1), 113-131. teeuw, a. (1996). indonesisch-nenderlands woordenboek. jakarta: kitlv. vansina, j. (2014). tradisi lisan sebagai sejarah. yogyakarta: ombak. weiner, m. (1987). empirical democratic theory and the transition from authoritarianism to democracy. ps: political science & politics, 20(4), 861-866. microsoft word 2.dischoteque in semarang_utama,et.al.docx indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 96-106 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 discotheque in semarang and it’s social consequences, 1970-1998 | 96 discotheque in semarang and it’s social consequences, 1970-1998 petra wahyu utama,* sutejo kuwat widodo, dhanang respati puguh master program of history, faculty of humanities, diponegoro university *corresponding author: wahyupetra@gmail.com doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v3i2.6285 abstract this study focuses on analysis regarding the development of the discotheque as an impact of the disco trend which occurred at the beginning of the orde baru reign. many places facilitated the disco-lovers which were begun with the development of discobar, night club, then discotheque. they were used as a medium of socialization and became a symbol of modernity which brought social consequences for the society in semarang. this research discovers; firstly, the emergence of the discotheque and some nightclubs during the orde baru governance became an opportunity for the entrepreneurs who work in this field. for the governance, the amount of money circulation in this sector was considered an effective way to increase revenue either officially or through bribery. the existence of discotheques and any nightclubs were considered having an important role in reducing unemployment. in practice, the permission related to establishing the discotheques became much easier to be issued by the government of semarang. secondly, the existence of discothèques did not always affect positively the society. negative behaviors, such as drinking alcohol, violence, drugs using, corrupted law officials, bribery crime, and also hidden prostitution are always stigmatized with the existence of discothèque. thirdly, those negative emergences could not be separated by various orientations, such as economic and psychological orientation, as well as various motives, such as mental health, socio-economic, and situational which possessed by each individual. fourthly, these social consequences made the government doing various efforts to overcome it. these efforts involved preventive ways, such as the education of alcohol and drugs abuse and data collection toward people with the genital disease, then preventive action, such as security patrol and counseling; as well as the repressive-coercive way, such as the raids, and the punishment for alcohol vendors and drugs dealer. in addition, they regulated the hidden prostitution in the discothèque area, disciplined the law enforcement officials and revoked the operational license as the last action to parse the issue which reached the alarming standard. keywords: discotheques; semarang; new order; social consequences. introduction in general, the indonesian music during the reign of president sukarno (1945-1966) did not have much variation and so good development. this is due to the influence of political manifestations declared by president sukarno in 1959 and the issuance of received: 8 november 2019 accepted: 30 november 2019 indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 96-106 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 discotheque in semarang and it’s social consequences, 1970-1998 | 97 presidential decree (presidential decree) no. 11 of 1963 concerning eradication of subversion activities. after soekarno collapsed, an attitude of openness towards foreign culture began to be carried out by the new order government (mulyadi, 2009). this openness then also influences changes in the interests of art and culture. the trend of disco music and other western music goes hand in hand with the loosening of government policies towards the consumption of western culture. this policy apparently also influenced semarang as the capital of central java. the semarang’s region which is a crossing area between two metropolitan cities namely jakarta and surabaya is very easy to accept the changes that occur, both in terms of socio-economic and socio-cultural. since the oil boom that hit indonesia in the 1970s, foreign investors have been competing to invest (thalib, 1972, p. 80). this event also had an impact on socio-economic growth as did industry, transportation, animal husbandry, and fisheries. the number of foreigners who come triggers the growth of the entertainment industry to develop. in order to support economic aspects, the average community activity then moves to the trade and service sectors. in terms of social culture, the condition of art and culture in semarang both traditional and modern during the new order experienced their respective dynamics. however, the new order government's economic policy on foreign investment (pma) since 1967 opened a very wide door for western culture to grow and develop (winters, 1999). the wave of modern cultural art from the west such as keroncong, rock n roll, disco music, and kejang dance caused the young generation in semarang to turn their interest towards traditional cultural arts performances. disco music which is one of the products of western culture, was originally played in the homes of the elite as an accompaniment to dance. genre this music is considered to represent a modern image and become a trend that is rapidly developing in the midst of the general public. this certainly opens up opportunities for entertainment venues entrepreneurs to facilitate disco music lovers by establishing discobar, night club, and discotheque. these three places differ in terms of area, facilities, and sound system strength. discotheque is the biggest facility to accommodate visitors and has the most complete facilities among the three. shinta came to be known as the first discotheque in semarang which was established in the djohar shopping center on january 10, 1970 (“casino,” 1969). the emergence of shinta triggered the emergence of dozens of other discotheques in semarang in the period 1970-1998. places that were originally established means to enjoy entertainment and disco music then gradually changed their function to become places to get drunk. then it coverted into prostitution practices, and ecstasy circulation of narcotics. no wonder the problems of violence, sexuality transmission diseases, and drug dependence were closely related to the presence in the discotheque environment. the large circulation of money also attracted unscrupulous law enforcement agencies to carried out the practice of "freezing" of discotheque business and the circulation of narcotics that occurred in it. the government of semarang then tries to solve these problems with pre-emptive and preventive efforts. however, this effort was felt to be ineffective in indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 96-106 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 discotheque in semarang and it’s social consequences, 1970-1998 | 98 unraveling social problems which were increasingly worrisome. the government and law enforcement officials finally took repressive-coercive measures as a last resort to cut the growth of various crimes in the discotheque environment. a study which has previously conducted in the period of the indonesia’s discotheques, yoland (2012) under the title "development of the tanamur discotheque in jakarta in 1970-2005". his work has become a reference for subjects that discuss discotheques, both popular and academic writing used as sources about the roots of the emergence of discotheques in indonesia by national media. however, jakarta as the focus of research, actually provides opportunities for other researchers from various regions to discuss discotheques deeper. it covers several place dimensions, including semarang. depart from the description which has been mentioned, it arises interesting problems to be studied. the problems include how the development of the discotheque in semarang in 1970-1998; what are the social consequences of disco activity; how the city governmest took efforts to overcome the social problems of the development of the discotheque. method this article is the result of historical research that transcended the four stages in the historical method namely heuristics, criticism, source interpretation, and historiography. historical explanation in this study uses primary sources such as newspapers and magazines, archives, laws, and photos published by contemporaries. newspapers used to obtain data and information for this writing are suara merdeka, kompas, and the tribune jawa tengah. as for magazines, it uses prisma magazine. the archives, photos and regulations were obtained from the central statistics agency of semarang, the regional archives of semarang, and the archive of the general hospital dr. kariadi; while newspapers and magazines were obtained from the archival depot of semarang merdeka, kompas, tribun jawa tengah, and the jakarta economic and social research, education and information institute (lp3es). to complete the primary source, the oral source is used in this study. the use of the oral history method is carried out in order to fill the deficiencies contained in written sources and as a comparison for primary sources. information was obtained through interviews with figures, perpetrators, or historical witnesses who were contemporaries with the development of the discotheque in semarang, 1970-1998. the data is then classified, verified, and analyzed for the purpose of historical writing. all data obtained is verified and criticized especially regarding the validity of the news through checking and comparing several similar news. this is to minimize errors in research data. data analysis was performed from the collection times which was carried out until the period ended. historical analysis techniques (developments, changes, and phenomena) used in this study which aimed to understand and describe the development of discotheques and their social consequences in semarang. indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 96-106 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 discotheque in semarang and it’s social consequences, 1970-1998 | 99 development of disco in semarang the emergence of discos in semarang is inseparable from the development of disco music trends that have plagued young people. disco music is able to steal the attention of music lovers, especially modern urban society and has become a social phenomenon since the 1970s. starting from discobar which appeared before 1970. discobar is a combination of two words namely "disco" and "bar" that appear in hotels such as plaza hotel and dibya puri. as the public's enthusiasm for disco music increased, discobar was considered unable to accommodate the number of visitors who came. the area of the discobar room is deemed inadequate and cannot accommodate the visitors who are becoming increasingly bulky. the night entertainment entrepreneurs then opened a new entertainment facility with a wider room than discobar. this place came to be known as the night club (a.w. marsum, 2004, p. 4). the famous night club in semarang in the 1970s to 1980s was located at jalan pemuda 21b, troycana. party events held at troycana are well conceptualized and feature certain themes such as hawaiian night. there is also a striptease performance (strip dance) whose performance is always awaited by visitors (“jaring,” 1989). in addition to striptease dancers, several other professions later emerged such as disc jockey (dj), hostess (pramuria), and "bartender". disc jockey (dj) plays a role in collaborating various types of disco music that are arranged into music that sounds interactive from one event to another; hostess (hostess) has the duty to accompany the guests and make the visitors continue to spend their money in the discotheque; bartenders are tasked with dispensing alcoholic and non-alcoholic drinks (liyansyah, 2009, pp. 9-10), please refer to picture 1. the discotheque then appeared along with the growth of the discobar and night club buildings in the city of semarang. discotheque rooms are generally wider than discobar and night clubs. the sound system used is certainly more powerful, so the music playing sounds so loud. the first discotheque in semarang was shinta. on january 10, 1970, shinta diskotek was formalized under the auspices of pt. sarinah dsi semarang, which is in the highest ranks, is occupied by abri officers (“casino,” 1969). shinta's existence turned out to trigger the emergence of other disco buildings. during the 1970-1990s, night entertainment entrepreneurs competed vigorously in this business. some discotheques that have been in semarang include canasta in the area of agus salim street, sharks kencana in the entertainment area of tirta ria tanjung mas, ming palace in the metro hotel, and a night club in the sky garden hotel located in the gombel region, stardust which is located in the elite areas of tanah mas, lambada, studio one, venus, scorpio, super star, pure music (mm), and siliwangi dance center (spd). these places of night entertainment that are thick with the nuances of freedom then cause social consequences (moesono, 1995, p. 45). various problems then occur such as alcoholism, violence, covert prostitution, "banning", bribery, and dependence on narcotics. all are closely related to the discotheque environment. not indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 96-106 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 discotheque in semarang and it’s social consequences, 1970-1998 | 100 surprisingly, the negative aspects that arise from the existence of this discotheque then have an impact on increasing crime rates in the city of semarang. picture 1. striptease performance di troycana source: suara merdeka, 13 april 1971. social effects of discotheque in semarang, 1970-1998 in the early 1970s, nightclubs such as discotheques could only be enjoyed by adults. however, when disco music trends intensified in the 1980s, young people began to fill nightclubs. various forms of social deviations and acts of crime then occur. this is inseparable from situational pressure as a trigger factor (darma, 1996, p. 76). the various problems that then arise from discotheque activities include; first, the excessive consumption of liquor makes the audience get drunk. bring out the original feeling when swaying. however, alcoholic drinks can be a factor in the criminality, especially acts of violence such as fighting (kartono, 2002); secondly, free sex occurs because of the offer of eroticism and sexual stimulation that are offered by discotheque in a random and vulgar way. the discotheque then becomes a place for discotheque visitors to channel their sexual desires. this behavior is considered to be deviant because it has exceeded the limits of obligations, demands, rules, conditions, and feelings of shame (desmita, 2005, p. 17); third, the practice of "freezing" carried out by unscrupulous officers. beginning with the establishment of licensing for its establishment, various bribery practices are common among discotheque entrepreneurs. continues on the use of "elements" of the armed forces which are used to secure business from various kinds of disturbances. thugs are also involved to expedite operations with the aim of not getting interference from other groups of thugs. even many of these unscrupulous officers are also used by ecstasy cities to smooth out the illicit businesses that they run in the discotheque (suara merdeka, 17 oktober 1996). seeing these three problems, it is not surprising that the discotheque is a place that is seen closely with the world of crime. violence in the discotheque environment arises from two orientations namely economic orientation and psychological indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 96-106 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 discotheque in semarang and it’s social consequences, 1970-1998 | 101 orientation. from an economic point of view, violence committed by individuals or groups arises because of financial problems that coincide it, so choose the path of committing acts of violence such as theft by violence (robbery), robbery, extortion / bullying, and legalization to meet their needs. meanwhile, violence that arises from psychological orientation is caused by mental disorders, that is someone who has an irritable mentality, is easily angry, or even because of sexual disorientation (djatmika, 1987, p. 574). an example of violence arising from an economic orientation is extortion involving 10 young men in ramayana billiards and canasta disco in april 1977. the police succeeded in arresting the perpetrators and seizing sharp weapons used to blackmail (“mau,” 1977). evidence of violence arising from a psychological orientation is an example of a stabbing case that happened to the victim named benny sanjaya in november 1986. the victim was stabbed badly by two men he did not know because the jealous actor saw the victim go home together with a hostess named diana (“pulang,” 1986 ). the tendency of promiscuity conducted by disco lovers makes it easier to transmit venereal disease and hiv / aids. drunken conditions that make a person tend to lose control and awareness. this unconscious state prevents anticipation through the use of contraceptives as a medium of prevention from transmission of venereal disease and hiv / aids as shown in table 1. table 1 distribution of new patients by type sex and disease, 1986-1990 diagnosis 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 total m f m f m f m f m f nsu 280 224 196 141 129 970 gonorrhea 330 79 341 76 228 47 165 47 157 77 1547 candidiasis 12 99 9 152 3 96 4 73 4 100 552 akuminata condyloma 74 35 52 42 53 41 43 27 46 22 435 trichominiasis 2 67 3 94 6 61 52 35 320 genital herpes 41 3 52 23 17 15 23 9 20 7 210 mole’s ulce 4 6 1 2 4 2 19 syphillis 7 3 9 5 16 14 12 6 12 8 92 lvg 9 3 7 3 2 5 1 2 32 etc 25 8 24 24 19 22 22 15 14 17 190 total 4367 source: sub. pms upf dermatology & venereology specialis, central hospital of dr. kariadi, tahun 1991. from the period 1986-1990, gonorrhea became a venereal disease that suffered by many semarang residents. for four years, general hospital dr. kariadi has handled 1547 patients with gonorrhea. sunan kuning localization, discotheques, transvestite bases such as the kb park and the berok bridge, "plus-plus" salons, and massage parlors are very vulnerable to transmission of venereal disease (hartadi, 1992). entering october 1994, the central java provincial health office discovered indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 96-106 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 discotheque in semarang and it’s social consequences, 1970-1998 | 102 the fact that there were two women and two men who tested positive for hiv (“dua,” 1994). it takes a long process from the initial issuance of licensing to the operation of the discotheque building. however, the discotheque entrepreneurs tried to find a shortcut by bribing unscrupulous officers. an example is the process of issuing the hinder ordonantie (ho) permit. not a few "magic memos" obtained from officials brought by the discotheque businessmen with the aim of expediting the application for the issuance of permits. some ho permits are issued without specifying the establishment of a discotheque. for example as stated in ho permit no. 556.4 / 236/1994 and 556.4 / 571/1995. information on operational licenses issued at these two places is a billiard business in matahari vii floor and a billiard business permit on jalan kenari 1/5. in fact these two places not only do billiard business, but also seek night entertainment venues, namely the scorpio disco and canasta disco. not only that, unscrupulous law enforcement officers are also proven to be involved in operational activities carried out by discotheque entrepreneurs. siliwangi dance center (spd) or known as "superdome" and pure music (mm) is a disco that is known to dare to run operational hours beyond the limit. at the time of the raid carried out by spd officers even dared to show a "magic letter" that was allegedly given by a state official from jakarta named benny. allegedly what is meant by benny is benny moerdani. soetrisno soeharto as the mayor of semarang then checked back on benny moerdani and benny moerdani denied the "magic letter" owned by the spd. in april 1997, mm discotheque was raided by officers during the national disciplinary movement (gdn) operation. when the officer tried to enter the mm discotheque, the discotheque manager tried to offer some money to the captain. inf. subaktio and captain. inf. supriyadi as pasintel kodim 0733 / bs who at that time served in the field. found this, the officer felt offended and choked mm manager with various questions. from the information obtained, the bribery is usually carried out by mm as a form of "assistance" given to the officers. based on this answer, the officer took action by reporting the mm to the semarang district police regarding the crime of bribery (suara merdeka, 8 april 1997). another crime that often occurs is the circulation of narcotics. ecstasy is a type of narcotics that is commonly consumed by discotheque visitors. ecstasy consumption is considered capable of providing euphoria in the form of feelings of pleasure, an instant increase in energy, and excellent stamina when dancing (nadeak, 1983, p. 102). the peak of the ecstasy circulation in semarang occurred in 1996. this pill was circulated by visitors and some of it can be obtained from the waitress in the discotheque. the big city of ecstasy which is quite famous in the city of semarang is called cong hwy. he is domiciled in jalan badak v and used to facilitate ecstasy dealers to sell illicit goods in the disco. cong hwy's lunge ended on 22 march 1996 when police arrested him along with several dealers who used to operate on venus diskotek (“terbongkar,” 1996). famous comedian had also been involved in the misuse of ecstasy pills. in december 1996, jujuk juariah frontman of the srimulat comedy group was raided by officers at mm discotheque, jalan gajah indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 96-106 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 discotheque in semarang and it’s social consequences, 1970-1998 | 103 mada semarang. by semarang district police officers, jujuk was found stoned together with ecstasy dealers from surakarta who had become the target of officers. the jaksa found in the "on" state was then taken to mapoltabes semarang for further examination (“jujuk,” 1996). the rampant abuse of narcotic types of ecstasy also cannot be separated from the involvement of unscrupulous members of the armed forces. some of them are proven to do backups, take ecstasy pills, and get caught red-handed during transactions. in 1996-1997, generally imported rolls royce ecstasy pills were sold at rp 150.000 per item, while for local ecstasy like pink, moss, blue star, gobel, or electric are sold at rp 50.000. the price can change depending on the scarcity of goods (“soal ecstacy,” 1996). the fact of the involvement of these abri elements can be seen from the events that occurred in november 1996. dandenpom semarang, lieutenant colonel. cpm. syaiful caught his members because he proved to be a dealer in ecstasy. the abri person who was active as a member of diponegoro's kesdam iv was then taken to the diponegoro military detachment 5 / iv headquarters to be subject to disciplinary sanctions. apparently, ecstasy pills circulated in semarang via a narcotics network that involved the armed forces as backups. during the 1996 period, the diponegoro iv regional military police (pomdam) had investigated 19 suspects who were allegedly involved in the activities of "stabbing", abusing, and circulating ecstasy. five persons were declared dealers and dealers, while 14 other members were declared users of the ecstasy pills (“di diskotek” 1996). the various facts that have been described prove that discotheque activity raises various social problems in the midst of society. the city government together with law enforcement officers then made various efforts to overcome them. this is only done so that this social problem can be overcome or at least not become worse. given the acts of violence, ecstasy circulation, prostitution, and violations of operating hours that occur in the discotheque environment will cause unrest and can threaten order. government's efforts to overcome social problems various social problems that occur in the discotheque environment encourage the government and law enforcement officials to conduct crime prevention efforts including pre-emptive, preventive, and repressive-coercive. pre-emptive efforts are carried out with a number of educational activities, such as appeals or counseling, which aim to eliminate the causative factors that are driving and opportunity factors, commonly called criminogenic correlative factors from crime. this effort is the first step to prevent the occurrence of criminal acts by instilling good values / norms so that the intention to commit a crime becomes lost even though there is an opportunity (nature, 2010, pp. 78-80). for example, an appeal to stay away from liquor that was socialized since the 1990s by community leaders and officers of the security and public order (kamtibmas) in kampung cilosari (tribun jateng, august 1, 2016). pre-emptive efforts can also be carried out through propaganda, as is done by the soekarno-hatta guruh. he made war propaganda against ecstasy through the house music album titled ntxtc (read: indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 96-106 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 discotheque in semarang and it’s social consequences, 1970-1998 | 104 anti-ecstasy). this album was released as a paradox of the negative image of the rhythm of house music which is closely related to promiscuity and ecstasy (kompas, 5 november 1996).preventive effort is an action taken to reduce or eliminate the possibility of an unwanted event in the future. preventive approaches taken by the government and law enforcement officers in semarang include security patrols and counseling about the dangers of sexually transmitted diseases and hiv / aids. since the new order came to power, patrol activities have often been carried out by law enforcement officials to maintain security and order. entering the 1990s, patrol activities began to comb night spots with the aim of suppressing crime rates. the police also combed the marina beach area which is often used as a place for ecstasy users to continue "tripping" when the discotheque is closed (suara merdeka, 9 june 1997). activities to prevent sexually transmitted diseases and hiv / aids are through a screening / discovery program for patients with gonorrhea, syphilis, and hiv / aids. the city government carried out these routine activities in places prone to transmission such as the penitentiary (lp), disco, massage center, and sunan kuning localization (“survey,” 1990). finally, a repressive-coercive effort, known as a penal policy, was one of law enforcement efforts that focuses on combating crime with criminal sanctions (sudarto, 1986, p. 60). temporary closure to the discotheque which was proven to have violated was then carried out by the semarang government. siliwangi dance center had been temporarily closed by officers several times due to violations of operating hours and ecstasy circulation within the discotheque (“soal,” 1996). however, the government's tolerance via temporary closure was only underestimated. after the discotheque reopened, the same violations were even worse. to follow up on this problem seriously, the government and law enforcement officers then resort to a coercive way to suppress the increasingly rampant crime in the discotheque environment. coercive actions had been taken include; raids and convictions; curbing prostitution were shrouded in a disco environment; policing of the officers and other law enforcement officers; permanent revocation of the discotheque operating license. conclusions disco music trend is one form of western culture that is so attracting the attention of indonesian people. the city of semarang, as the provincial capital, is not spared from the massive disco waves that have led to various means to facilitate the public to enjoy disco music. discobar, night club, and discotheque is a place of night entertainment that presents disco music as the main menu as well as a place to find pleasure. the current development of the world of night entertainment in the period 1970-1998 was marked by the emergence of shinta on january 10, 1970 as the first disco that stood in the city of semarang. shinta's appearance triggered the establishment of other discos such as canasta, stardust, kencana shark, ming palace, studio i, venus, scorpio, super star, lambada, sky garden, siliwangi dance center, and pure music as a place to have fun and relieve fatigue . indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 96-106 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 discotheque in semarang and it’s social consequences, 1970-1998 | 105 discotheques and various nightclubs are then seen as representing the image of the metropolitan community. the velocity of money in this industry is seen as quite large as income land for the city government. however, this cannot be implemented optimally because many of the officials and law enforcement officials have been proven to have been involved in bribery and "freezing". from issuing licenses to the establishment of discotheques to their operational activities, these individuals received unofficial income which flowed into their personal pockets. disorder that had occurred since the beginning caused the disco entrepreneurs not to heed the agreement contained in the regional regulations. negative influences then emerge as a form of social consequences of discotheque activities such as violence, ecstasy dependence, covert prostitution, and violations of operating hours. entering the 1990 period, social problems that arose in the discotheque environment were getting worse. in fact, unscrupulous officials proved to be "backing" from ecstasy syndicates circulating in the discotheque environment. therefore, it is understood that most of the people who come to the discotheque will eventually fall into the snare of disobedience as a result of wrong social association. the government then took several steps in an effort to tackle these social problems. these efforts include pre-emptive, preventive, and repressive-coercive. in 1996, the siliwangi dance center was permanently closed by the government because frequent violations could not be tolerated. the government then issued a law reform through the issuance of law no.22 of 1997 concerning narcotics to combat the circulation of ecstasy. this legal umbrella serves as a basis for law enforcement officials to conduct raids on discotheques and arrest perpetrators who have proven to be users, dealers, and dealers. entering 1998, discotheque activities in semarang increasingly lethargic because of the economic crisis that hit indonesia. murni musik (mm) became the only major discotheque that was able to survive in semarang until 2001. after mm closed, the frenetic disco in semarang was not as massive as it happened in the period 1970-1998. references casino dan sematjam “miraca sky club” dibuka diatas scd. (1969, december 19). suara merdeka. darma, made (1996). kriminologi. jakarta: pt. raja grafindo persada. desmita (2005). psikologi perkembangan. bandung: rosdakarya. di diskotek, 4 anggota abri diamankan. (1996, december 21). suara merdeka djatmika, p. (1987). kejahatan kekerasan di perkotaan dan dinamika pembangunan. jurnal hukum dan pembangunan, 17 (6): 574. dor..dor.., mereka pun kocar-kacir. (1997, june 9). suara merdeka. dua wanita dan dua pria di jateng idap hiv. (1994, october 14). suara merdeka. guruh sukarnoputra, putra presiden pertama indonesia rilis album ntxtc. (1996, november 5. kompas. hartadi (1992). prospek penyakit menular seksual di indonesia dalam kaitannya dengan era globalisasi. semarang: fakultas kedokteran universitas diponegoro. indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 96-106 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 discotheque in semarang and it’s social consequences, 1970-1998 | 106 jaring penari erotis. (1989, november 4). suara merdeka. jujuk cs diperiksa poltabes curigai masalah ekstasi. (1996, december 3). suara merdeka. kartono, k. (2002). kenakalan remaja. jakarta: grafindo. liyansyah, l. (2009). dugem gaya hidup para clubbers. medan: universitas sumatera utara. marsum, a.w. (2004). restoran dan segala permasalahannya. yogyakarta: penerbit andi. mau peras uang di ramayana bilyar dan disco canasta. (1977, april 13). suara merdeka. moesono, a. (2005). minat remaja pada musik disko: profil remaja pengunjung diskotek, pembinaan anak dan remaja. jakarta: direktorat jenderal kebudayaan, departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan. mulyadi, m. (2009). industri musik indonesia: suatu sejarah. bekasi: koperasi ilmu pengetahuan sosial. nadeak, wilson (1983). korban dan masalah narkotika. bandung: indonesia publishing house. polisi harus usut manajer diskotek yang mencoba suap petugas gdn. (1997, april 8). suara merdeka. pulang disko ditusuk badik. (1986, november 11). suara merdeka. soal ecstacy, kasatserse pernah ditawari. (1996, march 23). suara merdeka. soal pelanggaran jam operasional spd; kapoltabes terbitkan surat peringatan. (1996, september 2) suara merdeka. sudarto, s. (1986). hukum dan hukum pidana. bandung: alumni. survei aids di lp, diskotek, panti pijat dan lokalisasi wts. (1990, january 22). suara merdeka. winters, j. (1999). modal berpindah, modal berkuasa, mobilitas investasi dan politik di indonesia. jakarta : sinar harapan. yoland, e. (2012). “perkembangan diskotik tanamur di jakarta tahun 1970-2005”. jakarta: skripsi jurusan sejarah universitas indonesia. terbongkar, peredaran ecstacy di semarang. (1996, march 22) suara merdeka. thalib, d. (1972, juli). industri minyak bumi di indonesia. majalah prisma. titik sejarah baru kemijen. (2016, august 1). tribun jateng. “izin ho no. 556.4/236/1994 tentang izin perpanjangan biliar matahari lantai vii.” “izin ho no. 556.4/571/1995 tentang izin perpanjangan biliar canasta.” 36 received: february 4, 2023 revised: june 9, 2023 accepted: june 11, 2023 historical review of smallholder coffee farmers population in kayumas village, situbondo regency latifatul izzah1*, yety rochwulaningsih,2 i. g. krisnadi,1 denny antyo hartanto,3 insan cita sampurna4 1department of history, faculty of humanities, universitas jember jl. kalimantan no. 37 kampus tegal boto, jember, east java, indonesia 2doctoral program of history, faculty of humanities, universitas diponegoro jl. prof. soedarto, s. h. tembalang, semarang, central java, indonesia 3department of television and film, faculty of humanities, universitas jember 4postgraduate of agribusiness, faculty of agricutulture, universitas jember *corresponding author: latifatul.sastra@unej.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v7i1.17370 introduction the period of 1870 was the beginning of a glorious era for investors who wanted to invest in the dutch east indies. the insistence from investors on the parliament of the netherlands kingdom to have the opportunity to enjoy the profits of tropical plant products (i.e., coffee, sugar, tobacco, and so on), eventually paid off with the issuance of two regulations, namely agrarische wet and agrarische besluit (cremer, 1891; izzah et al., 2022). these regulations provide guarantees and protection for area leased by investors. the agrarische wet regulation which was passed by parliament on april 9, 1870, contains two main things, namely area ownership by the native population in the dutch east indies and the release of area as a form of leasing (erfpacht) (berger, 2003). in its implementation, the parliament approved the issuance of detailed and complete abstract this study discusses the historical context of the existence of community coffee farmers in kayumas village, arjasa district, situbondo regency, starting in 1883 until the formation of a coffee farmer group in 2018. based on the historical research using primary and secondary sources, this study informs that before persil kayumas were rented by a dutch investor named h. h. van kol and his colleague j. c. egter van wissekerke in 1883, there were already some residents who were growing arabica coffee. arabica coffee cultivation was ultimately carried out from generation to generation, because farmers knew that the market for arabica coffee was higher than products outside of coffee, such as ginger, tobacco, and so on. it was proven that in 2018, eight coffee farmer groups consisting of 410 farmers were formed. keywords: kayumas village; arabica coffee; smallholder farmers; coffee plantations. 37 regulations which were promulgated on 20 july 1870, under the name agrarische besluit (staatsblad 1870). with the enactment of this regulation, the customary rights or values governing area ownership by residents would still be recognized and respected by the dutch colonial government, and would even be guaranteed by colonial legal institutions by being released in laws and ratified by the highest authority in the dutch east indies territory, namely the governor general (vollenhoven, 1931). the previous-two regulations can be a magnet for european investors to invest in the dutch east indies. they are competing to invest in besuki residency. the investors are engaged in the crop business which sells well in the european market (i.e., coffee, sugar cane processed into sugar, tobacco, and so on), by renting area used to establish modern plantations. almost the entire area of besuki residency offered by the dutch colonial government was leased by investors. starting from 1883-1922, the afdeling panarukan and regentschap bondowoso had increasingly become the target of investors when the agrarische wet and agrarische besluit regulations were enacted. these european investors were (1) nv “cultuur maatschappij kajoemaas” under the flag of h. h. van kol, in 1883, opened a coffee plantation in persil kayumas, sumberwaru district, afdeling panarukan; (2) nv “cultuurmaatschappij der edjinlanden te djember” under the flag o., j. f. couvreur. a., in 1894 opened a coffee plantation in kalisat 1, 2, 3; (3) a. van hoboken & co. o„ g. e. h. l. geul. a., in 1895 opened coffee plantations in blawan lor and blawan kidoel; (4) nv “cultuur maatschappij djelboek” under the flag of a. van hoboken & co., in 1897, opened tobacco, coffee, and rubber plantations; (5) landbouw maatschappij "soekowono" under the flag of jhr. g. c. quarles van ufford, in 1898 opened a tobacco plantation in soekowono; (6) nv “landbouw maatschappij soekasarie” under the flag of a. van hoboken & co., vervolg., in 1910, opened a tobacco plantation in soekasarie; (7) nv tabakcultuur maatschappij "soember sarie" under the flag of a. van hoboken & co., vervolg., in 1922 opened a tobacco plantation (bestuur, 1915). furthermore, the investors also rented land from indigenous peoples which were used to establish tobacco and sugar cane plantations, including: (1) sekarpoetih tobacco plantation company owned by nv tabakmaatschappij sekarpoetih, o., under the flag c. h. f. van otterloo, a.; (2) amsterdam tobacco plantation company besoeki tabak maatschappij belonged to nv amsterdam besoeki tabak maatschappij, o., under the flag of c. a. koniug, directeur, c. e. brugman, vertegenwoordiger; (3) boendoer tobacco plantation company, dabasah en sentong owned by nv "cultuur-maatschappij sentong", o., under the flag of j. w. ch. f. filet, hoofd a.; (4) kalianjar tobacco plantation company owned by nv besoeki tabak maatschappij, o., under the flag of j. c. caro, a.; (5) soembersari tobacco plantation company, sokkosari en bonosari belonged to firma larsen en co., o., under the flag of th. f. leijder havenstroom, a.; (6) loetjoe tobacco plantation company belonged to nv landbouw maatschappij loetjoe, o., under the flag of j. a. arends, a.; (7) besoeki tabak-maatschappij plantation company belonged to nv besoeki tabak maatschappij, o., under the flag of j. h. a. croin, hoofd, a.; (8) sugarcane plantation company de maas belonged to nv cultuur maatschappij “de maas", o., under the flag of l. strüben, a.; (9) 38 tobacco plantation company boedoean belonged to nv “cultuur maatschappij boedoean", o., under the flag g. selleger, a.; (10) the tanggarang tobacco plantation company belonged to nv "cultuur-maatschappij pradjekan-tanggarang", o., under the flag of jhr. m. g. de seriere, a. (bestuur, 1915). the modern plantation companies founded by investors certainly have an impact on the lives of the people living around the plantations. the establishment of the coffee plantation company nv “cultuur maatschappij kajoemaas” (izzah et al., 2022) rented erfpacht land in the kayumas persil, sumberwaru district afdeling panarukan, had inspired the community to participate in planting arabica coffee. arabica coffee has coffee beans that are relatively larger and more oval in shape than robusta coffee beans (mihailova et al., 2022). the arabica coffee bean processing process usually involves a lighter roast to maintain its distinctive flavor and aroma characteristics (abubakar et al., 2021). arabica coffee is distinguished by its smooth, balanced, nuanced flavor, and has a more acidic flavor and has less caffeine than other forms of coffee, such as robusta coffee (santosa et al., 2020). this study was conducted in kayumas village, arjasa district, situbondo regency. during the dutch colonial period, the village was part of the sumberwaru district, afdeling panarukan. the name ‘kayumas’ had existed before the dutch investor rented a land in kayumas. this study aimed to reveal the existence of coffee farmers as smallholders in kayumas village from the dutch colonial era to the formation of a coffee farmer group in 2018. smallholders can be defined as farmers or owners of small agricultural land who have a relatively small business scale (agussabti et al., 2020). they often own smaller farms than huge agricultural corporations or large-scale plantations. smallholders often manage their own land and make use of scarce resources such as land, water, labour, and capital. kayumas village is an area where the majority of the farmers were planting arabica coffee, and the minority of them were planting robusta coffee. for the farmers as smallholders, they plant arabica coffee because the position of the area is over 800dpl apart from the price of arabica coffee that has a high price. method this study used the historical method as it had been used by some previous researchers, such as rochwulaningsih (2016), maziyah et al. (2016), treasure (2016), rinardi et al. (2017), maziyah (2018), susilowati & masruroh (2018), and puguh & utama (2018). the historical method is used to reveal the history of kayumas village coffee farmers from the dutch colonial era to the formation of coffee farmer groups in 2018 in detailed and chronological order. there were four stages we carried out in this study, namely: 1) the heuristic stage, namely collecting data sources; 2) the critical stage to sort out the data; 3) the interpretation stage to analyze the data; and 4) the historiography to carry out historical writing into a form of a manuscript (gottschalk, 1986; black & macraild, 2007). furthermore, this study was using primary and secondary sources. the primary source was obtained through observation, participation, and interview 39 (rochwulaningsih, 2015; alamsyah, 2015; indrahti et al., 2017; indrahti et al., 2018; rochwulaningsih 2018; amaruli et al., 2022), as well as using colonial data sources. in this case, we carried out a series of visits (basuki, 2006) to kayumas village. the interview was used to obtain information about the existence of the coffee farmers in kayumas village, with some key informants: coffee farmers, coffee plantation workers, heads of coffee farmer groups, and kayumas village officials. meanwhile, the colonial sources used both primary sources and secondary sources. the contemporary colonial sources included information obtained from a book commemorating the 50th anniversary of the establishment of nv cultuur maatschappij kajoemaas (lid van de firma van heekeren & co., naamlooze vennootschap cultuur maatschappij kajoemaas 1883 – 1933) (amsterdam: directeuren der nv cultuur my "kajoemaas, 1933). naamlooze vennootschap (nv) cultuur maatschappij kajoemaas in 1883 thirteen years after the publication of the agrarische wet and agrarische besluit regulations by the dutch colonial government, two dutch investors named j. c. egter van wissekerke and h. h. van kol were interested in renting vacant land in kayumas persil, besuki residency. the application for erfpacht rights (lease rights) was made, starting on july 2, 1881, to the governor general of the dutch east indies (lid van de firma van heekeren & co., 1933). it spent nearly two years to obtain a permit to establish a new plantation. on march 31, 1883, a permit was obtained with the issuance of a decree of the governor general with a 75-year erfpacht right. the record of deed no. 22 concerning area leases in kayumas persil covering an area of 504 bau was made before resident besuki on april 19, 1883 (lijst van: 1. particuliere ondernemingen in nederlandsch-indie op gronden door het gouvernement afgestaan in huur (voor landbouwdoeleinden) en erfpacht, 1915). it was only on august 9, 1883, that the nv coffee plantation company "cultuur maatschappij kajoemaas" was established and legalized by notary al snouck hurgronje in surabaya with a company capital of f 80,000, and divided into four shares with a value of f 20,000/share. on march 29, 1884, he rented area in afdeling taman arum with an area of 545 bau (lid van de firma van heekeren & co., 1933), and divided it into 4 shares with a value of f 20,000/share. the kayumas coffee plantation in 1883 consisted of eight sections, including (1) pondok; (2) raja; (3) sabrang; (4) kidang; (5) kidul; (6) taman; (7) kendeng; dan (8) sukmailang. the taman arum plantation in 1884 consisted of six sections, including (1) plampang; (2) kidul; (3) taman; (4) taman dadar; (5) kacep, dan (6) kendeng (lid van de firma van heekeren & co., 1933). kayumas coffee plantation area as reflected in figure 1. 40 figure 1. the plantation map belonged to the plantation company “naamlooze vennootschap (n.v.) cultuur maatschappij kajoemaas, located in afdeling kayumas and taman arum source: lid van de firma van heekeren & co., 1933, p. 133. the plantation companies established by investors do not always get profits immediately. it takes patience, tenacity, and struggle, as an investor who owns an occupant company like george birnie (izzah, 2021). at the beginning of the business to develop tobacco plantations, he also experienced losses since the tobacco business began in 1859-1861. these consecutive losses did not dampen george birnie's enthusiasm to stop trying. likewise, the coffee plantation business opened by j. c. egter van wissekerke and h. h. van kol in persil kayumas suffered losses several years after it was founded in 1883-1898. it was only in 1899 that there were not so many profits, only 5% from 2,996 kilograms of hs-type coffee. in that year, the price of coffee/kilograms f was 35, so the profit was only f 5,243. new increased profits were obtained between 1907-1931 (see appendix 3 in lid van de firma van heekeren & co., 1933). on the other hand, the former indigenous people around the nv cultuur maatschappij kajoemaas coffee plantations had planted coffee in their gardens and fields. they learned to grow coffee when they became plantation workers in regentschap banyuwangi. the residents' coffee production was purchased by the company nv cultuur maatschappij kajoemaas. the owners of coffee area in the gardens and fields included wariati, soeki, pa poernam, and poerdjo with a total of 102 bau and 172 rr of coffee being planted (lid van de firma van heekeren & co., 1933). 41 the great role of panarukan port the most important ports on the north coast of java during the dutch colonial period were besuki port, panarukan port, and jangkar port. besuki port is used for boat voyages to madura and for ships carrying sugar from the boedoean and de maas factories. jangkar port is only useful for the export of sugar from the asembagus factory. panarukan port is the most important port. in 1928, panaroekan maatschappij built a new warehouse to store sugar with a capacity of 100,000 kilograms. the shipping company "bodemeijer" organized shipping from sumenep to panarukan every day. people from madura and sapudi who came to afdeling panarukan and regentschap bondowoso to find work used this shipping traffic. when a ship arrived at the port, buses were available to transport them to panarukan, bondowoso, jember, and banyuwangi. the transportation facilities and infrastructures made by the dutch colonial government become an economic node that made it easier to bring the people's crops, as well as the results of plantation companies inland. on the other hand, the dutch colonial government also provided road facilities from kayumas plantation to situbondo (lid van de firma van heekeren & co., 1933). this facility was to make it easier for plantation companies to bring plantation products into panarukan port. from the panarukan port, the plantation product was brought to batavia to go to rotterdam, the netherlands by the steamship "rotterdamsche lloyd" (de indische mercuur, 47e jaargang no. 47, 21 november 1924: 824). arabica coffee products from the plantation company nv cultuur maatschappij kajoemaas which were exported to europe were known as javakoffie-land kajoemaas, because they had a unique and delicious taste. arabica coffee plantation: a generational business the people living in persil kayumas existed in 1883, before being rented by j. c. egter van wissekerke and h. h. van kol. they supported their economy by growing arabica coffee. in the end, the production results were sold to both investors. the opening of the arabica coffee plantation company nv cultuur maatschappij kajoemaas certainly requires a large number of workers, because the area that was leased in persil kayumas was 504 bau, and 545 bau in persil taman arum. the workers were brought in from the madura region through panarukan port. certainly, this evidence was inseparable from the contribution of the indigenous people around the plantation, where the majority of the people were madurese. they brought their relatives from madura island to work on the plantations. the large number of people who work as laborers on plantations owned by j. c. egter van wissekerke and h. h. van kol will later inspire them to participate in planting coffee in their gardens or fields. this is evident from their descendants continuing to grow coffee plants in the gardens they have inherited (interview with edianto, head of the “delima” coffee farmer group, may 20, 2022). likewise, with the coffee farmers in kayumas village, the majority continued the coffee plantation business from their parents or grandfathers (interview with mulyono, head of the “mulya jaya” coffee farmer group, june 1, 2022). similarly to this evidence, a study on 42 guatemala’s coffee farmers indicated that they also cultivated a high-quality coffee in their own area using family labor and hiring day workers, thus selling the coffee to the cooperative (fischer & victor, 2014). in 2018, there were around 410 coffee farmers in kayumas village who joined eight coffee farmer groups, including: (a) “delima” coffee farmer group consisted of 20 farmers; (b) "mulya jaya" coffee farmer group consisted of 131 farmers; (c) “sukmaelang jaya” coffee farmer group consisted of 17 farmers; (d) "delima 2" coffee farmer group consisted of 32 farmers; (e) "sumber kayu putih 2" coffee farmer group consisted of 77 farmers; (f) “sukma jaya” coffee farmer group consisted of 47 farmers; (g) sumber kayu putih 3" coffee farmer group consisted of 66 farmers; (h) “sejahtera” coffee farmer group consisted of 20 members (interview with edianto as the head of “delima” coffee farmer group on may 20, 2022.). details of the group information can be seen in table 1. meanwhile, coffee plantation area can be seen in table 2. table 1. list of coffee farmers group 2018 no. name of coffee farmers group chief name number of members 1 sukmaelang jaya ahmad imam miftahul arifin 17 2 mulya jaya mulyono 131 3 sumber kayu putih 2 herman rahman 77 4 delima edianto 20 5 delima 2 markus 32 6 sumber kayu putih 3 hariyono 66 7 sukma jaya iwan kurniawan 47 8 sejahtera siswono 20 total 410 source: agriculture office of situbondo regency. table 2. coffee plantation area of kayumas village coffee farmers group in 2018 no. farmer group name plantation area (hectares) coffee plantation area (hectares) 1 sukmaelang jaya 363 39,4 2 mulya jaya 435 298 3 sumber kayu putih 2 115 115 4 delima 182 182 5 delima 2 87.6 33,3 6 sumber kayu putih 3 92.7 92.7 7 sukma jaya 151 90.6 8 sejahtera 61.7 61.7 total 1488 912.7 source: agriculture office of situbondo regency. 43 the coffee farmers in kayumas village produced their crops in the form of ose and coffee powder. each group had products with different brands. delima group with its product “talimas”, sukmaelang jaya with “maeja”, sumber kayu putih 3 with “masbro”, sumber kayu putih 2 with “segitiga emas”, delima 2 with “anugrah”, and mulya jaya with “mulya”. several products of coffee powder belonged to a group of coffee farmers in kayumas village can be seen in the following figures. figure 2. coffee products from kayumas village farmers in 2018 source: research documentation. figure 3. coffee products from kayumas village farmers in 2018 source: research documentation. conclusion the dutch colonial exploitation did not always have a negative impact on dutch east indies society. as an illustration, a coffee plantation founded by a dutch investor turned out to have a positive impact on the people of kayumas village. kayumas village community is able to think critically by participating in planting coffee in their gardens and fields. the production results are sold to investors. the inspiration to 44 participate in growing coffee during the dutch colonial period continued to their descendants by continuing to plant arabica coffee. in 2018, there was awareness from the coffee farmers to form coffee farmer groups. this was done to minimize unfair competition, as well as make it easier for the group to get assistance from the regional and central governments. in this context, the existence of eight coffee farmer groups 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(1931). het adatrecht van nederlandsch indie. leiden: brill archive. https://doi.org/10.15294/komunitas.v7i1.3336 https://doi.org/10.14710/jscl.v1i2.12765 https://doi.org/10.14710/jmsni.v2i1.2882 https://doi.org/10.22146/ifnp.52241 https://doi.org/10.14710/jscl.v3i1.17856 https://doi.org/10.1002/pan3.10295 microsoft word 5. lemuel.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 189-199 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the udhr and confucian community | 189 received: january 10, 2024 revised: august 28, 2024 accepted: august 29, 2024 the udhr and confucian community: a case of confucian religious education erasure in indonesia yohanes babtista lemuel christandi center for religion and cross-cultural studies, universitas gadjah mada jl. teknika utara, pogung, sleman, yogyakarta, indonesia, 55284 corresponding author: yohanesbabtistalemuelchristandi@mail.ugm.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v8i2.21803 introduction freedom of religion and the right to education are interrelated but often overlooked. initially, religious education was not compulsory in schools (kosim, 2021). however, the new order government began to realize the importance of religious education in schools. at that time, religious teachings were adjusted to government policies. religious policies issued by the government sparked debate about religion and politics, especially for people who adhere to confucianism. with this policy, confucian religious education was removed from the education curriculum in 1975. that then directly impacted the tripusaka foundation, which was managed by the confucian religious council (makin) in solo as one of the confucian-based schools. as a result, confucian students could not receive confucian religious education in schools. these students could only take religious education recognized by the government under the policy. since 1970, problems related to the recognition and education of confucianism have occurred. therefore, the confucian community invited the udhr to play a role as desired by the state. religious education is important to be taught in schools. in addition, the public believes that the new order government realized that religion is a complementary element to pancasila. abstract the universal declaration of human rights (udhr) and confucianism have a complex relationship in indonesia. therefore, this article focuses on the relationship between human rights principles and religious traditions that consider the importance of the udhr for confucians. it is also related to the fulfilment of the rights to freedom of religion and education, and it focuses on the case of the elimination of confucian religious education during the new order in indonesia. this article is compiled using historical methods. the primary sources used are supreme council of the confucian religion (matakin) correspondence with the government officials. the study results show that the confucian community uses the udhr as a promotional medium for confucian religious education in schools. in addition, they fight for confucianism to gain legal recognition as a religion. keywords: udhr; confucian community; confucian religious education; new order. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 189-199 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the udhr and confucian community | 190 at that time, there were various assumptions about the chinese and confucian religions. however, it was the confucians who were harmed by the various policies on religion. that was because the group was seen by society as part of chinese culture. therefore, the new order government made restrictions related to chinese culture and religion so as not to disturb national stability and harmony as one of the fundamental aspects (hansen, 1976; hainsworth, 1983). in suryadinata's research on the impact of new order policies on the chinese, it was revealed that there was political discrimination against certain ethnic groups. it is related to the political situation during the new order (heryanto, 2006). the situation can be said to be influenced by the genocide of 1965, which led to discrimination against the chinese. although communism is not necessarily associated with the chinese, the group will be affected because they are considered to have a relationship with each other (cribb & coppel, 2009). similarly, the relationship between chinese and confucianism is considered the same despite differences in some respects. when the recognition of confucianism was revoked, buddhism, one of the religions rooted in china, gained recognition and underwent changes (suryadinata, 2005; yulianti, 2022). based on that, there has been a discourse on the role of religion in the recognition of religions established by the ministry of religious affairs. the new order government carried out the discourse to regulate religion in indonesia. that is because recognizing religion in indonesia impacts financial and bureaucratic benefits (stephan, 2011). in indonesia, confucianism was recognized before the new order period through presidential decree no. 1/ 1965. meanwhile, its community has existed since the early 20th century. the khung chiao hui association of indonesia (pkchi) has even said that confucius is a prophet. however, worship activities and religious practices are only actualized in religious circles due to presidential instruction no. 14/ 1967 issuance. along with various events, the recognition of the confucian religion was discussed to be abolished in indonesia since 1970. the discourse became a reality through the president's statement in the cabinet session on january 27, 1979 (yang, 2005). it had a broad impact on the lives of the confucian faithful. in addition, there were also theological changes related to negotiation strategies with the state to regain recognition (sutrisno, 2018). to gain recognition, the confucian people made the universal declaration of human rights (udhr) to demand their rights as indonesian citizens. although the idea of rights is not part of confucian teachings emphasizing obligations, confucian teachings still teach about the state's obligations to its citizens. the movement carried out by confucians raises assumptions regarding the relationship between udhr and confucianism, although the relationship between the two is not unfamiliar. that is because the vice-chairman of the udhr, p. c. chang, had injected confucian thought into the udhr (roth, 2018). the role of the udhr as a medium of struggle was initiated by the indonesian confucian religious council (matakin). matakin is a confucian community in indonesia that was established in 1967. the organization acts as a representative of the confucian community in negotiating with the state. one of ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 189-199 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the udhr and confucian community | 191 the things fought for is confucian religious education. therefore, this issue is the focus of this article. the problem is guided by two research questions: how do confucians interpret the udhr, and how do confucians support the udhr struggle? in my opinion, the udhr plays an essential role in the confucian struggle. apart from being the basis for political arguments in negotiating with the government, the udhr also preserves their existence. research on confucianism has previously been conducted by evi sutrisno (2018). her study discusses the negotiation strategy of recognizing the confucian religion, especially in the colonial period until the reformation. in his various writings, suryadinata (suryadinata, 1972, 1976, 1982, 1987, 1988, 2002; siddique & suryadinata, 1981; suryadinata & emmerson, 1991) also studied chinese indonesians focusing on political aspects related to government policies from independence to reform. in addition, he studied chinese education, although it was not associated with human rights. meanwhile, a study of chinese identity was conducted by dawis (2010), which focused on the visual culture of chinese people during the transition from the new order to the reformation. lasiyo (1992), in his study, also discusses confucianism in indonesia, although it focuses on religiosity and theological aspects. these studies support this research, which examines the intersection of human rights principles and confucianism during the new order. method this article employs historical method focuses on the relationship between confucianism and the udhr in fighting for the rights of its people as indonesian citizens. therefore, this article is organized using the historical method, which includes four stages: heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography (kuntowijoyo, 2013, p. 69). the sources used to compile this article are archival documents of matakin and government letters. in addition, there is gentrika magazine, published by matakin for the confucian community. this paper also uses secondary sources such as books and articles from various journals to obtain a more completed and indepth context. confucianism from recognition to derecognition recognition of confucianism in indonesia has come a long way, especially during the new order. the new order government has banned the spread of chinese culture and public performances since 1967 through presidential instruction number 14 of 1967. that was done as a form of government assimilation plan. the regulation caused many chinese schools to be closed, chinese names were replaced with names containing indonesian elements, and even the barongsai art was banned from being performed in public. in addition, major holidays related to chinese culture were also forbidden from being celebrated. of course, this would conflict with the religious activities of confucianists, even though president soekarno had recognized the existence of confucianism in indonesia in 1965 through presidential instruction number 1 of 1965. therefore, the dynamics of the confucian community in fighting ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 189-199 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the udhr and confucian community | 192 for its rights were already apparent in the early days of the new order. the dynamics of the religious life of confucians in indonesia at the beginning of the new order continued to experience turmoil, especially when recognition of the religion was abolished in 1973. confucian religious representatives in various divisions of the ministry of religion began to be removed. president suharto also emphasized that confucianism was not a religion but part of chinese culture and philosophy. that statement was stated in a joint decision by the minister of religion, minister of home affairs, and attorney general in 1980 to reaffirm the implementation of presidential instruction no. 14 of 1967. the decision also stated that chinese-indonesian culture is affiliated with mainland chinese culture. therefore, implementing confucian religious activities needs to be considered in several ways, such as not being displayed in public and requiring permission from the local governor. there are several reasons underlying the rejection of the recognition of confucianism as a religion, including because it is considered to have no prophets, does not teach the worship of gods or goddesses, does not have a holy book, is not recognized as a religion in china, only teaches ethics about how humans should act towards each other, does not have priests, is based on philosophy and confucianism is a great figure, and there are no teachings about the existence of life after death (kilapong, 1978). it resulted in confucian religious education in schools being removed from the education curriculum in indonesia, including at the tripusaka solo foundation. in addition, the government also pressured schools established by ethnic chinese groups in indonesia in the 1950s. that pressure was in the form of strict supervision of schools that used chinese as the language of instruction and categorizing these schools as foreign schools (suryadinata, 1972, p. 49). in its development, schools managed by ethnic chinese groups became private schools. however, there were still schools that provided confucian religious education until 1974, namely the confucian school in solo under the management of the tripusaka foundation. the elimination of the recognition of confucianism was implemented gradually. although presidential instruction no. 14 of 1967 prohibited chinese culture from being displayed publicly, confucianism was still recognized as a religion. then, in the 1970s, the ministry of religion did not provide seats for confucian representatives, which caused other problems. based on the matakin letter, when the ministry of education and culture held an assimilation program in education in indonesia, schools based on confucianism could not hold national exams. hence, students had to join formal schools that the government permitted. therefore, the 1975 education curriculum began to prohibit the teaching of confucianism in schools, so students from confucianbased schools had to move to other schools that followed other religious teachings. in its development, confucian-based schools transformed into multicultural schools (chan, 2013). in fact, several chinese foundation schools have turned into islamic religious education-based schools (raya, 2023). even though the new order era has ended, many chinese foundation schools have chosen to maintain the assimilation program. an example is a new school founded by the chinese ethnic ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 189-199 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the udhr and confucian community | 193 group in purwokerto, choosing to become a multicultural school (putro, 2021). at that time, the ministry of religion had provided an understanding of religion. however, the knowledge that was made gave birth to assumptions about religion. the compiled understanding gave rise to a group that could not be included as a religion, namely belief. based on the decision of the ministry of religion with the approval of the attorney general, religion became part of the political group. therefore, confucianists tried to gain recognition and not be grouped as a heretical and mystical sect considered the birthplace of the indonesian communist party (pki). however, the new order government had a relationship with confucianists. that was related to president suharto's victory in the 1971 election. in addition, he recognized confucianism in his speech, which emphasized the relationship between pancasila and religion (“soeharto”, 1971, p. 7). in addition, abdul haris nasution, as the chairman of the people's consultative assembly (mpr), also supported the congress organized by matakin. that was in line with the government's development program, or pelita, as president soeharto mentioned, which states that religion also plays a role as a socio-economicpolitical means to realize the development program. therefore, confucians contributed to the development of the political movement while supporting suharto in the 1971 general election (coppel, 1977). confucianism, human rights, and state the loss of recognition of confucianism in indonesia gave birth to a relationship between confucianism and human rights since the universal declaration of human rights (udhr). peng chun chang (p. c. chang), vice chairman of the un human rights commission, first carried out that relationship and instilled confucian teachings in the udhr. therefore, the udhr is present to protect humans from systematic threats based on the idea of human dignity. the instillation of confucian values in the udhr is based on its ambition that the udhr must have moral and pedagogical attributes to improve humanity (roth, 2018). as a result, the udhr can be a basis for discussing the compatibility between human rights and confucianism (qu, 2022). however, using the udhr as a political medium remains different from the relationship between confucian teachings and the udhr. the implementation of human rights in 1970 was not a coincidence for confucians. at the same time, the country was facing pressure from the world to implement and accommodate human rights in indonesia. although indonesia initially resisted, in the end, indonesia could implement human rights because it was close to the united states. this closeness caused indonesia to receive financial assistance from multinational companies to non-governmental organizations (ngos) so that the international community could pressure the indonesian government (simpson, 2014). the udhr used articles related to freedom of religion and belief in 1978. some of these articles were also included in the matakin special report letter number mat/xii/78 addressed to the leadership of the dpr. the movement continued because from 1973 to 1978, discrimination against confucians increased, so they increasingly felt that the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 189-199 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the udhr and confucian community | 194 recognition of the confucian religion was being revoked. at that time, confucians thought that they did not get a place of protection. the representation of the confucian religion was no longer under the auspices of the directorate general of hinduism and buddhism, which caused even more unrest for its people. the pressure from the international community then finally caused indonesia to implement human rights (ham). the primary considerations began by citing article 18 of the udhr and continued with article 29 of the 1945 constitution. in addition, confucians also cited the guidelines for the implementation and practice of pancasila (p4) in mpr decree number ii/mpr/1978, which regulates religious freedom as a human right. as one way for indonesia to accommodate international pressure on various human rights issues, the government issued p4, which emphasizes religious freedom. on the other hand, confucians continued to report the issue of eliminating confucian religious education and the plan to revoke the recognition of the confucian religion to the indonesian house of representatives. however, the issue arose due to the government's half-hearted recognition of the existence of the confucian religion. however, this effort was unsuccessful because the revocation of recognition still occurred (“masih jauh,” january 7, 1978). although the international community has pressured indonesia to pay attention to human rights, religious issues have not yet become a major issue. at that time, the main issue of international concern was the 1965-1967 genocide, along with arbitrary arrests by state officials (simpson, 2014). it can be said that the international perception later gave birth to the view that confucianism is not a religion (kilapong, 1978). in deciding that confucianism is not a religion but chinese culture, the ministry of religion assisted the government in evaluating confucianism. one of the highlighted things was the absence of teachings about the afterlife in confucian teachings, so it was considered a belief. the evaluation was also related to the assimilation program, which the government considered unsuccessful. as a result, confucian adherents could not obtain their civil rights as citizens through recognition, protection, and facilities. the politicization of religion carried out by the ministry of religion through the definition of "religion" during the new order era had political implications. in addition, politicization resulted in grouping religious groups that were considered illegitimate. according to hurd (2015), this is a logical consequence. the inclusion of confucianism as a belief group is because the ideology offered is contrary to the pancasila ideology as the only ideology that is permitted and determines which religions can be recognized (fibiger, 2023; zulian & bachtiar, 2021). confucianists were about to make a unilateral movement. however, president suharto gave a warning so that confucianists would maintain their stance as indonesian citizens. confucians showed this attitude after president suharto's victory in the 1978 general election. the win also marked the return of military power in guaranteeing national life. on the other hand, the general election showed limitations to human rights practices in indonesia. although the udhr has been claimed as a universal declaration, the practice and application of human rights are still limited to state ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 189-199 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the udhr and confucian community | 195 administration (brown, 2016; regus, 2021). therefore, several steps were taken by confucians to support the government. these include government regulations, integration and assimilation, p4, and tolerance. confucians focus on tolerance, as seen from their response to government recommendations to maintain tolerance or followup on using the udhr. however, human rights issues re-emerged clearly in 1993, as seen in yosadi's (1993, p. 199) writing regarding confucianism as a human rights issue in the tempo column. ultimately, the confucian community's practice of human rights was one way to interfere in religious and political affairs during the new order era, which the minister of religion dominated at that time. by confucians, human rights are not only understood as a medium for negotiating with the government. in choosing an attitude of tolerance, the community makes efforts to accommodate two views, namely the government's top-down view of stability/harmony (bagir, 2017; sila, 2017). in addition, confucians also invite the government to have a view on the universal declaration of human rights. although the government has received international pressure regarding human rights, indonesia has its strategy to limit international interference in managing what it considers national stability, one of which is through p4 (simpson, 2014). mahmood (2015) emphasized that the view of stability allows the state to negotiate on human rights. it also shows the geopolitical strength of a country that is more protective of the majority (mahmood, 2015). the erasure of confucian religious education religion and development were interrelated during the new order because both were considered to support each other. based on the 1975 curriculum, religious education became a compulsory subject in schools and was followed by implementing p4 in schools. that arose because of the assumption that the assimilation program was still not running well (sidjaya, 2014). therefore, education is one way to make it a success (kosim, 2021). development also increasingly pays attention to the development of each individual, as achieved by p4. that is one of the political strategies to prevent the emergence of ideologies that conflict with pancasila. in the late 1970s, matakin attempted to restore confucianism as religious education into the national curriculum after it had been abolished. that effort was made due to the urgency of the final course evaluation (ebta) in 1977. through this evaluation, religion became one of the subjects tested. however, because confucianism was not included in the curriculum, confucianism exams were unavailable in the national exam. therefore, confucian-based schools could not hold their national exams. based on the matakin special report special number/ mat/ v/ 78 to minister daoed yoesoef, the government's attitude confused confucianists. although the 1975 curriculum did not prohibit confucianism, the prohibition of confucianism in the 1977 ebta showed a rejection of the religion itself. confucianists used article 18 of the udhr to support their request in the matakin special report no. mat/xii/78. from a human rights perspective, the absence of confucian religious education in ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 189-199 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the udhr and confucian community | 196 confucian schools violates the right to freedom of religion and education. it has implications for the recognition of religion by the state and also affects the implementation of education. after the confucian community's position as indonesian citizens was established, there was a change in confucian religious education to hindu religious education. therefore, several schools that still run confucian religious education chose to organize hindu religious subjects and adopt the identity of a hindu school (suryadinata, 2015). one of the schools that organizes this is tripusaka school. that was done so that the school could still stand like other confucian schools that chose to change to multiculturalism and islam (chan, 2013; raya, 2023). in addition, this shows the contestation between chinese culture itself, namely between buddhism and confucianism (sumantri & yulianti, 2018; suryadinata, 2015). discrimination also occurred in textbooks narrated by the new order government about the chinese (kurniawan, et al., 2023). as a result, an extensive narrative was created that was discriminatory against the chinese community so that the wider community was not aware of the problems in the education system and human rights violations that occurred in indonesia. conclusions the issue of revoking the recognition of the confucian religion is a challenge for the state to uphold the human rights of its citizens. the new order government has faced challenges from various international and domestic parties. the revocation of the recognition of the confucian religion is an implication of the government's discourse to regulate religious life in indonesia and realize the ideals of development. the awareness of the human rights of confucians is also related to guaranteeing the fulfilment of civil rights. confucians have made various efforts to get government support to fulfil their rights. however, confucian religious education is prohibited in schools. it shows the separation between the right to freedom of religion and the right to education. to overcome this problem, confucian-based schools changed the school base and replaced confucian religious subjects with other religious subjects so that education could continue. therefore, the changes in confucian-based schools are a negotiation strategy to fulfil the right to education as part of civil rights. the study of the relationship between confucians and the udhr related to the state still needs to be perfect. most of the research is still centred on the island of java. this condition is different from that experienced by confucians outside java, so there is still an opportunity to study the strategies of confucians during the new order. the author would like to thank the confucians in lithang gerbang kebajikan solo, who have been willing to share their archives with the author. the author would also like to thank the modern endangered archives program (meap), a collaboration between the university of california, los angeles (ucla) and the center for religious and cross-cultural studies ugm (crcs) chaired by evi lina sutrisno, who always opened up opportunities for the author to conduct this research. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 189-199 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the udhr and confucian community | 197 references bagir, z. a. 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(apa-n).docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 155-169 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the influence of charismatic church development in the religious christians life in semarang, 1970-2015 | 155 received: november 27, 2020 revised: december 2, 2020 accepted: december 7, 2020 the influence of charismatic church development in the religious christians life in semarang, 1970-2015 oni andhi asmara*, endang susilowati, agustinus supriyono master program of history, faculty of humanities, universitas diponegoro, semarang, indonesia *corresponding author: aoniandhi@gmail.com doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v4i2.8253 abstract this article discusses the development of the charismatic church on the christians life in semarang city in 1970-2015 using historical methods and using social religion approach. since its inception in 1970, the charismatic church in the city of semarang has had a major influence on the christian life in the city. a series of innovations in worship and evangelism that are adapted to the times have made the charismatic church much in demand by christians in big cities, one of them is semarang. christian interest in the charismatic church can be seen from the development of the number of charismatic churches in the city of semarang. one of the charismatic churches that is experiencing rapid development is jki injil kerajaan. in the beginning, there were 25 people in the congregations. one decade later it reached 3,557 people and continued to increase to 13,324 people on the next decade. this rapid development has brought significant changes to the christians life in the city of semarang. it can be seen, among others, from the increasing number of churches that are full of charismatic churches at worship services. but on the other hand, the presence of charismatic church with a new pattern of worship caused less harmonious relationship between non-charismatic churches and charismatic churches as the result of the high increasing number of original church people who moved to the charismatic church. it is because christians in semarang are mostly more interested in taking worship in the charismatic church. keywords: christian community; charismatic church; worship innovation; social religion. introduction indonesia is a diverse country which has a variety of differences, one of it is the difference in religion. based on presidential decree number 6 year 2000, there are six recognized official religion, namely islam, christian protestantism, catholicism, hinduism, buddhism, and confucians. protestant christianity is the religion which the largest population after islam in indonesia. by 2010, christian protestants accounted for 16.5 million people which means 7% of the total population in indonesia as reported by statistics centre republic of indonesia (2010). as one of the large number of adherents throughout the world, the development of christian protestant in indonesia also has broad dynamics. the problem that often arises is the number of denominations or sect. since the enactment of law number 8 of 1985, every religious ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 155-169 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the influence of charismatic church development in the religious christians life in semarang, 1970-2015 | 156 organization must register itself as an association, foundation or organization to the government of the republic of indonesia. in 1990, there were 275 christian protestant church organizations and more than 400 ecclesiastical foundation or organization so that the overall issue is more than 700 christian organizations that grow and develop in society (aritonang, 2003, p. 1). the people in semarang represents as multi-ethnic and they live harmoniously, side by side. diverse religious life in semarang are relatively calm and almost there is no religious friction which is reflected number of churches in the semarang. it was recorded by bps semarang (2010) that in 2009 there were 279 churches and in 2014 it had risen to 289 churches in semarang. however, the development of the number of progressive churches certainly increased the complexity of dynamic religious life in christianity in the city of semarang (tim gbi gajah mada, 2014). at the beginning of 1980 emerged a denominational church which had a very rapid development and experienced a very impressive community growth in indonesia, it was charismatic church. since the enforcement of the law number 8 year 1985 about community organization, charismatic church has grown rapidly in the city. the law requires every religious association in indonesia to register to the department of religion. for this reason, charismatic prayer groups massively enlist themselves as legal religious institutions the geographical location of semarang which is the main gate of central java province and the strong pluralism of society in the semarang are making semarang as one of the capitals cities which the biggest development of charismatic in java. the roots of the charismatic movement in the semarang are the pentecostal churches, so that the development of the charismatic church in semarang cannot be separated from the development of the pentecostal church. charismatic term came from charisma in greek which means spirit bounty. spirit bounty relates to roh kudus roles in christian life. the forms of the bounty are such as prophesying, miracles, and uttering spirit language or glossolalia (aritonang, 2003, p. 197). one of the charismatic churches in semarang is the church of the royal gospel (jki), established by peter agung purnomo. when it had just established, the church had a total of 25 people. the church continuously developed until in 2013 increased to 13.324 people (jki sinode, 2013). jki injil kerajaan has the biggest church building in central java with more or less 27-acre width which is named holy stadium and could accommodated 12.000 congregations. the rapid development of the charismatic church in the city of semarang has made the charismatic church often seen obliquely by non-charismatic churches, even labeled "sheep stealer churches". since the emergence of the charismatic movement in 1970 through the parachurch organization until it became a church-based religious organization from the 1980s, the charismatic churches experienced rapid development.1 the process of the charismatic church enlargement and having strong 1 parachurch is a christian religious fellowship group that is open and not affiliated with a particular church denomination, in fact this parachurch group usually comes from various denominations. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 155-169 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the influence of charismatic church development in the religious christians life in semarang, 1970-2015 | 157 social services is a phenomenon. social services such as free schools, public kitchens that distribute food every day, and cheap market events in collaboration with the city government raises the pros and cons in the community. the progressive evangelical movement and the following pros and cons will be interesting to study. the fundamental difference between the charismatic church and the noncharismatic church is in the pattern of worship and the pattern of evangelism. the process of worshiping the charismatic church takes place more expressively, both in the process of praise and intercession (kooij & tsalatsa, 2007, p. 33). charismatic church followers will sing praises with full of expression, if the song sung contains a song of victory, the charismatic congregation will scream and even jump up and down, but if the song sung contains confession, the charismatic congregation will cry uncontrollably according to the feelings felt by each individual. this certainly contradicts the pattern of non-charismatic church worship which emphasizes respect for god, so that the atmosphere of worship is more quiet and solemn in accordance with the order of the standard guidelines of worship of each church. the noncharismatic church has a liturgy, the liturgy is an absolute ritual of worship and has been preserved since the church's inception. unlike the non-charismatic churches, the charismatic churches do not have a standard liturgy, worship flows according to the spiritual conditions of the congregation and the pastor when the service takes place. there have been many studies examining the problems of the charismatic church, but in general it is a theological study with the scope of religious science. several studies discussing the charismatic church including sutanto's dissertation (1986) to uncover the history of the development of jki, which is one of the largest charismatic church synods in indonesia. furthermore, study from basri (2016) examines how the development of the jki mission strategy of the injil kerajaan when petrus agung was alive, in growing congregations up to more than 13,000 congregations in 15 years. meanwhile, rodemeier (2017) give contribution in contextual background of the rapid development of pentecostal and charismatic churches in java by analyzing the cultural structure of the javanese people. in addition, wiraatmaja (2015) analyses on how the growth of the jki synod based on the quantity of congregations and its branch churches, the data contained in this thesis is very helpful in the research process of this article to reveal the development of the jki synod over time. there have been many studies examining the problems of charismatic churches, but in general it is a theological study within the scope of religious knowledge. this article intended to uncover the development of charismatic churches and its influences on the christians religious life in semarang through a social religious approach by using historical research methods. method this research article was compiled based on the principle of historical research, namely the process of examining and analyzing records and relics of the past (gottschalk, 1983, ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 155-169 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the influence of charismatic church development in the religious christians life in semarang, 1970-2015 | 158 p. 32), using a method that includes four steps, namely heuristics (collecting historical sources), criticism, analysis or synthesis, and historiography (writing historical works) (notosusanto, 1984, 22-24). the sources used in this study came from several archival institutions and libraries such as the national archives of the republic of indonesia (anri), central java provincial central archives, semarang regional central archives, national unity and politics of semarang city office, semarang city christian community development office, semarang city church deliberation office, stt abdiel library, satya wacana christian university library, stt sangkakala, and suara merdeka archives depot. the collection of resources was also carried out in churches that are subjected to the study of historical events that are being studied. the oral history was conducted by interviewing some competent people who were living witnesses of the development process of the charismatic church in semarang. the results of this interview are used as a complement as well as a comparison to the written source (gottschalk, 1983, p. 35). the data was then verified, analyzed and synthesized so as to produce scientific work with objective analysis. the emergence of the charismatic church in semarang the charismatic movement in semarang began with the emergence of a small prayer meeting of young christians. this prayer group developed rapidly from 1970 to 1980. the prayer groups which had a rapid development, were the immanuel prayer group and the sangkakala family prayer group. the immanuel prayer group is much in demand by adult congregants, actively carries out prayer services to visit and pray for the sick in various hospitals in semarang, while the sangkakala family prayer group is much in demand by young people because of its active activity in providing services to various schools and colleges in semarang. the immanuel prayer group was founded by lukas sebadja and hana sebadja while the sangkakala family prayer group was founded by adi sutanto. the immanuel prayer group was held at the sebadja family residence at jalan gajah mada number 84. the next development was the immanuel prayer group was affiliated with the synod of the indonesian bethel church (gbi). on april 15, 1989, the immanuel prayer meeting was changed to gbi bethany semarang after lukas sebadja was ordained to be a priest of the church by alex tanusaputera who was a gbi bethany surabaya pastor. thus, gbi bethany semarang becomes a subsidiary of gbi bethany surabaya. in addition to the immanuel prayer group, the charismatic prayer group which had a rapid development in the early 1970s was the prayer group of the sangkakala family. the sangkakala family prayer meeting was pioneered by adi sutanto and yusak kusama. the sangkakala family prayer meeting is formed from farmland workers conference event i (kplt i) 1967 in bangsri jepara. the event was attended by around 200 youths of the indonesian muria christian church (gkmi) who called themselves sangkakala youth. in 1970 the activity was stopped due to financial problems, there was no support from gkmi, and the pioneers had to go to college or ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 155-169 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the influence of charismatic church development in the religious christians life in semarang, 1970-2015 | 159 work. the sangkakala family prayer group began to reactivate after adi sutanto finished his studies in america and settled in semarang. the activities of charismatic prayer groups can be seen in figure 1. figure 1. activities of kapuran prayer meeting which is one of the branches of the sangkakala family foundation, 1978. adi sutanto's meeting with yusak kusama in 1976 in the city of semarang led kplt i alumni to establish a new prayer group, named the sangkakala family prayer group. this prayer meeting first held worship in 1976 at cilosari 666 semarang, which is the residence of adi sutanto. on may 2, 1977 the prayer meeting was registered as a religious organization under the name tan a sioue. in 1979, the association was then registered with the department of religion of the central java regional office under the name sangkakala family foundation. in 1983 the foundation was recognized by the indonesian ministry of religion as a foundation for the evangelism of the gospel. in 1985 the foundation developed into a synod under the name of the indonesian christian community (jki), chaired by adi sutanto. the jki synod member church that was growing rapidly in the city of semarang was the jki royal gospel founded by petrus agung purnomo on february 20, 1991. besides starting from the prayer meeting, the emergence of the charismatic church in semarang city also originated from a series of revival service (trc) activities. there are three activities of the trc which are considered as the momentum of the rise of the charismatic church in the city of semarang. the first trc took place on march 1-3, 1979 and was attended by around 400 people. the trc was an early milestone in the rise of charismatic youth in the city of semarang and bore out several great charismatic church pastors such as petrus agung purnomo and jimmy oentoro. the second trc took place on august 1-3, 1979, which was attended by 2,186 people. the third trc took place on june 5 -7, 1980 in mugas field and was attended by around 40,000 people. the trc was a declaration of the existence of the charismatic movement in semarang due to the high enthusiasm of the community for the kkr's activities. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 155-169 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the influence of charismatic church development in the religious christians life in semarang, 1970-2015 | 160 the series of trcs was interdenominational so that various church groups were allowed to participate in the activity. the majority of the trc activities were attended by christian youth from various regions. the series of trcs events that took place in the semarang was an early milestone in the development of the charismatic movement in various regions in central java. the trc was spearheaded by the sangkakala family prayer group and was supported by various charismatic prayer groups around the city. charismatic church in semarang, 1985-2015 the development of the charismatic church in the city of semarang as a religious institution began to be seen since 1985, since the issuance of law number 8 of 1985 which requires religious organizations to be officially registered with the ministry of religion. the charismatic church movement is divided into two major groups. the first group is a prayer meeting that combines with the first charismatic church synod, the indonesian bethel church (gbi), while the second group decides to establish a separate synod. one of the charismatic synods of churches that stands in semarang is the indonesian christian community (jki). the development of the charismatic church in semarang was dominated by two synods, namely the gbi and jki. the charismatic church that developed rapidly from 1990 to 2015 was gbi gajah mada and jki gospel royal. in the period 1985-2015 the development of the charismatic church in semarang city can be divided into two periods, namely the period 1990-2000 and the period 2000-2015. in the first period, the charismatic church that developed rapidly in the city of semarang was gbi gajah mada. it can be seen from the high church development. from 1994-1999 there were more than 1,000 members of the gajah mada congregation (gbi synod, 2019). the sunday worship activities at the gbi gajah mada had to be divided into four sessions. the rapid growth of the number of congregations is partly due to social programs carried out by gbi gajah mada under the leadership of lukas sebadja, such as health services and prayer visits in hospitals, visits to nursing homes, detention centers, and providing assistance to the poor around the church area. these proved to be able to attract the sympathy of the community so that many christians in the city of semarang moved the church to gbi gajah mada. the expressive, vibrant, and charismatic style of worship is also a special attraction for christians in the city of semarang. in the second period, the development of the charismatic church in semarang was dominated by jki injil kerajaan, led by petrus agung purnomo. jki of the kingdom began to develop rapidly since 1999, after the multidimensional crisis in indonesia. social service activities in the form of distributing groceries, cheap markets, and spiritual meetings (kkr) in simpang lima proved to be effective in attracting congregants. this can be seen from the increase in the number of jki injil kerajaan, which in 1998 only 896 congregations later in 1999 increased to 2,094 congregations. this success has made jki injil kerajaan continue to innovate through the process of deconstruction of evangelistic patterns. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 155-169 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the influence of charismatic church development in the religious christians life in semarang, 1970-2015 | 161 in 2000 jki injil kerajaan initiated to establish the first christian spiritual radio station in central java (“jki injil kerajaan” n.d.). the idea of petrus agung received the support of prominent american evangelist john avanzini, the support was poured in the form of providing assistance of 50,000 us dollars to support the spiritual radio development activities. on november 24 2001 the radio was completed and inaugurated with the name radio rhema fm. radio rhema is a pioneer of christian spiritual radio in central java. because the number of congregations continues to increase and the number of worship offerings also continues to grow, in 2003 jki gospel royal built a new church with a very large capacity in the marina complex area, west semarang. the new church was completed in 2007 and named the holy stadium. table 1. number of jki injil kerajaan congregation, 1991-2013 year number of congregation who has congregation registration number 1991 200 1992 400 1993 570 1994 500 1995 550 1996 600 1997 700 1998 896 1999 2.094 2000 2.670 2001 3.557 2002 4.007 2007 6.762 2009 11.630 2013 13.324 source: jki injil kerajaan, 2013. petrus agung innovated the pattern of worship by incorporating elements of the jewish tradition into the worship process. the worshipers used jewish war robes and symbols used in jewish traditions such as shofar, menorah, sharon roses, crowns, star of david, and the ark of the covenant of moses. jki injil kerajaan also celebrates jewish holidays such as the commemoration of the jewish new year (rosh hashanah) and the anniversary of god's peace with the people of israel (yom kippur). the addition of jewish elements is used to make the atmosphere of worship more solemn. innovations in worship patterns and social services carried out by jki gospel royal proved to increase the number of congregations. in 2007, when the holy stadium was completed, the number of jki injil kerajaan members had increased to 6,762 people. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 155-169 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the influence of charismatic church development in the religious christians life in semarang, 1970-2015 | 162 entering 2009 the number of jki royal congregations reached 11,630 people. the complete development of the number of gki congregations in the gospel of the kingdom can be seen in table 1. the development of the charismatic church until 2015 was still dominated by jki injil kerajaan. this can be seen from the jki church gospel congregation data which continues to increase until it reaches 13,324 people. however, the development of the number of congregations is not too significant when compared to previous years. this was allegedly because other churches in the jki injil kerajaan work area began to make efforts to improve congregational recruitment, among others by modernizing patterns of worship as did the jki injil kerajaan. for the charismatic church in 2010 to 2015 it can be said to be an uncertain period because of the emergence of the tradition of the congregation of the streets, namely the congregation who came to a church just to enjoy the atmosphere of worship but did not intend to become the church's congregation. in addition, non-charismatic churches also began to improve themselves so that the movement of congregations that occurred in the previous period can be minimized. charismatic church and the christians religious life in semarang the massive development of charismatic church in the last three decades has led to pros and cons in the christian community and religious leaders. the pros and cons are mainly from churches that have different sects and churches that feel disadvantaged by the evangelistic activities carried out by the charismatic church. this can be seen from the statement of hans maris, a pastor from the mainstream church.2 he doubts the truth of the language of the spirit spoken by the charismatics because it is not certain that the gift comes from god. hans maris also doubted the attitude of the charismatic church that did not criticize the revelations and prophecies delivered by the charismatic church leaders claimed to come from the holy spirit, even though in reality many prophecies and revelations were not biblical (maris, 204, pp. 34-36). this is one of the problems that sparked debate between charismatics and noncharismatics. this debate certainly affects the harmony between christians because of the pros and cons of the teachings of the charismatic church. the influence of the development of the charismatic church on antimainstream non-charismatic churches are seen in the theology of prosperity and offerings by non-charismatic mainstream churches outside.3 pentecostal churches initially did not prioritize or even rejected theology of prosperity views.3 the rapid 2 mainstream churches hold closely the spirit of reform initiated by martin luther. mainline churches have liturgical grounds and religious ceremonies (sacraments) that can not be changed. meanwhile, the antimainstream church does not hold tightly to the spirit of church reform, and does a lot of liturgical and sacrament changes. the charismatic church belongs to the antimainstream church group. 3 theology of prosperity is the view that humans live on earth as in heaven, so that everything in heaven also exists on earth. manifestation of life in heaven in the form of abundant wealth, health and free from all problems of life as it should be in heaven. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 155-169 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the influence of charismatic church development in the religious christians life in semarang, 1970-2015 | 163 development of the charismatic church in the city of semarang, especially jki the injil kerajaan over the past three decades had sufficiently proven how prosperity theology is in great demand by christians in the city of semarang. this made pentecostal churches, like the church of jesus christ (gia) pringgading begins to be pragmatic. gia pringgading did a lot of introducing the law of sowing when the church will make offerings (hendropuspito, 1983). it was also happened to other pentecostal churches such as the pentecostal church in indonesia (gpdi) and mawar sharon church (gms). since the 2000s gia pringgading began to follow peter agung steps to develop the teachings of prosperity theology. this was done so that the congregation remained in the gia pringgading church, considering that many gia congregations had moved to the charismatic church, one of which was due to the theology of prosperity (suparta, 2019). the efforts can be seen from the themes of the event at gia pringgading, such as when the commemoration of thanks giving day with the theme "victims of thanksgiving habakkuk" on december 5, 2010 (pelita kasih, 2011, p. 23). in addition, the pelita kasih published by gia pringgading also reveals the prayer of jabez. jabez's prayer is the prayer of the prophet jabez so his life is abundantly blessed, his territory expanded and kept away from all calamity. jabez prayer is a prayer that is often chanted by the charismatic church that embraces theology of prosperity. gia pringgading began to realize a shift in christian views about wealth. christians start to see that wealth is not a mistake, rather wealth is good for helping others as long as it is obtained in the right way and based on the bible (rodemeir, 2016). in addition, gia pringgading since 2005 has also opened several business entities that aim to establish churches and congregations, such as the cooperative "manna sejahtera" which is a board formed for the welfare of the people. in addition, gia pringgading also established a radio station called agape fm in 2007 (kpid central java, 2018). radio agape fm is one of the radios established by the church in central java after the founding of rhema fm radio belonging to the jki injil kerajaan church. the establishment of cooperatives and radio is a form of church awareness to be more independent and not only rely on offerings from the congregation. changes in views did not only occur at gia pringgading, but also happened to churches from other denominations around anti-mainstream church (utomo, 2019). the non-charismatic anti-mainstream church thought that it was done to survive the influence of the charismatic church, but actually the effort made to survive was proof that the anti-mainstream church has been influenced by the teachings of the charismatic church. gia pringgading also seeks to make the church economically independent by providing entrepreneurship training, one of them is making salted eggs training to the north semarang area people. the relationship among the charismatic church and other churches in semarang innovations made by the charismatic church in interdenominational worship and evangelism patterns had a profound influence on the relationship of the charismatic church to other churches. the rapid development of the charismatic church that was able to attract congregants to thousands of people made many other churches did ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 155-169 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the influence of charismatic church development in the religious christians life in semarang, 1970-2015 | 164 introspection while at the same time looking down on the charismatic church activities. this is because the non-charismatic churches had lost many congregations. from the results of the study noted that the reduced congregation of noncharismatic churches is mainly due to their interest in worship and evangelism patterns of the charismatic churches that are adapted to the up to date development towars congregation’s conditions, especially young people. the charismatic church conducts worship in a more expressive way. worship activities in the charismatic church have their own uniqueness. for example, jki injil kerajaan includes elements of jewish tradition and worship takes place in wisdom and romance while gbi gajah mada offers more relaxed and casual worship. the songs sung at the charismatic church are also more dynamic and there are many new songs that are interesting to the congregation. the charismatic church also re-arranges old songs so that they are fresher and more modern in accordance with the tastes of today's congregations. in addition to the charismatic church worship, it also offers a more interesting and effective evangelistic process that is through social services, the social service activities that many charismatic churches do and attract congregations are revival service (tcr) activities and cheap market events. as explained in the section on the development of the charismatic church, from 1999 to 2013 the number of jki members of the injil kerajaan continued to increase significantly. the increase in congregations turned out to raise suspicion pastors from other churches because some congregations no longer worship in their church. the charismatic church is suspected of having taken part of the congregation from other churches, resulting in a negative stigma against the charismatic church. the charismatic church has been called the "sheep stealer" church. "sheep stealer" is a term for a church that is considered to steal a church’s congregations from another church. actually, it happened because the congregation did not notify the origin church about their move to another church. since the beginning of the charismatic prayer group was formed, some of the congregations that followed the prayer meeting were indeed from other churches. members of the charismatic prayer group come from various denominations. for example, lukas sebadja was originally an activist of gki karangsaru and adi sutanto was an activist of the indonesian muria christian church (gkmi). the founders of the charismatic prayer group then invited their fellow activists to join the charismatic prayer group. this condition continued until the prayer meeting became a new church and congregations from other churches left their original church to join the charismatic church. for example, in 1972 the emergence of the immanuel prayer group had influenced the number of church members from the founders, the gia synod. the emergence of the prayer meeting resulted in the reduction of the congregation in the gia dokter cipto. the development of church attendance can be seen in table 2. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 155-169 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the influence of charismatic church development in the religious christians life in semarang, 1970-2015 | 165 table 2. the number of gia dokter cipto congregation attendance, 2005-2019 year average congregation attendance number 2005 1.378 2006 1.363 2007 1.352 2008 1.348 2009 1.340 2010 1.326 2011 1.288 2012 1.256 2013 1.230 2014 1.209 2015 1.205 source: gia dokter cipto. from the data in table 2 it can be seen that from 2005 to 2015 there was a decline in church attendance. the data above shows that in 2005 the number of church attendance at gia doctor cipto was 1,378 people, while in 2015 the attendance rate fell to 1,205 people. meanwhile, in the same year the number of charismatic church members, such as jki injil kerajaan increased from 11,630 people in 2009 to 13,324 people in 2013. based on these data it can be assumed that some of the congregations of the gia doctor cipto moved to the charismatic church. however, these congregations were still members of the gia doctor cipto congregation. when the charismatic church began losing prestige in early 2016 because of the death of the priest peter agung purnomo, many of these congregations returned to their original church. the charismatic church activity not only affects the anti-mainstream church congregation, but also affects the number of mainstream church congregations. one of the main church synods affected by the activities of the charismatic church in the city of semarang was the javanese christian church (gkj). according to yahya tirta (2020), the activities of the charismatic church attracted a lot of young church members of the gkj because the charismatic church worship was more expressive, some young people joined the charismatic church worship but there were also congregations that were still registered as members of the gkj congregation. the number of gkj congregations in semarang from 2003 to 2006 was decrease. it is caused the gkj to add an area that was originally only two classes, namely south and east semarang and developed into three classrooms with the addition of the new west semarang class. class is the unity of the church area under the auspices of the synod. the addition of classicism carried out by the gkj synod aims to make the services of the congregation more optimal considering charismatic church movement in those years was very massive with methods of social service to the villages. one of the coverage areas of the west semarang cluster is the north semarang area which ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 155-169 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the influence of charismatic church development in the religious christians life in semarang, 1970-2015 | 166 was the jki injil kerajaan evangelistic mission area. besides, the addition of the cluster also aims to stem the influence of the charismatic church in the area of north semarang and west semarang. the effort was carried out by transforming itself into a missionary church through more active deaconess (social service) activities. its primary activity was to provide scholarship compensation from elementary to high school level. gkj is also developing a santosa school, a free school for underprivileged children managed by the urbanist commission in the bandarjo village (tanjung emas port). table 3. the relation between charismatic church and mainstream church synod relationship with charismatic church ecumenical institutional relations gkj difference theology caused the difficulty in working together directly, except through pgi. relationship is limited to being active in the local inter-church cooperation agency (bksag). members and founders of pgi, pgi regional cooperation with gki (sw central java): lpps, health services (yakkum), scholarship commission, and education foundation (ypk). gia relationships are quite good although there is a filtering on the inclusion of charismatic movements. gia members of pgi, pgiw and cca gki begins adapting the charismatic liturgy through the faith refreshment service and the organization of the trc the members and founders of pgi and pgiw. gkp begins to adapt the charismatic liturgy through faith refreshment service. members and founder of pgi, pgiw. involved with church organizations at the national and regional level. gpib difference theology caused hard to work together, except through pgi. the members and founder of pgi, pgiw collaborated with other equal churches. joining bksag tendency because of political reasons source: litkom-pgi research team, 2010. the charismatic church generally was congregation from another church and was still registered in the original church. the lack of an orderly administration of the church congregation coupled with the weak communication between pastors in the city of semarang made the membership status of the congregation ambiguous, so that there were many misunderstandings between pastors from one church and pastors from other churches, especially pastors who felt disadvantaged because the congregation had moved to many charismatic churches. this condition was worsened by the lack of awareness of the congregation to orderly by removing the membership of the congregation from the previous church. it seems that the congregation is reluctant to give up membership in the original church because the family system in the mainstream church is so strong that if there is marriage or death, many congregations have moved to the charismatic church and then returned to the original church. these various conditions have caused a rift in relations among churches in ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 155-169 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the influence of charismatic church development in the religious christians life in semarang, 1970-2015 | 167 semarang. the relationship between the charismatic church and the mainstream church can be seen in table 3. from table 3 it can be seen that the majority of mainstream churches reject the presence of the charismatic church. criticism and rejection as shown in table 4 are conveyed normatively, but implicitly the statement "theological difference" is a form of rejection and incompatibility of the majority of mainstream churches against the charismatic church. table 3 also shows that some mainstream churches have begun to adapt the patterns of worship and evangelism conducted by the charismatic church. activities that have been adapted by many mainstream churches are refreshing the faith through the revival service (trc) and strengthening social services to the community so that it becomes missionary church. the communion of churches in indonesia (pgi) which has existed since 1950, actually makes the relationship between the synods of churches in indonesia more active in communication. but along with the emergence of the charismatic church, not all pgi members want to accept the charismatic church as a member of pgi. the rejection can be seen from the attitudes of other churches towards the gbi synod, the first charismatic church that became a member of pgi in 1990 (sk pgi no. 11 / pgi-xi / sket / 1990). gbi became the 61st member while jki became the 89th pgi member in 2014 through the pgi complete workers' assembly (mpl) session in nias, north sumatra. although there are some pgi members who disagree with the existence of the charismatic church in pgi, the inclusion of the two charismatic synods indicates that the charismatic church is actually also beginning to be accepted and recognized by the mainstream churches. the merging of charismatic churches into the pgi facilitates supervision of the activities of the charismatic church and expedites communication with the church, bearing in mind that the charismatic church's mission program is to win new souls; and many new souls won also came from other churches. the existence of pgi is expected to be able to maintain communication and harmony of the church in indonesia from various denominations. besides pgi, there are other institutions in charge of resolving disputes between priests. the institution formed by the priests is the inter-church consultative board (bamag) which is a forum for pastors to establish communication. in semarang bamag was officially established in 2005. the presence of bamag is enough to help strengthening the communication network among pastors so that every problem can be resolved through mediation before it spreads to the people. according to bambang mulyanto (2019), one of the problems that was successfully resolved by bamag was the conflict that occurred among pastor petrus agung and several nearby churches at the beginning of the holy stadium establishment. the surrounding churches feel disturbed by the social service activities carried out by jki injil kerajaan that caused some of their congregations to disappear. the churches were indicated to have joined the jki injil kerajaan. the conflict could be resolved by mediating and asking the congregation concerned to choose one church membership. bamag also seeks to strengthen communication between priests in semarang by holding holiday ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 155-169 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the influence of charismatic church development in the religious christians life in semarang, 1970-2015 | 168 celebrations together such as christmas and easter across the city. bamag semarang also integrates with government agencies such as the kesbangpolimas, the semarang christian community guidelines, and the central java christian community guidelines. integration between agencies is done to minimize conflicts in the religious life of christians in semarang. conclusion the emergence and development of the charismatic church in semarang brought a new wind in the pattern of christian worship. the pattern of worship which is expressive, up to date and social activities that touch the wider community, especially the lower classes, has changed the religious life of christians. however, the positive development of charismatic churches poses problems for non-charismatic churches because some congregations leave their churches to join the charismatic churches. friction between the priests had happened because of suspicion of the charismatic church. the dynamics in the religious life of christians in the city of semarang is a history fragment which can certainly be a lesson in religious life and harmonious relations between religious people. references aritonang, j. s. (2005). berbagai aliran di dalam dan di sekitar gereja. jakarta: bpk gunung mulia. basri, s. (2016). strategi misi gereja jki injil kerajaan holy stadium-semarang (master thesis). sekolah tinggi theologia abdiel, semarang. bps semarang. (2010). data hasil sensus penduduk kota semarang berdasarkan agama tahun 1990-2010. biro pusat statistik kota semarang. gottschalk, l. 1983. mengerti sejarah, translated by nugroho notosusanto. jakarta: universitas indonesia press. hendropuspito (1983). sosiologi agama. yogyakarta: kanisius. jki injil kerajaan. sejarah dan pendiri jki injil kerajaan. retrieved from http://newchapter.jkiinjilkerajaan.org. jki sinode (2013). direktori sinode jemaat kristen indonesia tahun 2013. salatiga: sinode jki. kartodirdjo, s. (1993). pendekatan ilmu sosial dalam metodologi sejarah. jakarta: gramedia pustaka utama. litkom-pgi research team (2010). inter-church self-portrait comparison: challenges and responses. jakarta: pgi research and communication bureau. maris, h. (2014). gerakan kharismatik dan gereja kita. surabaya: momentum press. notosusanto, n. (1984) hakekat sejarah dan metode sejarah. jakarta: mega book store. rodemeier, s. (2016). kajian atas gereja pentakosta-kharismatik di jawa, indonesia. gema theologika (1): 31-54. https://doi.org/10.21460/gema.2016.11.210 rodemeier, s. (2017). emergence and establishment of a charismatic church within the framework of javanese self-perception in surakarta, indonesia. indonesia and the malay world, 45 (131): 66-87. https://doi.org/10.1080/13639811.2017.1268447 ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 155-169 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the influence of charismatic church development in the religious christians life in semarang, 1970-2015 | 169 suparta, h. (2009). mengenal pentakostalisme di indonesia. jurnal abdiel, 3(2): 11-24. https://doi.org/10.37368/ja.v3i2.97 sutanto, a. (1986). a strategy for planting churches in java through the sangkakala mission with special emphasis on the javanese and chinese people (doctoral dissertation). the school of world mission and institute of church growth fuller theological seminary. sutoyo, d. (2018). analisis historis terhadap teologi gerakan pentakostalisme. dunamis: jurnal teologi dan pendidikan kristen, 2 (2): 167-196. https://doi.org/10.30648/dun.v2i2.171 tim gbi gajah mada (2014) direktori 25 tahun gbi gajah mada semarang, sejarah berdirinya gereja. semarang: gbi gama. van kooij, r. tsalatsa, y. (2007) bermain dengan api, relasi antara gereja-gereja mainstream dan kalangan kharismatik pentakosta jakarta: bpk gunung mulia. wiraatmaja, s. (2015) study on the growth of three jki churches in ungaran, kudus and semarang on 1982-2002 (master thesis). seminari theologi baptis indonesia (stbi) semarang. microsoft word ramadhan et al.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 137-153 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 falling in the midst of crisis: the collapse of the mangkunegaran autonomous government | 137 received: june 1, 2023 revised: january 12, 2024 accepted: january 14, 2024 falling in the midst of crisis: the collapse of the mangkunegaran autonomous government in the social revolution era, 1945-1946 fauzan syahru ramadhan*, alamsyah, haryono rinardi master program of history, faculty of humanities, universitas diponegoro jl. dr. antonius suroyo, tembalang, semarang, central java – indonesia 50275 *corresponding author: tsuroya.usi@gmail.com doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v7i2.18420 introduction this article focuses on examining how, at the end of the dutch east indies colonial rule, mangkunegaran still had good relations with the people, which can be proven by continuing to assist in the fields of education, economy, and infrastructure development such as irrigation facilities and roads. however, this relationship was inversely proportional during the social revolution because there were external factors where surakarta became the centre of radical movements that joined the antiautonomous movement until it collapsed. abstract this article examines the social revolution in surakarta, characterized by the antiautonomous movement during the early years of the indonesian republic's independence, leading to the collapse of the mangkunegaran autonomous government. using historical methods, the article explores the initially positive relationship between the mangkunegaran duchy and the people in the late colonial period, evident in various factors such as support for education, economic initiatives, and infrastructure development. however, this relationship took a downturn during the social revolution due to external factors. surakarta became a hub for radical movements, particularly the anti-autonomous movement, as the mangkunegaran duchy made unfortunate decisions. the study's goal is to uncover how the mangkunegaran autonomous government navigated through the social revolution in surakarta, even though it eventually collapsed. the study findings indicate that, facing a crisis after declaring independence, the mangkunegaran duchy made a critical error by betraying the indonesian republic and seeking to reinstate dutch rule. in response, the people initiated a revolutionary movement. ultimately, the mangkunegaran duchy failed to overcome the crisis, making misguided decisions and becoming victims of the revolution. they struggled to uphold the traditional politics and economy of the palace, which had endured for centuries and had been passed down through generations. keywords: crisis situation; anti autonomous movement; social revolution; surakarta; mangkunegaran. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 137-153 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 falling in the midst of crisis: the collapse of the mangkunegaran autonomous government | 138 at that time, mangkunegaran still believed that the people and the dutch east indies colonial government were still on their side. the dutch east indies colonial government was powerless to help mangkunegaran, and the people to whom mangkunegaran had assisted were vulnerable to provocations from radical movements in surakarta. through historical methods and socio-political approaches, this research has an essential meaning in building historical writing about the social revolution in the surakarta region, which focuses on the consequences of the inappropriate decision of mangkunegaran by committing betrayal of the republic of indonesia, which leads to power competition between anti-autonomous groups who are willing to overthrow the power of the government of mangkunegaran, with palaces or traditional rulers insisted on maintaining their power which received little attention. the proclamation of the republic of indonesia is a magical word that can move the entire indonesian nation to realize and maintain it. the words of the proclamation spoken by president soekarno contain two meanings, namely, the transfer of power and the formation of government both at the central and regional levels. even though it was expected to take a short time, this energy transfer process is characterized by chaos and takes a relatively long time. some events, such as the kenpeitai raid in surakarta, the battle of kota baru in yogyakarta, as well as other events in several cities, clearly show that the process of transferring power was carried out by shedding blood (julianto, 2010, p. 92). transferring power in surakarta continued with heroism and power struggles that led to the social revolution in surakarta. the social revolution in surakarta had different characteristics from the social revolution in other regions because it occurred in conditions of economic and social crisis. the social revolution in surakarta is a meeting between people's hatred of indigenous leaders and the interests of political power and national interests. political and armed forces succeeded in creating or giving birth to an anti-autonomous government. in this case, surakarta saved a lot of "fuel" that was flammable by fire. the "fuel" in this context is the domination of the palace over its people, the suffering of the people due to dutch colonial rule and japanese occupation, the rivalry between the two palaces, namely the kasunanan hadiningrat palace and the mangkunegaran government, and the palace's indifference to the revolution. therefore, the "fire" in the interest of political or armed forces can burn surakarta (julianto, 2010, pp. 152-153). the social revolution in surakarta was very different from yogyakarta. there are differences in actions or positions in decisions between the surakarta and yogyakarta palaces during the crisis after the proclamation of indonesian independence. in the end, yogyakarta remained a particular region, but surakarta had to lose its special region status. in the surakarta region, mangkunegara and susuhunan, as traditional rulers, did not sympathize and took progressive action against the social revolution. they betrayed the republic of indonesia and hoped for the restoration of dutch rule, which eventually caused them to lose the loyalty of their people. in the end, it became the reason for the resistance of a group of people who ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 137-153 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 falling in the midst of crisis: the collapse of the mangkunegaran autonomous government | 139 didn't want the nobles to rule anymore. this group managed to take advantage of the chaotic political situation in surakarta, influencing and gathering the people to carry out actions against kasunanan and mangkunegaran leaders of the anti-autonomy group (archive rekso pustoko mangkunegaran number 11). the social revolution in surakarta was a period of upheaval as surakarta city became a centre of communist activities, class warfare, kidnappings, and general chaos that spread to other parts of java and influenced the indonesian revolution (larson, 1990, pp. 2-3). the existence of the social revolution in surakarta, especially in the territory of mangkunegaran, was also motivated by the stubborn and determined attitude of mangkunegara viii, who did not want to relinquish the sovereignty of mangkunegaran to the anti-autonomous group during a socio-political crisis in the surakarta region. mangkunegara viii was a charismatic figure with high authority and wisdom in running the government at the mangkunegaran palace. however, the antiautonomous group considered mangkunegara viii too young. it did not have much experience, so the mangkunegaran government was in an emergency during the surakarta social revolution (kahin, 1995, p. 320). thus, people can understand that the social revolution in surakarta, particularly in mangkunegaran, was a movement of the lower-class tidal wave that could not be avoided or noticed during the indonesian revolution. clashes between revolutionary organizations and elements of the old order or upper class were inevitable. revolutionary organizations that embrace new political structures destroy dominant colonial powers and traditional structures. radical structural changes lead not only to participation in political mobilization but also to conflict and violence that are characteristic of social revolutions (sandhy, 2022, p. 3). based on the above background, the research problem in this article can formulated, namely the inability of mangkunegaran to make the right decisions, such as the yogyakarta palace coupled with the wrong position during a situation of sociopolitical crisis during the social revolution and not realizing the external factors where surakarta became the centre of the radical movement belonging to the antiautonomous movement, this caused the government of mangkunegaran to collapse. the research questions can be formulated as follows: (1) what impact did the proclamation of independence of the republic of indonesia have on the socio-political conditions in the surakarta region? (2) why did the yogyakarta and surakarta palaces exhibit contrasting actions following the proclamation of indonesian independence, leading to divergent outcomes for each palace? (3) what motivates the antiautonomous group to be highly determined in overthrowing mangkunegaran customary rule? (4) what are the repercussions of the conflict between mangkunegaran and the anti-autonomous group? there are several points of discussion in this article to answer research questions. the first part of this article discusses the condition of the republic of indonesia in the early days of independence, starting with the proclamation of independence of the republic of indonesia in 1945, marked by a national revolution. the second part describes the different actions taken between the surakarta palace and ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 137-153 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 falling in the midst of crisis: the collapse of the mangkunegaran autonomous government | 140 yogyakarta after the proclamation of independence of the republic of indonesia, which resulted in the status of the particular region in yogyakarta remaining. still, it could no longer maintain the status of the specific region in the surakarta area. the third part discusses the socio-political crisis in surakarta during the indonesian independence revolution, which caused the people of surakarta, through the antiautonomous movement, to carry out revolutionary social actions against the traditional ruler, namely mangkunegaran. the fourth part of this article focuses on the impact of clashes between anti-autonomy groups and the mangkunegaran duchy, representing traditional power. studies on the social revolution in surakarta have been carried out previously in various paradigms, such as that by julianto (2010), who discussed crime and violence in surakarta during the independence revolution. julianto stated that forms of violence and crime, such as robbery and murder, were reflected in the palace rulers. it aims to destroy the remnants of feudalism rooted in the surakarta area. in connection with this research, larson (1990) discussed that the riots and murders in surakarta were related to a decisive period for the surakarta region, namely the indonesian independence revolution. larson analyzes the kingdom's political life before the revolution, which was marked, among other things, by competition between the kasunanan and mangkunegaran palaces and the succession of traditional power. however, larson only explains the condition of surakarta before independence, so there are fewer details regarding the condition of surakarta after indonesian independence. anderson (1988) analyzed the origins of the indonesian revolution and revealed important characteristics that require clarification to explain the modern revolution. then prasadana and gunawan (2019) studied the process of the collapse of the traditional bureaucracy in surakarta when indonesia became independent, causing the conventional bureaucracy in kasunanan to be destroyed and replaced by a modern bureaucracy. in this regard, sutiyah (2017) examines the fate of surakarta during the revolution. sutiyah stated that anti-autonomy or anti-feudalism in surakarta resulted in the palace losing political power and its territory becoming part of the central java administrative region. musaparsih (2005) discusses the social revolution in surakarta at the beginning of independence, which resulted in the loss of royal power that previously dominated surakarta. meanwhile, hapsari (2011) examines the political history of two traditional rulers in surakarta who maintained their existence under the pressure of radical forces during the independence revolution. samroni (2010) analyses the status of the surakarta special region and the anti-autonomous movement, which resulted in the loss of surakarta's privileged status or the collapse of the duchy's power. however, the weakness in his work is that it requires a comprehensive explanation of the problems that influence or impact typical surakarta food. thus, the weakness of the paradigm studied previously was the discussion, which did not focus on the slow response of the mangkunegaran duchy and the inappropriate position in making decisions during a socio-political crisis. it would have fatal consequences during the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 137-153 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 falling in the midst of crisis: the collapse of the mangkunegaran autonomous government | 141 social revolution if you became a victim of the revolution. they have to imitate the sense of the situation of the yogyakarta palace. method this article was prepared according to the historical method. the historical method includes four steps that must be carried out, namely heuristics (gathering sources), testing sources (criticism), interpretation, and historiography (notosusanto, 1984, p. 22-23). heuristics is a process to find and collect primary and secondary historical sources (garraghan, 1957, p. 33). the primary sources used by the author are written sources and photographs in archives. meanwhile, the secondary sources are scientific articles, dissertations, thesis, and scientific books by scholars and experts related to research. the primary and secondary sources were obtained from the archipelago library (khastara), the national archives of the republic of indonesia (anri), the surakarta national press monument, the rekso pustoko mangkunegaran library, and the diponegoro university's history library. the next stage is source criticism to filter the information obtained during the heuristic process or data collection to get authentic and credible data. in the next step, the researcher interprets or renders the facts to show a logical and chronological relationship regarding past events. the final stage is historiography, which is the activity of reconstructing past events in the form of systematic, rational and scientific historical stories by using sound and correct indonesian language so that readers can easily understand and produce historical studies that are analytically descriptive by prioritizing high scientific and applicable aspects (herlina, 2020, p. 30). this article uses a socio-political, historical approach based on a theory of collective behaviour. this approach is used to analyze matters related to the emergence of a social revolution in surakarta due to social turmoil from a society to demand justice (smelser, 1962, p. 8). the existence of the indonesian republic and the revolution’s outbreak for independence news of japan's defeat spread quickly in jakarta. however, sukarno and hatta only became aware of this when the two figures were invited to dalat on 9 august 1945 by marshal terauchi, supreme commander of the japanese army and all of southeast asia (larson, 1990, p. 3). the invitation was issued to discuss japan's promise of indonesian independence, which would be given on 7 september 1945. two days later, when sukarno, hatta and radjiman returned to their homeland from dalat, sutan syahrir urged sukarno to proclaim independence immediately. this was because he considered the results of the meeting in dalat to be a japanese trick. in this case, there is a difference of opinion between the old and young groups regarding implementing indonesian independence. the senior group represented by sukarno and hatta did not believe that japan had surrendered to the allies, and it was felt that the proclamation of independence for the republic of indonesia could cause bloodshed and have fatal consequences if the indonesian fighters were not ready. soekarno reminded sutan syahrir that he had no right to proclaim independence because that ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 137-153 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 falling in the midst of crisis: the collapse of the mangkunegaran autonomous government | 142 was the right of the indonesian independence preparatory committee (ppki) (notosusanto, 1976, p. 79). sutan syahrir, as a young group, urged that the proclamation of independence be carried out immediately because japan had surrendered to the allies and considered ppki to be a body made in japan; if ppki carried out the proclamation of independence, it was only a gift from japan (notosusanto, 1976, p. 79). young people had heard the statement of the japanese emperor announcing in his speech on 15 august 1945 that japan surrendered to the allied forces. that created a tense situation in indonesia, especially in jakarta. the young group demanded that soekarno immediately proclaim indonesian independence free from japanese influence. in contrast, the old figures or the old group who were members of the bpupki-ppki with soekarno and hatta motorbikes wanted the proclamation to be carried out under the results of the ppki meeting decision on 16 august 1945 (yuniarti, 2003, p. 37). however, the first ppki meeting, which was initially planned to be held on 16 august 1945, was cancelled due to different opinions between the younger and older groups, leading to soekarno and hatta being brought to rengasdengklok on 16 august 1945 by the young group. hatta considered that the issue of indonesian independence coming from the japanese government or from the results of the struggle of the indonesian nation itself did not matter because japan had already lost. at the time, the indonesian nation had to face allies trying to restore dutch rule in indonesia. therefore, an organized revolution is needed to proclaim indonesian independence. at the time, ppki members had started arriving in jakarta and were afraid of bloodshed. on the other hand, young people think bloodshed is a risk that cannot be avoided (dumadi, 1988, p. 277). the youth group met at the bacteriological institute in pegangsaan timur in this precarious position on 15 august 1945. the meeting's decision, chaired by chairul saleh, emphasized that indonesian independence is a right and matter for the indonesian people and cannot be dependent on other people and kingdoms. all ties and relations with the promise of independence from japan must be severed, and instead, negotiations are expected with soekarno and hatta because they can declare the proclamation (malik, 1962, p. 35). the failure of the young group's request for soekarno and hatta to declare independence from japan immediately prompted them to hold another meeting. apart from being attended by youths previously involved in meetings at the bacteriology institute, the conference was also attended by sukarni, jusuf kunto, dr. moewardi is from the pioneer front, and shodanco singgih is from jakarta's peta battalion. the meeting decided that soekarno and hatta should be removed from the city to keep them away from all japanese influence (adams, 1966, pp. 316-317). the plan was then carried out by bringing soekarno and hatta to rengasdengklok on 16 august 1945. after going smoothly and through various negotiations, indonesian independence was proclaimed by soekarno on 17 august 1945 at jl. east pegangsaan no. 56, precisely at 10.00 wib (adams, 1966, pp. 85-87). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 137-153 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 falling in the midst of crisis: the collapse of the mangkunegaran autonomous government | 143 figure 1. soekarno accompanied by mohammad hatta declaring the independence of indonesia at 10.00 am on friday, 17 august 1945 in pegangsaan timur 56 (from presidential documents national library of indonesia, 1945). on 18 august 1945, ppki held its first meeting. the constitution (uud), drafted by a small committee within the basic law committee chaired by soepomo, was adopted as the constitution for the state of indonesia. the uud became known as the 1945 constitution. besides deciding to ratify the 1945 constitution as the indonesian nation's constitution, the ppki also made other important decisions. the critical decision was the appointment of soekarno and m. hatta as president and vice president of indonesia, respectively. in addition, through soekarno's suggestion, a national committee was formed, which could be assembled quickly at critical times and served as a presidential auxiliary body as long as indonesia were still in an emergency circumstance (bahar, 1995, p. 47). meanwhile, the euphoria and revolution for independence and the formation of the national committee at the national level soon spread at the local level throughout indonesia, including surakarta. on 17 august 1945, the government of the indonesian republic established the constitution (constitution), compiled into the national constitution of the indonesian republic called the 1945 constitution. in the constitution, there is an explanation of article 18 declaring two crucial things. first, the indonesian republic respects the position of particular regions; second, all national regulations regarding the area will remember the rights of origin in the area. following the content of article 18 of the 1945 constitution, on 19 august 1945, the president of the indonesian republic issued a charter establishing paku buwana xii and mangkunegara viii in their respective positions with the belief that the two kings would devote all their minds, energy, soul, and body to the security of the region as part of the indonesian republic. the lord paku buwana xii and mangkunegara viii welcomed the trust well. the granting of the right to autonomy to the mangkunegaran by the indonesian government eventually gave rise to the anti-autonomous movement (rekso pustoko mangkunegaran archives number 596). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 137-153 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 falling in the midst of crisis: the collapse of the mangkunegaran autonomous government | 144 the different actions of the surakarta and yogyakarta palaces after the independence of the indonesian republic the formation of the special region of surakarta started from the ppki meeting on 19 august 1945, determining that the territory of the indonesian republic was divided into 8 provinces, namely the provinces of sumatra, west java, central java, east java, kalimantan, sulawesi and lesser sunda and added two particular regions, namely yogyakarta and surakarta. besides, president soekarno also made a charter of recognition for the two specific areas. for the special region of yogyakarta, sultan hamengku buwana and paku alam were appointed as head and deputy. in contrast, for the special region of surakarta, lord paku buwana and mangkunegara were appointed as head and deputy (mustagfirin, firdaus, & ghafur, 2016, p. 4). on 19 august 1945, the ppki determination was inseparable from the existence of a letter on 18 august 1945 from the surakarta palace, namely lord paku buwono xii and kgpaa mangkunegara viii, conveying support and congratulations on the indonesian government. on 18 august 1945, the ruler of the yogyakarta palace, namely hamengku buwana ix with paku alam viii, also sent a congratulatory telegram on the implementation of the proclamation of indonesian independence to bung karno and bung hatta and expressed their support (moedjanto, 1994, p. 56). after the proclamation of the indonesian republic, there were differences between yogyakarta and surakarta in the struggle to abolish feudalism and develop democracy. sultan hamengku buwana ix, as the king of yogyakarta, was a democratic statesman and pioneer of social change, essential in maintaining the stability of a changing society (soemardjan, 1991, p. 6). sultan hamengku buwana ix had eroded the power and privileges of the nobles and tried to mix the nobles with the commoners. this policy disappointed some of the nobility, but it received strong support from the demands of its time. the people of yogyakarta are very respectful and obedient to the king; one might even say they are very passionate towards their king. all requests or orders on behalf of the king were happy to carry out whatever the risk. thus, in a critical situation, the sense of crisis of sultan hamengku buwana ix was appropriately used when making decisions or positioning correctly to continue joining the unitary state of the indonesian republic to make the yogyakarta region safe (atmakusumah, 2011, p. 259). the opposite condition occurred in the surakarta area during a crisis, namely the people demanding the abolition of colonialism/imperialism, anti-feudalism, and the development of democracy. the two traditional powers in surakarta, both kasunanan and mangkunegaran palace, could not act quickly in making decisions like what was done by the yogyakarta palace, which was indeed between paku alaman and the sultanate palace, had established a good synergy or cooperation so that it still enjoyed the status of a special region (feith & castles, 1988, p. 248). neither paku buwono xii nor mangkunegara viii inherited the socio-magical of their parents and did not have experience in dealing with public interest matters, lacked serious character and courage to make decisions and did not understand the forces of revolution moving ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 137-153 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 falling in the midst of crisis: the collapse of the mangkunegaran autonomous government | 145 towards western democracy and popular sovereignty (soemardjan, 1991, p. 73). in addition, there was competition between the two traditional rulers in surakarta, causing no cooperation between the two traditional powers, namely lord paku buwono and mangkunegara. the kasunanan and mangkunegaran always competed in all respects, especially in terms of luxury or festiveness in religious and traditional ceremonies (ariyanti, 2013, p. 126). this situation was enough to hinder the running of the government in surakarta, and the people did not feel the contribution of the two traditional governments, resulting in growing hatred (mustagfirin, firdaus, & ghafur, 2016, pp. 4-5). the decision issued by the king of surakarta in a critical situation was shocking, and the kasunanan and mangkunegaran eventually agreed to work together to support and believe in the restoration of dutch power. this indicated that after the proclamation of independence of the indonesian republic, there was a change in action by the surakarta’s king, who initially supported the independence of the indonesian republic, became a traitor by supporting the netherlands (sutiyah, 2017, pp. 197-198). this was happening because the surakarta palace wanted to continue perpetuating its traditional feudalistic power and the attitude of the indonesian government which would carry out a policy of nationalization of economic assets or companies belonging to the kasunanan and mangkunegaran palace as members of the kroon en rijson dememingen soerakarta and mangkunegaransche eigendommenfonds to strengthen the structure of the country’s economy experiencing chaos during the early days of the independence of the indonesian republic (yoelistyanto & indriyanto, 2021, p. 69). kroon en rijson dememingen soerakarta manages several companies that are sources of income for the surakarta sunanate, such as the manisharjo and ampel companies engaged in the sisal business as well as the karanggeng and tegalgondo companies involved in the sugar business. meanwhile, mangkunegaranasche eigendommenfonds managed several assets as incoming sources of mangkunegaran duchy, such as colomadu sugar factory, tasikmadu sugar factory, kerjogadungan coffee factory, betal gamping company, rasamadu batu sugar company, as well as houses and hotels owned by mangkunegaran duchy (archives rekso pustoko mangkunegaran number 5286). the policies taken by the two traditional rulers in surakarta in this critical situation can be analyzed as inappropriate positioning having fatal consequences, namely the tragic event in the form of a rebellion carried out by the members of the anti-autonomous because the policies or decisions made were not under the struggle to abolish feudalism and develop democracy (poesponegoro & notosusanto, 2008, p. 278). surakarta’s political map: mangkunegaran versus anti-autonomous political tensions in surakarta are increasingly heating up, especially in the mangkunegaran area. this was motivated by the move of the capital from jakarta to yogyakarta. this movement of the centre of power greatly influenced the situation in surakarta because opposition elements, political parties and struggle bodies also ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 137-153 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 falling in the midst of crisis: the collapse of the mangkunegaran autonomous government | 146 moved (anderson, 1972, pp. 262-263). this movement also caused the surakarta area to have an important military position as a buffer area (subordinate area) (mrazek, 1996, p. 555). surakarta's important military position makes this area a safe place to protect radical struggle institutions. this was caused by the social revolution movement in surakarta, which had begun to grow. one of the business organizations that moved to surakarta was the pioneer front (suishintai), which later became known as the banteng front, serving as sukarno's bodyguard (anderson, 1988, p. 254). movements also occurred in the mangkunegaran palace area due to the antiautonomy movement led by dr. moewardi (soebagijo, 1981, pp. 26-42). the social revolution in surakarta emerged because the republic of indonesia granted autonomy to mangkunegaran on 19 august 1945, which was strengthened by the king's proclamation dated 1 september 1945, which contained: (1) that the mangkunegaran kingdom was a special region of the republic of indonesia. (2) all government affairs in the mangkunegaran kingdom are now determined and led by the mangkunegaran government with due observance of indonesia's government regulations. (3) there is direct communication between the government of the mangkunegaran kingdom and the republic of indonesia. (4) order all residents of the mangkunegaran kingdom to believe and act under this proclamation (rekso pustoko mangkunegaran archives number 2422). this statement sparked responses from several groups in surakarta anderson, 1988, p. 138). they consider this contrary to the spirit of independence (kartodirdjo, 1989, p. 47). this then gave birth to the anti-autonomy group. this group opposed feudalism and the system of government under the kingdom and believed that returning power to the kingdom would be detrimental to society. this movement changed the traditional politics and economy of the palace, which had been going on for a long time (prasadana & gunawan, 2019, p. 188). this group also gave birth to socio-political conflicts aimed at changing special or autonomous regional government regulations that were inappropriate for their time. this movement had widespread impacts, such as kidnappings, armed incidents, and struggles for influence (kartodirdjo, 1989, p. 65). thus, the social revolution in surakarta was a meeting between people's hatred of traditional leaders and the interests of political forces who wanted to shake national leaders. the people were tired of being colonized by the dutch, occupied by japan, controlled by the palace, and the palace's indifference to the revolution (julianto, 2010, p. 153). the anti-autonomous rebellion arose due to the stubborn attitude of king mangkunegara viii, who did not want to give up the special rights of autonomous government and wanted to remain as king mangkunegaran. the anger and riots carried out by this group worried king mangkunegara viii, adding to the pressure on the political status of the mangkunegaran palace (mawardi & widyaningsih, 1995, pp. 50-51). the political conflict within the mangkunegaran palace occurred when officials criticized king mangkunegara viii for implementing a feudal and conservative government system (moertono, 1985, p. 85). however, this condition did not last long because king mangkunegara viii was able to reduce the high tension that occurred in ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 137-153 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 falling in the midst of crisis: the collapse of the mangkunegaran autonomous government | 147 the mangkunegaran palace area after speaking about his leadership, which was outside the concept of government at the mangkunegaran palace in front of mangkunegaran officials (wardhana, pitana, & susanto, 2019, p. 108). after the political conditions at the mangkunegaran palace were successfully resolved, mangkunegara viii took the proper steps by ordering his royal troops to guard outside the mangkunegaran palace to prevent a rebellion by the antiautonomy group led by dr. moewardi wanted to kidnap him (kamajaya, 1993, p.10). this condition is inversely proportional to the kasunanan palace because they are more passive towards the anti-autonomy movement without riots or chaos like mangkunegaran. the kasunanan palace quickly restored surakarta's privileges, removing surakarta's special status until the central government overcame the antiautonomy movement (ariyanti, 2013, p. 13). the government of the republic of indonesia intervened to resolve the chaotic political situation in surakarta, especially in the mangkunegaran area. this was proven by ir. soekarno, president of the republic of indonesia, who held a knip meeting on march 25 1946, in surakarta to calm the masses, demonstrating against the government and the kingdom. sukarno met with institutions involved in efforts to abolish autonomous regions and went to meet the banteng front. after meeting with bodies seeking the abolition of the autonomous government, sukarno met with the government and asked it to be active in carrying out its political functions and handling security in surakarta by collaborating with related institutions. during the meeting, the deputy regents of the two kingdoms wanted the president to take appropriate steps under applicable law (rekso pustoko mangkunegaran archives number s 2391). following up on a report from president soekarno, on april 4 1946, the deputy minister of home affairs, mr. hermani, came to surakarta to discuss surakarta's problems. in the meeting, members of the surakarta anti-autonomy knid were represented by r.p. suroso and sutapa adisputra. on the other hand, the royal party was represented by bungkuman pakubuwono amin singgih and mr r.m.t. sumardi (mangkunegaran pustoko rekso archives number s 258). the anti-autonomy or anti-feudal group felt that the efforts of the republic of indonesia could not resolve the crisis or problem of political turmoil in surakarta, coupled with the controversial announcement issued by king mangkunegara viii on may 1 1946. this announcement marked that shortly mangkunegaran would be appointed as head of special regions, which are directly under the president following the provisions of the indonesian law; in other words, the mangkunegaran region is still maintained by the conservative party as an autonomous region (anderson, 1988, p. 393). the announcement created political tension in surakarta, and mangkunegaran heated up again. (kamajaya, 1993, p. 10). the political chaos in the surakarta area was caused by various frictions, one of which was carried out by the opposition in surakarta. the opposition, chaired by tan malaka, established a cooperative relationship with the banteng front movement led by dr. moewardi. this prompted the opposition and the bull front movement to hold ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 137-153 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 falling in the midst of crisis: the collapse of the mangkunegaran autonomous government | 148 a significant meeting on may 9, 1946 — the conference aimed to form a legislative body democratically through direct elections to determine its members. the meeting also sharply criticized king mangkunegara viii for issuing policies that caused political tensions to increase. after the conference was over, several members including dr. mangkunegaran arrested moewardi for strongly criticizing king mangkunegara viii (anderson, 1988, p. 422). mangkunegaran's arrest of members of the meeting created members of the anti-autonomy opposition, and the banteng front movement went berserk. they moved with quite a large mass and put king mangkunegara viii in another dangerous condition. however, the king had anticipated this by drawing up a plan to order mangkunegaran troops to stand guard outside the palace gates whose troops were equipped with complete weapons and cannons were also available at the mangkunegaran palace to prevent rebellion (julianto, 2010, p. 164). on may 28 1946, the situation heated up again when the anti-autonomy group, as members of the opposition and the banteng front, continued to divide or attack mangkunegaran. this incident attracted the attention of the government of the republic of indonesia by reminding king mangkunegara viii to give up his privileges as an autonomous region. however, king mangkunegara viii ignored this warning until he issued a proclamation and made a new law. the declaration states that mangkunegara viii continues to adhere to the principle of maintaining the privileges of the autonomous region and its territory and wants to remain as king of the mangkunegaran duchy (sandhy, 2022, p. 83). the friction between the anti-autonomous and mangkunegaran groups occurred because of the political turmoil that spread into surakarta's economic sector. the anti-autonomy group even succeeded in creating a power competition between the duchy government as a legitimate power recognized by the indonesian government and the anti-autonomy as members of knids, which was not recognized by the indonesian government but received support from most political participants in surakarta. this condition causes overlapping government administration, which significantly impacts the economic sector (musaparsih, 2005, p. 96). agriculture and forestry, which are essential sectors in supporting the running of the mangkunegaran economy, experienced a decline in production during the social revolution. before the social revolution, agriculture produced tens of thousands or, more precisely, up to 16,400 tons (sandhy, 2022, p. 4). however, agriculture could only produce tens to hundreds of kilos during the social revolution. the same condition is also experienced in the forestry sector, which is usually able to export forest products. however, with the anti-autonomy movement, production results were hampered and could no longer be sent (julianto, 2010, p. 67). the plantation sector, such as tea, coffee and sugar cane, is the most central sector that contributes to the mangkunegaran economy because it produces the most significant profits compared to the agricultural and forestry industries. it was also affected by the social revolution, causing several factories in the mangkunegaran area ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 137-153 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 falling in the midst of crisis: the collapse of the mangkunegaran autonomous government | 149 to stop producing. they make the economy increasingly stagnant (sandhy, 2022, p. 72). therefore, the anti-autonomy group defeated king mangkunegara viii because the economic sector at the heart of mangkunegara's economy was shaky due to their rebellion (kahin, 1995, p. 321). the collapse of mangkunegaran autonomous government and the establishment of surakarta residency the declaration of the head of the surakarta central government on 14 june 1946 marked the end of the mangkunegaran autonomous government so that all employees of the kasunanan and mangkunegaran palaces became indonesian government employees (announcement on 20 august 1946 to office administrators and employees of the kasunanan and mangkunegaran companies). in this case, the surakarta regional defense council has the right to manage the surakarta region (antara, 15 june 1946). this declaration was strengthened by the arrival of the deputy of the surakarta defense council who arrived in mangkunegaran on 24 june 1946 and stated that the mangkunegaran and kasunanan governments were united and managed by the surakarta regional defense council (mangkunegaran consanguineous committee, 1971, p. 12). apart from that, king mangkunegara viii also stated that he had given up in the face of the onslaught of the social revolution in surakarta, which caused most of mangkunegaran's incoming resources, such as economic assets or companies to fall into the hands of struggle agencies (rekso pustoko mangkunegaran archives number b 580). this resulted in mangkunegaran experiencing difficulties in financing its government because mangkunegaran's financing subsidies had been cut off, and regulations regarding economic relations between the indonesian government and mangkunegaran were unclear (mangkunegaran rekso pustoko archives special number). the indonesian government then issued government decree number 16/sd dated 15 july 1946 concerning the government in the special region of surakarta and yogyakarta, the contents of which are as follows: (1) before the form of government for the kasunanan and mangkunegaran regions was determined by law, the areas of the kasunanan and mangkunegaran regions temporarily considered a residency, led by a resident who leads all civil servants and police and holds all powers as resident in java and madura outside the surakarta and yogyakarta areas. (2) the governments in surakarta and yogyakarta are directly under the leadership of the central government (government decree number 16/sd, dated 15 july 1946). based on this decree, the indonesian government wanted to designate the surakarta region as part of central java province even though king mangkunegara viii stubbornly refused to give up the special rights of his special region, thus making the government of the republic of indonesia angry (rudyatmo, 2013, p. 10). the formation of the surakarta ministry was the government's response to various events that occurred in surakarta by the anti-autonomy movement. the central government's decision is one way to overcome the chaotic political situation (toer, toer, & kamil, 1999, p. 60). the concept of the special region of surakarta is ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 137-153 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 falling in the midst of crisis: the collapse of the mangkunegaran autonomous government | 150 different from the concept of regional expansion in government regulation number 78 of 2007 concerning procedures for the formation, abolition and merger of regions. the people still elect regional heads in this area, so two leaders run the government of the special region of surakarta (moedjanto, 1987, p. 80). the residence is led by resident iskak tjokroadisuryo and his deputy soediro. his leadership was successful because he succeeded in resolving various problems, and his policies were constructive for the progress of surakarta to become a unique region of the republic of indonesia. this concept is designed to replace the feudal structure with a new, more democratic structure based on the 1945 constitution (utamawan, 2010, pp. 25-26). conclusion the social revolution in surakarta is an interesting problem, focusing on the decisionmaking or position mangkunegaran took during the crisis. political contestation at the national level in granting regional autonomy rights to surakarta by the government of the republic of indonesia initiated the process of delegitimization in surakarta on 19 august 1945. this was accompanied by the transfer of the capital of the unitary state of the republic of indonesia from jakarta to yogyakarta, which caused various impacts, one of which was competition with the opposition in yogyakarta and spread to surakarta. this was the background to the riots in the surakarta area, which were marked by the birth of the anti-autonomy movement. this movement aims to revoke the special region of surakarta and wants privileges for the two traditional powers in surakarta, namely kasunanan and mangkunegaran. they hoped to take over the land controlled by the two feudalistic governments. this group became the actors in the riots, chaos and violence in surakarta as a response to the political policies of king mangkunegara viii, which were further strengthened by supporting the restoration of dutch rule so that the indonesian government did not nationalize its economic assets to improve the country's economic structure and continue to perpetuate its hegemony. acknowledgements this article was written as one of the requirements to complete the fast track program master of history, diponegoro university. the author also acknowledges prof. dr. yety rochwulaningsih, m.sc. and prof. dr. singgih tri sulistiyono, m. hum. as a lecturer in the publication course who has provided various inputs intensively to improve this article. references adams, c. 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(1957). bpuppki ppki proklamasai kemerdekaan ri. jakarta: kompas. microsoft word 7. harto juwono copy.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 69-85 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 recht van eigendom and inlandsch eigendom: a study of landownership in colonial indonesia | 69 received: january 21, 2025 revised: october 21, 2025 accepted: november 7, 2025 recht van eigendom and inlandsch eigendom: a study of landownership in colonial indonesia harto juwono,*1 nico a. van horn2,3 1study program of history, faculty of humanities state university of sebelas maret, surakarta, central java, indonesia 2koninklijk nederlands instituut voor taal-, land-en volkenkunde (kitlv) leiden, the netherlands 3nationaal archief, the hague, the netherlands *corresponding author: hartojuwono20@gmail.com doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v9i1.25799 introduction this paper seeks to address the existence of land property rights that emerged after the end of the cultuurstelsel era and continued to exist as a form of dualism in land property rights until the era of indonesian independence. by explaining this dualism, it is possible to explain what forms the property rights are, their differences and consequences, thus providing an explanation for a number of civil issues that are still often encountered in the judicial institutions in indonesia today. in 1870 the dutch colonial government issued basic agrarian regulations (agrarische wet and agrarisch besluit). in these regulations, the colonial government established her orientation that to that time showed a doubtful attitude in agrarian policy, namely the domein verklaring. this principle stated that the state becomes the ruler and/or owner of the land, especially when the land cannot be textually proven to be owned by anyone (staatsblad van nederlandsche indie 1870, no. 55). abstract this article aims to elucidate the existence of two distinct forms of land property rights within the colonial civil law system in indonesia. by doing so, it seeks to identify the historical origins of issues encountered in contemporary civil law cases. these issues, which are deeply rooted in colonial legal practices, can be better understood by tracing the development of two parallel regimes of property rights: western civil property rights and indigenous property rights. to examine the origins of these problems, this study employs the historical method, which consists of four stages, namely heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historical reconstruction. the sources used are primarily historical documents, with particular emphasis on their authenticity and reliability. the findings indicate that the colonial civil law system was characterized by a dualism of land property rights, each governed by distinct limitations and regulatory frameworks. this dualism emerged as a result of ambiguities and inconsistencies in colonial policies concerning indigenous land ownership. keywords: agrarian law; property rights; colonial government; indigenous land rights. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 69-85 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 recht van eigendom and inlandsch eigendom: a study of landownership in colonial indonesia | 70 starting from the mid-19th century, especially when the colonial government applied the principle of concordance within her legal system in the dutch east indies, signified by the publication of the regeeringsreglement as the first law in the colony in 1854 (staatsblad van nederlandsche indie 1855, no. 2), the definition and limits of individual rights to land were clarified and standardised. the government herself at that time had de facto established the existence of the highest authority in terms of land tenure. even the governor-general of the dutch east indies as the highest authority in the colony was subject to the prohibitions on the release of rights to land whether through sale, transfer, grant or other means, especially to foreigners. through the implementation of this law, the dutch east indies government entered a period of transition from a system of sole exploitation by the state based on the cultuurstelsel since 1830 to a system of partnership exploitation that increasingly led to the liberalisation of the colonial economy, especially since the 1850s. when the pressure to end the state's dominance in the economic control of the colonial lands, especially java, grew stronger in the dutch parliament, the government felt the need to take preparatory steps, especially in securing her assets and preventing upheaval among the indigenous people from occurring since 1848, the ducth parliament began to discuss about the exploitative policy under the cultivation system in jawa, and it reached her climax in 1860s as majority in the dutch parliament agreed that the system had to be abolished. “cultuurstelsel” (koopmans 2016, 85). these two policies became top priorities for the transitional governments in the netherlands and dutch east indies since 1848, when a new constitution (grondwet) was issued in the netherlands which was also used as a legal orientation for making policies towards the colonies (winckel 1863, 50). the emergence of these two basic laws, the grondwet and the regeeringsreglement, marked a change in government policy. especially towards the agrarian sector in the dutch east indies colony, which led to the two principles above. the first principle, protecting government assets, required eight years from 1855. the main focus of this policy was on objects that officially became government assets, namely government property rights over land (gouvernementseigendom). right van ownership (recht van eigendom) in the netherland was a highest of the ownership, because it provided a full of control to the owner over his land. it was a heritage of european feudal system since the turning of millenium. in east india, the dutch adapted the system to local or traditional law for minimizing the probability of conflict against the natives (mauliana, handoyo, zahra, erowati, dan pudyastiwi 2025, 146). up until that moment the government had controlled and used a lot of land, partly as inheritance from the voc and partly through annexation or clearance or acquisition of rights (onteigening) for reasons of public interest (genootschap 1866, 329). all assets were physically controlled by the government and built as infrastructure, but in a formal juridical context all these infrastructure objects were still not supported by clear and firm textual rights. eight years later, after the issuance of the above regulation, the government issued a regulation that confirmed the land status of all these infrastructure. on 12 august 1863, the regulation was promulgated and reads as follows. te bepalen dat gouvernements-gronden, begeerd voor den aanbouw van woonhuizen en inrigtingen van nijverheid of voor andere bebouwingen, voor zoo ver die gelegen zijn binnen den omtrek der hoofdplaatsen van de residentien en afdeelingen of tot uitbreiding van die hoofdplaatsen moeten dienen, voortaan niet anders dan in eigendom tegen den taxatie-prijs zullen worden afgestaan, behoudens die bijzondere gevallen, waarin zich ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 69-85 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 recht van eigendom and inlandsch eigendom: a study of landownership in colonial indonesia | 71 hiertegen overwegende bedenkingen bij de regering mogten voordoen (staatsblad van nederlandsche indie 1863, no. 90). [stipulates that government lands which are desirable for the construction of dwellings and industrial infrastructures or for other buildings as far as it lies within the neighbourhood of the capital of the residency and afdeeling or is to be used for the expansion of the capital, can primarily only be disposed of in freehold at the assessed price, except in special cases where the objections of the government under consideration are raised against it]. in the above provision, it is evident that the term government ground (gouvernementsgrond) appears, in the sense of land owned or possessed by the government (door het gouvernement toegeinen), and makes the government the absolute owner of the land (eigenaar van grond) (juwono 2023, 69). this status was then institutionalized as a land that owned and used entirely by the government. in order to acquire it, the government could not purchase it from the old owner but had to release or revoke the right of the former owner and transfer the right to the government with payment of compensation (schadevergoeding) (boissevain 1853, 13-14). as a consequence, the government then issued a decree that the government had the right to acquire land deemed necessary or required for the public interest (onteigening ten algemeenen nut) (andel 1857, 28). because the principle is acquisition and revocation of rights, the government does not make offers or transactions but can make unilateral decisions and by utilizing her authority, pay compensation from the state treasury to those who are considered to have rights to the land that is the object. as a result, those who received the compensation, in addition to not having the right to bid against the government's unilaterally interpreted replacement value, also did not provide any evidence of the receipt of the compensation payment. since then, the government has formally established this process in law (staatsblad van nederlandsch indie 1864, no. 6). as the demand for the end of the cultuurstelsel intensified in the netherlands, the government considered it necessary that the position and assets of the government in the colony, which had been acquired through the process of acquiring the above rights, be guaranteed and secured for her future interests. it seems that the main cause of gouvernment’s policy was the more pressure made by the liberals in the dutch parliament throughout 1860s., as liberals dominated the parliament. so, the dutch east india rezime prepared to protect itself in controlling all gouverment’s properties before she opened the door of colony for the liberal investors (iswahyudi 2020, 466). the end of government domination with the cultuurstelsel policy would certainly open the colony to private business investment, which would replace the government as the holder of economic hegemony (day 1904, 334). this gave rise to new demands for land tenure that would impact the clarity of rights as the basis for the relationship between investment and the land it controls and exploits. starting from this view, two years later, 1866, the government issued a new regulation to follow up and refine the regulation of 1863 above. the regulation, promulgated on 3 april 1866, reads as follows. ten vervolge op het bepaalde bij het besluit van 7 augustus 1863 no. 24 (staatsblad no. 90), te verklaren dat geen afstand in eigendom van daartoe aangevraagden grond zal plaats vinden, tenzij bij proceseverbaal van eene plaatselijke kommissie zij gekonstateerd, dat tegen dien afstand geen bezwaar bestaat, en bij meetbrief door den gezworen landmeter zij ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 69-85 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 recht van eigendom and inlandsch eigendom: a study of landownership in colonial indonesia | 72 omschreven de oppervlakte, ligging en belendingen van het aangevraagde perceel (staatsblad van nederlandsch indie 1866, no. 25). [following the provision of the decree of 7 august 1863 nо. 24 (staatsblad no. 90), it is stated that no relinquishment of the title to the land requested can be made except by the minutes of a local commission which finds that there is no objection to the relinquishment, and by a measurement by a land surveyor under oath recording the area, location and boundaries of the parcel requested]. there are two important points to be noted from the above provision. first, land owned by the government could be bought, sold, or otherwise transferred, provided that certain requirements were fulfilled, particularly when no objections or adverse consequences for the government or the state were identified. second, the process of disposition was conducted in essentially the same manner as the disposal and sale of land whose ownership rights were held by parties other than the government. through this provision, the government could assume the role of an investor or partner for private enterprises that required capital and administrative support. such cooperation was made possible when the government granted its business entities (state-owned enterprises) or private partners concession rights or monopoly privileges to operate or manage activities in specific sectors (kemper 1866, 17). based on these concession rights, private companies were permitted to use government land and exploit it for their commercial interests. as evidence of control over government land used to support business operations, the previously issued administrative documents were withdrawn and replaced by special cadastral maps, such as the grondkaart. these maps functioned as official proof that the holder exercised control over, or had been granted the right to use, government land for specified purposes (bijblad op het staatsblad van nederlandsch-indië, n.d., no. 4099). in this article a number of writings that have been made by several experts in their field will be reviewed. priority is given not solely to their relevance but also to their contribution in providing input and direction for this article, with the consideration that they will become evidentiary references in resolving the issues that are commonly found today. the first is c. van vollenhoven's work, de indonesier en zijn gronden. as the father of customary law in indonesia, van vollenhoven was well aware of the system of land tenure and ownership among indonesian people during the colonial era. despite forming his own school of thought that differed from the others (in this case with roufffaer in vorstenlanden), van vollenhoven outlined how indigenous people's rights to land derived from its clearing (ontginningsrecht), its control within the scope of communal groups (groepgemeenschap) and then the relation of this ownership with the institutionalised system of power in the form of government. besides c. van vollenhoven, a renowned work regarding land property rights in indonesia, j.b. sens's work, eigendom van zaken, voor den openbaren dienst bestemde, can be seen (sens 1934). this dissertation from the faculty of law at the catholic university of nijmegen explores the concept of property rights in the context of gemeen recht (common rights or communal rights) and their allocation to the public interest (openbare dienst bestemde zaken). by departing from the relationship between public law with private law, sens attempted to solve the issues that arose in relation to the use of communal rights in public functions embodied in the security of property rights (eigendom). the third work directly related to land property rights in java during the colonial era comes from i.w.c. van den berg, het eigendomsrecht van den staat op den grond op java en ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 69-85 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 recht van eigendom and inlandsch eigendom: a study of landownership in colonial indonesia | 73 madoera (berg 1891, 1-26). as an observer and writer on javanese social life. professor van den berg tried to explore how property rights emerged after the agrarian law was issued in 1870. however, in contrast to most writers, who focus on property rights held by individuals or business entities as a delegation from the government, van den berg stresses that state property rights were formed after the law was issued. in this case, van den berg places the context on the previous land system, which was based on land clearing rights (ontginningsrecht) either by individuals, groups or legal entities. although there is no mention of state interests in this paper, the work of van den berg can provide an illustration on how the changes that paved the way for the establishments of property rights to land occurred after 1870. method this research employs the historical method to trace and explain the emergence of the dualism of land ownership rights within the colonial agrarian legal system of the netherlands indies, particularly between recht van eigendom and inlandsche eigendom. the historical method is adopted because the land law issues examined in this study are products of past colonial policies; therefore, their proper understanding requires a chronological investigation of the origins of regulations, legal concepts, and agrarian practices that developed from the midnineteenth century to the end of the colonial period (gottschalk 1986; kuntowijoyo 2013). the application of the historical method in this study follows the stages of heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historical reconstruction (sjamsuddin 2016). the heuristic stage involves the collection of relevant written sources, including colonial legislation such as staatsblad van nederlandsch-indië, bijblad staatsblad, the regeeringsreglement of 1855, and the agrarische wet of 1870, as well as official colonial government reports such as the koloniaal verslag, and archival materials related to agrarian policy and expropriation (onteigening) (buffart 1932; veer 1919). source criticism is conducted to assess the authenticity and credibility of the materials by taking into account the colonial political-legal context and the normative biases inherent in official government documents (day 1904). the interpretative stage is directed at analyzing historical data to understand the causal relationship between changes in colonial agrarian policy, particularly the implementation of the domein verklaring, the termination of the cultuurstelsel, and the enactment of the agrarische wet of 1870—and the formation of two distinct regimes of land ownership rights for indigenous and non-indigenous populations (vollenhoven 1925; berg 1891). the final stage of historical reconstruction presents an analytical narrative that outlines the chronological and structural development of land ownership rights while highlighting their long-term implications for agrarian legal practices and land disputes in post-independence indonesia (heslinga 1928; harto juwono 2023). secondary sources employed in this research include both classical and modern works in the fields of agrarian law and colonial history, notably writings by c. van vollenhoven, j.b. sens, l.w.c. van den berg, j. de louter, and other relevant historiographical studies on colonial agrarian systems (sens 1934; louter 1895). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 69-85 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 recht van eigendom and inlandsch eigendom: a study of landownership in colonial indonesia | 74 recht van eigendom after guaranteeing and securing her own assets as absolute property rights, the government took further steps in the agrarian field by issuing the agrarische wet in 1870. in addition to the status of property rights over government land, through this law the government also controls ground or land that is not proven to be owned by another party. with this land control, the government has the authority to release it just as government land. the difference lies in the form of rights granted. if on government land, the sale of land ends in a property right (eigendom), on land controlled (beschikkingsrecht) the land is not always in the form of property right, but can also be a right to build (recht van opstal), a right to business (recht van erfpacht), or even right of use (gebruikrecht) (buffart 1932, 3). the issuance of this agrarian law received a positive response, especially from the business world, which gained legal certainty over the assets that they will control and need to facilitate their business operations in various sectors. through the provisions of this law, private investors not only have the opportunity to acquire land directly from the government but can also make direct contact with the people, both communal (gemeenschap) or individuals to acquire the land needed for their investment (staatsblad van nederlandsch indie 1871, no. 163). despite the guaranteed freedom to obtain land, the government in this case still imposed restrictions on such actions. there are at least two obstacles to absolute control of land by private investors, especially against the people. firstly, the rights on which this control is based on all originate from the government wherever the private entrepreneur acquires land, whether in government areas (gouvernementlanden), or self-government areas (zelfbestuurlanden) and in traditional group areas (bijblad op het staatsblad 1860, no. 778). as a consequence, when the time of use has elapsed, the government can take the land back and restore its status as government-owned land or to the original owner such as the selfgovernment (swapraja) ruler (algemeen secretarie gadjah mada 1863). secondly, what is acquired as tenure rights by private investors does not become absolute property rights. due to the nature of the business, it is only possible to acquire large tracts of land from the indigenous population through lease contacts, rather than through acquisition of rights such as government land or direct purchase. thus, private entrepreneurs can only acquire large tracts of land under the erfpacht right if it is directly related to land exploitation for cultivation, or the concession right (concessie recht) for exploitation outside of cultivation such as mining, transportation, lighting, and forestry (riesz 1884, 76; veer 1919, 24). the granting of the status of property rights (eigendom) itself was started by the voc in the early 17 century, when a number of voc officials bought lands around the batavia in areas outside of it. for example, cornelis casteleyn as director-general of the voc bought the lands of srengseng, tugu, and depok which were subsequently turned into his property. in his will, casteleyn made these lands his inheritance, both to his direct descendants and to his slaves who were later set free. in the 19th century, these lands were listed as depok estate “ownership”. it means that the depok land was owned collectively by the chasteleyn’s owner slaves. it based on a verdich by the supureme court of the netherlands indies in 1850 (peters 2021, 141). a similar process was followed by other voc officials including the governor-general. in 1745 baron van imhoff bought the land of kampung baru in bogor (buitenzorg) which he registered as his private property. he even made the land into a semi-land for the incumbent governor-general’s office, with the right to sell it to his successor. in subsequent developments the land was made the property of the dutch east indies government after the system left by ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 69-85 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 recht van eigendom and inlandsch eigendom: a study of landownership in colonial indonesia | 75 van imhoff was abolished. however, although kampung baru was made into government land, other lands purchased by voc officials around batavia were later recognised as private property. by the end of the 18th century, it was recognised as private land with the rights of the owner (hageman 1860, 364-365). all of these lands with private status were granted absolute property rights by the dutch east indies government and had a special position within the colonial agrarian system (staatsblad van nederlandsch indie 1836, no. 119). the development of this property status still did not have a strong basis in general because there was no agrarian regulation that applied as a whole. the colonial government herself only made specific and separate regulations according to the cases that arose. only in 1855 with the publication of the regeeringsreglement the opportunity to make general provisions on land policy in the colonial lands opened up, and eventually led to the agrarische wet of 1870. in addition to the domein verklaring principle of government control of land (neilson 1834, 377), this regulation also opened up opportunities for absolute property rights which were possible to be acquired by individuals in relation to their interests as investors. the legal basis used to regulate it was made in 1834. in article 11 of this regulation it is recorded as follows. bij de aangifte tot overgang van den eigendom van landerijen, huizen, tuinen or erven, niet door openbaren verkoop maar op eenige andere wijze van eigenaar veranderd, zal door den landmeter, na inzage der benoodigde documenten, waaruit de bevoegdheid tot het doen van zoodanige overschrijving blijkt, ten zijnen kantore, behoorlijke aanteekening daarvan op de registers, worden gehouden met bekendstelling in geval van verkoop van den overeengekomen prijs, en door wien de ongelden de overschrijving vallende zullen betaald worden (bijblad op het staatsblad 1834, no. 377). [in the transfer of title to land, houses, gardens or yards whose owners have not changed through public sale except by other means, by the land surveyor after seeing the necessary documents evidencing his authority to carry out the registration of the change of title, an entry shall be made on the register with notice of the price agreed upon in the case of sale, and shall be paid by whoever is responsible for the registration]. in this regulation, there are two important things to note. firstly, there is the process of transferring ownership of property that is recorded in a legal administrative manner. through this transfer process, it can be seen that there are property rights that bind individuals to the objects he releases or sells. secondly, there is the term owner (eigenaar) which is absolute in nature. when the recorded material mentions land, houses, gardens, and yards there is a legal status of absolute property rights to these objects (recht van eigendom) the term of eigendom is split into two : eigen means itself, and dom from dominium, namely to get a control. so both refers to property right of land by someone as the owner (pratama and jayaputra 2024, 284). with this provision, not only were individual property rights guaranteed, but also the disposal and transfer was considered legal according to the implemented regulation. therefore, by 1870, the minister of colonics noted in his report as follows. geen afstand in eigendom van daartoe aangevraagde grond zal plaats vinden, tenzij bij process verbaal van eene plaatselijke commissie zijn geconstateerd, dat tegen dien afstand geen bezwaar bestaat en bij meetbrief door een gezworen landmeter zijn omschreven de ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 69-85 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 recht van eigendom and inlandsch eigendom: a study of landownership in colonial indonesia | 76 oppervlakte, ligging en belendingen van het aangevraagde perceel (koloniaal verslag over het jaar 1868, page 348). [no relinquishment in title to the land applied for can be made, unless a local committee is satisfied that no objection has been raised to the relinquishment and by means of a measurement made by a sworn surveyor the area, location and boundaries of the parcel applied for are recorded]. according to the minister's report to the dutch parliament in 1868, it can be seen that the administrative process for release or sale of land with property right was more complete. this involved a government apparatus (surveyor), which signified that the issue of property rights and their disposal or sale was a legal matter, in this case in the civil sphere. as a consequence, the status of absolute property rights (recht van eigendom) was confirmed as a legal right for its holder, whether an institution or an individual. based on the domein verklaring, the government has the authority to control land and then made it into state domain (staatsdomein). when this status is then legalized and recorded administratively, the state is recognized as the owner and can sell it or grant it to parties who apply to own it under certain requirements. this granting then made it possible to acquire absolute property rights (recht van eigendom) status to anyone, especially non-indigenous people. this is confirmed in the following regulation. het aangevraagd stuk grond wordt op magtiging van de regeering (indien deze tot den afstand in eigendom genegen is en onder voorwaarden, door haar voor elk afzonderlijk geval te stellen, in het openbaar bij opbod verkocht, tenzij wegens bijzondere omstandigheden, onderhandsche afstand verkieslijk wordt geacht (staatsblad van nederlandsch indie 1876, no. 177). [parcels of land applied for under the authority of the government (where the government allows their disposal in fee simple) and with conditions set by the government for each specific case, are sold through open surveillance unless due to special circumstances, direct disposal is considered preferable]. the above provision allows for the birth of absolute property rights, because before this right is granted the status of the land is still state domain or even considered free state domain (vrije staatsdomein) which only gives the state the authority to control and not to own. therefore, in order to prevent a lawsuit by a party claiming to be its previous owner from occurring, the government released the land in an open sale by auction. this opportunity appears to have been utilized by many people, especially nonindigenous, to obtain absolute property rights of the land that guaranteed their lives and businesses. although initially the land area was limited to a maximum of 10 bahus, in reality, this restriction was often violated or not strictly enforced. particularly for applications to acquire property rights submitted by business entities, the land required to support their business operations often exceeds this limit, while also containing business impact consequences. as a follow-up to this, on may 1890, a circular letter was issued to all residents in java by the director of the interior government, which contained the following provision, among other things. in verband daarmede wenscht zijne excellentie, bij de beoordeeling van aanvragen om grond in eigendom, zich voortaan uitsluitend te laten leiden door de overweging of de betrekkelijke agrarische bepalingen de uitgifte der begeerde perceelen toelaten (algemeen ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 69-85 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 recht van eigendom and inlandsch eigendom: a study of landownership in colonial indonesia | 77 secretarie 1890, no. 1134). [in connection with this, his excellency (the governorgeneral) wishes that in assessing applications for property rights over plots of land in particular can only be guided through consideration of whether the relevant agrarian provisions permit the release of the desired plots]. with the above circular letter, it can be seen that the government is emphasing and tightening the ownership of land with absolute property rights status, especially within the limits of area and risk, particularly when established for industrial purposes by business entities. the seriousness of the above issue was then shown by the government through a letter from the secretary of state to the director of government a few months after the above circular letter was issued. within this letter, it was noted as follows. ook thans nog ligt het in de bedoeling der regeering dat de aan eenig in eigendom aangevraagd perceel te geven bestemming opgegeven en daarmede rekening worde gehouden om te kunnen beoordeelen of het perceel in de termen valt van die, bedoeld in het 2 lid van artikel 62 van het regeeringsreglement (algeemen secretarie 1890, no. 2375). [it is also now the intention of the government to indicate the purpose given to the requested parcel as freehold and that is taken in account to assess whether this parcel falls within the boundaries referred to in paragraph 2 of article 62 of the government regulations (ie. the disposal of land in freehold only for the expansion of towns and villages and the establishment of industrial infrastructure)]. the message contained within this letter confirms the government's intention that in principle the government has no objection against the disposal of land in absolute property right including the sale of the government's own land, as long as it is in accordance with the implemented regulations as stated by the minister of colonies as follows. bij de behandeling van aanvragen om tot het vestige van inrichtingen van nijverheid (of van woonhuizen) kleine stukken gouvernementsgrond in eigendom te erlangen, was soms de vraag gerezen of al lieten de agrarische bepalingen de inwilliging toe, de uitgifte wellicht zou moeten achterwege blijven wanneer de terrein in verband met bijzondere verordeningen of voorschriften geacht werden voor het opgegeven doel niet te kunnen dienen. ten dien opzichte is nu eens vooral beslist dat bij de beoordeeling van aanvragen om afstand van grond in eigendom het niet op den weg der regeering ligt die verzoeken aan andere voorschriften dan aan de agrarische bepalingen te toetsen (koloniaal verslag over het jaar 1891, page 94). [in discussing applications to acquire property rights in small plots of government land for the construction of industrial infrastructure (or residential houses), the question sometimes arises whether (despite the agrarian regulations allowing it) the release might have to be postponed when this land is deemed by special regulations to be unusable for that purpose. in this connection it is now primarily decided that in assessing applications for the release of land with proprietary status the government's aim is not to confront these applications with any other rules than the agrarian regulations]. based on the quote above, it can be seen that only the agrarian regulations provided the basis for the granting of property rights to non-indigenous people and business entities, which were fully subject to western law. through the granting of such status, the right holder was ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 69-85 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 recht van eigendom and inlandsch eigendom: a study of landownership in colonial indonesia | 78 subject to the obligation to pay land tax (grondbelasting) as evidence of the government's recognition of his right. to calculate the amount of land tax on the sale value of the land subject to the property right, the government issued a standard called verponding. verponding itself was first levied in 1823 as a form of payment obligation to the government for those who were recognized as owning land or real estate (staatsblad van nederlandsch indie 1823, no. 5). in its development, verponding became a way to calculate the basic sales value of real estate, the results of which were used to calculate the amount of land tax (grondbelasting) (helder 1925, 35). the sale value of these properties was determined at the beginning of the year by considering the condition of the real estate. in that year, the percentage of sale value of the land in that condition is calculated and the result became the verponding that will be levied as land tax. until the application of new agrarian system by indonesian government in 1960, the term of verponding refers to a tax that collected on immovable property (onroerende goederen) namely land (rabbani, laturette, and radjawane 2024, 22). thus, absolute property rights were considered legal within the colonial agrarian system. inlandsche eigendom in in addition to the property right (recht van eigendom) that applies to non-indigenous people, the agrarian law of 1870 also opens up opportunities for indigenous people to acquire land property rights. although in principle it is the same as the property rights held by nonindigenous people, there are slight differences in its application and implementation, in accordance with the purpose of granting the right. the difference lies in the fact that western’s idea shows that the native did not use their land properly fot the sake of their economic progress and development (cameron, graben, and napoleon 2020, 16). this difference cannot be separated from the origin of indigenous property rights (inlandsche eigendom) that prevailed as their agrarian system. whereas foreigners who came to the indies acquired land in property rights through their purchase of land from the central government or though the government of indigenous person (whether a self-government ruler, a native ruler, or an indigenous person), the indigenous people acquired their property rights by descent and history, hence it is often referred to as agrarische eigendom. as stated by c. van vollenhoven, the indigenous population controls the land of their ancestors, known as the first landowner (ontginningsrecht) (van vollenhoven 1925, 4). from there, communal ownership emerged, which was dominated by kinship ties such as family, clan, community, and so on. through this communal ownership, individuals who are part of the social group formed through the ties of kinship do not have property rights, but only the right of using the land that belongs together. this right of use is individual and hereditary in nature (erfelijk individueel gebruiksrecht), but only lasts for a certain period and after the time limit has passed, the land will then be exchanged for land controlled by other kinship members. thus, the individual only has the right to harvest and cultivate the land by depositing a portion of the produce to the communal bond as a form of obligation as member of the group (van heukelom 1871, 173; van vollenhoven 1925, 4). after some time and in line with the development of this form of group into a simple and low-level government unit (kampong and desa) the form of land tenure the individual hereditary right of use also experienced changes. periodic exchanges ceased to be the norm and a fixed form of individual hereditary tenure emerged. due to its fixed nature, this form is more similar to ownership (bezit), hence it is more commonly referred to as hereditary individual ownership rights (erfelijk individueel bezitrecht) (ossenbruggen 1909, 2). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 69-85 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 recht van eigendom and inlandsch eigendom: a study of landownership in colonial indonesia | 79 through this ownership right, the inheritance of land to descendants as long as they still reside and live in the ties of community is guaranteed. likewise, their right to exploit the land and reap the harvest is honored by the social group (desa). their only obligation is to provide a small portion of their land produce and their labor when the village requires it, either regularly or incidentally. however, the authority over the land still remains with the communal ownership right (communal bezitsrecht), which at any time can revoke it and return its status (heslinga 1928, 20). these obligations were perceived by the holders of these ownership rights as an obstacle to assert their free and absolute rights over the land. whatever happened they felt that the village remained the owner of the land and that this issue had to change if they were to realize their hopes of becoming the absolute owners of the land. this opportunity arose when on 9 september 1870 the government issued the agrarian decree, which contained the following provision, among other things. de regten der inlandsche bevolking op grond, volgens hare godsdienstige wetten, instellingen en gebruiken, worden voor zoover noodig, bij algemene verordening omschreven (staatsblad van nederlandsch indie 1870, no. 118). [the rights of the indigenous people to land according to their religious laws, traditions and customs shall to the extent necessary be recorded in general regulations]. the regulation was the first step in formalizing the rules that applied to the indigenous people in relation to their land rights. from there the opportunity beeame opened to reinforce their legal status. with the existence of written law, regulation adjustments (concordance) could be made, especially from customary law to western positive law. with this concordance process, the opportunity to change the status of land ownership as held by the indigenous people until then (erfelijk individueel gebruik en bezitrecht) could be replaced with a stronger legal status, namely eigendom (absolute property rights). this is evident from the following provision within the above regulation. de inlanders die tot verzekering van hun erfelijk individueel gebruiksregt op grond een schriftelijken titel verlangen, worden door den gouverneur generaal, zoodra doenlijk, in de gelegenheid gesteld dien te verkrijgen. de algemeene verordening, regelende de vervanging van inlandsch erfelijk individueel bezit, door eigendom krachtens de vierde bepaling der voormelde wet, wordt door ons vastgesteld. [indigenous persons who wish to obtain written evidence to confirm their hereditary individual right of use to land can on this occasion be granted by the governor-general as soon as possible. the general regulations governing the replacement of hereditary indigenous individual ownership with property rights are prescribed by us under the fourth provision of the act]. this opportunity became wide open through the enactment of legal rules for indigenous people to obtain absolute property rights. the aforementioned right was intended to guarantee the indigenous people of their absolute ownership and were no longer tied to communal group (desa), also to ensure their future prosperity. however, the dutch east indies government that issued the regulation also was involved. this concern arose in relation to the potential that indigenous people who acquired absolute property rights would have the opportunity to relinquish them either through sale or ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 69-85 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 recht van eigendom and inlandsch eigendom: a study of landownership in colonial indonesia | 80 pledge in order to obtain loans of credit. if this happened, it was firmly suspected that indigenous people would lose the property rights that had been granted, because the process of selling off could easily be carried out and legally recognized according to the rules of civil law. it can be happened as the village traditional system is destroyed by crushing its landholding pattern, as done by colonial and her ally native elite. it starts with land tenure or landholding tnat dominated the village picture (niel 2022, 187). for this reason, in the implementing regulation of the agrarian law of 1870, article i contained the following provision. gronden door inlanders het krachtens de vierde bepaling der wet 9 april 1870, indisch staatsblad no. 55, in eigendom verkregen, hetzij in erfelijk individueel gebruik of tijdelijk als dessagenooten in de gemeente-gronden bezeten, kunnen aan niet-inlanders worden verhuurd volgens de bij deze veordening gestelde regels (anonim 1872, 61). [lands acquired by indigenous people either under the fourth provision of law 9 april 1870, government gazette number 55, or in hereditary individual use or held temporarily in communal land as village members, can be leased to nonindigenous people according to the rules set out in this regulation]. under the above provision, indigenous people holding this property right (agrarische eigendom) could only rent out their land and not sell it, which was also regulated by provisions in placed to protect it. this stimulus to obtain the proceeds from the above rentals was the main motivation for residents to apply to the government to change the status of their land ownership rights into absolute property rights, although different from property rights for non-indigenous people. the advantage of this change in status was certainly the freedom to enjoy the proceeds without being burdened by the obligation to share with the communal group, namely the village (desa). in addition to that, after a few years, many people wanted to acquire this absolute property right for fear that they would one day return the land to the village as a communal bond, when the village required (koloniaal verslag over het jaar 1891, page. 93). the issue that arose and was debated among dutch officials regarding these indigenous property rights was whether they were subject to western civil law or still related to the traditional system of land ownership. j. de louter stated as follows. de aldus verworven eigendom is geenszins gelijk aan dien van het burgerlijke wetboek en wordt daarom agrarische eigendom genoemd. de inlander blijft ten aanzien zijner grondrechten in hetzelfde maatschappelijk verband als waarin hij tot dusver leefde (louter 1895, 592). [the property rights acquired are not at all the same as property rights under the civil code and are therefore called agrarian property rights. indigenous people in relation to their land rights continue to have the same social relations as they have had up until now]. according to de louter, indigenous people can only hold property rights as far as they relate to the recognition by the state of their land, and unlike the property rights held by nonindigenous people in relation to their investment and business operations. the above view of de louter was also indirectly supported by the minister of colonial affairs, franssen van de putte when he blamed the council of the dutch east indies in this view of indigenous property rights. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 69-85 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 recht van eigendom and inlandsch eigendom: a study of landownership in colonial indonesia | 81 de raad (in advise 19 juli 1872 no. xiv) acht nu dat het inlandsche eigendomsrecht geheel is onttrokken aan het europeesch burgerlijk recht. hier moet ik denken aan een misverstand. toch art 4 zegt dat de inlander die zijn erfelijk individueel bezitrecht op grond door eigendomsrecht heeft doen vervangen, het vrije genoet van en de vrije beschikking over den grond heeft, behoudens eenige beperkingen (landsdrukkerij 1896, 11). [the council (in its advice of 19 july 1872 no. xiv) now considers indigenous property rights to be entirely derived from european civil law. here i am reminded of a misunderstanding. but article 4 says that an indigenous person who replaces his hereditary individual ownership rights with a right of property is free to enjoy and control his land, besides being subjected to certain restrictions]. in his commentary, franssen van de putte considered that indigenous property rights (inlandsche agrarische eigendom) are in fact the right to control and enjoy land products freely and separately from communal or village ties, which are also evidenced by the payment of verponding as well as absolute property rights. however, in other respects, the holder of an indigenous property right did not obtain the freedom and facilities as the holder of absolute property right (recht van eigendom) (asnanda and cos 2024, 522). for the indigenous people themselves who obtained this right and paid its taxes, they felt that their rights were the same as the absolute property rights held by non-indigenous people. this was according to them proven administratively, by showing proof of their tax payments which are different from the verponding file on absolute property rights, as shown below. het eenige officieele stuk dat door den kleinen man dikwijls met de grootste zorg en waakzaamheid wordt bewaard, de petok of pipil of het aanslagbiljet in de landrente dan wel inlandsche verponding, wordt bijne overal in de jurisprudentie niet beschouwd als een bewijs van den eigendom (het bezit) van den grond, hoogstens is het dikwijls beduimelde en verkreukelde papiertje belastingplichtigheid van den houder een bewijs. [the only official file kept by the common people was often with great care and caution, the petok or pipil or land tax bill sheet other than the indigenous verponding, almost everywhere in jurisprudence could not be considered proof of land ownership, at least often the torn and shabby paper was proof of the holder's tax compliance]. some researchers found that this phenomenon is caused by a fact that “eigendom verponding actually refers to the concept of property rights related to land and property remains, without any relation to tax as verponding” (asnanda and cos 2024, 522). in the above quote the term landrente is being used (which literally means land rent) rather than land tax (grondbelasting). this shows that the ties between the individual and his land and social group still apply. it is also clear from the writing that a tenant considered the payment of land tax as the legitimacy of his ownership of the land. in addition to the misconception above, these indigenous property right holders were also not simply assured of their land ownership. the information below proves this emphatically. de memorie van toelichting geeft daarvoor uitsluitend op de vrees dat de inlander immers zoo lang de werking der wet niet in leder opzigt geregeld en verzekerd is, bij de herinnering aan willekeurige beschikking over grond en arbeid, het ligt als zeer verstandig zoude ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 69-85 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 recht van eigendom and inlandsch eigendom: a study of landownership in colonial indonesia | 82 rekenen voor een zeker voordeel een nieuw regt prijs te geven, dat het gouvernement heden wel schenkt, maar om de miscchien morgen terug te nemen. moest het argument dienen als betoog dat de inlander meer gevaar loop door het gouvernement te worden benadeeld dan door europesche of chineesche particulieren, zoo zouden wij ons er volkomen mede kunnen vereenigen (gennep 1866, 18). [the explanatory memorandum above only points to the fear that indigenous people have for so long not been governed and secured by the enactment of laws with arbitrary control of land and labour in mind. it seems perfectly reasonable to grant new rights for certain benefits, which the government grants today, but may take back tomorrow. if this argument asserts that indigenous people feel more in danger of being harmed by the government than by europeans or chinese, then we seem to agree]. in the public perception above, it appears that the government was not fully assertive in guaranteeing the indigenous property rights in changing their land ownership status. the government's hesitation arose from the fear that indigenous people would lose their land if given the freedom. in order to prevent this, an indigenous figure, dwidjosewojo, commented at the general meeting of his organisation on 3 september 1924 as follows. het inlandsch grondbezit moet beschermd worden tegen elke poging van niet-inlanders tot grond-occupatie. om dit te bereiken, de volgende middelen gaarne toegepast; verzekering van de rechten der inlandsche landbouwers op den grond. de regeering regelt het individueel bezitsrecht. het verbod om grondbezit aan niet-inlanders over te dragen blijve gehandhaafd. gronden waarvan de eigenaar niet kan worden vastgesteld, moeten vrij staatsdomein worden (“de javanen en de actie van het iev” in de sumatra post, 18 september 1924, 5th sheet). [indigenous land ownership must be protected against any attempt by non-indigenous parties to occupy land. to achieve this, the following means are applied: guaranteeing indigenous farmers’ rights to land. the government regulates individual property rights. the prohibition on transferring land ownership to non-natives is maintained. lands with unclear owners are to become free state lands]. the above assertive view of dwidjosewojo contains a claim that the government is the only party responsible for guaranteeing and protecting the property rights of indigenous people to land, although the article does not explicitly state what rights are referred to. in response to such condition, the dutch east indies government in her last regulation on indigenous land property rights stipulated in 1937 the following provision. het hoofd van gewestelijk bestuur is bevoegd op het bepaalde bij de le alinea uitzonderingen toe te staan voor stukken grond, besteed en gevorderd voor inrichtingen van nijverheid of landbouw van gene grotere uitgestrektheid dan tien bouws, voor uitbreiding van bestaande samenwoningen van europeanen or vreemde oosterlingen of voor andere gewichtige doeleinden (staatsblad van nederlandsch indie 1937 no. 373). [the head of the regional government is authorised with the exceptions referred to in paragraph 1 to authorise devoted and requisitioned plots of land for industrial or agricultural infrastructure which do not exceed 10 odours in area, for the expansion of european and foreign easterner settlements or for other important purposes]. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 69-85 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 recht van eigendom and inlandsch eigendom: a study of landownership in colonial indonesia | 83 with the existence of this regulation, regardless of the autonomy of a local government the head of the regional government represented the government to authorise the sale of lands including indigenous property to non-indigenous people if in his opinion it was necessary. this ended the restrictions for indigenous property rights in terms of disposal and transfer of rights to non-indigenous people, which had been in place since 1870. conclusion the description above attempts to highlight the existence of two kinds of land property rights that once existed in the history of the development of the agrarian system in indonesia, and which still leave legal issues in the present. a number of civil cases that have been brought before the courts and have not been adequately resolved utilising a number of evidence files such as those presented in the above paper. this means that the main source of problem lies in the system that prevailed in the past, especially in terms of land ownership. in the analyses above, it is evident that within indonesian agrarian historiography two kinds of land property rights have been found, apart from ownership right and other right of tenure. the first right arose from the western legal system that had been in force in europe since the 17th century and was later applied in the dutch east indies by the voc during her rule. the second right only emerged after the changes in the agrarian system that occurred as a consequence of the issuance of the agrarian law in 1870. the change in perception and system triggered the emergence of a new form of land property right, although it only applied to indigenous people. whereas the former land property right is based on the principles of civil rule, the latter ownership right is based on indonesia's indigenous land tenure system as cited by professor van vollenhoven in his work. in her policy, the dutch government attempted to distinguish between the two, both for her own interests or the interest of the indigenous people themselves. however, towards the end of her rule, the similarities between the two were unavoidable and this brought consequences when both entered the indonesian national land system enacted since 1945. references anonim. 1872. “uitvoering der agrarische wet.” tijdschrift van nederlandsch-indië 1: 61. andel, h. m. van. 1857. de onteigening ten algemeenen nut volgens wet 28 augustus 1851. leiden: p.h. van den heuvell. arizona, yance. 2023. “indigeneity in the indonesian constitution.” in constitutional democracy in indonesia, edited by melissa crouch, 185–210. oxford: oxford university press. asnanda, anggraini, and cos. 2024. “legal effects on control of rights to land of the former eigendom verponding state in disputes between heirs of the muller family and citizens of dago elos bandung.” awang long law review 6 (2): 522–535. berg, l. w. c. van den. 1891. “het eigendomsrecht van den staat op den grond op java en madoera.” bijdragen tot de taal-, landen volkenkunde van nederlandsch-indië 40: 1–26. bijblad op het staatsblad van nederlandsch-indië. 1834. no. 377. bijblad op het staatsblad van nederlandsch-indië. 1860. no. 778. bijblad op het staatsblad van nederlandsch-indië. n.d. no. 4099. boissevain, j. h. g. 1853. de wet op de onteigening ten algemeenen nutte van den 28 augustus 1851 in hare beginselen en strekking. arnhem: a. nijhoff en zoon. boomgaard, peter. 2013. empire and ecology in the indonesian archipelago. leiden: kitlv press. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 69-85 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 recht van eigendom and inlandsch eigendom: a study of landownership in colonial indonesia | 84 buffart, j. f. a. m. 1932. het domeinbeginsel in de agrarische wetgeving van nederlandsch-indië. den helder: c. de boer. cameron, angela, sari graben, and val napoleon. 2020. “introduction: the role of indigenous law in the privatization of lands.” in creating indigenous property: power, rights, and relationships, 1–24. toronto: university of toronto press. day, clive. 1904. the policy and administration of the dutch in java. new york: macmillan. de indische courant. 1937. “inlandsche grondrechten.” august 7. de louter, j. 1895. handleiding tot de kennis van het staatsen administratief recht van nederlandschindië. ’s-gravenhage: martinus nijhoff. de sumatra post. 1924. “de javanen en de actie van het iev.” september 18. gennep, j. van. 1866. het ontwerp van wet tot vaststelling der gronden waarop ondernemingen van landbouw en nijverheid in nederlandsch-indië. batavia: h.m. van dorp. gottschalk, louis. 1986. understanding history: a primer of historical method. new york: alfred a. knopf. hageman, j. 1860. “geschieden aardrijkskundig overzicht van java op het einde der achttiende eeuw.” tijdschrift voor indische taal-, landen volkenkunde 9 (3): 364–365. harto juwono. 2023. hak milik atas tanah: memahami sistem agraria di era hindia belanda. solo: selaklali. heslinga, j. h. 1928. de rechten op grond en water op java en madoera. weltevreden: boekhandel visser. heukelom, c. van. 1871. “de agrarische wet en hare uitvoering.” tijdschrift voor nederlandschindië 1: 173–195. houben, vincent j. h. 2003. “colonial history and historiography.” in indonesia in transition, edited by henk schulte nordholt, 27–48. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. indisch genootschap. 1866. beraadslaging over het gouvernements cultuurstelsel op java ook in verband met het wetsontwerp. ’s-gravenhage: martinus nijhoff. iswahyudi. 2020. “the implementation of the cultuurstelsel in java.” britain international of humanities and social science journal 2 (3): 466–480. juwono, harto. 2023. hak milik atas tanah: memahami sistem agraria di era hindia belanda. solo: selaklali. kemper, gerrit de bosch. 1866. de concessien volgens de nederlandsche recht. amsterdam: johannes muller. koloniaal verslag. 1868. koloniaal verslag over het jaar 1868. ’s-gravenhage. koloniaal verslag. 1891. koloniaal verslag over het jaar 1891. ’s-gravenhage. koopmans, joop w. 2016. historical dictionary of the netherlands. london: rowman & littlefield. neilson, jeffrey. 2020. “domein verklaring: colonial legal legacies and communities’ access to land in indonesia.” georgetown journal of international affairs, november. nota over de ontginning van grond door inlanders op java en madoera. 1896. batavia: landsdrukkerij. nota over de verpondingsbelasting. 1925. den helder: c. de boer jr. ossenbruggen, f. d. e. van. 1909. de regeling van het desabeheer en 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no. 2. staatsblad van nederlandsch-indië. 1863. no. 90. staatsblad van nederlandsch-indië. 1864. no. 6. staatsblad van nederlandsch-indië. 1866. no. 25. staatsblad van nederlandsch-indië. 1870. no. 118. staatsblad van nederlandsch-indië. 1871. no. 163. staatsblad van nederlandsch-indië. 1876. no. 177. staatsblad van nederlandsch-indië. 1937. no. 373. tosh, john. 2015. the pursuit of history. 6th ed. london: routledge. van de veer, k. 1919. agrarische regelingen. buitenzorg: the tjeng goey. van niel, robert. 2022. java under the cultivation system. leiden: kitlv press. vollenhoven, cornelis van. 1925. de indonesiërs en hun grond. leiden: e.j. brill. winckel, christiaan philip karel. 1863. de raad van nederlandsch-indië. utrecht: a. van dorsten. microsoft word 5. layouted, tavarez et al 2021 [apa-n].docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 45-58 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 implementation of modern agricultural food system in timor-leste, 1982-2007 | 45 received: november 22, 2020 revised: june 9, 2021 accepted: june 9, 2021 implementation of modern agricultural food system in timor-leste, 1982-2007 joaquina tavarez*, yety rochwulaningsih, haryono rinardi master program of history, faculty of humanities, universitas diponegoro, semarang, central java indonesia *corresponding author: quina09.vares@gmail.com doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v5i1.9840 introduction timor-leste was the 27th province, before gaining independence from indonesia. since 1976, timor-leste has been part of the territory of the republic of indonesia, marked by law number 7 on the ratification of the unification of east timor into the unitary state of the republic of indonesia (nkri) and the establishment of the abstract this article study examines modern process of agriculture in timor-leste in the period of 1982 and 2007. the modern agricultural system has been conducted in the 1980s, when the indonesian government worked together with a nongovernmental organization (ngo), namely the east timor agricultural development program (etadep) to overcome famine during the civil war in the region. the indonesian government and the ngo etadep have modernized farmers by using tractor machines to cultivate the land, but at that time 95% were categorized as traditional farmers. thus, it was difficult for them to implement modern agriculture at that time. this article uses the historical method which includes four stages, including heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. the modern process of agriculture in timor leste has been conducted since 1982 when was marked by the implementation of the mass guidance program (bimas). through the bimas program, the government has succeeded in developing farmers' business credit to facilitate the credit provision in the form of agricultural tools and inputs to the farmers. after its independence, timor-leste faced new challenges in food self-sufficiency. the adoption and adaptation of new technologies in organic farming, such as the intensive design system (sri) and integrated crop management (icm) are organic farming technologies. however, sri and icm replaced the modern agricultural system which had been adopted from indonesia. since 2007, the implementation of both the sri and icm models have been continued to date. the timor-leste government has made great efforts to implement sri and icm organic farming even though the implementation of both models is considered troublesome for farmers and indirectly resulted the failure of food self-sufficiency policy in timorleste. keywords: modern agricultural system; new order era; food sufficiency policy; mass guidance program; intensive design system; integrated crop management; timor-leste. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 45-58 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 implementation of modern agricultural food system in timor-leste, 1982-2007 | 46 province of east timor. the beginning of rapid progress in the development of the agricultural sector occurred in the 1980s. this was marked by the implementation of a program of intensification, diversification, and rehabilitation of food fields that occurred widely in all districts in the province of east timor. some progress occurred during this period, one of which was reflected in the growth of harvested area, good agricultural infrastructure, and maximum land productivity (tamin et al., 1992, pp. 164-165). this is an interesting phenomenon because in 1978-1980 timor-leste experienced famine due to the civil war that occurred in that region. the cause of hunger occurs due to lack of food, but the hunger is related to violations of human rights (ham) with international humanitarian law (komisi penerimaan, kebenaran dan rekonsiliasi (kpkr) dan penutupan kpkr, 2005, pp. 7-8), so that timor-leste received assistance from several countries such as australia. the assistance was provided by a foreign minister named andrew sharp peacock who told the government that it would provide $200,000 in preparation for aid to timor-leste (“aid to timor leste”, 1979, p. 3.). according to the australian government's ministry of welfare, in principle an agreement has been reached to return representatives of the red cross committee to support the distribution of food aid to timor-leste. basically, the famine that occurred in timor leste is also related to the existing agricultural conditions in the region. the agricultural system in timor-leste previously relied on dry land cultivation or shifting agriculture. this type of agriculture has historically been adopted in tropical forest ecosystems. humans clear the forest and burn the residue, then prepare the land to plant it and the products obtained are consumed for two to three years after which the area is left for replanting about ten or twenty years later (jesus et al., 2015, pp. 194-195). however, the traditional food crop farming system is not able to meet food needs because it is subsistence, so timor-leste needs to carry out modernization of food crops with the aim of increasing food production. the indonesian government had attempted to modernize agriculture in timorleste in the 1980s. however, the indonesian government at that time collaborated with ngos engaged in agriculture, namely etadep, the ngo through the chatolic relief service (crs) which was a continuation of the american aid program, and had helped to overcome the famine that occurred in timor-leste during this period. in addition, in the mid-1980s etadep was established in sare, ermera and has a laboratory in the area (saldanha, 1994, p. 218). the implementation of modern agriculture in timor-leste began with the bimas program. the program was implemented in 1982 with the introduction of subsidized assistance in the form of agricultural production facilities such as fertilizers, pesticides and seeds by the government. when the bimas program was terminated in the middle of the 1984/1985 planting season, the government then provided farmer business credit (kredit usaha tani/ kut), to help ease the purchase of production facilities for farmers, but the implementation was accompanied by field agricultural extension officers (ppl) (interview with alfredo soares, september 20, 2019). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 45-58 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 implementation of modern agricultural food system in timor-leste, 1982-2007 | 47 furthermore, in 1982, the central government, in this case the government of the republic of indonesia, placed 100 heads of families (kk) consisting of 433 people to transmigrate to timor leste (tamin, 1992, p. 231). they come from java and bali. this transmigration program has helped local farmers in cultivating agricultural land. the 1982 transmigration program in bobonaro, has helped farmers there to change the way of cultivating rice fields. the traditional way of plowing rice fields is to use about 2030 buffaloes to be herded together in rice fields without using a plow. local farmers in bobonaro were then introduced to the plow which was placed on the back of the buffalo to be used to plow the fields. through this new method, it only takes 2 buffaloes to plow the rice fields (interview with pedro maudasi lopes, october 1, 2019). one of the impacts of modern agriculture in timor-leste is the increasing ability of farmers to manage rice fields. through modern farming models, east timorese farmers can harvest twice a year. the effect is the increase in agricultural production to be better than the previous situation. then the main goal is to improve the lives of farmers. it can be seen that previously the ability of farmers in timor-leste to engage in land cultivation was only one harvest a year due to their limited ability to manage land. with the new agricultural technology, farmers can manage the land twice a year, thereby increasing the yields obtained (selvia et. al., 2019, p. 768) the implementation of the modern agricultural system in timor leste is actually related to the green revolution program which is a program to utilize new agricultural technologies. increased agricultural production occurs through the presence of skilled farmers who have successfully adapted new cultivation systems for various types of crops. one thing to note is that the majority of skilled farmers are capital-owning farmers, meaning that capitalism has dominated the new agricultural system. thus, the traditional cultivation system which has been replaced with a modern system, in its implementation requires a large amount of capital. modern agricultural systems that emphasize farmers with capital have an impact on increasing the productivity of food crops, but not for the welfare of farmers. this happened in timor-leste during the mass guidance (bimas) program and has helped farmers to adapt new agricultural cultivation systems through subsidizing agricultural production advice such as fertilizers, pesticides and seeds. however, the modern agricultural system puts pressure on farmers with capital, while for small farmers it is a disaster for them (rinardi et al., 2019, p. 126). related to modernization, it can be interpreted as renewal with the understanding of shaping into modern tastes, carrying out modern procedures, changing traditional tools with modern tools (samsudin, 1982, p. 122). meanwhile, agricultural modernization is a major change in agricultural patterns from traditional methods to more advanced or modern ways. the changes cover various aspects which include agricultural institutions, agricultural technology, natural resource development (sda) (rifkian et. al., 2017, p. 40). therefore, it can be said that the modernization of agriculture in timor-leste occurred in the bimas program which changed farmers from traditional to modern. through the bimas program, timor ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 45-58 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 implementation of modern agricultural food system in timor-leste, 1982-2007 | 48 leste's farmers who initially used simple equipment such as hoe or luku were replaced with hand tractors, initially using drum fertilizers instead of chemical fertilizers. the rice field cultivation system which is only rainfed uses an irrigation system. important changes in the agricultural system in timor-leste occurred when the organic farming system was officially implemented icm and sri in 2007. however, both organic systems were new technologies at the time of independence, but sri has applied during the indonesian period until some farmers were used to the system. the aim of sri and icm is both organic and its function is to manage rice seed nurseries (alberto amaral. 10 october 2019). with the implementation of icm and sri means that farmers need to make a paradigm shift in the management of paddy fields for rice crop productivity. icm and sri eliminate fertilization that uses pesticides or chemicals instead of animal manure as a natural composer. based on the explanation of the background above, it can be argued that the implementation of the modern agricultural system as part of the modernization of agriculture that has been carried out since the new order era, the role of nongovernmental organizations in the development of the modern agricultural system. this can be formulated in two questions, among others; first, what was the background and development of the modern agricultural system in timor-leste in 1982? second, what was the role of non-governmental organizations in the development of a modern agricultural system during the independence of timorleste? method the historical research method is a systematic set of rules and principles for collecting historical sources effectively, critically assessing, and proposing a synthesis of the results achieved in writing. there are four steps in the historical method, including heuristics, criticism or verification, interpretation and historiography. heuristics is a technique of tracing historical sources that are primary or secondary and in the form of written or oral sources. the historical explanation in this study uses primary sources such as the annual report on the plan for intensification of food crops in timor-leste in 1991/1992, the annual report on the condition of food crop agriculture in the level i region of east timor province in 1998, statistical sources namely east timor in figures. from 1989 to 1997, bobonaro in 1998, sources conducted in semarang, especially at the central information office (pik), sources of reports on agriculture obtained online from the australian national library newspaper, and magazines from america indenpendent voices to complete this writing. in addition to written sources, the author also explored oral sources in the form of interviews. interviews were conducted with farming communities in several municipalities in timor leste. they made a living as owner farmers and sharecroppers during the same temporal period as this study. interviews were conducted with village government officials, one of whom was the village head and the secretary of the farmer cooperative who served during the indonesian era. interviews were also conducted with the former regent during the independence era of timor leste, and several ppl ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 45-58 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 implementation of modern agricultural food system in timor-leste, 1982-2007 | 49 employees. the interview is used to complete information that is not contained in written sources. this study also uses secondary sources from books, journals, proceedings, and reports that are relevant to the research topic. the use of secondary sources is testimony that does not come from direct eyewitnesses, namely from someone who was not present at the events narrated (gottschalk, 1975, p. 35). secondary sources were obtained at several documentation institutions both in indonesia and timor leste. meanwhile, other secondary sources were obtained online in the form of articles, proceedings, and books. thus, obtaining secondary sources needs to be done offline or online. after collecting sources (heuristics), the next stage is verification or criticism of the validity of sources. verification is carried out on all primary sources that have been obtained, including annual reports on food crop agriculture (abdurahman, 2007, pp. 68-70). the criticism that is emphasized in writing this thesis is internal criticism to test the credibility of sources through collaboration (comparing between sources). one of the sources of this collaboration is done on sources of official government reports and newspapers. interpretation means interpreting facts or historical evidence that has been obtained (daliman, 2015, p. 81.). interpretation is necessary because it is basically the essence of reading sources. facts, evidence, or witnesses cannot speak of a phenomenon or event in the past. it takes the analytical power of the historian or researcher to reveal the meaning of the facts that have been obtained. therefore, from the interpretation process, meanings and relationships between facts are generated. historiography or historical writing can be used as a means of communicating research results that are revealed, tested (verified), and interpreted. at this stage, reconstruction is carried out through analytical writing of history. geographical location, and topographical conditions of timor-leste timor-leste is part of the island of timor, the island is divided into two parts, namely the western part is part of indonesia's territory, the other part is part of the colony of portugal. the island is a plain consisting of savanna and steppes and the same area, namely rows, hills and mountains as well as primary and secondary forests. many small rivers flow from these mountains, cutting the savanna and steppes (koentjaraningrat, 1975, p. 198). the type of land in timor-leste is dominated by dry land (priyanto & dwiyanto, 2014, p. 207). this is caused by the characteristics of the climate and wind. the monsoon in timor-leste that blows from australia to the west and north tends to be hot and dry. this causes rain to rarely fall in the territory of timor leste. under these conditions, timor leste is actually more suitable to develop livestock than agriculture based on rice fields as in java. timor-leste is geographically located longitudinally from southwest to east with an astronomical position of 80 17' south latitude-100 22' south latitude and 1230 25' east longitude-1270 19' east longitude (tamin, 1992, pp. 21-23). the topography of timor-leste is in the form of limestone or clay deposits with ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 45-58 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 implementation of modern agricultural food system in timor-leste, 1982-2007 | 50 lithosol, podzolic and alluvial soil types. there are types of dry and wet land used for food crop production, including land for irrigated and rainfed rice fields. the existing condition of timor-leste is a dry area with low rainfall. the dry season is longer than the rainy season with a relatively lower average number of rainy days. in 1997 there was an average of 84 rainy days with a total rainfall of 716.14 mm (east timor statistics bureau, 1998, p. 15). previously, in 1992 the average amount of rainfall was 919.64 mm (tamin, 1992, p. 23). the potential of fertile land in timor-leste is found in the bobonaro and lautem areas with an area of land developed for agriculture is 70,000 km². other potential fertile lands are located in viqueque, manatuto, baucau, and ambeno. the potential of the land is suitable for planting food crops, in this case in the form of rice and corn. plantation crops also grow with coffee, coconut, vanilla, candlenut, cloves (costa et al., 2003, p. 4), and sandalwood (saldanha, 1994, p. 226). background of the implementation of agricultural modernization the indonesian government prior to the 1980s it had attempted to modernize agriculture in timor-leste. the indonesian government at that time collaborated with non-governmental organizations (ngos) engaged in agriculture, namely the east timor agricultural development program (etadep), the ngo through the chatolic relief service (crs) which was a continuation of the american aid program, and had helped to overcome famine that occurred in timor-leste during that period. etadep has existed in sare, ermera regency since the 1980s. in its efforts to help modernize agriculture in tomor leste, etadep has a laboratory in the sare area. in their work, ngos try to develop farmers to cultivate good paddy fields. they introduced the use of tractors to the farming community in sare. however, the tractor introduction program was too early because at that time the illiteracy rate among farmers was 95%. with this condition, it can be said that using tractors to cultivate paddy fields is considered too early. another difficulty is that farmers in sare still find it difficult to speak indonesian, while the instructors who introduce hand tractors are mostly foreigners who only speak english. therefore, there are great difficulties among local farmers when ngos try to introduce the use of hand tractors and modern cultivation methods (saldanha, 1994, p. 218). the agricultural modernization program in timor-leste has progressed with the placement of transmigration in timor-leste in 1982. the central government in this case is the government of the republic of indonesia, placing 100 heads of households consisting of 433 people to transmigrate to timor-leste (tamin, 1992, p. 231). they came from java and bali to be placed in several districts in timor-leste. the transmigrants then transmit their knowledge to local residents around the transmigration area. thus, local farmers indirectly learn new ways of farming for transmigrants. one of the districts that has benefited greatly from the above is bobonaro district. transmigrants stationed in bobonaro regency have helped local farmers in cultivating agricultural land. the majority of transmigrants have experience and knowledge of food crop cultivation. one of the knowledge or knowledge transmitted by transmigrants to local ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 45-58 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 implementation of modern agricultural food system in timor-leste, 1982-2007 | 51 farmers, is changing the way of plowing the land. traditional land cultivation requires a lot of buffalo, because the buffaloes are only herded to trample the land without using any plow. in this case, the soil layer on the agricultural land will naturally feel like it has been plowed, because it has been trampled by dozens of buffalos. this method changed when the plow was introduced which was placed on the back of the buffalo to be pulled to plow agricultural land. the use of the plow is more efficient because it only uses two buffaloes to cultivate the rice fields. in addition, the production of rice fields that can be harvested up to twice a year, with the support of adequate irrigation sources (interview with pedro maudasi lopes, september 26, 2019). the transmigrants in bobonaro have tried to become trainers to teach paddy rice farmers in the area, in particular the use of the plow to plow the paddy fields properly. one interesting thing is that the process of training a cow or buffalo to pull a plow takes 2-3 months, other requirements include; farmers have to bring 3 cows, 1 cow is given to the trainer and 2 cows are given training from the trainer with the farmer. furthermore, you can see in the figure 1. figure 1. farmers use luku cultivator to plow their field source: suranny, 2014, p. 48. based on the picture above, it can be explained that the farmer is learning to plow the field using a plow pulled by a cow. the plow blade is made of iron or steel with a pointed shape to penetrate into the ground to be plow. in addition, the plow blade consists of three-sided steel with the tamping and the cutting plane of the plow blade as the flat side. to pull the plow, farmers use tame animals such as buffalo or cows. bimas program in timor-leste in 1982, there was a massive bimas program in timor-leste. the program was considered a period of agricultural modernization, when it was introduced by the government by providing subsidies, especially agriculture in the form of production infrastructure such as fertilizers, seeds and pesticides. the government also improved irrigation in several districts and established village unit cooperatives (kud) with the aim of reducing farmers' costs for purchasing sarprodi through farmer credit. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 45-58 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 implementation of modern agricultural food system in timor-leste, 1982-2007 | 52 starting from the provision of subsidies, farmers are simultaneously trained to cultivate the land with tractor machines, plant in rows, use proper fertilizers and spray pesticides properly on crops. the implementation of the bimas program is carried out accompanied by ppl, or extension agents who are very helpful to farmers because some farmers lack the motivation to change behavior (van den ban et al., 1999, p. 27). agricultural credit is part of the bimas program. the credit is a government policy to help farmers obtain saprodi in order to increase agricultural production. the general objective of agricultural credit politics is, of course, to ensure that the use of credit available to the agricultural sector can be used as efficiently as possible, which means that agricultural credit is able to help increase production and the value of agricultural production as high as possible. this goal is a technical-economic goal, but seen from agricultural credit, it does not only have a technical-economic objective but in the end, it also has other goals such as improving the welfare of farmers and farming communities (mubyarto, 1987, pp. 119-123). with the above rationale, the agricultural credit policy was continued even though the government stopped the bimas program in the 1984/1985 planting season. the government then introduced kut in its implementation, ppl was needed to assist farmers participating in kut in timor-leste/bobonaro in the 1990s. through the kut program in timor-leste, especially in bobonaro, it is expected to change the behavior of farmers from traditional to modern accompanied by ppl by providing credit. the main requirement that must be met by farmers to become members of kut is to have an area of rice fields and be domiciled in the area. the task of a ppl is to establish a farmer group with a minimum of 8 group members and a maximum of 15-25 farmers. the purpose of kut in bobonaro is to help farmers reduce costs and persuade farmers to learn how to use a five-farm-based farming system. provision of five farming businesses in kut in bobonaro/maliana includes money, fertilizers, pesticides, seeds and tractors. the production facilities, money and tractors can be done on credit after harvesting the produce (interview with alfredo soares, october 1, 2019). the form of agricultural modernization in timor-leste was in the beginning rice farmers in their work only use simple equipment, for example in cultivating the fields previously only used hoe, shovel, pointed wood, buffalo as a plow and used a simple plow pulled by cows/buffaloes. after the bimas program was continued with inmas, farmer’s rice fields using a hand tractor, the traditional time for farmers to plant by spreading and then replacing it with nurseries. previously, farmers were not familiar with fertilizers and anti-pest drugs. after the guidance program, farmers used chemical fertilizers and pesticides to increase farm production. previously, farmers in timor leste were rainfed farmers, who only expected rainwater to irrigate their fields. through the bimas program, patents recognize good irrigated rice fields and water pumps to help irrigate their fields. previously, farmers used their feet to trample the cut rice to separate the grains and stalks, with bimas farmers only collecting rice and then threshing it by machine (selvia et al., 2019, p. 768). this happened in bobonaro during the bimas program, some farmers did not have adequate knowledge and insight for the problems they understood. some ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 45-58 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 implementation of modern agricultural food system in timor-leste, 1982-2007 | 53 farmers in bobonaro are not familiar with fertilizers, with the government's guidance program providing assistance to farmers there. the interesting thing is that local farmers then take sacks and fertilizers to spill on the ground (interview with alfredo soares, october 1, 2019). this is due to their low knowledge due to lack of education, experience and cultural factors. with the extension agent, local farmers in bobonaro know how to use chemical fertilizers and anti-pest pesticides. they made demonstration plots as examples to farmers so that they can understand how to cultivate, plant and harvest and use good and appropriate infrastructure. therefore, it can be said that the bimas program implemented in timor-leste can change farmers from traditional to modern. through the bimas program, rice cultivation can be carried out twice a year so as to increase agricultural production. in this way, selfsufficiency in rice was created which occurred around 1986 (interview with raul borges, september 9, 2019). mass intensification program (inmas) inmas is the same extension facility but without credit. inmas from the outset includes rice fields that meet all the technical requirements of bimas, among others, technically irrigated rice fields or semi-technical irrigated rice fields. however, the farmers are considered quite advanced even without credit from the government they still carry out a complete business implementation. furthermore, the conditions that must be met for the success of inmas are that the farmers involved are advanced farmers and are willing and able to apply new technologies. basically, in timor-leste, the farmers who participate in the bimas and inmas programs can be equated. the bimas and inmas program in timor-leste was initiated by the massive implementation of the bimas that occurred in 1982-1984. one example taken from here in particular occurred in bobonaro. the implementation of the bimas program begins with the provision of subsidies for production facilities from the government to farmers. however, farmers are not familiar with production facilities such as fertilizers, pesticides and seeds so that in its implementation various obstacles arise. the reason is that the majority of timor-leste's farmers are classified as field farmers, only a small number of rice farmers with traditional processing methods. important changes emerged when bimas was discontinued and gradually replaced by kut. in the kut program, ppls are involved to enter the countryside to provide demonstration plots (demplots) to farmers. through demplot, farmers get an example of how to cultivate rice fields in a modern way. the interesting thing is that the demplot in the kut was only established in bobonaro regency, especially the maliana subdistrict (interview with alfredo soares, october 1, 2019). other agricultural development efforts have been carried out by the government by building irrigation networks (interview with juliao boumali, september 25, 2019). in the next stage, when east timorese farmers are getting to know the modern agricultural cultivation system, they are entering the inmas program. in the program, farmers get credit not in the form of cash, but directly in the form of production infrastructure. the farmers involved in inmas are farmers who have implemented five farming businesses in their cultivation ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 45-58 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 implementation of modern agricultural food system in timor-leste, 1982-2007 | 54 system. adoption of sri and icm during the timor-leste period in 2007, the agricultural modernization implemented in timor-leste was organic farming, namely integrated crop management (icm) and the intensive design system (sri), but sri has been implemented during the indonesian period even though it is only a side activity for farmers, so that the independence period for some farmers has ended. familiar with the application of sri technology (alberto amaral. 10 october 2019). timor-leste implemented icm and sri in 2007, the training session was carried out by the ministry of agriculture and fisheries in collaboration with the german ngo, german technical cooperation (gtc). the difference between icm and sri lies in the method of plant cultivation, namely the spacing, for icm if transplants are carried out on infertile or poor soil, the distance between rice planted is only 20 cm, if the soil is fertile, the spacing is 25 cm (ogoshi et al., 2008, p. 6). while sri, the distance of rice plants in a square pattern with a minimum distance of 20x20 with the aim that all rice leaves remain photosynthetically active (noltze et al., 2012, p. 65). timor-leste does not produce enough rice to meet local demand. therefore, every year timor-lese has to import rice from abroad, one of which is thailand and vietnam, around 65,000 tons. although timor-leste has a potential rice field area of approximately 196,312.22 ha. however, the productivity of lowland rice only reaches an average of 2.5 tons/hectare. it was against this background that new rice cultivation methods were tried. this method is known as the system of rice intensification (sri), which is an innovation in rice cultivation in timor leste. this method was first introduced in two districts namely bobonaro and viqueque in timor-leste in 2002 with the support of the government to promote sri. in a further development in 2007, the implementation of sri coincided with the village development program in timorleste (rdpii). the implementation of sri is in conjunction with the deutsche gesellschaft für technische zusammenarbeit (gtz) and the timor-leste ministry of agriculture and fisheries (map). implementation of promotion of sri production, with the aim of increasing domestic rice production and being able to account for the growing demand for food because the population of timor-leste is always increasing (soares et al., n.d., p. 2). there are similarities between sri and icm, namely the reduced number of seeds used in rice cultivation. this means that the cost of buying seeds is also reduced. before the icm and sri methods were used, the rice seeds needed for breeding reached 3040kg/hectare. with the icm and sri methods it only takes 10-15kg/hectare, with the same production results. another benefit is that the government of timor-leste can reduce imports of fertilizers and pesticides from abroad (interview with afonso da conceicao, august 19, 2019). the icm nursery model is always carried out with mat media, not directly on the ground. nurseries are always spread with palm leaves which serve as fertilizer and then covered with banana leaves to avoid damage from birds. therefore, this system is considered less effective for farmers because it takes extra effort to create and control the natural composition. the icm model (figure 2), ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 45-58 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 implementation of modern agricultural food system in timor-leste, 1982-2007 | 55 on the other hand, is difficult to apply in dry paddy fields, which in fact constitute the majority of land types in timor-leste (ogoshi et al., 2008, p. 3). figure 2. example of icm and sri nurseries source: ogoshi et al., 2008, p. 6. the disadvantage of the icm and sri methods is that it takes a lot of work and time to collect animal waste for breeding. on the other hand, icm and sri are suitable for lowland rice fields with permanent irrigation. the icm and sri methods of water use control must be strict, because rice must be maintained so as not to experience excess or lack of water. in other words, rice plants must be in a wet soil condition and control is carried out every time and permanently (interview with longuinhos john, august 26, 2019). one advantage of the icm and sri methods is the reduced use of artificial fertilizers. under these conditions, east timorese farmers are lazy to apply the two technologies. in other words, east timorese farmers continue to use the rice cultivation model as taught by the indonesian government. therefore, until the second decade of the xxi century timor-leste has not implemented granary and rice selfsufficiency. conclusions agricultural modernization is part of social change in society, therefore every agricultural modernization program must pay attention to the community as the culprit. the success of the agricultural modernization program must be supported by the condition of the community, in this case the farmers as the perpetrators. the introduction of various agricultural modernization programs followed by the use of various agricultural technologies will not be accepted by farmers, if their socio-cultural conditions do not change. in the sense that farmers as actors in agricultural modernization activities must be empowered first, starting from recognizing various new cultivation methods, agricultural technology, to using production inputs to support the success of the agricultural modernization program. at the same time, there must be an increase in skills as well as expertise for farmers as actors in agricultural modernization. this last factor is often overlooked because most, if not almost all, of the agricultural modernization program are top-down activities. the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 45-58 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 implementation of modern agricultural food system in timor-leste, 1982-2007 | 56 program comes from the government without paying attention to the condition of the community as the perpetrators. with this background, it can be understood that the agricultural modernization program is always good in concept, but always almost falls apart at the implementation stage. another factor is environmental conditions, in the sense of the geographical nature that exists in the community. the existing geographic environment must support the implementation of the agricultural modernization program. in many cases, because the agricultural modernization program is top-down, it often does not pay attention to social conditions and the natural environment. in this case, there is a thought among decision makers at the top level, that what is planned is good, regardless of the condition of the community and the natural environment that will be the perpetrators of the activity. these factors have then caused various kinds of agricultural modernization programs to fail. the decision makers at the top level only think that what is theoretically planned is the best, regardless of the conditions of society and nature. one of the failure factors in implementing agricultural modernization in timor leste is the unfavorable geographical environment. the agricultural modernization program run by the government of indonesia, through bimas, requires a very good rice field environment. in the sense that the bimas program in its implementation requires rice fields with a technical irrigation system. this is needed because the rice grown in the bimas program requires regular and controlled irrigation water. this condition clearly cannot be met by timor's natural environment. the agricultural modernization program carried out in timor leste, both bimas and the various modernization programs that followed, as well as activities carried out by the government of timor leste and ngos from germany, german technical cooperation (gzt) with the integrated crop management (icm) program and the intensive design system (sri). the three agricultural modernization programs did not work as expected, because the east timorese farmers as the perpetrators of the activities did not have a social and cultural background that could support the success of the program. in this case, the agricultural modernization program must have the support of the socio-cultural conditions of the community as actors in the modernization program. a clear example of this is the ignorance of east timorese farmers about the use and use of chemical fertilizers in rice cultivation. due to the lack of knowledge of east timorese farmers, they just pour chemical fertilizers into their rice fields. east timorese farmers do not know how to use chemical fertilizers. there are several stages that must be done by farmers to use chemical fertilizers. this was not done by timor leste farmers, as a result, the yield of rice cultivation in timor leste did not increase much even though the bimas program had been implemented in timor leste. the cultural condition of the community is an equally important factor. the failure of the government of timor leste's cooperation program with the german ngo, german technical cooperation (gzt) through the integrated crop management (icm) and intensive design system (sri) program clearly shows the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 45-58 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 implementation of modern agricultural food system in timor-leste, 1982-2007 | 57 unpreparedness of east timorese farmers to carry out various types of work in an effort to increase agricultural production. with their traditional mentality, east timorese farmers consider that the various jobs that farmers have to do in the integrated crop management (icm) and intensive design system (sri) programs are too many. they are not ready to do a variety of jobs on farms that are not known before. therefore, there is an assumption that east timorese farmers are too lazy to carry out various types of work in the new rice cultivation method according to the integrated crop management program. the fact is that farmers do not yet have the mental readiness to carry out new cultivation methods in growing rice in accordance with the direction of the integrated crop management (icm) and intensive design system (sri). by above situation, what should be done in carrying out the agricultural modernization program is that farmers must be mentally prepared so that they can participate in various activities according to program directions. one interesting thing has been done by the kut program, namely by involving ppls to assist farmers to participate in the program. the ppls are not only tasked with helping farmers get to know various types of new agricultural tools and new technologies in rice cultivation. however, the task of assisting farmers participating in the program is to prepare proposals to obtain agricultural credit assistance. ppl helps farmers determine how much credit they need to buy fertilizers, pesticides, or living costs. one of the successes of kut comes from the success of ppl in assisting farmers in carrying out agricultural modernization programs. references abdurahman, d. (2007). metodologi penelitian sejarah. yogyakarta: ar-ruzz media group. aid to timor leste (august 23, 1979). canberra times, p. 3. costa, h. da, piggin, c., cruz, c. j. da dan fox, j. j. (2003). agriculture: new directions for a new nation: east timor (timor-leste). proceedings of a workshop australian centre for international agricultural research. retrieved from https://ideas.repec.org/p/ags/acipro/135388.html daliman (2015). metode penelitian sejarah. yogyakarta: ombak. east timor statistics bureau. (1997). timor timur dalam angka (1997). badan pusat statistik propinsi timor timur. gottschalk, louis, (1975). mengerti sejarah. depok : universitas indonesia. jesus, m. h., henriques, p. d., larenjeira, p., narciso, v., carvalho, m. l. s. (2015). agricultura itinerante no distrito de bobonaro em timor-leste no período pós-independência. revista em agronegocio e meio ambiente, 8(1),193-215. https://doi.org/10.17765/2176-9168.2015v8n1p193-215 koentjaraningrat (1975). manusia dan kebudayaan di indonesia. jakarta: djambatan. laporan komisi penerimaan, kebenaran dan rekonciliasi (kpkr) dan penutupan kpkr. (2005). pemindahan paksa dan kelaparan, pp. 7-8. mubyarto. (1987). politik pertanian dan pembangunan pedesaan. jakarta: pt. sinar ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 45-58 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 implementation of modern agricultural food system in timor-leste, 1982-2007 | 58 harapan. noltze, m., stefan s., & matin q. (2012). understanding the adoption of system technologies in smallholder agriculture: the system of rice intensification (sri) in timor leste. agricultural systems 108, 64-73. ogoshi, r. balasubramanian, v. & jones, m. (2008). integrated crop management (icm). implementing techonology icm in timor leste. dili: usaid. priyanto, d., dan dwiyanto, k. (2014). pengembangan pertanian wilayah perbatasan nusa tenggara timur dan republik demokrasi timor leste. pengembangan inovasi pertanian, 7 (4), 207-220. rifkian, b. e. suharso, & p. sukidin, (2017). modernisasi pertanian (studi kasus tentang peluang kerja dan pendapatan petani dalam sistem pertanian di desa dukuhdempok kecamatan wuluhan kabupaten jember. jurnal pendidikan ekonomi: jurnal ilmiah ilmu pendidikan, ilmu ekonomi, dan ilmu sosial 11 (1), 39-48. rinardi, h., masruroh n. n., maulany n. n., & rochwulaningsih y. (2019). dampak revolusi hijau dan modernisasi teknologi pertanian: studi kasus pada budi daya pertanian bawang merah di kabupaten brebes. jurnal sejarah citra lekha, 4 (2): 125-136. saldanha, j. m. s. (1994). ekonomi-politik pembangunan timor timur. jakarta: pustaka sinar harapan. samsudin, (1982). dasar-dasar penyuluhan pertanian dan modernisasi pertanian. bandung: pt binacipta. selvia, s. hos, j. h., & moita, s. h. (2019). “dampak modernisasi pertanian terhadap kondisi sosial ekonomi masyarakat petani sawah (studi di desa masagena kecamatan konda kabupaten konawe selatan). jurnal neo societal, 4(2), 767-776. soares, a. f. l., agostinho, o. f., fernandes, m., & hornai, e. m. l. (n.d.) agrikultor ba teknolojía agríkola integradu kultivasaun hare natar. suranny, l. e. (2014). alat pertanian tradisional sebagai warisan kekayaan budaya bangsa. jurnal arkeologi papua, 6(1), 43-55. tamin, feisal et. al., (1992). profil propinsi republik indonesia timor-timur. jakarta: pemrakarsa. van den ban, a.w., hawkins, h. s., & herdiasti, a. d. (1999). penyuluhan pertanian. yogyakarta: kanisius. microsoft word 2. wati et al.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 144-154 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 mohammad sjafei: a nationalist educator in west sumatra | 144 received: july 27, 2023 revised: august 27, 2024 accepted: august 28, 2024 mohammad sjafei: a nationalist educator in west sumatra listia anita wati*, yety rochwulaningsih, dhanang respati puguh master program of history, faculty of humanities, universitas diponegoro jl. dr. antonius suroyo, tembalang, semarang, central java, indonesia, 50275 *corresponding author: listia.anitawati@gmail.com doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v8i2.19692 introduction this study examines the educational and political thought of mohammad sjafei, a prominent nationalist figure in indonesian history. to provide a theoretical framework, the research first delineates the concepts of educational history and biography. educational history, emerging in the 19th century, is primarily employed to foster national consciousness, promote professional development in education, and instill institutional pride. its scope encompasses a wide range of topics, including educational traditions, influential leaders, diverse systems, and critical challenges within the field (shklar, 1998). the context of the indonesian national movement, a period marked by colonial domination. to provide a theoretical framework, it is essential to define colonialism. colonialism refers to the systematic subjugation of one nation by another, involving political dominance, economic exploitation, and cultural abstract this article discusses mohammad sjafei's nationalist thoughts in the fields of politics and education from 1914 to 1958. this research uses historical methods. the article contains a description of how the educational system under the ethical policy program provided opportunities for the rise of nationalism among the indigenous people. the expansion of education encouraged openness of mind and knowledge among the indigenous population. this process of nationalist awakening stimulated the emergence of national thinkers who played a role in the struggle during the movement era. the role and contribution of these national thinkers are important to study in order to enhance understanding and knowledge in the field of intellectual history. one such national thinker examined in this article is mohammad sjafei. he was a national education figure who had nationalist thoughts in the fields of politics and education. his nationalist thoughts in politics encompassed values of unity, national loyalty, and love for the nation. his nationalist thoughts in education emphasized the importance of forming the nation’s identity and promoting education that is indonesia-centric. sjafei implemented these two nationalist thoughts in his educational practices at indonesisch nederlandsche school kayutanam. the school was used as a medium to disseminate nationalistic awareness, sharpen intellectual intelligence, and develop skills. keywords: nationalism; indonesiacentric; intellectual; ins kayutanam; education. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 144-154 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 mohammad sjafei: a nationalist educator in west sumatra | 145 penetration. colonial rule often resulted in significant negative consequences for the colonized people, including the loss of independence, political freedom, and economic autonomy. colonial societies were typically characterized by stark divisions between the colonizer and the colonized, with limited social interaction and pervasive discrimination. in the early 20th century, the dutch colonial administration in indonesia introduced a policy known as ethical policy. this policy, which had a profound impact on the national movement, was essentially a concept of "moral obligation." as articulated by c. th. van deventer in his 1899 article, een eereschuld [a debt of honor], the dutch owed a moral debt to the indonesian people for exploiting their resources to benefit the netherlands. van deventer argued that the dutch government should prioritize the interests of the indonesian people through colonial policies. the three primary pillars of the ethical policy were education, irrigation, and migration. education not only serves as a catalyst for consciousness and the pursuit of freedom but also nurtures critical thinking about one's surroundings. this critical mindset manifests in ideas, concepts, and creative works. individual thoughts and ideas can act as agents of change, significantly impacting various aspects of life. this study falls within the realm of intellectual history and thus necessitates a clear understanding of the concept. as gilbert (1971) asserts in his work, intellectual history: its aims and methods, intellectual history is a recognized field within the broader discipline of history. it stands alongside other historical subfields such as political, economic, and social history. intellectual history, as a specialized area of historical inquiry, has its unique methods and scope. its primary focus lies in examining the influential ideas, ideologies, values, beliefs, and intellectual movements of a particular period. in addition, according to gilbert, intellectual history demonstrates how this reinterpretation of niccolo machiavelli was shaped by the historical context of the 1930s, the development of security studies, and the philanthropic support that fostered the growth of international relations theory (guilhot, 2015, p. 681). within the context of colonization, education plays a pivotal role in fostering awareness and catalyzing social change. paulo freire, in his seminal work pedagogy of the oppressed, emphasizes the transformative power of education in liberating oppressed populations (freire, 2001, p. 22). colonial education played a pivotal role in fostering nationalist thought among the colonized. by providing indigenous people with access to knowledge and nationalist ideologies, colonial education inadvertently created agents of change. the ideas and philosophies of these intellectuals influenced society at large, leading to significant transformations. one such nationalist thinker, shaped by western education, was mohammad sjafei. his nationalist sentiments were cultivated in part by his adoptive father, who regularly sent him readings on nationalist ideas. while studying in bukittinggi from 1908 to 1914, sjafei was exposed to these materials. sjafei's nationalist convictions were further strengthened through his involvement in political organizations during the indonesian nationalist movement. upon completing his teacher training in 1914, he moved to jakarta to ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 144-154 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 mohammad sjafei: a nationalist educator in west sumatra | 146 deepen his knowledge and gain political experience by joining budi utomo in 1914 and the indische partij in 1916. a figure's thoughts are shaped by a complex interplay of influences, often rooted in their personal experiences. these formative factors guide their ideas and perspectives. to effectively analyze a character's mindset, it is crucial to delve into their life story. understanding their background offers valuable insights for writers. a person's life experiences significantly influence the development of their thoughts and beliefs. these influences are often intangible, as there is no universal standard to measure their exact impact. based on this understanding, this paper explores several factors that shaped mohammad sjafei's nationalist ideology. these factors include his genealogy, education, parental influences, and the impact of political figures, collectively providing the context for the formation of his nationalist thought. sjafei, recognizing the emancipatory potential of education, established institutions aimed at cultivating nationalist consciousness among indonesians. a biography, in essence, is a narrative account of an individual's life. beyond mere chronological facts, biographies delve into personal experiences, motivations, and the impact of life events. the primary purpose of biography is to share the life story of a particular individual with a wider audience (sari, 2021, p. 54). while several studies have explored the educational thought of mohammad sjafei, his contributions have often been overshadowed by the more prominent figure of ki hadjar dewantara. zed (2012) highlights sjafei's significance as a foundational figure in indonesian education. this study employs a historical-sociological lens to compare the contemporary indonesian education system, post-reform era, with the system initiated by mohammad sjafei. zed (2012) argues that the government's educational policies have leaned heavily towards western models, often misaligned with the unique identity of the indonesian nation. in contrast, sjafei's educational philosophy is characterized by its emphasis on "liberating education," which he believed was crucial for fostering national self-esteem and aligning education with the needs of the indonesian people. in addition, study from afdhal et al. (2022) asserts that sjafei's thought remains relevant to current educational problems, namely the decline in moral, mental, and intellectual values. syafei has offered a solution through a holistic developmental approach, encompassing cognitive, affective, psychomotor, and extracurricular aspects. this approach shares similarities with howard gardner's concept of multiple intelligences. therefore, m. sjafei’s educational thought, particularly his concept of developmentalism, is still relevant and can be a solution to current educational problems. this study explores the nationalist thought of mohammad sjafei within the context of indonesian politics and education from 1914 to 1958. employing historical methodology, the research examines how the ethical policy era facilitated the emergence of nationalism among indigenous indonesians. the expansion of education during this period fostered intellectual growth and a sense of national identity. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 144-154 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 mohammad sjafei: a nationalist educator in west sumatra | 147 method this research is a historical study, meaning it reconstructs past events systematically, accurately, and objectively using an interpretative approach. historical researchers reconstruct the past by collecting, verifying, and analyzing evidence or facts meticulously, allowing for an accurate depiction of the past, providing context for the present, and offering perspectives for the future (muri, 2013, p. 351). this research uses the historical method, which consists of four stages. the first stage is heuristics, which involves searching for and finding data and historical sources (hartatik & wasino, 2018, pp. 11-12) relevant to studying mohammad sjafei’s nationalist thought from 1914 to 1968. this research utilizes literature consisting of primary and secondary sources. primary sources include documents and archives obtained from the west sumatra provincial archives office and the indonesisch nederlandsche school (ins) kayutanam educational institution. secondary sources include books, journal articles, research results, and other scholarly works. these secondary sources are obtained from the national library of the republic of indonesia in jakarta, the library of padang state university in padang, the ins kayutanam library in padang pariaman, and the minangkabau cultural documentation and information center in padang panjang. the second stage of the research involved source criticism (hartatik & wasino, 2018, pp. 11-12). this stage is divided into external criticism (evaluating the authenticity of sources) and internal criticism (assessing the credibility of sources). given that all sources used in this research were published written documents, external criticism was not necessary. the internal criticism process involved selecting relevant supporting sources and comparing them to draw conclusions that would be analyzed further. the third stage of the research involved interpretation (hartatik & wasino, 2018, pp. 11-12). at this stage, the author synthesized the collected facts and concepts into a coherent narrative. this process required careful interpretation and analysis, guided by a social science approach. by connecting the dots, the author was able to develop a comprehensive analysis that aligned with the research objectives and laid the groundwork for the historiography stage. historiography, the final step, involved expressing the research findings in well-structured sentences that adhered to standard writing conventions. the process of forming nationalist thought 1914-1925 educational background m. sjafei attended volkschool (people’s school) in pontianak from 1905 to 1908 and continued his education at the teacher training school, kweekschool bukittinggi, from 1908 to 1914 (yayasan ruang pendidik indonesisch nederlandsche school kayutanam, n.d., p. 1). at kweekschool bukittinggi, sjafei's artistic talents began to grow and develop; he learned to play the violin and paint under the guidance of a young teacher named wakidi. sjafei also developed an interest in handicrafts, and at this school, he was taught various handicraft skills and agricultural techniques. this ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 144-154 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 mohammad sjafei: a nationalist educator in west sumatra | 148 prepared future teachers to provide better agricultural education if they were to teach in rural areas (afdhal et al., 2022). after six years of teacher training at kweekschool bukittinggi, sjafei completed his education in 1914, obtaining his diploma (navis, 1996, pp. 17-18). in addition to formal education, sjafei also pursued non-formal education to support his personal potential. after graduating from teacher training in 1914, he taught at kartini school in jakarta. while teaching, sjafei took a painting course under de gaaf, a drawing teacher at hoogere burgerschool (hbs). after 18 months, he received a certificate of completion and the right to teach in secondary schools. he became the first indonesian to obtain such a certificate. additionally, he improved his dutch skills by taking a language course and earned a completed course certificate with excellent grades. he took the dutch language course with the aim of mastering science and technology (navis, 1996, p. 18). interaction with several figures a significant influence on sjafei’s thinking came from his parents. his interaction with his mother, who consistently provided moral and material support, shaped sjafei into a gentle yet resilient child who could face challenges and pursue education. his interaction with his father, who frequently sent writings about knowledge and political ideas, helped sjafei become a young man with broad perspectives and a deep understanding of nationalism. his father was a nationalist educator who wanted to pass on his ideas to his son. this is evidenced by marah sutan’s determination to advance national education in line with the character of the indonesian nation. from marah sutan’s interactions with political figures such as dr. wahidin, tjipto mangunkusumo, and ki hadjar dewantara, he was convinced that only through education could the dignity of the nation be uplifted (navis, 1996, p. 10). the emergence of m. sjafei’s nationalist consciousness from a young age, mohammad sjafei demonstrated artistic talent, evident from his interest in art subjects and his good grades in the arts at school. this talent was further nurtured at kweekschool bukittinggi, where sjafei took music (violin) and painting classes. in his free time, he worked on painting projects and aspired to become a painter. however, this ambition did not align with his father’s expectations. sjafei was not interested in becoming an educator, while his father hoped sjafei would pursue teacher education to educate the nation (navis, 1996, p. 17). in 1911, sjafei requested to leave kweekschool five times, intending to pursue painting studies in jakarta (department of archives and libraries of west sumatra province, p. 1). the school director, j. lavell, advised sjafei to complete his teacher education and pursue painting studies after graduating from kweekschool. the director also informed marah sutan of sjafei’s intentions. marah sutan, upon reading the director’s letter, remained silent. he did not want to be harsh with his child, despite their differing hopes and desires. instead, marah sutan employed other methods to open sjafei’s mind and cultivate his interest in education and his father’s ideals. marah ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 144-154 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 mohammad sjafei: a nationalist educator in west sumatra | 149 sutan frequently sent many magazines and newspapers. important articles were marked in red (navis, 1996, p. 18), which helped broaden sjafei’s perspectives and instill a sense of nationalism and the spirit of struggle. sjafei began his teacher education at kweekschool in 1908 and graduated in 1914, a period marking the early rise of nationalism in indonesia. marah sutan wanted to channel his sense of struggle to his son. by 1912, sjafei was already studying the writings of the “three companions” sent by his father. sjafei expressed this in his work titled brief information. “semendjak tahun 1912 waktu masih beladjar pada sekolah guru di bukittinggi penulis telah mempeladjari tulisan-tulisan saudara dr. cipto mangunkusumo, suwardi suryaningrat dan douwes dekker, pendiri perkumpulan politik indische partij, dan tulisan-tulisan pentolan-pentolan politik lain2nja. tulisan-tulisan itu dikirimkan oleh bapak marah sutan yang telah menetap di djakarta, mentjemplungkan diri di bidang politik dan meletakkan djabatan guru kepala pada sekolah rakjat” (sjafei, 1968, p. 2). [since 1912, when he was still studying at a teacher's school in bukittinggi, the author has studied the writings of dr. cipto mangunkusumo, suwardi suryaningrat and douwes dekker, the founders of the political association indische partij, and the writings of other political leaders. the writings were sent by mr. marah sutan who had settled in jakarta, plunged himself into politics and held the position of head teacher at a people's school.] from this explanation, it can be seen that 1912 was the beginning of mohammad sjafei’s nationalist awareness. the writings of the three companions helped cultivate his sense of nationalism and spirit of struggle. sjafei implemented this spirit by becoming an educator at kartini school in jakarta and joining the political movement. “semendjak tahun 1914 setamat pada sekolah guru, penulis menjemplungkan diri dalam kalangan pendidikan dan politik. dibidang pertama penulis mengadjar pada sekolah untuk wanita jaitu “sekolah kartini” di djakarta dengan djumlah murid hanja 36 orang pada permulaanja. sebabnja maka penulis memberikan tenaga disitu sekeluar dari sekolah guru di bukittinggi, karena kami, keluarga marah sutan berpendapat untuk memandjukan indonesia, kaum ibu tidak dapat ditinggalkan, mesti dibawa serta dalam usaha itu” (sjafei, 1968, p. 2). [since 1914 after graduating from teacher's school, the author plunged himself into educational and political circles. in the first field, the author taught at a school for women, namely "kartini school" in jakarta with only 36 students at the beginning. the reason why the author gave his energy there after leaving teacher's school in bukittinggi, because we, the marah sutan family, believed that in order to advance indonesia, mothers could not be left behind, they had to be brought along in that effort.] instilling nationalist ideology at ins kayutanam 1926-1958 on october 31, 1926, sjafei founded the ins kayutanam in kajoetanam, west sumatra on 31 october 1926 (sjafei, 1953, p. xviii). sjafei's indonesisch nederlandsche school kayutanam was a manifestation of his resistance to colonial authority. the school's name, boldly incorporating 'indonesia,' was a statement of defiance. as audrey kahin noted, various educational institutions and private schools played a crucial role in ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 144-154 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 mohammad sjafei: a nationalist educator in west sumatra | 150 fostering nationalist sentiments among indonesian youth. at sjafei's school, nationalism was a central focus. this school is a manifestation of sjafei's noncooperative attitude towards the colonial government. it is a private school that boldly uses the name 'indonesia' first, followed by 'nederlandsche'. during the colonial period, the name 'indonesia' was always marginalized, and sjafei demonstrated his nationalism through this act. the school became a school of struggle because its education system was designed as an antithesis to the dutch education system. the language of instruction was malay, and it taught nationalistic values. as a result, graduates of ins kayutanam had a strong sense of nationalism and loyalty to their own nation rather than to the colonial power. sjafei delivered inspiring speeches to ignite students' patriotic fervor, and teachers were encouraged to incorporate nationalist perspectives into their lessons. additionally, sjafei composed the song 'indonesia subur,' expressing love for the homeland, which students were required to sing daily. students were asked to practice dance for performance (figure 1). the school aimed to instill a sense of patriotism in the local community and beyond. sjafei believed that by spreading the spirit of struggle and nationalism throughout indonesia, national unity would be more easily achieved. he sought to raise awareness among the people of west sumatra of and its potential for greatness (sjafei, abdulrachman & sutan, 1925, p. 1). figure 1. minang dance performance by ins students in 1947. source: pusat dokumentasi dan informasi kebudayaan minangkabau, 1977. sjafei’s educational institution aimed to be a breeding ground for nationalism, without neglecting the formal education of its students. the school also developed students' talents and interests. it was a school that combined two components: intellectual intelligence and creative hands, making it a fun place. it was a place for learning and creating, encouraging students to be creative and productive. during the independence war of 1946-1947, sjafei used the ins kayutanam school as a medium for cultural diplomacy. it served as proof that the indonesian nation was knowledgeable, civilized, and cultured (abdillah, 2018). every time international guests or peace delegation envoys from the united states, australia, or england visited ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 144-154 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 mohammad sjafei: a nationalist educator in west sumatra | 151 bukittinggi, they were taken to the ins kayutanam school. the guests were welcomed with artistic performances by ins kayutanam students, after which they viewed exhibitions of student artwork and visited the school library, which housed a collection of 8,000 books (wati, 2023, pp. 98-110). ins kayutanam sought to establish a new educational system in indonesia, one that employed the native language while maintaining the high standards of the europeesche lagere school (els). els was a primary school primarily intended for european children, foreign orientals, and priyayi (indonesian nobility). its curriculum spanned seven years and was taught exclusively in dutch. ins kayutanam's educational system was founded upon a comprehensive analysis of indonesia's current conditions, future prospects, and societal needs. the school aimed to equip its students to fulfill their responsibilities to themselves, their families, society, nation, religion, and humanity. its educational philosophy emphasized its national character, designed to prepare indonesian children for the challenges and opportunities of the future. the curriculum of ins kayutanam can be seen in table 1. table 1. ins kayutanam curriculum 1926 components materials educational goals 1. brain (intellectual knowledge) 1. general knowledge 2. mathematics 3. natural science 4. history 5. life science 6. culture and language to produce individuals with high intellectual knowledge, optimal intelligence. to train the mind to think mathematically, logically, and systematically. to develop memory and reasoning to be more humane and cultured. 2. hands (active, creative, and innovative) 1. woodworking 2. mechanical engineering 3. metalworking 4. ceramics 5. weaving 6. handicrafts 7. carving 8. animal husbandry 9. agriculture to cultivate individuals who are competent, productive, active, creative, innovative, possess a strong work ethic, are independent, are resourceful, and are capable of creating jobs or becoming entrepreneurs, thereby becoming selfreliant individuals. 3. heart (development of artistic soul and noble character) 1. arts: music, drama and theater, dance, painting, literature 2. religion and noble character: discipline, cleanliness, active, creative, and appreciative of aesthetics, possessing a sensitive and critical mind. being communicative and tolerant of diverse viewpoints. to nurture a generation of individuals with strong character, embracing a civilized way of life, and free from ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 144-154 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 mohammad sjafei: a nationalist educator in west sumatra | 152 responsibility, mutual help, mutual respect, worship, fulfilling obligations, justice, community service, honesty, keeping promises. 3. sports immoral behaviors. physically fit and robust. courageous and self-assured, resilient and persistent, disciplined and cooperative, competitive yet fair. sources: sjafei, 1926, p. 7. through the activities mentioned above, m. sjafei successfully implemented his educational philosophy in practice. his educational practices aimed at fostering national awareness and achieving change towards freedom. this success is evident from the students who actively participated in the nation's struggle for independence. the students did not only study theory but also applied it directly through action. below is the curriculum of ins kayutanam school. conclusion mohammad sjafei established an educational institution to awaken national consciousness. how did m. sjafei utilize education in the national struggle? the answer to this question will be elaborated in the conclusion. mohammad sjafei used the educational institution known as ins kayutanam as a vehicle for his struggle, both in intellectual and diplomatic endeavors. sjafei did not only teach nationalistic theories to his students; he actively involved them in the struggle. the students and teachers participated in the cultural diplomacy efforts as part of their fight. additionally, at his institution, sjafei did not limit his teachings to national awareness and nationalism; he also stimulated his students to develop their skills and creativity, enabling them to be innovative and productive. he emphasized the importance of intellectual development by providing general knowledge. the education system initiated by sjafei was indonesiacentric and nationally oriented, aimed at shaping students with strong character and an understanding of their national identity. sjafei's struggle to sow nationalism in west sumatra took a more gentle, focused, and independent form. from the beginning of establishing ins kayutanam, sjafei and marah sutan held the principle of independence, refusing assistance from the government or any other interested party. this principle was to protect ins's objectives from being altered or influenced. after deciding to manage educational institutions in west sumatra, sjafei also withdrew from political party membership. this was intended to allow sjafei to focus on building the school without obstacles and political party influence. as in the cases of thawalib and diniyyah institutions, sjafei also rejected subsidies from the dutch government to maintain the school's independent principles. fearing interference from the dutch, like rahmah el-junusiah, sjafei refused to allow his school to be used for political activities and refused to ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 144-154 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 mohammad sjafei: a nationalist educator in west sumatra | 153 affiliate with any political party. the process of instilling nationalism in west sumatra was initially carried out gently through approaches to students during or outside of class time. this was done through speeches at official school events or through articles in magazines. sjafei faced challenges in sowing nationalism in west sumatra, especially in the early 1930s. this was related to sjafei's principle of not wanting to be involved or affiliated with any party. sjafei went against the current movement in west sumatra, which at that time was dominated by islamic parties that were affiliated with religious schools. the nature of the youth movement did not suit sjafei, as he was worried about increasingly firm government action. to ensure the continuity of his education, sjafei has already tried to avoid government attention by not involving himself in any political parties. references abdillah, f. (2018). demystify civic education through the educational neuroscience on indonesia curriculum. in annual civic education conference (acec 2018) (pp. 76-78). atlantis press. https://doi.org/10.2991/acec-18.2018.18 afdhal, a., manuputty, f., & ramdhan, r. m. (2022). pendidikan developmentalisme moh. sjafei: membangun konsep pendidikan berkebudayaan di ins kayutanam (1928-1969). jurnal mahasiswa bk an-nur: berbeda, bermakna, mulia, 8(3), 130-139. http://dx.doi.org/10.31602/jmbkan.v8i3.8847 agung, l. (2016). sejarah intelektual. yogyakarta: penerbit ombak. dinas kearsipan dan perpustakaan provinsi sumatera barat. (n.d). riwayat hidup almarhum mohammad sjafei. dinas kearsipan dan perpustakaan provinsi sumatera barat, no. 02. freire, p. (2001). pendidikan yang membebaskan. jakarta: melibas. gilbert, felix, intellectual history: its aims and methods (american academi of arts:the mit press, 1971). guilhot, n. (2016). the first modern realist: felix gilbert's machiavelli and the realist tradition in international thought. modern intellectual history, 13(3), 681-711. https://doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000870 zed, mestika. (2012) “engku mohammad sjafe’i dan ins kayutanam: jejak pemikiran pendidikannya”, jurnal tingkap viii(2). 173-178. https://doi.org/10.24036/tingkap.v8i2.1879 muri, yusuf a. (2013). metode penelitian kuantitatif, kualitatif, dan penelitian gabungan. padang: unp press. navis, a. a. (1996). filsafat dan strategi pendidikan m. sjafei. jakarta: pt gramedia widiasarana indonesia. pusat dokumentasi informasi kebudayaan minangkabau. (1977). sistem pendidikan dan kurikulum ins kayutanam. padang panjang. sari, y. (2021). peran dari biografi dalam sejarah intelektual. jurnal pustaka ilmiah 7(1). shklar, j. n. (1998). political thought and political thinkers. chicago: university of chicago press. sjafei, m. (1953). arah aktif. djakarta: j.b wolters. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 144-154 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 mohammad sjafei: a nationalist educator in west sumatra | 154 sjafei, m. (1968). dasar-dasar pendidikan. padang: ruang pendidik ins kayutanam. sjafei, m., abdulrachman, & sutan, m. (1925). tjerita pendek sekolah roeang pendidik ins di kajoetanam. rantai mas no. 11. sjafei. keterangan ringkas. (1968). in sjafei, m. dasar-dasar pendidikan. padang: ruang pendidikan ins kayutanam. wasino & hartatik, e. s. (2018). metode penelitian sejarah: dari riset hingga penulisan. yogyakarta: magnum pustaka utama. wati, l. a. (2023). pemikiran nasionalisme mohammad sjafei, 1914-1958 (master’s thesis). departemen sejarah, universitas diponegoro, semarang, indonesia. yayasan ruang pendidik indonesisch nederlandsche school kayutanam. (n.d). keterangan ringkas. dinas kearsipan dan perpustakaan provinsi sumatera barat. indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 61-70 © 2018 the indonesian socialist party (psi) 1950-1959: political role and progress during liberal democracy armedyestu priyonggo, yety rochwulaningsih, indriyanto magister ilmu sejarah, fakultas ilmu budaya, universitas diponegoro *penulis korespondensi: aproinggo@gmail.com abstract the establishment of psi was a continuation of the movement of youth groups during the period of the national movement which the members came from intellectual elites named pni baru. this organization had an important role in the form of parliamentary democracy system in indonesia. during independence period, pni baru became a political party called partai rakyat sosialis (paras), paras then affiliated with partai sosialis indonesia (parsi) to become the partai sosialis in the late of 1945. partai sosialis appeared convincing as the dominating party in the course of indonesian politics in early independence, placing sjahrir and amir as cabinet leaders for five consecutive periods. after the name of partai sosialis changed into psi on february 12, 1948, the party was unable to be considered as a potential political party anymore. psi had no chance to contribute to the political dynamics of indonesia at that time. it was only after the recognition of indonesian sovereignty that the psi was able to carry out effective party work, including their involvement in cabinet in the 1950s. the psi members were responsible of serving the government as ministers in the structure of the natsir cabinet of 1950, the wilopo cabinet of 1952 and burhanuddin harahap cabinet of 1955, the other figures who had special affiliation and sympathy with psi also became party representatives to serve the government during that period. keywords: psi; political dynamics; liberal democracy. introduction the political dynamics of indonesia in the 1950s appeared from the struggle of political parties that came into being after the implementation of the parliamentary government system in indonesia in november 1945. the political struggle between parties in the parliamentary democracy system is a necessity, but for politically unstable country it might seem a worrying problem. the system often underlies the division of political parties in case of ideological flows that lead to the interests in power in each period of the cabinet or government. almost all of political parties try to give a big influence and play an active role in determining the cabinet photofolio, so that in each journey the political dynamics seems quite fierce. the complexity of indonesia's political conditions and the intense rivalry between political parties at that time, was directly the trigger for the cabinet reshuffle in a relatively short period of time. recorded during the implementation of the parliamentary government system in indonesia from 1945 to 1949, it had experienced seven cabinet changes, those were (i) sjahrir cabinet i from partai the indonesian socialist party (psi) 1950-1959: political role and progress during liberal democarcy | 61 received: july 2, 2018 accepted: october 28, 2018 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 61-70 © 2018 sosisalis, (ii) sjahrir cabinet ii from partai sosisalis, (iii) sjahrir cabinet iii from partai sosisalis, (iv) amir cabinet i from partai sosialis, (v) amir cabinet ii from partai sosialis, (vi) hatta cabinet i from non-party, and (vii) hatta cabinet ii from nonparty (puspoyo, 2012: 40-45). based on that record, it shows that in the course of the cabinet at that time it was only partai sosialis which dominated the structure of the cabinet. the dominance of partai sosialis in the five cabinet periods indicates that the party is a large and considerable party. partai sosialis through its representatives also succeeded in playing an important role in initiating policies that determine the ideal concept of political structure in indonesia. one of the important roles of partai sosialis is to fight for democracy as political system in indonesia. in its development, on february 12, 1948 partai sosialis changed its name into partai sosialis indonesia (psi) (tim buku tempo, 2010: 215), yet for several years after this, the party remained an influential political party on the national political stage. psi briefly sat on liberal democracy cabinet in 1950s, among them were natsir cabinet of 1950, wilopo cabinet of 1952 and burhanuddin harahap cabinet of 1955, the other figures who had special affiliation and sympathy with psi also became party representatives to serve the government during that period (legge, 2003: 15). at the same time, psi became an influential party in the parliament by placing its members totaling 17 seats out of a total of 236 seats. psi became party that had the third most representatives compared with pni which had 49 seats and masyumi party which had 36 seats (nuzar, et.al., 2012: 109). psi records on the national political stage in 1950s caused psi considered as one of the major political parties. based on the analysis of herbert feith, during the period of liberal democracy until the period of the guided democracy the typology of political parties in indonesia was divided into five major genres, namely modernist islam represented by masyumi party, democratic socialism represented by psi, radical nationalism represented by pni, javanese traditionalism represented by nu, and communist represented by pki (feith dan castles, 1988). according to the background of this study above, the researcher conducted research to perpetuate the political struggles between parties at the time of liberal democracy in indonesia and drawn on the more specific context of the dynamics of psi struggles during the period of liberal democracy in 1950-1959. method the method used in the preparation of this journal uses the historical method, namely the process of critically testing and analyzing footage and relics of the past (gottschalk, 1975: 32). this is an implementation of a series of historical writing methodologies, namely heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. supporting documents and sources for the writing of history, especially in relation to the existence of political parties in the 1950s, came from several places, among others were first, the national archives of the republic of indonesia (anri), there were found sources of correspondence, regulations, and the laws and regulations prevailing in 1950-1959. second, the national library of indonesia. there was found psi's articles of basic basis and bylaws (ad/art) which could be used to determine the principles and direction of party movements. third, the sources at the surakarta press museum. there were found newspapers rregarding the movements of political parties in indonesia in 1950-1959, especially those related to the psi. as a source of support the author also uses a variety of books that were certainly related and relevant to the theme written. the indonesian socialist party (psi) 1950-1959: political role and progress during liberal democarcy | 62 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 61-70 © 2018 psi consolidation and development efforts since the establishment to the end of dutch rule in indonesia, psi tended not to show party’s activity intensively. from 1948 to 1950, the dutch military aggression and ongoing diplomacy agendas did not provide sufficient space for psi to engage in partying activities, the rest of psi's internal activities only took place in the mid-1950s by determining the party's political program discussed in the leadership conferences party (fakih, 2012). it appeared that the first psi deliberation plan had been prepared well in advance. it could be seen from the implementation which did not take long from the recognition of indonesian sovereignty. psi succeeded in conducting deliberations of party leaders held in yogyakarta. the deliberations were held for approximately five days and were attended by core board of psi such as sjahrir, l.m. sitorus, djohan sjahroezah, soemartojo, and hamdani, as well as some psi leaders from the regional representatives (anwar, 2011: 92). the deliberations had succeeded in preparing the basic basis and bylaws (ad / art) of the party. psi was a new political party with an old background that insisted that socialism was still used as its principle. chronologically, the view of socialism was the identical ideology used as the principle of the organization of pni baru since the 1931s. despite this tendency, sjahrir insisted that “all members of psi want the new party to be a party that is free from the burden of the past” (legge, 2003: 230). this difference was due to changes in the national political situation in the period before and after independence, so that the orientation and movement of the party must also be changed. the maturity of psi figures in determining the concept of their party movement through the deliberation became an interesting and strategic way for the party's journey ahead. furthermore, it was not long from the implementation of the deliberation, in august 1950 they held a meeting attended by political parties based on the genre and representatives from each region in the parliament building to discuss the mission in formulating government policy, especially the issue of west irian liberation. the composition of the mission was andi zainal abidin from psi, abdul hajat from the labor party, kasima from the catholic party, manai shopian from non-party, sahettapy sogel from protestant representative, soekiman of islam representative, moh. tadjudin nor from the nationalists and moh yamin from nonparty (antara, 27 august 1950). the meeting was not related to psi new working program and did not become the main focus of psi figures. it could be seen from the representation of psi which was not attended by party elites, but it clearly showed that psi had strong legitimacy as a representative of the socialist party. the legitimacy of psi was reinforced by the large number of party members in parliament at the time. known since in 1950 the number of psi seats in the house of representatives amounted to 17 seats from a total of 232 seats. although at this time there was no clear measuring instrument in determining the strength of political parties and only based on the estimate of the establishment of the party, but psi itself as a party of three national political forces. psi only lost to pni and masyumi party which each have 49 and 36 seats in the house of represintative (nuzar, et.al., 2012: 109). this reason gave psi a path to get involved in every liberal democratic period cabinet journey in the 1950s. psi political activities and struggles in the cabinet natsir cabinet the new indonesian journey with parliamentary system was marked by the enactment of the provisional law in august 1950. for the first cabinet, president soekarno immediately gave the cabinet formative mandate to natsir as chairman of the indonesian socialist party (psi) 1950-1959: political role and progress during liberal democarcy | 63 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 61-70 © 2018 the masyumi party.1 the appointment of natsir was a presidential award to him, because natsir was considered able to unite the regions through an integral motion submitted at the house of representative’s meeting (waluyo, 2009: 78). for about a month natsir were communicating with other political parties, especially with pni and psi, which dominated the party forces outside the masyumi party at that time. natsir's talks with pni had always failed, natsir finally took a political policy by prioritizing psi as the party coalition cabinet. in early october 1950, natsir reported the composition of the cabinet to president soekarno. natsir put three people from masyumi party, m. roem as minister of foreign affairs, sjafruddin prawira negara as minister of finance, and wakhid hasyim as minister of religious affairs. then two people from psi namely, mr. tadiono manu as minister of agriculture and dr. soemitro djojohadikusumo as minister of trade and industry. two of pir namely, wongsonegoro as minister of justice, and prof. dr. johanes as minister of public works. one from parkindo namely, dr. johanes leimena as minister of health. one from parindra r.p. suroso as minister of labor. one from psii, harsono tjokroaminoto as state minister. one from democrats, pellaupessy as minister of information. his party was taken from non-parties, such as sri sultan hamengku buwuno ix as deputy prime minister, mr. assaat as minister of home affairs, abdul halim as minister of defense; bahder johan as minister of education. natsir's cabinet composition did not demonstrate the position of psi as the party that dominates the cabinet structure, there were only two names of psi cadres in the cabinet, but psi had an important role in the process of drafting the cabinet structure. it was shown from the criticism of the psi's political opponents by cornering the natsir cabinet, as it was featured in the daily newspaper merdeka dated september 7, 1950. “some of capable people in mohammad natsir's cabinet are available, such as soemitro djojohadikusumo, bahder johan, and mr. assaat, but their meaning was diminished by soemitro, assat and three others in the cabinet of abdul halim, tadio manu, and hamengku buwono, all in the power and influence of psi. therefore, muhammad natsir's cabinet is a psi cabinet” (harian merdeka, 7 september 1950). the assumption that mr. assaat, abdul halim, and hamengku buwono ix were psi people never wrong, because the fact that their close relationship with psi especially with sjahrir could not be denied. in the theory of the ruling group, psi did not take much part in obtaining power directly, but psi had a big hand to select ministers in natsir's cabinet (duverger, 1984: 107).2 besides, natsir himself denied the allegations, he said he had a reason in choosing a cabinet structure based on expertise, or better known as "zaken cabinet". natsir’s statement was denied by the opposition group who said that the term of zaken cabinet felt less appropriate when it was used as an excuse to give a position to psi people and set aside pni and pki in the cabinet structure. this caused pni and pki along with the labor party to place themselves as an opposition party (kahin, 1952: 134). 1in fact, president soekarno and natsir had never been in the same way. it could be seen from every debates and arguments they both had in accordance of formulating the form of state in the early of independence period. president soekarno required secular state while natsir required islamic state. 2in the theory of ruling group, political party which had great power could be seen from its party’s influence in placing representatives to be assigned as ministries. the ruling group would not directly take the position but they did something by influencing the power. the indonesian socialist party (psi) 1950-1959: political role and progress during liberal democarcy | 64 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 61-70 © 2018 according to the history of the relationship between the masyumi party and psi in the early days of independence, they had a long story of conflict. the specific reason natsir used to consider psi was the cabinet's working priority. natsir cabinet program put the reorganization and rationalization of the military bureaucracy, financial stability and increased economic activity as the main target (feith, 1964: 153). it was known that psi wass one party that had good communication with the military (alam, 2003: 259),3 as well as in implementing economic development programs, natsir seeked to increase the economic income by pumping indonesia's main export activities, advancing agriculture and industrial production enhancers. in that case natsir was considering a competent figure to run it, tandio manu and soemitro. in fact, in the implementation of its economic policy natsir cabinet obtained results that were quite encouraging. national targets in soemitro's industrial sector had made significant improvements to the overall national economic condition. the growth of industrial productivity had shown increasing results (waluyo, 2009: 1952). in managing the trading income soemitro implemented a policy called kurs beraneka (multiple rate), it is the exchange rate used for export, import and profit transfer which are separated. this policy made indonesia's economic growth in early 1950 increased (van bemmelen and raben, 2011: 38-39). despite these successes, the improvement of state revenues from the trade and industry sectors on the other hand created a new gap for the management of state finances. corruption among customs officials, financial officers, and state foreign exchange officials became an unavoidable practice. news about corruption had been often reported in various newspapers and discussed in parliamentary meetings (van bemmelen and raben, 2011: 38-39). this led to the opposition political party pressing natsir cabinet. fortunately, pir which initially agreed with natsir turned the direction by pulling his ministers in the cabinet. the pressure from the opposition party caused natsir's cabinet position could not be maintained, then narsir returned the mandate to the president in march 1951. soekiman cabinet a few days after natsir returned the mandate, president soekarno appointed pni representative, mr. sartono as a formature on april 26, 1951 (harian abadi, 27 maret 1951). in arranging his cabinet, mr. sartono prefered to communicate with masyumi party. he was assisted by sidik djojosukarto from pni and soekiman from masyumi party. the results of the arrangement chose soekiman as prime minister. soekiman cabinet lasted until february 23, 1952, by showing a good relationship with pni. in his cabinet composition, soekiman considered the representation of masyumi party and pni, while left parties including psi were not involved in the cabinet structure at all. actually soekiman was aware of the difference between psi and other left parties, especially with pki, yet soekiman did not agree with soemitro's economic policy at the time he served as minister of trade and industry in natsir cabinet. in the economic policy, soekiman considered soemitro was more often having cooperation with the united states. while soekiman himself preferred to do 3psi had been known to be close to general soedirman in the early period of independence. in the early year of 1948, psi was able to build up relationship with some military such as a.h. nasution as well as the soldiers. psi had successfully infiltrated and proposed its modern ideas inside of military at that time. the indonesian socialist party (psi) 1950-1959: political role and progress during liberal democarcy | 65 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 61-70 © 2018 economic resistance with america, and oppose the policy of american embargo for strategic goods, textile and rubber (alam, 2003: 258). according to psi, they said that soekiman’s statement could not be proven and only as a means to eliminate psi representatives in the composition of his cabinet. after that, psi seeked to weaken the cabinet by conducting opposition movements and holding other political parties. psi looked for alliance to masyumi party after knowing that natsir did not walk in the same way with soekiman. from the internal masyumi party itself, soekiman got a contradiction. it turned out that there were two groups within masyumi party, namely the old group whose orbit was soekiman himself and the young group whose orbit was natsir. psi decided to cooperate with masyumi party who sided with natsir in arranging a movement against the cabinet. as results, masyumi party who sided with natsir issued a vote of no confidence and managed to overthrow soekiman cabinet (harian abadi, april 28, 1951). wilopo cabinet after soekiman’s resignation, president soekarno appointed a new cabinet formation, this time he appointed sidik djojokarto from pni and prawoto mangku saswito from masyumi party, because there was no agreement between the two in determining the cabinet formation, finally the formation mandate was returned to president soekarno. by president soekarno, pni representatives were replaced by wilopo. the results decided the cabinet leader must be given to wilopo on april 3, 1952 (noer, 1987: 260). while deciding the composition of his cabinet, wilopo preferred to arrange the cabinet based on cabinet’s journey stability than greater development mission. in other words, wilopo only considered the cabinet’s journey as political security. he assumed that the failure of cabinets before was caused by effortless of the cabinets in pointing out opposition party, so that all of parties which considered to be potential were included to sit in the cabinet structure (anitawati, 2009: 102). psi, pni and masyumi party were coalition parties, and these three parties were the backbone of the cabinet. during wilopo cabinet, psi was able to place mr. lukman wiradinata as minister of justice and dr. soemitro djojohadikusumo as minister of economy again. fortunately, lukman wiradinata and soemitro were not seen as part of an expert in cabinet structure at that time, although the ministerial position corresponded to the background of their field. soemitro was known as one of the professors in university of indonesia with the background of economics and lukman as a legal expert. in the period of wilopo cabinet, the two had merit only by issuing policies by reactivating the stock exchange in jakarta under the capital market emergency act of 1952. the policy did not bring strategic impact on economic development on a national scale. in his journey, wilopo cabinet tended to be less pressured by opposition parties, only nu party which was a bit harshly weakening the cabinet, so that wilopo was able to carry out the cabinet programs smoothly. however, not long ago, great pressure on wilopo cabinet came from pni itself. this time, the resistance movement was led by sidik djojokarto, by supporting the serikat tani (peasants' union) to file a vote of no confidence in the cabinet, which affected the return of wilopo's mandate to the president on june 3, 1953 (alam, 2003: 258). ali sastroamidjojo cabinet the political struggle in the last few cabinets showed that political conflict arose from several causes, both from ideological conflict and interests between political parties even conflict between groups within the party itself. president soekarno realized it as the indonesian socialist party (psi) 1950-1959: political role and progress during liberal democarcy | 66 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 61-70 © 2018 a serious problem, so in the formation of a new cabinet president soekarno took a political stance by appointing wongsonegoro to represent pir to rearrange new cabinet. wongsonegoro was appointed from undominant power party at that time. it was intended as a middle ground for the new cabinet not to be filled with political struggles involving pni, masyumi and psi. in arranging the cabinet, wongsonegoro took a courageous decision by only involving pni and islamic representatives from nu and psii party without involving the psi and masyumi party in it. in the formation of new cabinet, ali sastroamidjodjo was appointed from pni as prime minister on august 1, 1953 (alam, 2003: 312). psi and masyumi party felt as neglected parties after abandoned in the arrangement of the cabinet, therefore both of them decided to do weakening movement to the cabinet. psi encouraged the masyumi party to re-engage islamic parties into the formation as it was before the 1950s. they did agitation activity reported in newspaper harian abadi on september 8, 1953, masyumi party gave a judgement to nu party and psii as parties that injured the islamic struggle (harian abadi, september 8, 1953). meanwhile, psi itself, also did protest to the existence of two names of pki representatives who sat in the cabinet, yamin and ali (ricklef, 2005: 489). then, the movement of psi and masyumi party finally got supports from nu and psii party to make efforts weaken the cabinet. the opposition coalition was successfully able to make ali cabinet returned its mandate to the president on july 20, 1954. burhanuddin harahap cabinet more than a year of ali cabinet's resignation, a new cabinet had not yet been formed. the government felt so frustrated with the political work of the cabinet that rarely formulated strategic programs in the case of state development, instead it was filled with contradictions between party streams with problematic requirements. this was due to the existence of a balanced party power, so as to map the power between political parties, it was taken by election. finally on august 11, 1955 a new cabinet was formed, led by burhanudin harahap from masyumi party. burhanudin harahap cabinet was the cabinet assigned to hold the first election in indonesia. in the effort to carry out his duties, burhanuddin harahap chose to accommodate the representation of all the parties that had potential and significant vote in the election, namely pni, masyumi party, psi, pki, and parkindo (puspoyo, 2012: 69). finally, by the representation of the whole party, the target of the election in 1955 could be conducted smoothly. the goal was proven, burhanuddin harrahap cabinet could perform a democracy stage one month after its appointment. government implementation after the general election in 1955, general election was held and the result was only announced in march 1956. psi hardly accepted the results, because as the party suffered a landslide defeat, it only earned about two percent of the national vote. in other words, psi could only delegate 5 representatives to the house of representative and 10 seats to the members of the constutuante. many arguments tried to explain the cause of the defeat, but sjahrir himself as chairman of psi chose to be wise in realizing that maybe psi was not mature enough in calculating the strength of the electorate base (anwar, 2011: 98). the result of the vote also influenced the political map of the new cabinet after burhanuddin harahap returned his mandate in march 1956. in the formation of the new cabinet, president sukarno used his prerogative to appoint four electionwinning political parties, so the formation consisted of pni, masyumi party, nu and the indonesian socialist party (psi) 1950-1959: political role and progress during liberal democarcy | 67 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 61-70 © 2018 pki representatives. this action was taken by president soekarno as an attempt to create a more conducive cabinet composition, otherwise the political struggle between parties was still apparent at the time of the first cabinet preparation after the 1955 elections. it was marked by the masyumi party's refusal of pki to participate in the formation (harian abadi, march 5, 1956). finally, the process was carried out by pni, masyumi party, and nu party with the result of putting ali sastroamidjojo back as prime minister, known as the ali cabinet ii. even though psi with the election results of 1955 had to accept the fact that they could not do much in influencing the cabinet, psi seemed to support the ali cabinet program, and did not carry out opposition or provocation movements as they did on the cabinet’s journey before the election was held. it was according to the awareness of psi members on the strength of his party, there was no precise instrument used to carry out to weaken the cabinet. in such situations, forcing the party members temporarily to withdraw any action in the national political dynamics, and possible activity to be carried out was conducting the party's internal agendas. whilst the political condition in indonesia at the beginning of 1957 again pointed to the difficult dynamics, ali cabinet ii problems arose after the relationship between pni and masyumi party again showed bad communication. the crack in the relationship between the two was then used by pki. by using his political maneuvers, pki succeeded in shifting masyumi party by rallying the ballot, and it was proven by masyumi party taking out its five representatives in the cabinet. the ongoing struggle between the two forced ali to return his mandate to president sukarno (puspoyo, 2012: 70). the complexity of the political journey at that time forced the president to rethink in continuing the parliamentary democracy system, but president still compromised with the demands of most political parties to continue the system. half-heartednessly and without pointing out representative to arrange the new formation, president directly appointed djuanda from non-party as prime minister. djuanda cabinet was the last cabinet in the history of liberal democracy period in indonesia. this cabinet was referred to as a cabinet of works, which in the cabinet formation consisted of professional people, not the result of the party coalition (puspoyo, 2012: 79). representatives who sat in the cabinet structure at this time was based on recommendation of president soekarno, not because of the consideration of the strength of political parties. in djuanda cabinet, psi actually lost the instrument to sit in the cabinet structure. psi position was cornered after indications of involvement of one of the party members in prri rebellion in west sumatra, it caused psi completely lost its name among the national political elites. conclusion the establishment of psi was a continuation of the movement of youth groups who came from the intellectual elites who joined pni baru organization during the national movement. in the early days of independence of indonesia, the organization had an important role in the birth of parliamentary democracy system and pointed sjahrir as the first prime minister. at about the same time, this organization was transformed into a political party called the partai rakyat sosialis (paras). the position of paras was taken into account after getting collaboration with partai sosialis indonesia (parsi) led by amir sjarifuddin to fuse into socialist party at the end of 1945. it was proven that since its establishment until 1947 socialist party came to dominate in indonesian politics by placing sjahrir and amir as cabinet the indonesian socialist party (psi) 1950-1959: political role and progress during liberal democarcy | 68 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 61-70 © 2018 leaders during five consecutive periods. it was the time when socialist party played an important role in advocating indonesia's sovereignty from the dutch side, by taking a rational path which was diplomacy. this brilliant attitude demonstrated by socialist party was able to inspire hatta cabinet to fight in the same way until the achievement of indonesian sovereignty in 1949. after the name of socialist party changed into psi on february 12, 1948, the party was unable to emerge as a considerable political party. psi did not have the opportunity to appear in the political dynamics of indonesia at that time. but then after the recognition of indonesia's sovereignty, psi was able to carry out its effective party works, including in involving itself on the cabinet's journey. in the 1950s psi representatives were believed to occupy positions as ministers in the structure of natsir cabinet, wilopo cabinet, as well as burhanuddin harahap cabinet. in addition, it put psi back as a considerable political party in indonesia. the achievement of psi as one of the most influential parties in the indonesian political stage of the 1950s did not last long. psi was unable to create an effective organizational movement in increasing mass power in the 1955 elections, because it only got two percent of the vote or 5 seats in parliament among 17 seats in the early 1950s. the loss of base of representatives party in the parliament resulted in the decline of party positions on the way of the entire cabinet from 1956 to 1959. references alam, wawan tunggul (2003). perofan bangsaku: perofan bung soekarno vs bung hatta. jakarta: gramedia pustaka utama. anitawati, iin nur (2002). mohammad roem: karier politik dan perjuangannya. magelang: yayasan indonesiatera, 2002. antara, august 27, 1950. anwar, rosihan (2011). sutan sjahrir: negarawan humanis, demokratis sejati yang mendahului zamannya. jakarta: kompas media nusantara, 2011. duverger, maurice (1981). partai-partai politik dan kelompok-kelompok penekan, translated by layla hasyim. jakarta: bina aksara. fakih, farabi (2013). “institutional reforms of the guided democracy (1957-1965)”. lembaran sejarah, vol. 10 (1): 96-113. feith, helbert (1964). the decline of constitutional democracy in indonesia. ithaca: cornell university press. feith, herbert and castles l. ed. (1988). pemikiran politik indonesia 1945-1965. jakarta: lp3es. gottschlak, louis (1975). mengerti sejarah, translated by nugroho notosusanto. jakarta: ui press. handbook of buku tempo (2010). sjahrir: peran besar bung kecil. jakarta: tempo. harian abadi, april 28, 1951. harian abadi, march 27, 1951. harian abadi, september 8, 1953. harian merdeka, september 7, 1950. kahin, george mc. turnan (1952). indonesia politics and nasionalism. ithaca: corner univercity press. legge, j. d. (2003). kaum intelektual dan perjuangan kemerdekaan: peranan kelompok sjahrir. jakarta: pustaka utama grafiti. noer, deliar (1987). partai islam dalam pentas nasional. jakarta:lp3s. nuzar, irwansyah, pratama, r. a, marzuki, adie (2012). djohan sjahroenzah: merajut jejaring perjuangan. jakarta: pikir institute. the indonesian socialist party (psi) 1950-1959: political role and progress during liberal democarcy | 69 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 61-70 © 2018 puspoyo, wijanarko (2012). dari soekarno hingga yudhoyono. solo: era adicipta intermedia. tim buku tempo (2010). sjahrir: peran besar bung kecil (seri buku tempo: bapak bangsa). jakarta: kepustakaan populer gramedia. van bemmelen, sita and raben, r. ed. (2011). antara daerah dan negara: indonesia tahun 1950-an: pembongkaran narasi besar integrasi bangsa. jakarta: yayasan obor pustaka. waluyo, waluyo (2009). dari pemberontak menuju pahlawan nasional. yogyakarta: ombak, 2009. the indonesian socialist party (psi) 1950-1959: political role and progress during liberal democarcy | 70 microsoft word 002. saumia, zulfa et al.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 126-136 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the problem of malaria and its eradication system in tanjungpinang during the dutch colonial era | 126 received: january 31, 2023 revised: december 6, 2023 accepted: january 1, 2024 the problem of malaria and its eradication system in tanjungpinang during the dutch colonial era zulfa saumia*1, erniwati erniwati2, yelda syafrina2 1history study program, faculty of teacher training and education, universitas jambi, muaro jambi, jambi 2history education study program, faculty of social sciences, universitas negeri padang, air tawar padang, padang *corresponding author: zulfasaumia@unja.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v7i2.17324 introduction the archipelago (indonesia) is included in the tropical region with an endemic distribution that varies in each region. endemic diseases such as malaria, hepatitis, tuberculosis, leprosy, and other endemic diseases exist today and have existed since the colonial period. studies on endemic diseases, their spread, and their prevention have attracted the attention of medical or tropical disease experts and historians. endemic studies conducted by foreign historians, such as the history of malaria control in uganda, and zambia, to the history of malaria vaccines and state interventions, such as those experienced by the swiss tropical and public health institute, (akello, 2015; meier et al., 2022; nawa, 2019; packard, n.d., 2007; sarkar, n.d.; strelkova et al., 2020) as well as, indonesian historians who are concerned with the history of endemic spread and its prevention (emalia, 2020; hesselink & koninklijk instituut voor taal-, 2011; itawan, 2020; nawa, 2019; nawiyanto, 2018; pols, 2018; sugiarto, baird, singh, eliyazar, & davis, 2022). malaria outbreaks are a significant problem in indonesia due to its tropical environment. this issue has persisted since colonial times because of the abstract malaria outbreaks are a health problem that is not easy to overcome. its spread and prevention have been an important issue ever since the dutch colonial period. this article explains how the malaria outbreak became an important issue during the colonial period in the tanjung pinang area, one of the areas where the endemic spread and was quite worrying due to the large number of fatalities. this article also explains how this endemic occurred and was overcome by the chinese population in tanjung pinang, as well as the handling of the colonial government. this article uses existing historical sources to describe the problem of endemic diseases and efforts to eradicate them during the dutch colonial period. the main aim of this paper is to examine the seriousness of endemic issues and their causes in the region and describe how the colonial government resolved them. there has been significant progress in malaria eradication, and the understanding of the causes of malaria and the selected eradication methods reflect scientific advances and economic considerations. keywords: endemic; eradication system; tanjungpinang; the dutch colonial era ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 126-136 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the problem of malaria and its eradication system in tanjungpinang during the dutch colonial era | 127 geographical characteristics of the region. the ministry of health has considered this issue significant for a long time, based on several studies (marbun & zein, 2020; elyazar, hay, & baird, 2011; dijk, 2013). apart from geographical reasons, demographic factors make an important contribution to accelerating the spread of the outbreak. bosma's study on smallpox in the dutch east indies in the 19th century shows that the disease was influenced by factors such as demography and being brought in by enslaved people-enslaved people traded from areas in the archipelago. enslaved people on java and outer islands had different vaccine usage and were exposed to endemic diseases like smallpox and cholera. the government's lack of seriousness and negligent vaccine distribution and administration increased the death rate in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, despite the existence of a vaccine (bosma, 2015). bosma’s explanation above is strengthened by the findings of nawiyanto (2018). he explained that the expansion of human activity caused malaria. increased human activities ranging from food production building irrigation canals, agriculture, ponds, and fish ponds cause other problems, namely creating broader fertile breeding grounds for malaria vectors. human modification of the environment has further increased malaria vectors. although, in the end, the colonial government believed that it was necessary to combine medical and hygienic measures to overcome malaria, economic limitations meant that the implementation of hygienic measures was still limited. the malaria outbreak became a serious concern for the colonial government after the irrigation development project on the island of java ended in 1904, affecting people's health. poorly managed irrigation in java led to a malaria outbreak (marbun and zein 2020). another case involved the dutch army first experienced the spread of malaria during the dutch east indies era. the cirebon plague occurred in 1852-1854, and based on laboratory results in 1890, it was found that the cause of this disease was a parasite contained in the patient's blood carried by the anopheles mosquito. this parasite is transmitted through mosquito bites. anopheles mosquitoes are considered carriers of disease. to reduce the spread of malaria, the colonial government carried out various eradications from 1907-1911 (boomgaard, 2003, p. 593). meanwhile, smallpox (smallpox/pokken) is caused by the variola virus, an orthopoxvirus species. smallpox affected children and was known as childhood disease (kinderpokken) or even “children's disease” (kinderziekte) by the dutch, implying that this disease killed most of the children (boomgaard, 2003, p. 593). however, the studies above ignore other endemic distributions in other parts of indonesia, especially in the riau archipelago (tanjungpinang). tanjungpinang, which is in the outer islands and close to singapore, also has problems with endemics that attack this region. tanjung pinang, an area in the dutch east indies, had a serious malaria problem in 1930. it was reported in a newspaper with the title "assasineering te tandjoengpinang." the article explains the malaria outbreak and how the colonial government handled it in tanjung pinang. by using available historical materials, this paper seeks to explore endemic ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 126-136 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the problem of malaria and its eradication system in tanjungpinang during the dutch colonial era | 128 problems and how the colonial government dealt with them. the main aims of this article are 1) to discuss the endemic problems in tanjungpinang and 2) to describe how the colonial rulers handled endemic problems. method the research method used in this article is the historical method. the historical research method explores facts, experiences, and developments by interpreting the data on past events. this study uses four stages of historical research methods, namely, heuristics (asnan, 2016, p. 23) source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. the first stage of writing this article is heuristic (source collection), consisting of primary and secondary sources. the primary sources were collected from the national archive. other secondary sources were private collections and libraries in tanjungpinang and the national library. in addition, to obtain processed data using literature studies, this research also uses various reference sources from articles, photos, pictures, and newspapers that can be accessed online: media, kitlv.org, library.leiden.edu, jstor.org, and others of relevance to complement historical sources. these colonial sources, both from official government reports and newspaper reports, provide an overview of who was the victim of the malaria outbreak and how this outbreak was handled by local residents such as the chinese and the colonial government. the problem of endemic in the colonial period dutch traders arrived in the archipelago in the late 16th century and colonized the archipelago for the next two centuries. initial letters and reports from dutch traders indicated that a specific type of fever, most likely malaria, was a significant health problem affecting military and trading activities (hay et al., 2011, p. 29). the central government and administration of the dutch east indies company (vereenigde oostindische company; voc) were located on the island of java, most of the initial publications related to malaria in indonesia were from java. this includes a crosssectional comparison of malaria prevalence and parasite density in two major cities (hay et al., 2011, p. 30) and subsequent research in the 18th century in batavia showed high morbidity due to tertian fever or persistent fever, which claimed the lives of thousands of voc employees each year (hay et al., 2011, p. 31). in a report to the german colonial office in 1899, robert koch examined aspects of malaria in adults (including military hospitals) and children in java (hay et al., 2011, pp. 30-32). furthermore, the dutch east indies 'ethical policy' (ethische politiek), which purported to increase the welfare if indigenous indonesians through irrigation, transmigration, and education, accidentally triggered a malaria outbreak in java in the first 30 years of the 20th century by increasing transmission (hay et al., 2011, pp. 33-34). europeans believed that the causes of disease had something to do with longstanding chronic diseases and an unhealthy tropical environment (van eekelen, 1989, p. 58). around 1900, the perception of malaria changed significantly due to scientific findings by ronald ross in india and giovanny battista grassi linking the spread of malaria through anopheles mosquitoes. ronald ross and malcom watson argue that ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 126-136 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the problem of malaria and its eradication system in tanjungpinang during the dutch colonial era | 129 the malaria parasite has nothing to do with "water or marsh air, or decaying vegetation" but with the anopheles mosquito, which acts as a vector (ross & watson, 1930, p. 7). the findings confirm previous local investigations by swellengrebel at various sites across the archipelago but differ from watson's observations in the malay peninsula, which suggested a. umbrosus and a. maculatus as the most dangerous and significant malaria vectors (j.p, 1989, pp. 88-93; watson, 1938, pp. 53-54). more recent observations indicate that in addition to indonesia's coastal areas of java, sumatra, north kalimantan, and several others. a. sundaicus was observed in coastal areas extending from northeastern india to southern vietnam and has been blamed for malaria epidemics in india between 1930 and 1940 and in vietnam in 1965 (dusfour & harbach, 2004, pp. 518-521). another case of malaria in the archipelago was found in tanjungpinang. tanjungpinang people consider anopheles mosquitoes as a particular species that attack people at night (“de malaria-bedwinger naar zuidsumatra,” 1935). the control of endemic by dutch government the dutch east indies government used the dichloro-diphenyl-trichloro-ethane (ddt) spray, successfully developed in 1939. ddt was a chemical spray aimed at reducing malaria outbreaks. at first, ddt was effective enough to reduce the spread of malaria, but using it too often caused mosquitoes to become immune to ddt (pusat data dan analisa tempo, 2019). in addition to using ddt to control the spread of malaria, establishing hospitals is also a significant focus. the chinese in tanjungpinang paid attention to the health sector by establishing a hospital in 1852 and having 34 nurses, founded on the community's contribution (ministerie van kolonien, 1852, p. 54). this hospital is for general disease services only, while for other diseases, such as leprosy, it is located in senggarang. in 1859, there were 24 leprosy patients. the nurses who treat the patients are chinese. the establishment of this house for leprosy sufferers originated from the concern of the tanjungpinang chinese people for lepers who were treated discriminatively. in the 1859 koloniaal verslag it was stated that the chinese people are also prominent donors apart from the voluntary donations and contributions of the chinese and other ethnic communities. in the this hospital serves not only leprosy patients but also other common diseases. in the early 20th century, according to bahau'din, the government paid strict attention to the economy and health. because during this period, there were many cases of epidemic diseases, deadly infectious diseases such as smallpox, cholera, and malaria, which occurred in almost all of java island. however, it is also possible that there are also outside java. for this reason, since 1906, the government has provided health subsidies in the form of funds for medicines, hospital equipment, and doctors' and paramedics' salaries in private hospitals (native private and auxiliary) and regional hospitals (baha’uddin, 2006, pp. 142-143). in the city of tanjungpinang, according to koloniaal verslag, malaria, dysentery, ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 126-136 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the problem of malaria and its eradication system in tanjungpinang during the dutch colonial era | 130 beriberi, and some cases of smallpox and even cholera were often complained of by the people from 1905 to 1912. however, did not record the number of victims in the colonial report documents (ministerie van kolonien, 1903, p. 78; ministerie van kolonien, 1905, pp. 51-53; & ministerie van kolonien, 1912, pp. 24-25). in fact, towards the end of the year, sporadic dengue fever occurs, as well as beriberi, which is carried by coolies as stated in the (ministerie van kolonien, 1907, p. 50. health conditions were generally better than in 1915, but malaria still predominated in april and may. the lack of medicines, such as quinine supplies, made it challenging to treat malaria, mainly occurred in tanjungpinang and pulau tujuh as mentioned in the (ministerie van kolonien, 1917, pp. 25-26). in 1917, the number of malaria sufferers in the city of tanjungpinang was huge, a doctor named dr. swellen grebel submitted his report on this paper to the government regarding the handling of this malaria outbreak, but there has been no follow-up action from the government. overall, the health condition in tanjungpinang is quite good, except for malaria, which is caused by dirty swamps and roads and ditches, which are filled with stagnant water and become breeding grounds for mosquitoes when entering the rainy season (het geneeskundig laboratorium, 1924). the preventive action of cleaning the drainage ditch behind the prison to the village of dobi in the city of tanjungpinang was carried out well. the project is expected to clean up and repair waterways to reduce malaria outbreaks as stated in vervolg memorit betreffende de residentie riouw en onderhoorigheden opgemakt tergelegenheid van het aftreden van l.m.f plate op 10 juni 1924. furthermore, in 1918, winckel discussed vaccine service arrangements with dutch residents in tanjungpinang. the final result of the meeting was unsatisfactory because it was challenging for the colonial government to distribute vaccines to the various small islands scattered around bintan island as attached in vervolg memorit betreffende de residentie riouw en onderhoorigheden opgemakt tergelegenheid van het aftreden van l.m.f plate op 10 juni 1924, pp. 16-17. the uneven distribution of vaccines and labor-intensive environmental conditions affect the death rate of coolies. the greatest number of deaths among plantation workers occurred in the tanjungpinang, afdeeling of a total number of around 4062 contract workers who died around 438 people in 1919 (ministerie van kolonien, 1919, p. 64). the cause of death of the plantation workers is caused by many things, ranging from malaria, the dirty conditions of the plantation workers' settlements, lack of hygiene, and other epidemics. so, it is not surprising that the death of coolies on the plantation occurred. entering the 20th century, health conditions in tanjungpinang are still not free from this endemic threat. koloniaal verslaag's records from 1905 to 1912 show that people in tanjungpinang often experienced malaria, dysentery, beriberi and several cases of smallpox and cholera. however, the exact number of victims was not recorded in the colonial report (ministerie van kolonien, 1903, p. 78; ministerie van kolonien, 1905, pp. 51-53; ministerie van kolonien, 1907, p. 50; ministerie van kolonien, 1912, pp. 24-25). this situation did not only occur in tanjungpinang, but the declining health conditions also occurred in other areas ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 126-136 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the problem of malaria and its eradication system in tanjungpinang during the dutch colonial era | 131 around the riau archipelago. in 1914, malaria was very disturbing, especially for chinese and less fortunate people, so it was difficult to get treatment. although the government hospital is in tanjungpinang. the community was reluctant to ask for medical assistance from the colonial government. this situation caused the colonial government to set up an outpatient clinic in the chinese district. this clinic is less successful in treating malaria sufferers due to the lack of available medical facilities. outbreaks of dysentery also hit adults and measles in children. the paramedics from tanjungpinang took part in carrying out the treatment and examination. they also found 30 cases of dysentery and 25 cases of measles. based on the records of paramedics and local officials, the death toll reached 86 people in 20 days from may 20 to july 7. cases of death are estimated to consist of 26 adults and 60 children. the death rate continues to increase due to the lack of facilities and slow medical treatment, coupled with the absence of isolation rooms for the healthy and the sick (ministerie van kolonien, 1914). health conditions improved in 1915, although malaria was still a threat in april and may. it is because these months transition from the rainy to the dry season. when the weather gets warmer, it allows for the development of malaria mosquitoes. not only the weather, but the swamps are also dirty, and the streets and ditches are filled with stagnant water so that they become breeding grounds for mosquitoes when the rainy season enters (het geneeskundig laboratorium, 1924, pp. 4-5). therefore, malaria is still a different problem in tanjungpinang city. meanwhile, the supply of medicines, especially quinine, is limited, making it challenging to treat malaria. this condition occurs in tanjungpinang and pulau tujuh (ministerie van kolonien, 1917, pp. 25-26). in 1918, the colonial government tried to reduce the impact of the spread of malaria by planning to send medicines to remote areas. the colonial government could not be carried out because the distance was too far to reach the interior and the difficulty of transportation (sumatra bode, 1925). although malaria drugs are difficult to reach in remote areas, the government is still carrying out other programs to prevent malaria, such as ordering 100 detainees in tanjungpinang to cut grass and clean and sanitize areas around tanjungpinang. the detainees were under close surveillance by armed police. tanjungpinang is a hotbed of malaria (indische gids 1931 ii, p. 763). coolies receive medical treatment, although at a limited cost (indische gids 1931 ii, p. 763). in 1922, the colonial government issued a policy to provide outpatient clinics along with doctors and nurses as part of efforts to improve and serve the community. previously, all outpatient medical facilities were costly and scarce. this rule only changed when the head of the civil society health service, on october 13, 1922, no. 13521, formed an outpatient clinic that received subsidies from the government. subsidies are given in the form of utilization of health facilities using different health cards. the card will show who is entitled to the facility. the blue visiting card is free of charge for those entitled to free medical treatment. the owner of the red card must pay a fee of f 0.25, valid for one week. the owner of a white card must pay f 0.75, which is valid for one month. the owner of the yellow card must pay f 2.50 for one-month ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 126-136 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the problem of malaria and its eradication system in tanjungpinang during the dutch colonial era | 132 outpatient health facilities, and the green card must pay f 1 for one week (anri bb no 3488,“ verlog memorie betreffende de residentie riouw en onderhoorigheden opgemakt ter gelegenheid van het aftreden van l. m. f plate” op 10 juni 1924, p. 14). malaria is almost endemic everywhere in the lowlands (deli courant, 1937). the newspaper de indische reported that in 1927 malaria patients had decreased, and prof. dr. rodenwaldt conducted an investigation in tanjungpinang to observe the decline and progress of the malaria eradication program (de indische courant 30 maart 1927). the malaria eradication program is a crucial agenda to reduce the number of malaria sufferers on the islands in the south china sea and other islands in the riau archipelago. the islands around the riau archipelago that have carried out a malaria eradication program and are considered complete, such as anambas, terempa, and midai (de sumatra post 21 october 1936). in tanjungpinang, dr. theunissen held discussions with various government officials and other authorities. this discussion discussed many things, including yaw control in indragiri, although there is still a need to improve deficiencies in controlling this disease. medical personnel will be added and sent there, and will cost around 20,000 guilders (bataviaasch nieuwsblad 31 mei 1939). the next visit was carried out by one native doctor and engineer from the netherlands, namely dr. soesilo and ir. bleichrood. they made an inspection trip to tanjungpinang because of the significant spread of malaria in 1930. the increase in malaria cases caused one newspaper to write a bold title, "assasineering te tandjoengpinang" which translates to "murder in tanjungpinang." the spread of malaria in tanjungpinang originates from the river flow. actions taken to reduce the spread of malaria are to normalize the flow of rivers and make many wells. this action has not been able to show actual results in reducing malaria. in the following year, doctor pflugbeil will visit tanjungpinang to see the malaria control process (het nieuws van de dag voor landsch indie 29-11-1930; de sumatra post 8 december 1930). the visit was not only carried out by doctor pflugbeil but also attended by professor rodenwalt, whose job was to assess and monitor the development of malaria there. (de sumatra post, 8-12-1924). various endemic eradication programs implemented by the colonial government and support from various dutch medical experts in tanjungpinang began to show results. dr. ultee, with the local government visited, conducted an extensive tour of the riau region, aiming to find out how to eradicate malaria in malaria hotspots and how further regional operating hospitals could make savings (de sumatra post, 24 juli 1934). the expert visits continued when one of the class 1 health workers, w. moojim, who also worked at the military hospital, visited riau to investigate the malaria situation there (sumatra post, 18 january 1940). the results of visits and reports from the activities of dutch experts in observing the natural conditions and causes of malaria will be processed again by dr. theunissen to be able to find a way to eradicate malaria, which has caused many losses, especially in the economic field (de locomotief 13 maart 1939). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 126-136 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the problem of malaria and its eradication system in tanjungpinang during the dutch colonial era | 133 conclusion this paper has indicated that the fight against malaria was integral to the struggle for colonial economic development. the disease attacked the region's inhabitants and claimed a significant number of victims, both among the indigenous and chinese populations. although the problem of endemics, especially malaria, certainly had roots in the region's natural environment consisting of flowing rivers, ditches, and an unclean environment. in several cases, the escalation of malaria was often caused by the influence of the expansion of human activities and modification of the environment rather than due to natural factors. the colonial government's response to reducing the spread of this endemic started with cleaning waterways, cleaning the surrounding environment, establishing health centers, and providing medicines. the efforts made by the government by combining medical and hygienic measures in the fight against malaria and other endemic diseases still need to be completed. financial limitations, the ability of the community to absorb information, and all the things that still need to be improved have caused the eradication program to be limited. how is the colonial legacy in controlling various diseases in tanjungpinang, and would the issues be an interesting topic for another research? acknowledgment this article's abstract was presented as a poster presentation at the international conference in tropical medicine (virtual conference) by faculty of medicine and public health (fkkm) universitas gadjah mada on november 2022. references akello, g. 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(1989). the interaction of western and tropical medicine. in v. and ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 126-136 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the problem of malaria and its eradication system in tanjungpinang during the dutch colonial era | 136 e. a. de k. heteren (ed.), dutch medicine in the malay archipelago 1816-1942 (p. 58). rodopi. volksgezondheidsbelangen in riouw. (1934, july 24). de sumatra post. watson, m. (1938). the prevention of malaria in malaya: a review of thirty-seven years “progress.” acta conventus tertii de tropics atgue malariae morbis, pars ii: acta conventus tertii de malariae morbis. societas neerlandica mediciae tropicae. microsoft word 2. rochmiatun.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 22-35 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 palembang-malay women's resistance against the domination of patriarchal culture | 22 received: march 10, 2023 revised: june 6, 2023 accepted: june 7, 2023 palembang-malay women's resistance against the domination of patriarchal culture in the xx century endang rochmiatun* master program of islamic civilization history, faculty of adab and humanities, uin raden fatah palembang jl. prof. k. h. zainal abidin fikri no. 5, pahlawan, kemuning, palembang, south sumatera indonesia *corresponding author: endangrochmiatun_uin@radenfatah.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v7i1.17624 abstract gender issues during the early twentieth century in palembang were worth nothing. among the reasons were that during the colonial period, women did not have equal opportunities to contribute to the public sphere as men. this proves that women's access to public activities is limited. this research manifests women's struggle for emancipation against patriarchal culture in the public sphere in the city of palembang. this research uses historical research methods and qualitative research. it seeks to answer three questions; 1) how did the palembang women carry out the emancipation movement against the domination of patriarchal culture? 2) what forms of movement did palembang women take? 3) what public sectors could palembang’s women be achieved in the twentieth century. until the beginning of the 20th century, the traditions and understanding of the people in palembang did not realize the importance of women obtaining formal education. not many parents want to send their daughters to formal schools. whereas in palembang there were already formal schools in the early 20th century, including: madrasah al-islamiyah, his school, muhammadiyah school. many parents who have daughters still view formal education as unimportant, women are only obliged to be in the domestic sphere (become a wife, do household chores). this condition is the reason why some women who have realized the importance of women getting formal education then voiced the public's awareness of the importance of women getting the right to go to school. several forms of women's struggle so that the tradition in palembang that views formal education as not important for women can change, including: writing in a newspaper published in palembang. this research shows the struggle of palembang women in voicing their rights in the public sphere in the twentieth century through the mass media despite many obstacles. the evidence of women's struggle for emancipation gradually eliminates the patriarchal culture. keywords: women’s resistance; patriarchy; emancipation; voicing rights; education equality. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 22-35 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 palembang-malay women's resistance against the domination of patriarchal culture | 23 introduction until the early twentieth century, women were considered second-class citizens. their life depends on men. women do not get what they are entitled to, such as education. this causes women to experience backwardness. syainit et al. (2018) describe that women are equal to men in helping their family's economy. still, in terms of public access, women are weak, backward, and marginalized. education is crucial for women to eliminate ignorance and backwardness and avoid arbitrary actions against women (syainit et al., 2018). in addition, rahmawati argues that the recognition of women as second-class citizens or 'the other' creates ambivalence between being in a regulated and controlled position with rejection and rebellion against cultural ornaments that have curbed their rights as whole human beings. a woman's existence has never been seen as an integral part of the social life of society. still, it shows the individual hegemony of power that indoctrinates the differences between men and women. women are only considered objects of support (rahmawati, 2009). studies on women's resistance are often explored through literary works such as short stories and novels (adnani, udasmoro, & noviani, 2016; kurnianto, 2016; susilowati & indarti, 2019; turaeni, 2010). among them is a novel titled perempuan berkalung sorban. the resistance is the efforts to fight injustices in the islamic boarding school. some agents try to fight or break into the ijbar rights (forced marriage), idah rights (waiting), reproductive rights, sexual relations rights, and equal workload rights. the form of discourse on gender resistance in this novel is divided into two categories, namely women's discourse in the domestic and public spheres (adnani et al., 2016). in a short story titled tandak, the existence of women's resistance is carried out openly by female leaders to male and community leaders (susilowati & indarti, 2019). another study of women's resistance is on the tandhak dancer, as seen from their communication strategy, as they choose to remain silent and ignore the blasphemy by continuing their dance (rahmawati, 2021). in this research, the researcher focuses on women's resistance during colonialism from the perspective of rights to education through mass media, literature, and social-religious and political organizations to fill the gap of previous research. women tend to do open resistance and closed resistance the tradition of the palembang people who have not realized the importance of girls obtaining formal education and see women only having duties in the domestic sphere is the reason for the emergence of palembang women's struggles to be able to change this tradition. this research re-examines the resistance theory proposed by james c. scott and prove that there were women in palembang who fought for emancipation in the public sphere. scott (2000) defines resistance as all actions subordinate groups take to reduce or reject claims made by superdominant parties or groups against them. this study applied the historical method with four steps: heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. those steps were undergone to answer three main questions: 1) how did the palembang women resist the domination of patriarchal culture?; 2) what forms of resistance did the palembang women take?; 3) what public ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 22-35 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 palembang-malay women's resistance against the domination of patriarchal culture | 24 sectors could the palembang women achieve in the twentieth century? the contribution of this study is to present the spirit of the marginalized women's movement in a patriarchal culture, to carry out movements or resistance in various open and closed forms that women can follow in the future. method the theme palembang-malay women's resistance against the domination of patriarchal culture in the xx century was chosen as the object of study to prove that culture in palembang until the early 20th century still placed women as subordinates. women have not obtained equality in gaining access to education compared to men. this triggered palembang malay women to fight by voicing their aspirations to obtain equality in the public sphere and for women to gain access to formal education.this type of research is qualitative research using historical research methods with the steps of heuristics, source criticism, interpretation and historiography (dudung, 2011). the sources used are primary sources, namely manuscripts stored in the national library of the republic of indonesia, the national archives of the republic of indonesia, including magazine collection "our world" code: b. 2458 (national library of indonesia, n.d.), newspaper "soenting melayoe" february 6, 1914 (chaniago, 2014), "south pertja" 1925-1939 (rochmiatun, 2018), soeloeh land company 1916-1939 (rochmiatun, 2018), voice of the wives (kemoedi, 1926a), and wives' world (teradjoe, 1926). as for the secondary sources of this research, books related to the study of the palembang region during the dutch sultanate and colonial period, such as paintings about the capital city of palembang by j.i. van sevenhoven (1971) and the work of p. de roo de faille, from the age of the palembang sultanate (1971), as well as woelders' work, het sultanaat palembang, 1811-1825 (1975), jeroen peeters, the tuo-kaum mudo: religious changes in palembang 1821-1942. the data collection process starts from collecting contemporaneous sources, namely in the form of written documents written in the xx century related to the theme of the study. information from texts in authentic manuscripts is used as data and historical facts. the source of the manuscript is then tested for its authenticity (authenticity) and validity (credibility) through internal and external criticism. testing whether the source is genuine means selecting the physical aspects of the source found. the paper, ink, writing style, language, sentences, expressions, words, and letters must be examined if the source is a written document. tracing the credibility of sources is carried out based on the processes in the testimony because testimony in history is the most determining factor whether the historical evidence or facts are valid or not. therefore, criticism is carried out to control or check these processes and detect any errors that may occur. interpretation and explanation stages are carried out to get meaning and mutual relations between one fact and another. in the process of interpretation, selecting and concluding the factors that led to the occurrence of events. while historical data often contain multiple causes that can help achieve an outcome, it is also possible that the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 22-35 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 palembang-malay women's resistance against the domination of patriarchal culture | 25 same cause can lead to the opposite result. after testing and analyzing the data, the facts obtained are synthesized through historical explanation. patriarchal culture in foucault's perspective, resistance is defined as a hidden or overt process of fighting or violence by marginalized groups as an impact on the power or dominance of a particular group (richmond, 2011). foucault said, "where there is power, there is resistance" (vinthagen & johansson, 2013). the definition of resistance refers to the position of an attitude to behave defensively, trying to fight, oppose, or attempt opposition. in general, this attitude is not based on or refers to a clear understanding. power often gets resistance in social relations (dosi, 2012). resistance can be understood as strength and resistance that meet one another (barker, 2005). so, resistance is an attitude force to behave to survive, try to fight, and oppose other forces in the social class that is in power in society. in line with that, james scott revealed that resistance focuses on forms of resistance in everyday life, which are depicted as the weak minorities' resistance to the power system. (vinthagen & johansson, 2013). james scott (2000) said that resistance in a community could occur due to domination by a majority group. thus, resistance is associated with a stronger group economically, politically and militarily and commonly involves violence and war. resistance is a strategy to fight and mobilize the decolonization movement to achieve independence and freedom (glynn & maimunah, 2021). additionally, hancockbarnett (2012) wrote that resistance is part of the expression of power and dominance interwoven to stem and create fear against the opposition. therefore, daily resistance will decline the influence of the opposition and force the opposition to surrender. thus, resistance in the colonial period is a form of struggle. resistance begins with the awareness of the natives of the structure of domination, exploitation, and colonial operations against society and resources. then, resistance to colonialism is measured by violence against colonialism. resistance during the colonization period was shown through the resistance of indigenous groups to colonial groups which led to fights and violence (tanjung, harahap, & bulan, 2019). resistance to colonialism occurs because foreign governments have violated legitimacy and interfered with state power in political, religious, economic, and social life. meanwhile, patriarchy is a system that places men in a central or most vital position, while women and children are positioned according to the interests of the patriarch (the men). in the patriarchal system, women are positioned as wives who are obliged to accompany, complement, entertain, and serve their husbands (the patriarch). meanwhile, children are placed as their fathers' next generation and entertainers. indonesian society adheres to a patriarchal system, so women are still seen as unable to exceed men, and men are positioned as more primal, superior, and dominant (darwin, 1999). indonesia possesses a patriarchal culture as a heritage from the colonial nation (apriliandra & krisnani, 2021). this culture is still pervasive quite strongly in the majority of indonesians, where they believe men are in control of everything. thus, it is not uncommon for women to experience unfair treatment in ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 22-35 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 palembang-malay women's resistance against the domination of patriarchal culture | 26 society in various forms. people who adhere to a social system with a patriarchal perception often assume that men have a massive role in elevating women's status (ahadia, 2020). this patriarchal value sees women as someone destined to accompany men to create a more harmonious and balanced social structure. patriarchal culture places men above women and directly affects other societal aspects. in other words, the social structure in society is often dominated by men than women (purwanti & suana, 2020). the problems women face, which include inequality in access to various aspects of society, arise because of the patriarchal perception, which is still a belief for most indonesians. the marginalization of women issue lies in a patriarchal culture that places men as superior to women, who are in a subordinate position. the inferiority of women over men has permeated into a culture mainly seen in the resource system (ch, 2006). this culture is one of the reasons for the many discriminatory treatments, restrictions, exploitation, and violent behaviour against women today. the existence of this patriarchal belief has made some women accept their 'nature' by the view of women's authority under men and see this patriarchal perception as something that should be done (rokhima, 2015). women are often seen as second-class citizens and as objects in society, as seen in the belief that men are more favourable (hastuti, 2005). political ethics and education policy in palembang along with the structuring of administrative division and the modernization of the government system, the dutch east indies government attempted to introduce a modern education system in the areas they had conquered (afandi, swastika, & evendi, 2020). starting in the twentieth century, the dutch colonial government implemented a policy that became known as political ethics. as a consequence, the procurement in educational institutions for the bumiputera began. the policy on procurement in educational institutions also seems to have an effect in palembang. in general, the policy of the dutch colonial government in palembang was aimed at regulating the implementation of western-style education, both education organized by the government (sekolah gouvernement) and the community (sekolah partikelir) (beautiful et al., 2013). several policies are considered crucial in implementing education, namely 1) establish and improve the quality of government schools to meet the community's need for education and obtain cheap labour. 2) several policies regarding private schools were issued relating to the growth of various private institutions (this was due to the increasing public interest in education, which the government cannot fully provide). the first indigenous school at the palembang residency level was established in the early twentieth century. in 1912, a village school was built in pulau beringin (mekakau ulu). due to a shortage of students, the school was closed in 1915. it was only around 1921 that the school was reopened on the initiative of kepala marga (head of surname), who had a nobility title with a teacher named 'djanoem' (from semendo darat, muara enim). from january to april 1921, the school recorded around 275 male and female students and four teachers. the number of government schools in the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 22-35 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 palembang-malay women's resistance against the domination of patriarchal culture | 27 residency of palembang in 1916, according to inspecteur c lekkekerken, were; 1 his (149 students), 31 class ii schools (4,133), 99 village schools (6,985 students) and 1 zending school (zendingscolen with 116 students), does not rule out the possibility that this number continues to increase in the following years. basic-level dutch schools for bumiputera, which the colonial government established in the palembang residency, can be divided into four types, namely village schools (volksscool), class ii schools, connected schools (vervolgscool), and holland indlandscool (his). before the missionaries established xavier schools, the dutch east indies government had already established state schools. in 1911, in the city of palembang, apart from having eight public schools, a prestigious school, the first class school, was built. apart from being intended for the children of the palembang nobility, this school went there for a lot of pembesar uluan (ordinary people) (budiriyanto, 2002). aside from taking advantage of the first class schools, many high school students attend prestigious dutch schools, namely the europeesche lagere school or els. a great opportunity for the uluan to become citizens of the city arises when gemeente (municipality) provides opportunities for educated people to occupy new jobs, such as for positions in commis, klerk, schrijver, veld-politie, agenten, mantripolitie,opziener, other low-level jobs, and the rest worked for the gemeente palembang institutions. the children from uluan family did not need to think about this as they had to ontwikkeling (progress), evolve, and eventually become smart through education. his negeri was founded on february 16, 1914, by the decision of the queen of the netherlands. for the chinese population, the dutch east indies government established hcs in 1920. apart from low-level schools, in 1927, the mulo secondary school was opened for the first time in the city of palembang. in contrast to other public schools, mulo was intended for the children of government officials who came from noble and pasirah (head of surname) from uluan (zed, 2006). apart from public schools, private schools have also been established. the methodist school was founded in palembang by salomon pakianathan, an indian from malaysia, in 1908. the school was named mission school and was located in lorong basah. this school was for children from various backgrounds. in its development, only chinese, indian, and people who can afford it are more interested in entering this school. this mission school changed its name to methodist english school, located at jalan tengkuruk. during the dutch east indies, children's condition was worrisome. as in various regions, the dutch east indies community in palembang experienced strict and discriminatory social stratification, so they did not receive proper education and teaching (idi, 2019). during the dutch east indies times, there was discrimination against indigenous children, european children, and indo-european children. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 22-35 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 palembang-malay women's resistance against the domination of patriarchal culture | 28 aspirations of malay womeni palembang to receive the right to education in the early 1920s, the mass media in palembang played an essential part/a significant role in elevating the spirits of the malay women group. the goal was to develop a way of thinking and spread knowledge to women. this awareness cannot be separated from the role of mass media, specifically newspapers. some of the newspapers published in palembang in the second and third half of the twentieth century were perdja selatan, teradjoe, and kemoedi (triharyanto, 2009). in the two newspapers, there were separate columns that were provided for women, including the column "dunia istri" ("wives' world") and "suara kaum isteri" ("voice of the wives in 1926, women's resistance to the dominance of patriarchal culture in palembang was vocalized by palembang women through letters, namely "kemoedi" in the "voice of the wives" column. the palembang woman voiced her aspirations with the help and support of the "kemoedi" newspaper editor. as sitti zakiah said in her first writing edition: "dear editor-in-chief. allow me to publish my thoughts on this beautiful page of kemoedi, a special tribute for women in palembang…" (kemoedi, 1926). and ning dap's writing: "...the writings of sitti zakiah have dared me to speak a little about my sisters in palembang" (ibid) ning dap wrote an allegory about girls in palembang who did not have access to formal education: "how beautiful the sun rises and sets and the night, the moon shines above the sky, on the fence by the millions of stars? wow..all these women can only see in the cracks in the walls. poor!!! (ibid.) ... what about the other parents and the palembang girls. what a pity the girl was locked up at home. he doesn't know what's happening outside and doesn't take his eyes off the left and right. it was as if narrow walls, attics and floors bordered the field. that was the world, the realm of noble girls only". (kemoedi, august 1926). the resistance of palembang women can also be seen when siti zakiah stated that "the development of a country depends on the development of the women," so palembang women must be given access to school so they could become mothers who can educate their children and became good mothers. in her writing, sitti zakiah wrote: "onderwijs (*meaning: education) is a factor that is especially important for the progress of our nation. that's how we can achieve our goals and socialize with any nation in this world. that's why we must try to advance our nation and homeland by telling our children to go to school at our place or to a school that doesn't exist in our place (p.s.: outside palembang)...girls should not be forgotten because people can witness the progress of a country by looking at the progress of the women. we send women to school not only for salary, such as being doctores, klerken, etc. but as napoleon said, that i read in his book, that women are educated to become mothers who in the future will educate and become good mothers for their children" (kemoedi, sabtoe 21 dhoelhidjah 1344/3 july 1926). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 22-35 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 palembang-malay women's resistance against the domination of patriarchal culture | 29 during the colonial period, women did not have a great opportunity to participate in the public sphere like men. this indicates that women's access to public activities was difficult (urifatulailiyah, 2017). there were two limitations for women. first, since most women came from the lower middle class, they did not have the right to education. second, women from the upper middle class did not get equal rights as men in education because the patriarchal culture was strongly rooted. this phenomenon impacts the emergence of the feminist movement in the early twentieth century in palembang. feminism is an understanding or movement to create gender equality, which can be the basis for thoughts, movements, and policies (delmar, 2018). in palembang, feminist movement has arisen since the dutch colonial era. newspapers published in palembang in the second decade of the twentieth century, namely the pertja selatan newspaper in 1930 and teraju in 1926, proved that palembang women's thinking as a form of resistance to the marginalization of women that was due to patriarchal traditions which created gaps in access to education. sitti zakiah was a palembangmalay girl who vocalized her aspirations on the importance of women in pursuing education. "remember, my people, knowledge does not run out until the day of resurrection" is one of sitti zakiah's expressions which is intended to invite her people (women) to seek knowledge and the importance of seeking knowledge for women. one of the newspapers published in palembang in 1926 with the "voice of the wives" column (in proefnummer, palembang: jacoeb, 1926) had an important role in the effort to achieve this emancipation. the newspaper had an interesting tagline: mencari kebenaran, keadilan dan persamaan menurut kemajuan (searching for the truth, justice, and equality, in line with progress). the patriarchal culture, which is still very strong in palembang, is also portrayed by many parents who do not send their daughters to school (putra, asri, & hayati, 2018). however, at the beginning of the twentieth century, there were schools already. his negeri was founded on february 16, 1914, by the decision of the queen of the netherlands. for the chinese population, the dutch east indies government established hcs in 1920. apart from low-level schools, in 1927, the mulo secondary school was opened for the first time in the city of palembang. in contrast to other public schools, mulo was intended for the children of government officials who came from noble and pasirah from uluan (zed, 2006). apart from public schools, private schools have also been established. the methodist school was founded in palembang by salomon pakianathan, an indian from malaysia in 1908. the school was named mission school and was located in lorong basah. this school was for children from various backgrounds. in its development, only chinese, indian, and people who can afford it are more interested in entering this school. this mission school changed its name to methodist english school, located at jalan tengkuruk. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 22-35 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 palembang-malay women's resistance against the domination of patriarchal culture | 30 in contrast, some parents were aware of the importance of education for their daughters. so, they sent their children to school as stated by ning dap in the newspaper: "i was born in the city of palembang when i was three years old ...my parents left.... ...i think they paved the way for their daughter of my nation, palembang. at first, i wouldn't say i liked being sent to a dutch school because none of my female family had ever been to school, let alone enrolled in a dutch school, so i was the first in my family to say that i was among the children who were sent to a dutch school. in a school with so many students, only me came from palembang. the others were children of the sundanese and padangnese in palembang. the behaviour of my friends is too kind and gentle. my younger male friends respect us girls. what a difference to the young people in my homeland! who doesn't care about and respect women" (kemoedi newspaper, august 1926) a palembang woman named sitti zakiah also described how many mothers had an ancient perspective despite the development of palembang at that time (in 1926). it became a crowded city and underwent many changes in economics and education. her concern about the lack of encouragement of mothers in palembang to send their children to school can be seen in her writing: "my heart is saddened, these women in palembang. they don't want to send their daughters to higher schools because she is afraid that her children will receive christian teachings etc., although there are also those who want to send their daughters to school, only in grades 3 or 4 they stop. they say it's no longer useful for girls to be sent to school anymore. it's enough to know numbers and read -ab-c-. this is the "ancient" thoughts that nowadays does not sell" (kemoedi newspaper, august 1926). in some of her writings in several editions of the newspaper, "kemoedi", siti zakiah wrote a reminder on the importance of mothers encouraging their daughters to go to school or get an education both in and outside palembang and hoping to have the palembang daughters became smart, kind, and safe. the expression in her writing was: "their parents should pay attention to my writing so that in the future, they don't expect that their children will become smart and good children and be safe in the hereafter. that's why my people in palembang should pay close attention to girls and tell them to study and seek knowledge. remember, my people and knowledge do not run out until the day of resurrection." resistance of malay women in palembang through literature kemoedi and perdja selatan newspapers are the pioneers of newspapers, including a column for women with aspirations(triharyanto, 2009). among the resistance of palembang women in conveying these aspirations is through the form of poetry. bahria ideriess wrote one of the poems published in the perdja selatan newspaper in 1930, namely: ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 22-35 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 palembang-malay women's resistance against the domination of patriarchal culture | 31 can't stand at the window look to the king's path sad to hear the sound all work gets declined if you stand straight at the door comes a reprimand from the stepmother immediately ordered them to run into the house to a quiet place if a guest comes mother orders boil water to cook potatoes cook food for the guests if the body is exhausted rarely get break time the sounds of the order are often heard ordered to work endlessly that's daily work until it's time to get a husband unknown husband because my parents will the poems above show that the representation of palembang-malay women at that time revolved around the domestic sphere. that role showed that until the third half of the twentieth century, women in palembang had no access to the public sphere, especially in formal education. the progress of palembang-malay women in socio-religious and political organizations in the 1950s, the role of palembang-malay women still revolved around family or household matters as they believed in deeply rooted customs (fauzia, 2004). however, their role in the public sphere began to exist, although it is not yet prominent. the progress of palembang women began in the third half of the twentieth century with a palembang woman named n. samina samid. she took part in the field of journalism as a permanent assistant in the women's magazine "dunia kita" ("our world"), which was published in batavia in 1939. additionally, in 1926, "kemoedi" newspaper had an article with the title "suara perempoean" ("women's voice") as a form of resistance by a palembang woman named siti zakiah. it was due to the condition that the people of palembang did not yet have the awareness to send their daughters to get formal education. in the same newspaper, another woman named ning dap also said that ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 22-35 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 palembang-malay women's resistance against the domination of patriarchal culture | 32 girls in palembang were not allowed formal education. another woman, bahria idris, resisted through her words in the perdja selatan newspaper in 1930. she believed that women were also obligated to their homeland through education. the progress of palembang-malay women in the public sphere can also be discovered through a newspaper in 1930. some palembang women had joined the management of the palembang branch of the organization "indonesia moeda". the names on the board are entjik siti malekha from 8 ilir as the head, entjik rakhma lizo, entjik sopia, entjik fatimah, entjik jenab, raden ayu djenawati, raden ayu zuriah, raden ayu zoelaima. the newspaper published in palembang in 1930, "pertja selatan", provided information on the existence or progress and thoughts of palembang-malay women. the names involved bahria ideriess, raden ayu asiah, leila rs, ana laila, and raden ayu sriani ("pertja selatan" newspaper 1930, collection of the national library of indonesia, roll 3485). from the middle of the twentieth century until the beginning of the twenty-first century, a palembang woman, wantum gathmyr, was active in the nahdatul ulama women's organization (fathayat nu). she was the third child of seven children of mr. ali gathmyr. the seven children of ali gathmyr are khodijah (wak ayu), hasan, wantum, ahmad taufik (wak cak) muh. husni thambrin, ummi kalsum, and hindun. wantum gathmyr had a husband named abdullah bin muhammad alkaf or famously called wak dollah. from this marriage, wantum gathmyr and abdullah bin muhammad alkaf had one child named ubaidillah or fondly called ami ubay. other than his brothers, such as muh husin thamrin or bang husni, he has four children from mrs linda farida binti azis. wantum gathmyr's husband died first. then, wantum gathmyr's mother died and was buried in jakarta. gathmyr's family were fighters from palembang, as told by abdullah, taufik a's father. gathmyr and ali gathmyr were detained during the g30s pki war. they were also close to soekarno, as seen in the photos discovered in the house that mr soekarno occupied. taufik a. the gathmyr. the name of mr ali gathmyr is also immortalized as a street name in the 10 ilir area of palembang. they were also close to mr soekarno, as evidenced by the photo we found in the house occupied by mr taufik a gathmyr. the name of mr ali gathmyr was used as a street name in the 10 ilir palembang. the gathmyr family's careers were passed down from generation to generation. this family was not only a preacher but also a warrior. it was proven as wantum has formed women in the fatayat nu movement and has also served as a member of the legislature after a period of mr taufik a. gathmyr. now, the family's descendants are also a preacher. it is because his old house in palembang was built as a hall that functioned as a place for recitation, gathering of scholars and as a place for studying religion. the building was erected approximately 12 years ago and is still wellfunctioning. the gathmyr family established schools in gathmyr's name at oku and bengkulu. figure 1 shows mr ali gathmyr, wantum gathymir's father. wantum gathmyr has also been a member of the palembang municipal legislature from the ppp party. this shows that palembang women in the mid-20th century-early xxi century were given access to education. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 22-35 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 palembang-malay women's resistance against the domination of patriarchal culture | 33 figure 1 mr. ali gathmyr (above), wantum gathymir's father (down) conclusions three feminists, namely ning dap, siti zakiah and bahria ideriess, voiced their aspirations through newspapers on the importance of education for women in palembang and proved women's emancipation in palembang was achieved through struggle. the patriarchal culture in palembang, which was still strong until the twentieth century, gradually diminished. this can be proven that the number of palembang women who participate in the public sphere in the socio-religious and political organisations is increasing. the results of the study on the resistance of palembang-malay women to the dominance of patriarchal culture show the old perspective that the emergence of feminism is one of the reasons that women's access to public activities is difficult. since this study prioritizes primary sources from contemporary newspapers, this study does not allow generalizations to be made. a more general and comprehensive understanding of the palembang-malay women's resistance in the twentieth century is urgently needed to complete indonesia's national history. in line with this, it is recommended that further research is carried out by accommodating the approaches of other social sciences. in addition, further research needs to add other contemporary sources. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 22-35 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 palembang-malay women's 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(2006). kepialangan politik dan revolusi. jakarta: lp3es. microsoft word 6. mahmud et al..docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 77-92 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 resistance of the nahdlatul ulama party towards the new order, 1967-1969 | 77 received: november 9, 2021 revised: june 20, 2023 accepted: june 21, 2023 resistance of the nahdlatul ulama party towards the new order 1967-1969 mahmud,* dewi yuliati, alamsyah master program of history, faculty of humanities, universitas diponegoro jl. dr. a. suroyo, tembalang, semarang, central java indonesia *corresponding author: mahmud@students.undip.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v7i1.12720 intoduction the development of indonesian politics after president soekarno enacted the presidential decree of july 5, 1959, showed an authoritarian attitude with the dissolution of parliament because it was considered responsible for various political disputes in the preparation of the constitution. the situation became increasingly uncertain after the masyumi party (masyumi), which had an islamic basis, was disbanded due to accusations of participating in an attempted rebellion against the indonesian government (karim, 1983, p. 132). this condition makes the nahdlatul ulama party (partai nadhlatul ulama/ pnu) the only remaining islamic political abstract this study discusses the resistance of the nahdlatul ulama party (partai nadhlatul ulama/ pnu) towards the new order government from 1967-1969. this study analyses the process of pnu's resistance to the new order from 1967-1969. this study uses historical research methods, which consist of four stages of historical research methods, namely: heuristics, source criticism, interpretation and historiography. using the historical method, this study answers questions regarding the form of pnu's channel of resistance against the new order and the results achieved against the government during the 1967-1969 period. this study uses the farming community-based resistance theory developed by james scott. resistance theory is used to explain the pnu's resistance to the new order through various existing political channels. the new order government began to show signs of being anti-democratic by imposing political policies that put pressure on political parties and intervening in the pnu organization's internal realm. pnu's resistance to the new order government was a reaction to various government interventions and actions that attempted to minimize the role and influence of the pnu. this research resulted in an analysis of pnu's resistance to the new order, which had a more solid institutional structure through various existing political channels. the pnu's resistance is understood as a self-defence effort against multiple interventions by the government on the pnu's political institutions. keywords: nahdlatul ulama party; the new order era; political policy. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 77-92 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 resistance of the nahdlatul ulama party towards the new order, 1967-1969 | 78 force. pnu simultaneously appears so unique as an interest group and a pressure group. soekarno's tendency to be close to communist party of indonesia (partai komunis indonesia/ pki) did not directly make pnu take a stand against the president. under the leadership of rois syuriah kiai wahab hasbullah, pnu got closer to president soekarno and supported every decision taken by the government. pnu supports soekarno's conception of nasakom by placing its cadres in government. idham chalid, kiai ahmad dachlan and kiai masykur were three pnu cadres in government. beyond the ranks of idham chalid's leadership, young figures such as subchan zaenuri echsan, zamroni, imron kadir, and mahbub djunaidi represented pnu's critical voice against sukarno's pki-inclined policies. subchan and his friends received support not only from organizations under the auspices of pnu and clerics in several islamic boarding schools but also from army officers and youth organizations outside pnu (fealy & borton, 1997, p. 38). the agenda brought by this group was obvious, namely eliminating the influence of the pki in the government. the declining physical condition of president soekarno further complicated the national political constellation. the increasingly chaotic political situation and requirements prompted the military (army) entry into the political scene (reeve, 2013, p. 221). the army, which has long been opposed to civilian politicians running the country, was gaining momentum with the conflict between political parties in the government. in the early hours of october 1, the army generals were kidnapped, a dark event known as the september 30th movement (gerakan 30 september/ g30s) tragedy. the g30s incident made the political situation worse and more complicated and immediately reduced president soekarno's authority. the decline in president soekarno's power after the g30s tragedy forced him to transfer power over state security to general suharto, who then acted quickly by accusing the pki of being the mastermind behind the various disturbances that occurred. the g30s incident completely changed the indonesian national political constellation. president soekarno, previously seen as having a strong influence, began to doubt his leadership. in the end, opposition groups emerged from youth organizations supported by the army by carrying out actions demanding the dissolution of the pki and holding the president accountable. at the general session of the people's consultative assembly on june 22, 1966, the president's nawaksara accountability speech was rejected by a majority of parliamentarians because it did not mention the g30s issue, which was a national issue that concerns presidential policies (firdausi, 2020). parliament took more severe steps by dismantling presidential powers one by one, culminating in soekarno's removal as president and the appointment of general suharto as acting president on march 7, 1967. the appointment of general suharto as acting president marked the birth of the new order era. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 77-92 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 resistance of the nahdlatul ulama party towards the new order, 1967-1969 | 79 at first, the pnu leadership was divided in its attitude by showing an attitude of indecision in the face of rapid political change. kiai wahab hasbullah, as the syuriah rois appealed to pnu to address this situation by not taking excessive attitudes and actions. meanwhile, the youth under the leadership of subchan urged pnu to take a firm stance by declaring that the g30s tragedy was an act of the pki. subchan even went so far as to form the action committee to suppress the thirtieth september movement (komite aksi pengganyangan gerakan september tigapuluh/ kap gestapu). even so, the two groups agreed to urge president soeharto's officials to speed up the election (fealy & borton, 1997, p. 38). to quell this criticism, the soeharto government, with strong support from the army, moved swiftly to engage the bureaucracy and technocrats. the government also mobilized international support through financial and technological assistance (mas’oed, 1989, pp. 166–175). some supporters of the new order believed that the future of indonesia should be free from ideology-based politics. the government looked at previous experiences when political parties' domination and ideological diversity only resulted in prolonged political conflict and instability. the new order government directed political management to a political system that was relatively free from the domination of political parties and the ideology they carried (haris, 1991, p. 34). pnu, in the view of the new order authorities, was seen as an islamic political force that had to be "tamed". in the xxiv muktamar in bandung on july 4-9, 1967, the government supported the reshuffle of the pnu leadership from idham chalid to another figure who had the spirit of the new order (crouch, 1999, p. 295). idham chalid, the party's general chairman, was also considered very close to soekarno (machfoedz, 1982, p. 291). even so, the strong influence of kiai wahab hasbullah as a syrian rois made the congress participants re-elect idham chalid as chairman. kiai wahab also continued to support sukarno by re-nominating soekarno in the elections made by the government, the time of which had yet to be determined (feillard, 1997, p. 87) in the end, the government acknowledged muktamar's decision. it began to take a different approach to nu while including two pnu representatives, idham chalid and achmad dachlan, in the development cabinet (arsip keputusan presiden no. 183 tahun 1968). idham chalid, as party leader, tends to want pnu to be accommodative and avoid confrontation by not criticizing the government directly. metods this research on pnu's resistance to the new order uses historical methods. according to kuntowijoyo, historical research methods are based on the stages of selecting topics, gathering sources, verifying, interpreting, analyzing and synthesizing, and writing (kuntowijoyo, 2000, p. 91). this study emphasizes the use of primary and secondary sources in the form of archives, newspapers, magazines, books and interviews with relevant figures. some of the archival sources were ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 77-92 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 resistance of the nahdlatul ulama party towards the new order, 1967-1969 | 80 obtained from the archive collections at the nu astranawa gayungsari museum in surabaya, the national archives of the republic of indonesia (arsip nasional republik indonesia/ anri) jakarta, and the private archives of the collections of several local pnu figures. apart from that, this research also uses newspapers and books related to pnu which are very abundant to support this research. interviews were conducted with informants know about events. after obtaining historical facts, interpretation is carried out, namely the activity of interpreting and determining the meaning of facts and the relationship between facts in the context of the events studied. the results of this interpretation are then compiled into works of historiography. nu support in the formation of the new order the political crisis in indonesia throughout 1965 was a tragedy for president soekarno's power. soekarno was very dependent on his political legitimacy as the great leader of the revolution, increasingly being dragged into the current political polarization between anti-communist forces and those supporting communism. the balance of political power he played with the pki, the army and pnu also began to falter. even though pnu and the pki both supported soekarno's government, in practice, these two political parties were often involved in a psychological war down to the grassroots level in the regions. the killing of army generals in a series of events known as the 1965 the september 30th movement (g30s) became the momentum for rapid political change in indonesia. the killing of 6 generals and one mid-level army officer, apart from causing security chaos, also led to a void in the army command. the increasingly heated situation paved the way for the military to come to power—commander of kostrad, maj. gen. suharto was appointed by president soekarno as the holder of the order of eleventh march (surat perintah sebelas maret/ supersemar) to stabilize conditions and order. suharto moved quickly by declaring that the pki was responsible for planning the g30s and killing the army leaders (dewi, 2020). major general suharto temporarily took over command of the army. suharto saw the power of sukarno's fanatical supporters and the remnants of communist forces as a real threat to his newly acquired political power (mun’im, 2013, pp. 132–139). efforts to gain legitimacy for political actions brought army officers together with pnu leaders known to be anti-pki. yusuf hasyim was the leader of the nu youth organization wing. on october 1, the ansor youth movement (gerakan pemuda ansor/ ansor) issued a statement accusing a group of pki of being the mastermind behind the g30s incident (mun’im, 2013, p. 105). yusuf hasyim coordinated with subchan zaenuri, urging the pengurus besar nadlatul ulama (pbnu) to state that the pki and its underbouw was the sole mastermind behind the g30s incident. on october 5, the nu leadership held a meeting at the pbnu office on jalan kramat raya 164 jakarta. the meeting resulted in an official pbnu statement stating that the pki was responsible for the g30s incident. the statement was then signed by kiai masykur representing the syuriah council, m. dachlan and achmad syaikhu representing ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 77-92 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 resistance of the nahdlatul ulama party towards the new order, 1967-1969 | 81 tanfidziyah (nu party), yusuf hasyim as chair of ansor, zamroni as general chair of indonesian islamic student movement (pergerakan mahasiswa islam indonesia/ pmii, and followed by all top leaders of the autonomous pnu body (mun’im, 2013, pp. 107–110) after the october 5 statement condemning g30s, the nu leadership, represented by kiai masykur, syah manaf and idham chalid, held a meeting which decided the party's leadership in jakarta was temporarily led by subchan (feillard, 1997, p. 78). subchan was chosen as the party's interim leader because he was anti-communist. apart from that, he was still 34 years old, and his position was single and not married. he has an extensive network with student activists and organizations outside pbnu, especially his closeness to general nasution and several army generals. the election of subchan as the interim leader of nu was also supported by old kiai, such as kiai asad syamsul arifin and kiai maksum lasem, who from the beginning did not like pnu's actions and joined dwikora soekarno's cabinet together with the pki. subchan's appearance was inseparable from the condition of general chairperson idham chalid, who did not immediately decide because he was still waiting for clarity on president soekarno's attitude towards the g30s incident. said budairy, a pmii activist, stated that subchan was the leading actor in the birth of important decisions taken by pnu. “... yesterday, october 4, 1945, mas subchan, deputy chairperson iv of pbnu, chaired a general meeting at taman sunda kelapa, menteng, jakarta. the general meeting demanded that strict action be taken against the movers and actors of the g30s” (budairy, 2008). subchan moved quickly by inviting pnu youth figures such as nuddin lubis, djamaludin malik, imron rosyadi, zamroni and hasyim latief to build political power within pnu to trap the pki. he instructed pnu cadres in the regions to be prepared to face the development of an uncertain political situation, primarily regarding the movement of pki cadres in the regions (mun’im, 2013, pp. 112–113). subchan's closeness to high-ranking army officers accelerated his steps in making strategic decisions with the full support of the military. subchan quickly formed kap gestapu by collaborating with islamic youth organizations and nationalists and becoming anti-communist youth associations. in the following days, a wave of demonstrations from kap gestapu demanded the dissolution of the pki and the organizations under it (feillard, 1997, p. 79). this large-scale demonstration movement supported by the army leadership caused panic and shock at the elite level. protests from the demonstrators and pressure from the army leadership succeeded in cornering soekarno, so march 11, 1966 (surat perintah sebelas maret/ supersemar) order was issued, giving general suharto authority to restore public order and security. on march 12, 1966, general suharto dissolved the pki and purged the government of elements of the pki and its underbouw organizations (isnaeni, 2016). suharto's statement that the pki was responsible for the g30s incident provided enthusiasm and motivation for nu institutional elements in the regions to consolidate ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 77-92 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 resistance of the nahdlatul ulama party towards the new order, 1967-1969 | 82 themselves and coordinate with the military apparatus to destroy communist forces in the regions. in situbondo, kiai as'ad syamsul arifin blessed the movement to crush the pki in the situbondo area and its surroundings. kiai as'ad supported the formation of the pancasila front and ordered his students to form the pancasila front in situbondo (anshari, 2016) the socio-political situation in indonesia in the following months became increasingly chaotic. the people's distrust of sukarno's leadership and the government led to negative behaviour and disinformation at the grassroots level, resulting in people being incited to commit anarchist acts. political disputes and violence from september 1965 to the end 1966 triggered large-scale tragedies in various regions, especially in east and central java. in early february 1967, pnu politicians, nuddin lubis and djamaludin malik organized a vote of no confidence in president soekarno in parliament. they demanded that parliament strip all powers attached to sukarno. nuddin became the first member of parliament to urge soekarno to be dismissed as president. at the same time, h. djamaludin malik gathered strength in the provisional people's consultative congress (majelis permusyawaratan rakyat sementara/ mprs by launching the name general suharto as a presidential candidate (anam, 1999, pp. 321–322). in the general session of the mprs on march 12, 1967, the mprs stipulated tap mprs no. xxxiii, which revoked president soekarno's powers and appointed general suharto as acting president. general suharto was then sworn in as acting president at the parliament building by the chairman of the mprs, general a.h. nasution. general suharto's success in crushing the 1965 g30s coup attempt made him more recognized by nu youths than other army generals. apart from that, support from deputy rois aam and kiai bisri syansuri for soeharto helped speed up the transition process to his new order government (feillard, 1997, pp. 99–102) suharto then appointed the general chairman of pnu, idham chalid, as minister of people's welfare, and kiai achmad dachlan was appointed minister of religion. harmonious relations with the new order government were also followed by the appointment of pnu cadres in the regions to occupy strategic positions in the government and the legislatures in the regions. in central java, h. imam sofwan, who was the regional leader of pnu central java, received support from pnu and golkar to become chair of the central java dprd, and maschun sofwan was reappointed as the district head of temanggung (interview with ibnu hajar pranolo, september 12, 2020). according to ibnu hajar, for idham chalid, entering the government could maximize pnu's role and support all actions needed during the transition period. pnu could influence the running of the cabinet and strategic decisions whose results could be directly enjoyed by pnu people below. meanwhile, if pnu was outside the government, it would only become a "moon" and a political game tool that would impact pnu cadres at the grassroots level (interview with ibn hajar pranolo, september 12, 2020). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 77-92 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 resistance of the nahdlatul ulama party towards the new order, 1967-1969 | 83 in a parliamentary plenary session on march 22 1968, the spokesman for the pnu party, hartono, stated: "for development, it is necessary to reform the government structure first. so that parliamentary approval is needed to appoint general suharto as full president, so that the government's performance becomes more effective" (“pembitjara setudju djend. soeharto presiden penuh,” 1968). suharto was later confirmed as acting president of the republic of indonesia. in his speech at the 5th general session of the mprs on march 27, 1968, suharto, as acting president and recipient of the mprs mandate, gave remarks about his views on running the new order government as follows: ".. from the beginning, the struggle for the new order had two main themes: first, filling independence by increasing the welfare of the people at large; and second, upholding constitutional life, including restoring a healthy democratic life and improving democratic tools. upholding constitutional life is a tool that is a sufficient guarantee so that the authorities hold no abuse of power. hence, from the beginning, we have also seen that improving people's welfare and upholding constitutional life are not contradictory but that carrying out these two major tasks must be harmonized. …” (anri no. 291). idham chalid's support for suharto must be understood primarily as a tool for political policy to establish good relations with the legitimate government. idham's good relationship with the government can create a conducive political climate and access to various government institutions. idham has played a game without pragmatic rules. resistence of pnu towards the new order new order intervention at the 24th bandung congress in 1967 the transition from soekarno's government to soeharto's new order government, which was supported by the military forces of the army, initially received support and support from most elements of pnu. there was an alliance between pnu and the army in destroying the pki movement, which was considered a threat to the country's religious and political authority. pnu and the new order government provided mutual support to jointly build social, political and religious influence over indonesian society. this situation changed when the new order government began to place the military, especially the army, to dominate indonesian political and economic affairs. the domination of the military occurred because of the views of the new order rulers that the problems in indonesia were caused by the life of political parties, which tended to be in conflict and could not be controlled (reeve, 2013, p. 293) so that the new order rulers began to interfere in the internal realm of political parties to limit the influence of political parties. developments in the political situation under the new order government created anxiety and suspicion among the pnu political elite. subchan ze as a young nu politician, offers the idea of renewal within the pnu body by rejuvenating and ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 77-92 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 resistance of the nahdlatul ulama party towards the new order, 1967-1969 | 84 modernizing the party in the face of the dynamics of political change that were so fast, as well as intervention from the government. his idea of organizational renewal sparked controversy within pnu. most of his young leaders saw subchan as the correct figure to lead pnu because of his success in consolidating the organization during the difficult times of 1965-1966 amidst the political conflict with the pki. meanwhile, rois aam syuriah, kiai wahab hasbullah, still doubted subchan's loyalty because of his close relationship with general nasution and high-ranking army officers (interview with sholeh qosim, january 7, 2017). subchan, who previously fully supported the new order, became an opponent of government policies which, according to him, were anti-political parties. on one radio show, subchan stated that the principles of the new order had begun to blur and were no longer the basis for the struggle of all components of the new order (marijan, 1992, pp. 95–96). subchan then consolidated his power in parliament and garnered support from pnu clerics in the regions, especially central and east java, to oppose the new order. subchan criticized the policies of idham chalid, who tended to remain silent when he saw pnu's internal affairs being manipulated by the authorities. idham chalid himself believed that direct confrontation with the new order authorities would only harm the nu organization and cadres. even so, idham agreed that the government's interference with pnu was intolerable (interview with amir abdullah, november 18, 2020). the various political events became a severe concern for pnu in holding the 24th muktamar in bandung from 4-9 july 1967. a total of 338 branch representatives and 23 regional delegates, and nu sympathizers in various regions attended as muktamar participants. senior kiai also participated in the congress from the pnu extended family from all over indonesia (arsip keputusan muktamar nu ke-xxiv bandung tahun 1967). the muktamar agenda was carried out with great care, mainly in discussing political issues because of concerns that the government would classify pnu as a revolutionary organization. the agenda for political discussion was only about the composition of president soeharto's ampera cabinet, the issue of general elections, and the proposed membership composition of the dprs and mprs (anam, 1999, pp. 308– 309). the lack of a portion of the discussion in the political field seems to be related to the existence of security from the military apparatus in the congress arena. the presence of the military apparatus was not only to secure the course of the congress but also to secure the direction of pnu's political policies, which was the most significant political islam after the dissolution of masyumi by the previous government (interview sholeh qosim, january 7, 2017). the army's intervention was seen in the general chairman election agenda. harold crouch noted that several high-ranking army officers at the time tried to persuade the congress participants not to elect idham chalid and achmad syaikhu to return to the positions of general chairman and general secretary and to transfer the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 77-92 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 resistance of the nahdlatul ulama party towards the new order, 1967-1969 | 85 support of the congress participants to subchan and imron rosyadi, because of their services in forming kap gestapu when the g30s riots (crouch, 1999, p. 295). even so, the army's support for subchan was not optimal because some of his officers considered subchan a critical and unruly person (interview with choirul anam, january 25, 2018). the emergence of subchan as a candidate for general chairman at the bandung congress was inseparable from the support of the clerics on the java coast, especially kiai maksum lasem as the elder and mustasyar of pbnu, who did not really like idham chalid's leadership. according to kiai maksum, idham's leadership character tended to bring pnu closer to power, both when the government was still in the hands of president soekarno and when general suharto was entrusted with becoming a presidential official (interview with abidin, agustus 21, 2020). the conflict over the general chairmanship entered its final phase after kiai wahab hasbullah and kiai bisri syansuri intervened in the forum by publicly declaring their support for idham chalid's return as chairman. the support of kiai wahab hasbullah and kiai bisri syansuri was a significant factor in idham chalid's victory. kiai wahab's open support, even in a congress forum, inevitably made the congress participants, predominantly from east and central java, also express their support for idham's re-nomination. kiai wahab, who is known to be an admirer of former president soekarno, will even nominate soekarno again as president in the elections to be held by the new order (feillard, 1997, p. 87). of course, suharto, who heard these statements, began to doubt the available intervention made by army officers in the field. suharto then instructed his military officers to change their approach to be more grounded so that the party would not be critical of government policies (interview with choirul anam, january 25, 2018). suharto's new order government then included two pnu representatives, idham chalid and achmad dachlan, in the development cabinet in 1968. idham chalid was the minister of social welfare, while achmad dachlan was appointed minister of religion (naskah sambutan presiden soeharto saat diangkat menjadi presiden ke-2 ri pada sidang umum ke-5 mprs tanggal 27 maret 1968, anri, pidato presiden soeharto 1966-1998 no. 291., 1968). soeharto eventually used idham chalid's victory at the bandung congress to rid the military of officers who disagreed with him. soeharto also saw subchan's criticism of the government as a tendency for subchan's closeness to general nasution (interview with choirul anam, january 25, 2018). although in the end, he lost in the struggle for the leadership of the party, subchan managed to sit as deputy chair i through a straightforward selection process from the participants of the muktamar (arsip keputusan muktamar nu ke-xxiv di bandung tahun 1967). subchan also succeeded in placing his people in strategic positions in the ranks of the tanfidiyah board. the dominance of the subchan group in decision-making at plenary forums, apart from the support from the older kiai in java, was also influenced by many university graduates so that they had more knowledge in formal meetings than other delegates with no background of university graduates (buku daftar riwayat hidup anggota partai nu). the results of the xxiv ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 77-92 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 resistance of the nahdlatul ulama party towards the new order, 1967-1969 | 86 nahdlatul ulama conference in bandung appointed kiai bisri syansuri as rois aam and idham chalid as chairman (arsip keputusan muktamar nu ke-xxiv bandung tahun 1967). an interesting decision in the bandung muktamar was that the appointment of kiai bisri syansuri as rois aam syuriah was only part of a formality to avoid further intervention from the government. the meeting was under the direction of kiai wahab. even so, kiai bisri was not pleased, and he stated in a particular forum that the designation of his name as rois aam was only a formality. kiai bisri and kiai wahab were close friends because they were both students of kiai hasyim asy'ari. the bond between the two became stronger because kiai bisri married the younger brother of kiai wahab (interview with kiai sholeh qosim, january 7, 2020). because of the tendency for divisions within pnu, which were more influenced by external factors, idham and subchan agreed to decide special requirements for members from elements of the government. the goal was obvious: to protect the pnu from interference by using pnu members from the government. another decision made at the muktamar was a recommendation that there be intense communication and coordination between the central and regional leaders to avoid control from the government and the military (arsip keputusan muktamar nu ke-xxiv di bandung tahun 1967). the party's desire to minimize external intervention was realized by recommending the establishment of a body tasked with examining the tendency of party members to take advantage of their position or even to abuse party authority and facilities. in the recommendation, it was stated that the research body formed would consist of 7 regional representatives, namely: west java, central java, east java, south kalimantan, south sulawesi, east nusa tenggara, and aceh, whose membership would rotate with south sumatra. the research agency was tasked with examining indications that members of the nu party board deliberately sought personal gain by using the facilities of pnu (arsip keputusan muktamar nu ke-xxiv di bandung tahun 1967). from discussion on political sector law packages to postponement of elections the process of transitioning power from soekarno's government to general suharto was marked by the commencement of deliberations on the provisional people's consultative assembly (mprs) on a package of laws in the political field concerning general elections (elections), political parties, mass organizations and functional groups, as well as rules concerning the composition and position of the assembly. the people's consultative assembly (mpr) and the people's representative council (dpr) created a more democratic political system than the previous administration (puspitasari 2005). the general session of the mprs iv in 1966 resulted in a stipulation that the government and parliament completed the political law packet on january 5, 1967, and instructed the holding of elections to be held no later than july 5, 1968 (ali murtopo, 1984: 178.). in discussing the political law package in parliament, the pnu faction ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 77-92 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 resistance of the nahdlatul ulama party towards the new order, 1967-1969 | 87 rejected the substance of the political law package proposed by the government because it has the potential to give the president full power to dissolve political parties if they were deemed not following the national ideology of pancasila and the 1945 constitution (fealy & borton, 1997, pp. 46–47). according to pnu, the draft law package on politics also mentions changes in the composition of the balance of power in parliament. this was related to implementing an electoral system based on proportional representation and awarding a quarter of the total number of seats to the armed forces (arsip deklarasi tentang demokrasi pancasila yang ditandatangani tanggal 10 juli 1967 di bandung). the draft law on politics proposed by the government was an act of suharto's arbitrariness as an official. soeharto wanted to maintain his power by appointing himself directly through the mprs, where most of the members would be produced through the direct appointment without going through a democratic election process (interview with kiai sholeh qosim, january 7, 2017 ). with a proportional representation system combined with a list system, parliamentarians feel less loyal to those who voted for them because they were more bound to their parent organization. if this system is approved, pnu can potentially lose most of its seats in parliament because the most extensive base of influence is in east and central java (jamiluddin, 2018). in its implementation, the mprs's decision regarding the elections, which were planned to be held on july 5, 1968, was again postponed unilaterally by the government. this delay is based on the argument that the law used as the basis for operational law has yet to be finalized because it is constrained by the slow political process in parliament (suryadinata & priyono, 1992, pp. 36–48). the government proposed postponing the election for five years so that the election would be held by 1973. according to minister hms mintaredja, who also concurrently served as chairman of parmusi, the performance of the political parties in parliament could have been faster in deciding legal products related to the election. it is similar to repeating the performance of parliament during the guided democracy period, where the old political parties in parliament only focused on the interests of their group without ever seeing the substance and benefits of the laws proposed by the government (“penjerdehanaan kepartaian,” 1971; arninanto, 1999, 81). mintaredja's criticism regarding parliament's slow performance in deciding on political laws was rebutted by ahmad saikhu, deputy speaker of the dpr and an pnu politician. according to saikhu, mintaredja's criticism was an attempt to discredit pnu as part of a group that was seen as slowing down parliamentary work. the production of laws was carried out jointly with the government so that the speed of a law is determined by the seriousness and synergy of the two institutions. as a representative of pnu in parliament, saikhu supports putting forward a consensus deliberation system which is the party's line of struggle. however, if the consensus deliberation system was deemed too difficult to implement on a national scale, causing the law's ratification to drag on, then pnu agreed to hold a vote (“sjaichu: bisa sadja untuk tjari kambing hitam,” 1971). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 77-92 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 resistance of the nahdlatul ulama party towards the new order, 1967-1969 | 88 in january 1968, president soeharto held a meeting with the leaders of the political parties at the merdeka palace in jakarta. this was done to overcome the political impasse in the polemic over the discussion of the package of laws in the political field which needed to show clear spots. at the meeting, pnu was represented by idham chalid, subchan zaenuri, djamaluddin malik, jusuf hasyim and nuddin lubis. the meeting temporarily quelled the polemic regarding the draft law package in the political field. chairman idham chalid, in a statement to the press after the meeting, stated that he would consider the suggestions and solutions provided by president soeharto regarding the problems of the law on politics proposed by the government (“refreshing dpr djadi pembitjaraan hangat,” 1968). in a separate forum following the meeting with the president, subchan expressed his frustration at the outcome. according to subchan, the government needed to push pnu more to agree to the proposed draft law package on politics. subchan also deplored the option of postponing the elections made by the government because the situation and conditions were not possible, as well as the main reason for the lack of funding being the main factor. according to subchan, the government's unilateral postponement of elections because the situation and conditions were not possible, was irrelevant because indonesia's socio-political conditions during the transition to president soeharto were very conducive and stable (“konsultasi presiden dengan parpol2,” 1969). the government has also opened a lot of foreign capital assistance to indonesia. subchan's statement, as quoted in the kompas daily, october 5, 1969, is as follows: ”that election financing does not need to cost rp. 20 billion, as the president said. the amount of expenses required can be less than rp. 10 billion. consequently, there is no need to postpone elections if only based on financial considerations (“subchan: biaja pemilu dapat kurang dari rp. 10 miljard,” 1969) on october 14, 1969, president soeharto held a meeting with the leaders of the pnu and pni political parties at the merdeka palace. pnu was represented by idham chalid, subchan zaenuri, djamaluddin malik, kiai masykur, imron rosyadi, jusuf hasyim and nuddin lubis. meanwhile, the pni was represented by isnaeni, hadisubeno, abdul madjid, hardjanto, usep ranawidjaja, budi dipojuwono and abadi. the meeting reached an agreement between the government and political parties on the issue of the law on politics proposed by the government. the meeting resulted in an agreement between the government and political parties regarding the draft law on politics impacting the election schedule. the new order government also agreed to reschedule the election by moving it forward from 1973 to july 5 1971 (“konsultasi presiden dengan parpol2,” 1969). according to harold crouch, suharto's concern for the legitimacy of his power was a determining factor in accepting the pressure from pnu and its political parties to speed up elections (crouch, 1999, p. 248). the pressure from the pnu leadership received support from other political parties in parliament, thus forcing suharto's new ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 77-92 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 resistance of the nahdlatul ulama party towards the new order, 1967-1969 | 89 order government to review its policies regarding the draft law on political parties and the conduct of elections. the consequence of agreeing to accelerate the holding of elections was that pnu must support a package of laws on politics that regulate the composition and position of members of the mpr and dpr, namely law no. 6 of 1969 in the political field law package. the substance of law no. 6 was the appointment of members of parliament from the creative element through a direct appointment mechanism by president soeharto. a few days after the meeting with president soeharto, the pnu leadership, represented by djamaluddin malik and mahbub djunaidi, signed a statement supporting the appointment of members of parliament, which was seen as refreshing parliament by the results of meetings between islamic parties and the government. even so, according to mahbub, pnu has provided notes so that refreshing in parliament stays consistent with the constitution and applicable laws and does not change the balance of party forces in parliament. according to mahbub, varies to the balance of party power in parliament can only be carried out through a democratic election mechanism and according to the mandate of the applicable law (“refreshing dpr djadi pembitjaraan hangat,” 1968) subchan saw the statement of attitude from the pnu leadership that approves law no. 6 as an act of "playing it safe" for the party elite, which has the potential to destroy nu (interview with kiai abidin at his house, jalan musholla al wahdah dusun. sumberbendo, sidomulyo village, kec. wates, kediri regency, august 21 2020.). subchan termed uu no. 6, which regulates changes to the structure of members of parliament by redressing (improving) but intends to destroy the strengths of political parties. according to subchan, law no. 6 was indirectly an "obsolete" legacy of soekarno's government, which has positive and negative impacts on pnu. the positive impact was meant by the loss of pki elements and, simultaneously, the negative mentality of the parliament that the soekarno government inherited. meanwhile, the negative impact was the reduced political power of pnu in parliament due to the increasing dominance and role of the military in parliamentary institutions (laporan pertanggungjawaban subchan zaenuri ekhsan dalam muktamar ke-xxv di surabaya tahun 1971). the impact of the approval of law no. 6, which regulates the composition and position of mpr and dpr parliament members, makes the power balance map of political parties in parliament that were not directly affiliated with the government (golkar) getting weaker and weaker. subchan said law no. 6 was very inconsistent with the "mandate" of the constitution and pancasila, so that it can cause the democratic strength of political parties becomes increasingly fragile. before the law on the structure and position of parliament was passed, political parties in the dpr still held two-thirds of the votes. meanwhile, in the mpr institution, 21 of 26 regional delegates had political aspirations that tended to side with islamic groups (laporan pertanggungjawaban subchan zaenuri ekhsan dalam muktamar ke-xxv di surabaya tahun 1971). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 77-92 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 resistance of the nahdlatul ulama party towards the new order, 1967-1969 | 90 the political power of the new order increasingly gained legality in power with the formation of a new form of politics with the enactment of law no. 6 of 1969 concerning the composition of the membership of the dpr and mpr. with the approval of law no. 6 of 1969, the total members of parliament became 460 people, of which 360 people were elected through general elections. as many as 100 people were appointed directly by president soeharto. of the 100 members appointed directly by the president, 75 were appointed from the military element based on a proposal from the minister of defense/armed forces commander. as many as 25 people came from organizational or individual parts of article 10 law no. 6 of 1969 concerning the composition and position of the mpr, dpr and dprd. thus the group composition in parliament only consisted of 11 factions, including nu, pni, ipki, murba, psii, perti (temporarily suspended), parmusi, parkindo, catholic party, golongan karya (golkar), as well as the karya abri and karya non-abri (anam, 1999, p. 331). conclusion this study uses the resistance theory framework developed by james scott. as with james scott's theory of resistance from the farming community, pnu's resistance to the new order government was all actions taken by subordinate people or groups to reduce or resist the pressure exerted by superordinate parties or groups on these subordinate groups. the resistance by idham chalid and the ranks of the syuriah council against the new order government was an open form of resistance. covert resistance takes the form of passive disapproval, more of the same massive silent evasion, which was often far more effective because the participants were joined in conspiracies that appear to be conspiring. subchan and his supporters fall into the category of closed resistance by rejecting government policies detrimental to nu. consistently, subchan's closed resistance was carried out actively and often turned into short and powerful emotional outbursts openly with considerable risk after a prolonged struggle in various fields, which later gave birth to a radicalization of the movement, which was quite massive. the intervention by the new order authorities towards pnu at the bandung congress became a turning point that influenced the decisions of this organization in its relations with the state. the decisions of the muktamar taken in bandung were still bold enough to oppose the government, although they were not confrontational. idham chalid and subchan agreed that there must be an alternative solution in dealing with the new order government. the new order government's internal interference made most of the young nu politicians who previously fully supported the new order become opponents of government policies, which he said were anti-political parties. subchan z.e, a key young pnu figure, organized open resistance by consolidating support from nu clerics in the regions, especially central and east java. idham chalid acknowledges that direct confrontation with the new order authorities will only harm the organization. subchan and idham agreed that the government's interference with pnu was intolerable. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 77-92 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 resistance of the nahdlatul ulama party towards the new order, 1967-1969 | 91 the new order's political policies received a response from several nu youths who thought that the new order was starting to show anti-democratic symptoms by imposing policies that put pressure on political parties. in turn, this policy discourse has become a different dynamic within pnu. despite fighting, friction and internal competition, as a political institution, pnu has been fragmented into several factions from the start; pnu has remained solid in the face of pressure from outside. pnu has played a role by raising groups that support the government on the one hand, but on the other hand, it also raises groups that were critical of government policies. the pnu resistance made many contributions to the renewal of its organization in the following years. the conversion of several pnu officials who launched resistance to the new order rulers resulted from various government political interventions in pnu institutions. regardless of the nuances, pnu's resistance can be understood from the perspective of the struggle for ideas in forming a government that upholds democracy. resistance can also be understood as a self-defense effort against various government interventions against pnu's political institutions. references anam, c. 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(2013). benturan nu-pki 1948-1965. tim pbnu. naskah sambutan presiden soeharto saat diangkat menjadi presiden ke-2 ri pada sidang umum ke-5 mprs tanggal 27 maret 1968, anri, pidato presiden soeharto 1966-1998 no. 291. pembitjara setudju djend. soeharto presiden penuh. (1968, march 23). kompas. penjerdehanaan kpartaian. (1971, june 1). kompas. puspitasari, s. h. (2005). pengalaman indonesia menuju demokrasi beberapa catalan atas pemilihan umum pada masa orde lama, orde baru dan pasca orde baru. jurnal hukum ius quia iustum, 12(28), 46–61. https://doi.org/10.20885/iustum.vol12.iss28. reeve, d. (2013). golkar sejarah yang hilang . komunitas bambu. refreshing dpr djadi pembitjaraan hangat. (1968, march 23). kompas. sjaichu: bisa sadja untuk tjari kambing hitam. (1971, june 1). kompas. subchan: biaja pemilu dapat kurang dari rp. 10 miljard. (1969, october 15). kompas. suryadinata, l., & priyono, a. e. (1992). golkar dan militer: studi tentang budaya politik. lp3es (lembaga penelitian pendidikan dan penerangan ekonomi dan sosial). microsoft word 1. samidi_ok.docx indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 1-17 © 2019 identitas budaya masyarakat kota: teater tradisi di kota surabaya pada awal abad xx | 1 identitas budaya masyarakat kota: teater tradisi di kota surabaya pada awal abad xx samidi departemen ilmu sejarah, fakultas ilmu budaya, universitas airlangga alamat korespondensi: sambaskoro@gmail.com abstract this study examines why does ludruk represent the cultural identity of the people of surabaya? how does society appreciate the traditional theater, especially in ludruk in their daily practice? the purpose of this article explains the historical reality of ludruk art that serves as entertainment and cultural identity. this article uses the historical method by relying on historical sources. the result shows that theater traditions that existed and famous in surabaya at the beginning of the 20th century were comedy stambul, wayang wong, and ludruk, then appeared kethoprak in the late 1930s. the appearance of this theater has been adapted to the tastes of the support community. comedy stambul is a theater that originated in india, then spread to southeast asia. comedy stambul is considered as a hybrid art because it comes from a blend of local cultural elements, while wayang wong, ludruk, and kethoprak an original art derived from customs and local values. theater that represents the cultural identity of the people of surabaya is ludruk. keywords: cultural identity; performing arts; theater tradition; ludruk. abstrak kajian ini menganalisis mengapa kesenian ludruk merepresentasikan identitas budaya masyarakat kota surabaya? bagaimana masyarakat mengapresiasi teater tradisi terutama pada kesenian ludruk dalam praktik keseharian mereka? tujuan artikel ini menjelaskan realitas historis kesenian ludruk yang berfungsi sebagai hiburan dan identitas budaya. artikel ini disusun menggunakan metode sejarah dengan mengandalkan sumber-sumber sejarah. hasil menunjukkan bahwa teater tradisi yang eksis dan populer di surabaya pada awal abad ke-20 adalah komedi stambul, wayang wong, dan ludruk, kemudian muncul kethoprak pada akhir 1930an. tampilan teater ini telah disesuaikan dengan selera masyarakat pendukung. komedi stambul merupakan teater yang berasal dari india, kemudian menyebar di asia tenggara. komedi stambul dianggap sebagai kesenian campuran karena dihasilkan dari perpaduan unsur-unsur budaya lokal. sementara itu, wayang wong, ludruk, dan kethoprak merupakan kesenian asli yang bersumber dari adatistiadat dan nilai-nilai lokal. berdasar ketiga teater tradisi ini, teater yang merepresentasikan identitas budaya masyarakat kota surabaya adalah ludruk. kata kunci: identitas budaya; seni pertunjukan; teater tradisi; ludruk. diterima/ received: 21 maret 2019 disetujui/ accepted: 3 juli 2019 indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 1-17 © 2019 identitas budaya masyarakat kota: teater tradisi di kota surabaya pada awal abad xx | 2 pendahuluan teater komersial mulai dikenal oleh masyarakat surabaya ketika diselenggarakan pertunjukan drama eropa pada pertengahan abad ke-19 (von faber, 1931, p. 339). pendukung hiburan komersial datang dari kelas menengah kota yang mengalami peningkatan bersamaan dengan perkembangan perkebunan, perdagangan, dan industri. kondisi ini diikuti oleh munculnya teater tradisi sebagai alternatif hiburan baru masyarakat kota. selama paruh pertama abad ke-20, eksistensi teater tradisi menunjukkan popularitas dan masa kejayaan atau era keemasan, tetapi keadaan berbalik ketika budaya lokal berbenturan dengan budaya global pada akhir abad ke20. gaya gerak sentrifugal budaya global didukung oleh percepatan jaringan komunikasi, informasi, teknologi, dan perdagangan, menimbulkan dampak percepatan perubahan sosial-budaya dan kejutan budaya. ada dua fase yang dialami ketika berlangsung hubungan budaya lokal dan global, yakni fase homogenisasi dan hibriditasi (pisani, 2004, p. 40). dampak yang ditimbulkan oleh fase globalisasi dapat mengancam keragaman budaya lokal atau sebaliknya membangkitkan usaha melawan penciptaan budaya global (rosenmann, et al., 2016, p. 203). akan tetapi, realitas eksistensi teater tradisi terhempas dalam gelombang homogenisasi. strategi teater tradisi bertahan hidup pada akhir abad ke-20 ternyata tidak mampu menguatkan akar, sehingga masyarakat pendukung tidak antusias lagi terhadap hiburan ini. paruh pertama abad ke-20 adalah waktu yang menunjukkan eksistensi teater tradisi menyatu dalam kehidupan seharihari masyarakat. akhir abad ke-20 merupakan waktu yang menunjukkan titik balik yang mengarah pada penurunan, kemunduran, dan kurang menarik sebagai hiburan. artikel ini tidak bermaksud menelaah pengaruh budaya global terhadap kemunduran teater rakyat, tetapi lebih ditekankan pada kajian popularitas teater tradisi yang merepresentasikan identitas budaya pada paruh pertama abad ke-20. menurut brandon (2003), teater tradisi merupakan seni pertunjukan tradisional di asia tenggara yang terikat oleh faktor-faktor di luar kesenian, di antaranya perubahan sosial, ekonomi, dan politik. faktor eksternal ini memengaruhi adaptasi dan perubahan kesenian. soedarsono (2003, p. 12) menyatakan bahwa perkembangan seni pertunjukan dipengaruhi oleh faktor-faktor nonkesenian. kajian yang dilakukan oleh peacock (2005) terhadap kesenian ludruk membuktikan adanya adaptasi kesenian ludruk terhadap lingkungan sosial. fungsi ludruk tidak hanya sebagai hiburan belaka, tetapi juga sebagai perwujudan media komunikasi dan propaganda, ritus modernisasi, dan representasi kelas sosial. gagasan tentang pengaruh eksternal terhadap seni pertunjukan menunjukkan bahwa seni pertunjukan tradisional dikaji melalui pendekatan kontekstual. pendekatan kontekstual memfokuskan pada konstelasi sejumlah elemen, bagian, dan fenomena, yang berhubungan dengan kesenian. seni pertunjukan juga dapat dikaji dengan pendekatan tekstual. pendekatan tekstual meliputi telaah simbolik, struktural, dan kaidah-kaidah kesenian (ahimsa-putra, 2000, p. 399). artikel ini menggunakan pendekatan kontekstual untuk menjelaskan eksistensi teater tradisi dengan fokus kajian pada kesenian ludruk pada awal sampai pertengahan abad ke-20. batasan indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 1-17 © 2019 identitas budaya masyarakat kota: teater tradisi di kota surabaya pada awal abad xx | 3 waktu menegaskan perspektif historis yang implikasinya tampak pada pemilihan sumber sejarah dari data tertulis sezaman khususnya koran dan majalah. metode artikel ini merupakan hasil dari penelitian sejarah. karya sejarah adalah tulisan tentang peristiwa dan realitas yang terjadi pada masa lampau. mengetahui realitas dan sesuatu yang terjadi dengan durasi satu abad yang lalu, dalam konteks ini tulisan ini adalah pada awal abad ke-20, penjelasan sejarah mengandalkan berbagai bukti yang tercetak terutama terbitan sezaman, yakni koran dan majalah. data cetak untuk penelitian ini diperoleh dari dokumen, laporan, majalah, dan koran yang dapat diklasifikasi berdasar (1) sumber resmi pemerintah kolonial, (2) terbitan sezaman, (3) laporan. data ini diperoleh melalui penelusuran di kantor arsip dan perpustakaan, seperti kota surabaya (di antaranya arsip kota surabaya, arsip provinsi jawa timur, dan perpustakaan), jakarta (perpustakaan nasional), yogyakarta (perpustakaan provinsi khususnya pada koleksi langka), dan surakarta (museum pers). sumber resmi pemerintah yang terdapat di kantor arsip kota surabaya dan provinsi jawa timur berupa bundel-bundel arsip, sedangkan sumber terbitan sezaman dilacak di ruang koleksi koran di perpustakaan-perpustakaan terutama perpustakaan provinsi yogyakarta, museum pers surakarta, dan perpustakaan nasional jakarta. jenis koran yang sudah dilacak adalah bintang hindia, bintang soerabaia, pewarta soerabaia, de indische courant, soeara asia, suara masjarakat, trompet masjarakat, java post, perdamaian, dan obor surabaja. majalah dan terbitan berkala yang dilacak, antara lain medan prijaji, viribus unitis, panjebar semangat, pandji poestaka, dan mutiara. data tersebut diklasifikasi, diverifikasi, dan dianalisis untuk kepentingan penulisan sejarah (artikel sejarah). semua data yang diperoleh diverifikasi dan dikritik terutama mengenai validitas berita melalui pengecekan dan membandingkan beberapa berita yang serupa. hal ini untuk meminimalkan kesalahan pada data penelitian. analisis data dilakukan sejak pengumpulan dilakukan sampai penulisan berakhir. teknik analisis data disesuaikan dengan jenis data yang dicapai, yaitu (1) teknik analisis historis (perkembangan, perubahan, dan fenomena) yang ditujukan untuk memahami dan mendeskripsikan sejarah teater tradisi. kesenian ludruk menjadi pertunjukan komersial kesenian ludruk lahir melalui modifikasi berbagai unsur teater komersial yang lebih dahulu muncul pada akhir abad ke-19. perubahan kesenian ludruk dari permainan rakyat ke seni pertunjukan komersial merupakan bentuk kreativitas masyarakat menanggapi kebutuhan hiburan masyarakat. dasar pembentukan kesenian ludruk disesuaikan dengan unsur-unsur dan nilai-nilai budaya lokal. hal ini menunjukkan bahwa ludruk berasal dari proses penciptaan, pendukungan, pemeliharaan, dan pengembangan, yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat lokal. kesenian tidak pernah berdiri lepas dari masyarakat (kayam, 1981, pp. 38-39). indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 1-17 © 2019 identitas budaya masyarakat kota: teater tradisi di kota surabaya pada awal abad xx | 4 kesenian ludruk pada awal abad ke-19 bukan sebagai genre kesenian, tetapi bagian adat-istiadat yang diperagakan layaknya pertunjukan yang mengandung unsur magis. hal ini diketahui dari karya thomas stamford raffles (1811–1816), history of java, sebagian isinya menjelaskan mengenai kesenian yang digemari masyarakat di jawa, tetapi buku ini tidak mencantumkan ludruk (raffles, 2008, pp. 230–239). perkembangan ludruk menjadi genre kesenian dimulai dari bandan, lerok, dan besutan. permainan masih mempertontonkan kesaktian yang menyerupai sulap (anonim, 1953, p. 850). perkembangan ludruk dimulai pada awal abad ke-20, ketika lerok melakukan improvisasi sebagai seni pertunjukan. upaya mengubah permainan dipengaruhi oleh popularitas teater komersial komedi stambul dan wayang wong. pada dekade pertama abad ke-20, masyarakat mengenal istilah baru sebagai ganti dari lerok, yakni besutan atau loedroek. istilah ini muncul dalam pemberitaan koran yang terbit di kota surabaya pada awal abad ke-20 pentas besutan atau loedroek masih bernuansa magis meskipun menyertakan unsur cerita dan drama (bintang soerabaia, 24 mei 1904). pertunjukan besutan berlangsung pada 1911 sampai 1931 (pewarta soerabaia, 14 maret 1953). besutan berubah ketika telah memiliki struktur pentas, seperti tari ngremo, kidungan, repertoar (cerita), dan dhagelan. meskipun telah mengadopsi unsur-unsur drama, dialog dalam pertunjukan masih disampaikan secara spontan tanpa struktur utuh. cerita mengisahkan peristiwa yang terjadi dalam kehidupan sehari-hari. unsurunsur teater ini terus dikembangkan hingga mengubah struktur pentas besutan. pada dekade ketiga abad ke-20, istilah dan permainan besutan yang bernuansa magis dapat dipastikan telah berubah menjadi ludruk sandiwara, yaitu bentuk pertunjukan teater komersial yang sebagian besar unsur-unsurnya bersumber dari perangkat dan nilainilai lokal (obor surabaja, 8 januari 1952). pertunjukan komersial pendahulu ludruk: komedi stambul dan wayang wong seni pertunjukan komersial di kota surabaya diawali oleh drama eropa dan konser musik klasik dengan instrumen, seperti biola, piano, dan selo, yang dimainkan oleh seniman berkebangsaan eropa pada pertengahan abad ke-19. kelompok musik dan drama datang dari italia dan prancis, seperti cagli, balsofiore, pompei, torsoni, dan van kinsbergen (von faber, 1931, pp. 338-340). hiburan ini hanya dinikmati oleh golongan eropa. hal ini menstimulasi kelahiran toneel melayu atau komedi stambul pada akhir abad ke-19. karakteristik musik digabung dari beberapa instrumen, seperti kroncong, gambang kromong, dan gamelan, sedangkan repertoar mengikuti cerita arab dan melayu. beberapa perlengkapan pentas juga meniru drama model eropa, misalnya panggung, kostum, pencahayaan, tiket, layar bergambar, poster, naskah, dan tiket. penggabungan beberapa unsur kesenian menyebabkan komedi stambul disebut kesenian campuran (hybrid) yang dikonstruksi dari realitas sosial-budaya masyarakat urban (cohen, 2006, pp. 2-4). komedi stambul menyebar dari kota-kota di sekitar selat malaka, yaitu (1) dari pontianak menyebar ke singapura dan ke sumatra, (2) dari singapura ke sumatra, dan (3) kesenian asli yang dikembangkan oleh masyarakat sumatra (pandji poestaka, 12 indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 1-17 © 2019 identitas budaya masyarakat kota: teater tradisi di kota surabaya pada awal abad xx | 5 juni 1924). menurut cohen (2001, p. 315) teater komedi muncul ketika komunitas persia di bombay mempelajari kesenian dan budaya eropa. mereka meniru berbagai bentuk kegiatan, seperti bermain kartu, belajar musik klasik, mendirikan perhimpunan kesusastraan, dan bermain drama. dari kegiatan ini lahir kelompok drama amatir persia elphinstone pada 1850. unsur-unsur teater dimodifikasi dari drama eropa ditambahkan lagu, tari, komedi, dan sastra lokal. perkumpulan persia elphinstone melakukan pertunjukan di india, kemudian berpindah-pindah tempat di daerah sekitar selat malaka. hal yang sama juga dilakukan oleh persia curtizon dari kalkuta. pertunjukan komedi dari india ditiru oleh perkumpulan lokal dengan menyajikan pertunjukan sesuai bahasa yang dikuasai oleh masyarakat. pesan verbal diubah dan diterjemahkan dalam bahasa daerah (cohen, 2001, pp. 315-319). masyarakat di sumatra dan kalimantan membentuk tiruan kesenian yang disesuaikan dengan budaya lokal, seperti teater rakyat abdul muluk di palembang dan mamanda di kalimantan selatan. tanpa mempertegas siapa yang menciptakan, kutipan berikut ini menunjukkan bahwa komedi stambul adalah hiburan masyarakat melayu. "dari riau toneel melajoe itoe pindah ke padang, dibawa oleh seorang jang bernama si nong. pertoendjoekan itoe disoekai benar oleh orang padang. tiada berapa lama mendjalarlah pertoendjoekan itoe di soematra barat, sehingga dengan segera djoega didapat orang-orang padang, pariaman, padang pandjang, dan tempat-tempat jang lain, jang soeka dan tjakap bermain. tjerita jang dimainkan mereka jaitoe tjerita jang terambil dari kitab-kitab melajoe, misalnja sjair soeltan abdoel moeloek, seri bidasari, selendang delima, sitti zoebaidah, ken tamboelian, tadjoel moeloek, hikajat sjah merdan, hikajat djohar manikam, dll." (pandji poestaka, no. 24 thn. ii, 12 juni 1924) teater komedi di jawa disebut komedi jawa dan wayang cerita yang muncul pada akhir abad ke-19. perkumpulan komedi jawa dibentuk oleh raden adipati sutadiningrat dan raden bagus jayawinata di pandegelang pada 1875. wayang cerita berkembang di bogor yang dimainkan oleh komunitas cina pada perayaan tahun baru cina. masyarakat surabaya mengenal pertunjukan komedi ketika opera perzie dari bombay mengadakan pentas selama beberapa hari di alun-alun dekat pasar besar pada 1888. pentas opera perzie lebih besar diapresiasi oleh komunitas india (cohen, 2001, pp. 321-327). pada 1891, komedi stambul dibentuk pada 1891 oleh yap goan thay, a. mahieau, dan van der laan. pertunjukan diselenggarakan di kota surabaya, kemudian berpindah-pindah tempat ke beberapa kota, seperti mojokerto, madiun, surakarta, dan semarang (cohen, 2006, pp. 87-90). pertunjukan komedi stambul ternyata tidak hanya berpindah tempat antarkota di jawa, tetapi juga pernah tampil di medan (bintang hindia, no. 1 thn ii, 1904). pentas komedi stambul dilakukan di gedung permanen dan di tanah lapang. peralatan panggung dan tenda didesain khusus supaya mudah dibongkar dan dipindah. ketertarikan penonton tertuju pada badut dan sri panggung (primadona). indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 1-17 © 2019 identitas budaya masyarakat kota: teater tradisi di kota surabaya pada awal abad xx | 6 penonton menyambut dengan suara gaduh, teriakan, siulan, dan riuh tepuk tangan, ketika aktor pujaan memasuki panggung. perhatian pada seniman komedi stambul tidak sebatas ketika tampil di panggung pertunjukan. kutipan berikut ini menunjukkan perhatian lebih penonton laki-laki pada aktris primadona. "teroetama kaloe tiada ada badoet-badoet, stamboel keilangan banjak kekoeatannja boeat menarik penonton. djoega sri panggoeng menarik hatinja penonton, teroetama penonton lelaki. maski orang-orang prampoean stamboel di waktoe siang hari oemoemnja djaoeh dari pada tjantik, toch, waktoe malem dengen pertoeloengannja poepoer, dan lain-lain sebaginja, marika bisa keliatan manis sekali. [.....] ia gila sama itoe sri panggoeng, bebrapa orang tionghoa lain, kepalanja djoega soedah dibikin poesing oleh itoe prampoean-prampoean stamboel dan soedah borosken oeang tiada sedikit." (pewarta soerabaia, 16 mei 1922) kutipan itu ditulis oleh seorang wartawan koran pewarta soerabaia yang sedang menonton sambil melakukan wawancara dengan seorang penonton stamboel malacca yang pentas di kawasan kranggan. dalam kutipan itu tampak adanya hubungan sebagian penonton laki-laki dan pemain perempuan menjalin cinta semu di luar panggung. hubungan ini menyiratkan peran ganda pemain perempuan. penonton komedi stambul datang dari berbagai latar belakang sosial dan golongan etnik, seperti jawa, tionghoa, indo, dan arab. kehadiran komedi stambul merupakan wujud kreativitas yang diterima secara luas oleh segenap lapisan masyarakat dan menjadi pelopor pertunjukan komersial yang merakyat. pertunjukan komersial komedi stambul di kota surabaya hadir dalam waktu yang hampir bersamaan dengan kemunculan kesenian wayang wong. komersialisasi wayang wong dimulai pada akhir abad ke-19 ketika dipentaskan di luar lingkungan istana/kraton kasunanan. kemunculan wayang wong sebagai genre kesenian diduga sudah ada sejak zaman kerajaan majapahit yang disamakan dengan kesenian raket (brandon, 2003, p. 67). pada masa kerajaan mataram, wayang wong menjadi salah satu bagian simbol kemegahan istana yang memiliki beberapa fungsi, di antaranya sarana hiburan, simbol legitimasi raja atau bangsawan, dan kemewahan tradisi jawa. hal ini tampak pada pementasan satu repertoar tidak cukup dalam waktu satu malam. pemain wayang diperankan oleh abdi dalem dan bangsawan kraton yang khusus mengelola kesenian, sehingga tidak memiliki hubungan yang akrab dengan rakyat selama abad ke-19. wayang wong istana menjadi pertunjukan komersial ketika berlangsung perubahan sosial budaya di jawa dan adanya pengaruh budaya barat (soedarsono, 2003, pp. 110-115). ketika wayang wong menjadi kesenian komersial berarti kedudukannya tidak lagi sebagai kesenian istana, tetapi bagian dari kesenian/teater rakyat (java post, 8 februari 1955). komersialisasi wayang wong istana terjadi pada 1895 yang dilakukan oleh pengusaha cina bernama gan kam (brandon, 2003, p. 71; soedarsono, 2003, pp. 112113). perkumpulan wayang wong lain sudah mengadakan pertunjukan di batavia indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 1-17 © 2019 identitas budaya masyarakat kota: teater tradisi di kota surabaya pada awal abad xx | 7 pada tahun 1890. wayang wong dari solo yang dipimpin oleh ong an hoang juga pentas di kota surabaya pada juni 1891, kemudian dilanjutkan oleh bambang langen koesoemo pada agustus 1891 (cohen, 2001, p. 326). dengan demikian, pertunjukan komersial wayang wong telah dikenal oleh masyarakat surabaya bersamaan dengan lahirnya komedi stambul. pada awal abad ke-20, popularitas wayang wong telah menyebarluas di seluruh lapisan masyarakat. hal ini yang mendorong munculnya inisiatif pembentukan perkumpulan wayang wong profesional dan amatir (java post, 8 februari 1955). contohnya adalah wayang wong profesional yang dibentuk di kampung grudo oleh orang cina pada awal abad ke-20. bekas pabrik beras di grudo dimanfaatkan untuk menyelenggarakan pentas (bintang soerabaia, 12 april 1904). perkumpulan wayang wong lain juga muncul, yakni langen hesti budoyo di ketabang yang dipimpin oleh raden mertodiwirjo (bintang soerabaia, 28 april 1904). contoh lain adalah wayang wong amatir yang dibentuk oleh j. schoelten dengan pemain terdiri atas sekelompok murid. perkumpulan ini mengadakan pertunjukan di gedung kesenian (schouwburg) dan kebun raja (stadstuin) untuk penggalangan dana (pewarta soerabaia, 11 juli 1916). pentas diadakan di tempat semipermanen dan permanen selama beberapa hari atas inisiatif sendiri atau undangan perorangan dan organisasi sosial (bintang soerabaia, 4 juli & 20 agustus 1912). penonton utama berasal dari komunitas jawa. hal ini terkait dengan dialog pertunjukan menggunakan bahasa jawa halus (jawa krama) yang hanya dipahami oleh orang jawa. seperti pertunjukan panggung komedi stambul, pemain utama (primadona) selalu mendapat sambutan (bintang soerabaia, 13 januari 1904). kehadiran komedi stambul dan wayang wong menunjukkan realitas hiburan kota selama paruh pertama abad ke-20. keberadaannya ibarat ungkapan “patah tumbuh hilang berganti”. wayang wong selalu hadir di tengah masyarakat, baik perkumpulan yang dibentuk di kota surabaya, misalnya wayang wong saritomo, maupun perkumpulan dari kota lain, misalnya ngesti pandowo dari semarang, memilih kota surabaya tujuan pentas pada 1930-an (panjebar semangat, no. 16, 17 desember 1938; no. 45 & 46, 6 & 13 juli 1940). kreativitas berkesenian masyarakat tidak padam meskipun selama pendudukan jepang dan masa kemerdekaan karena kondisi sosial, ekonomi, dan politik tidak stabil. kreativitas masyarakat surabaya terlihat lagi ketika wayang wong langen sedya rahayu dirintis oleh soeradi pada 1948 (aks, no. 34.786 box 2041). komedi stambul dan wayang wong telah mengakar sebagai hiburan masyarakat surabaya pada awal abad xx, tetapi bukan representasi identitas seni-budaya surabaya. ruang pertunjukan teater komersial pentas teater komersial diselenggarakan berdasar inisiatif perkumpulan, undangan perorangan untuk memeriahkan pesta (kelahiran, khitanan, dan pernikahan), dan undangan organisasi sosial untuk memeringati hari kelahiran atau penggalangan dana. pertunjukan secara rutin juga diselenggarakan secara reguler di kegiatan indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 1-17 © 2019 identitas budaya masyarakat kota: teater tradisi di kota surabaya pada awal abad xx | 8 pameran kolonial dan pasar malam. ketika kegiatan ritual selamatan kampung, berbagai jenis kesenian tampil di kampung-kampung. pameran kolonial pasar malam dan jaarmarkt menjadi ruang bagi komedi stambul, wayang wong, dan ludruk menghibur masyarakat. pameran jaarmarkt pertama diselenggarakan pada 14– 17 mei 1905 di taman kota (stadstuin) (von faber, 1930: 14), yang berlanjut setiap tahun sekali sampai 1939. secara harafiah jaarmarkt artinya aktivitas pasar yang dikemas dalam wujud pameran (tentoonstelling). pameran digunakan sebagai strategi ekonomi pemasaran melalui kombinasi kegiatan perdagangan dan waktu senggang. beberapa jenis produk kerajinan didatangkan dari berbagai daerah di hindia belanda (jaspers, 1908: 4-7). agenda pemasaran dimeriahkan oleh berbagai jenis hiburan, seperti pertunjukan kesenian rakyat (wayang wong dan ludruk), pemutaran gambar idoep, musik, dan lomba memanah (jaspers, 1908: 4-7). melalui ruang pameran, kesenian ludruk semakin dikenal oleh masyarakat. "banjak orang di tempat pertoendjoekan itoe, boekan sadja terdapat berbagai pekerjaan haloes jang ditanding, tetapi djoega berbagai permainan, seperti gamelan, wajang koelit, gamboeh, gandroeng bali, dan loedroekan." (bintang hindia, no. 17 thn iii, 1905) gambar 1. pengunjung jaarmarkt, 6-13 mei 1906. sumber: bintang hindia, no. 14 thn. iv, 1 november 1906. pada gambar 1 tampak pengunjung berpakaian rapi dan necis berjalan di depan pintu gerbang yang dihias umbul-umbul, bendera belanda, dan terlihat "keramaian ini didatangi oleh boemipoetra, baik laki-laki ataoe perempoean, toea dan moeda, semoeanja datanglah ke tempat keramaian itoe." (bintang hindia, no. 14 thn iv, 1 november 1906). menurut laporan j. e. jaspers (1908: 3&7) diketahui bahwa pameran dikunjungi oleh masyarakat yang tinggal di kota surabaya tanpa membedakan status sosial, bahkan ada yang datang dari beberapa daerah di jawa timur secara indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 1-17 © 2019 identitas budaya masyarakat kota: teater tradisi di kota surabaya pada awal abad xx | 9 rombongan, misalnya para bupati dan kepala distrik, murid-murid sekolah pendidikan guru (kweekschool) dari probolinggo dan mojowarno, murid-murid sekolah bumiputra dan eropa. tarif masuk ditetapkan sebesar f. 0,5 untuk orang eropa dan timur asing dan f. 0,1 untuk bumiputra. pada jaarmarkt periode kedua yang dimulai pada 1923 di lapangan ketabang, jenis hiburan tidak hanya kesenian, tetapi juga pertandingan sepak bola, tenis, tinju, basket, anggar, atletik, atraksi ketangkasan mengendarai sepeda motor dan mobil, dan karapan sapi (pewarta soerabaia, 27 april & 28 juli 1923). atraksi harian (dagelijksche attracties) berupa pentas seni pertunjukan, seperti wayang wong, ludruk, komedi stambul, musik, dan sulapan (viribus unitis, 4e jaargang no. 8, agustus 1923; de indische courant, 17 juli 1923). beberapa seni pertunjukan dari luar kota surabaya yang tampil adalah tandhak dan gandrung bali, kecapi, ketuk tilu, ogleng bandung, kroncong kediri dan semarang, wayang cokek betawi, sandur madura, dan reog ponorogo (bintang soerabaia, 2 juli & 1 agustus 1921; de indische courant, 17 juli 1923; pewarta soerabaia, 30 juli 1923). permainan dan seni pertunjukan menjadi bagian yang menyatu dengan pameran. agenda rutin pameran menjadi peristiwa penting dan berkala dalam kalender kolonial (mrazek, 2006, p. 67). pameran menjadi sarana komersial, promosi, dan sosialisasi kesenian. penggabungan kegiatan ekonomi dan kesenian menandakan perkembangan industri budaya pada awal abad ke-20. dengan demikian, wacana yang muncul akhir-akhir ini tentang industri budaya sesungguhnya akarnya telah tumbuh pada awal abad ke-20, yakni dalam industri budaya yang dijual adalah jasa dan peristiwa. pameran kolonial membuktikan bahwa kegiatan ini menjual barang kebutuhan sehari-hari dan peristiwa. masyarakat secara gencar dipengaruhi melalui publikasi di surat kabar dengan penekanan pameran sebagai bagian dari peristiwa budaya. pengunjung yang berlatar belakang dari pekerja rendahan, hanya dengan berbekal uang sebesar f. 1,00 dapat menikmati tontonan atau sekadar melihat-lihat barang pajangan (jaspers, 1908: 3). pameran direncanakan dan dirancang dengan persiapan yang baik. pencantuman jadwal kegiatan dan pemberitaan selalu mengandung kalimat persuasif, misalnya pameran hanya dapat ditonton sekali setahun yang disampaikan secara berulang-ulang (medan prijaji, no. 26 thn iii, 1909; pewarta soerabaia, 8 mei 1914). ketika tiba waktunya, terbukti bahwa pameran menjadi pusat keramaian, karnaval, kirab, pesta, dan berbagai suguhan hiburan berbagai jenis kesenian. pameran dapat menguatkan (affirmation) solidaritas, mengintegrasikan masyarakat, mengembangkan budaya kerakyatan, dan menumbuhkan kesenian rakyat. kegiatan ritual masyarakat kampung kesenian ludruk menjadi identitas budaya masyarakat kota surabaya ketika selalu dilibatkan memeriahkan kegiatan ritual masyarakat kampung. aktivitas ritual diselenggarakan secara perorangan dan komunal dalam bentuk slametan. ritual slametan menyangkut ritus pribadi tampak pada kelahiran, khitanan, pernikahan, dan kematian, sedangkan ritual komunal berhubungan dengan perayaan keagamaan dan indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 1-17 © 2019 identitas budaya masyarakat kota: teater tradisi di kota surabaya pada awal abad xx | 10 slametan kampung. prosesi slametan kampung bertujuan memohon keselamatan kampung dari bahaya dan bencana yang tidak diduga. ritual ini juga disebut sedekah bumi yang dikemas sebagai pesta kampung. penduduk kampung menikmati makanan dan minuman bersama-sama. beraneka jenis makanan yang akrab dinikmati sehari-hari oleh masyarakat kampung dihidangkan, seperti tampak pada gambar 2. gambar 2. aktivitas slametan di kampung sumber: bintang hindia, no. 1 thn ii, 1904, hlm. 4 (kiri); pandji poestaka, nomor 55 tahun vii, 9 juli 1929, hlm. 869 (kanan). gambar 2 (kiri) tertera keterangan, "selamatan matjam baroe. anggoer poen ta' koerang pada kandoerian ini." (bintang hindia, no. 1 thn ii, 1904), sedangkan gambar sebelah kanan tertera keterangan, "soedah tentoe jang sekian bagoesnja itoe tidak diboeka dengan diam-diam sadja, melainkan dengan pesta makan-makan, boenji gamelan, dan soeara ronggeng." (pandji poestaka, no. 55 thn vii, 9 juli 1929). ritual slametan kampung merupakan kegiatan pesta makanan dan hiburan yang mengandung aspek religi, kebersamaan (gotong royong), dan kerukunan masyarakat. kegiatan slametan digunakan sebagai media penghubung alam nyata dan gaib. praktik ini sudah lama mengakar dalam kehidupan masyarakat jawa. nilai kebersamaan dan kerukunan ditunjukkan oleh masyarakat kampung ketika mereka mengumpulkan dana untuk membiayai kegiatan hiburan (bintang soerabaia, 24 & 25 mei 1904). berikut ini contoh dua kampung mengadakan hiburan dalam rangka sedekah bumi. kampung pregolan menyelenggarakan kesenian tayub dan ludruk, sedangkan kampung semampir menyelenggarakan wayang kulit dan tayuban (tandhakan). "orang pendoedoek di kampoeng pregolan nanti sedikit hari bakal membikin slametan sidekah boemi dengen pake tajoeban dan loedroekan sebagi biasanja saben tahoen sekali katanja nanti teropnja hendak diatoernja jang lebih elok dari jang soeda soeda." (bintang soerabaia, 24 mei 1904) "soeda tamtoe nanti malem minggoe tanggal 28 mei 1904 di mana kampoeng semampir ada slametan sidekah boemi dengen wajangan lakonnja brontojoedo, ja itoe oeran oeran djojobinangoen dan besoek paginja teroes plesiran tandakan dari ini satoe kampoeng soeda masoehoer rameenja kaloe sidekah boemi sebab loerah nja amat accoord sama orangnja." (bintang soerabaia, 25 mei 1904) indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 1-17 © 2019 identitas budaya masyarakat kota: teater tradisi di kota surabaya pada awal abad xx | 11 masyarakat kampung mengadakan pesta hiburan wayang kulit, tayuban, dan ludruk, sesuai kesepakatan. warga kampung yang tidak menyelenggarakan hiburan dapat bergabung menikmati tontonan di kampung lain (bintang soerabaia, 4, 24, & 25 mei 1904). meskipun tidak jelas kapan tradisi ini dimulai, kebiasaan slametan diduga sebagai perpaduan antara ritual hindu dan islam yang terbukti menjadi fasilitas menumbuhkan dan menyuburkan kesenian ludruk di kota surabaya. kesenian ludruk sebagai identitas budaya kota surabaya pertunjukan teatrikal yang merepresentasikan identitas budaya masyarakat kota surabaya bukan pada stambul dan wayang wong, tetapi pada kesenian ludruk. konteks sosiokultural kesenian ludruk menunjukkan cerminan budaya arek surabaya (frederick, 1989: 83). ludruk sandiwara merupakan bentuk baru seni teater. perubahan dari besutan ke ludruk sandiwara ditunjukkan dari penambahan tampilan busana. pemain besutan memakai kopiah turki, berkain putih, ikat pinggang dari lawe, sedangkan busana ludruk sandiwara telah dilengkapi berbagai aksesoris baru sesuai zaman. unsur cerita tidak lagi seperti besutan, tetapi mengambil lakon-lakon drama modern (anonim, 1953: 852). popularitasnya semakin meluas pada 1930 karena dikoordinasikan dengan baik oleh seniman yang tergabung dalam perkumpulan. menurut kesaksian sujanto abdulmadjid, para seniman yang berkontribusi pada perubahan struktur ludruk adalah durasim gondoredjo (gondo durasim), kusen, ngari, amir, minin, ratno, satari, dan wakidin, sebagai tokoh-tokoh perintis ludruk sandiwara (pewarta soerabaia, 30 november 1950). durasim gondoredjo adalah seniman fenomenal yang memiliki sikap kritis sejak 1928 ketika menjalin persahabatan dengan tokoh pergerakan dokter soetomo yang bermukim di kota surabaya sejak 1923. persahabatan ini dianggap sebagai hubungan dua tokoh yang berlatar belakang berbeda, tetapi dapat saling mengisi kekurangan. dokter soetomo tertarik pada karya, gagasan, kemampuan, dan keberanian durasim gondoredjo mengkritik pemerintah kota secara terbuka pada saat berperan sebagai badut (frederick, 1989: 84). interaksi ini menghasilkan perkumpulan ludruk organisatie sejak awal tahun 1930-an. sejak saat itu, perkumpulan ludruk trisno enggal menyusul didirikan pada 1932 dipimpin oleh klowor. keterangan diberikan oleh abd manap selaku sekretaris ludruk tresno enggal ketika memberi keterangan pers mengenai pemutusan siaran di rri surabaya (suara masjarakat, 27 februari 1956) perkumpulan ludruk yang dipimpin oleh durasim gondoredjo pentas di kota surabaya dan nobong di kota-kota lain di jawa timur. pada waktu mengadakan pertunjukan di jombang, seluruh pemain ludruk ditangkap dan dibawa ke surabaya. mereka diinterogasi oleh anggota kempetai (polisi militer jepang) hingga menyisakan tujuh orang tetap ditahan, yaitu gondo durasim, amir, satari, kemiso, wakidin, karso, dan kamidi, karena dianggap bertanggung jawab atas kidungan (syair/pantun) pegupon omahe doro, melu nippon tambah soro (pegupon rumah burung merpati, mengikuti jepang tambah sengsara) yang disampaikan dalam setiap pentas. kidungan ini dianggap sebagai agitasi politik. tahanan mengalami penyiksaan yang indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 1-17 © 2019 identitas budaya masyarakat kota: teater tradisi di kota surabaya pada awal abad xx | 12 menyebabkan kesehatan durasim menurun dan meninggal (obor surabaja, 8 januari 1952; mutiara, no. 323, 20 juni–3 juli 1984; bende, 7 november 2003). jasad gondo durasim atau durasim gondoredjo dimakamkan di pemakaman tembok. di pusara makam dibangun patung setengah badan sebagai monumen pengenang tokoh kesenian ludruk. durasim gondoredjo lahir pada hari rabu wage tanggal 11 januari 1888 (perdamaian, 16 desember 1956). peristiwa penangkapan seniman ludruk membuktikan kegagalan propaganda pemerintah pendudukan jepang memanfaatkan kesenian ludruk. kurasawa (1993, 246) menyatakan bahwa rezim penguasa memanfaatkan popularitas kesenian rakyat sebagai media propaganda dan mobilisasi untuk kepentingan perang. realitasnya justru berbalik, perkumpulan ludruk menyerang pemerintah pendudukan jepang melalui kritikankritikan dalam kidung. penyebarkan semangat nasionalisme melalui pertunjukan merupakan tindakan perlawanan pada masa pendudukan jepang dan perjuangan kemerdekaan. kesenian ludruk berfungsi ganda sebagai hiburan, media perjuangan, dan penerangan kepada masyarakat. aksi perjuangan seniman ludruk dilakukan dengan cara menghimpun dana untuk membantu perang. salah satu perkumpulan ludruk yang berkontribusi seperti yang diberitakan dalam soeara asia, tanpa disebutkan nama rombongannya, mengadakan pertunjukan pada bulan november 1943. uang yang terkumpul diberikan pada cogni dan korban bom, masing-masing sebesar 25% dan sisanya untuk tentara pembela tanah air (peta) (soeara asia, 19 november 1943). pada kesempatan yang lain perkumpulan ludruk moeljo sedjati juga mengadakan pentas untuk mengumpulkan dana yang seluruhnya disalurkan pada tentara peta (soeara asia, 26 november 1943). kebersamaan dan kerja sama dilakukan selama masa perang kemerdekaan. beberapa perkumpulan, seperti ludruk marhaen, tresno enggal, saritomo, dan ludruk jawa timur, melebur menjadi ludruk sekar mulya. penggabungan ini dikoordinasi oleh ludruk marhaen. ketika kondisi politik, keamanan, dan ketertiban stabil sejak pengakuan kedaulatan negara, perkumpulan ludruk yang tergabung dalam ludruk sekar mulya mulai memisahkan diri untuk memulihkan perkumpulan seperti sebelumnya (mimbar kotapraja pasuruan, no. ¾ maret 1957; anonim, 1953, p. 854). bahkan, sebagian anggota ludruk aliran massa memisahkan diri untuk membentuk ludruk warna warni yang dipimpin oleh sipoean dan warna sari yang dipimpin oleh kastamin. jumlah perkumpulan ludruk yang bertambah memicu persaingan untuk dekat dengan masyarakat. supaya tidak terjadi persaingan yang merugikan, beberapa perwakilan ludruk, seperti aliran massa, warna sari, marhaen, tresno enggal, dan jawa timur, mengadakan pertemuan pada 26 februari 1952 yang dipimpin oleh bowo dari marhaen. pertemuan itu bertempat di rumah kasian di kampung genteng bandar. kesepakatan yang dihasilkan adalah mencegah persaingan dan perebutan seniman-seniman ludruk. dari pertemuan ini terbentuk organisasi kesenian ludruk yang disebut persatuan sandiwara ludruk (persalu) yang beranggotakan tujuh perkumpulan ludruk (pewarta soerabaia, 28 februari 1952; java post, 15 maret 1952). jumlah anggota organisasi ini bertambah menjadi 12 pada juli 1953, sedangkan jumlah indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 1-17 © 2019 identitas budaya masyarakat kota: teater tradisi di kota surabaya pada awal abad xx | 13 keseluruhan sebanyak 48 perkumpulan (pewarta soerabaia, 14 maret 1953; trompet masjarakat, 20 juli 1953). perjalanan kesenian ludruk menegaskan kesenian ini lahir dan berkembang pesat di surabaya. ibarat sebuah keluarga, kesenian ludruk adalah anak kandung masyarakat surabaya, sedangkan kesenian teater lain adalah anak angkat yang dipungut dari keluarga lain. hanya anak kandung yang mewarisi genetik dari orang tuanya. analogi ini dapat dilihat dari pemakaian dialog. dialog dalam pentas ludruk merupakan salah satu pencerminan cara komunikasi masyarakat surabaya. masyarakat surabaya dalam komunikasi sehari-hari menggunakan bahasa jawa dialek surabaya, demikian juga dengan bahasa pengantar ludruk. hal ini tentu saja tidak terjadi pada komedi stamboel, wayang wong, dan kethoprak. pada 1950-an, muncul gagasan memodifikasi pertunjukan ludruk mengikuti perkembangan zaman, tetapi satu unsur yang ditolak untuk dimodifikasi adalah penggunaan bahasa. bahasa dialek surabaya merupakan karakteristik kesenian ludruk (pewarta soerabaia, 30 november 1950). karakteristik lain yang menunjukkan identitas budaya tampak pada struktur pertunjukan, yaitu tari ngremo, atraksi bedhayan (tandhakan), dhagelan atau lawakan, dan penyajian lakon (cerita). tari ngremo atau tandhakan ditampilkan sebagai pembukaan pertunjukan yang dimainkan oleh laki-laki memakai kostum prajurit dan laki-laki yang menyamar sebagai perempuan. tarian ini merupakan kreasi yang diadopsi dari kesenian yang digemari masyarakat surabaya, yaitu tayuban atau tandhakan. daya tarik perempuan seniman (transvestite) tampak pada kecantikan di atas panggung dengan gerakan tari yang memiliki konotasi erotis sebagai simbol seksual pemikat penonton agar terlibat secara emosional dalam pertunjukan ludruk (peacock, 1967, p. 235). dhagelan muncul setelah tarian selesai dengan teknik kidungan, monolog, dan dialog yang mengungkapkan secara satire mengenai realitas sosial dan berusaha membuat penonton tertawa. pakaian, cara bersikap, dan bahasa yang digunakan oleh pelawak menunjukkan kelas pekerja (peacock, 2005 p. 60). tokoh dhagelan menampilkan identitas penonton di atas panggung. alur cerita diperagakan oleh beberapa pemain yang disesuaikan dengan karakter cerita. lakon (repertoar) yang disampaikan umumnya cerminan kehidupan sosial masyarakat kota surabaya. lakon ludruk dibedakan menjadi dua, yaitu: (1) cerita pakem, seperti lakon cak sakera dan lakon sarif tambak yoso; (2) cerita rekaan, yaitu cerita yang ditulis oleh pengarang naskah. para penonton menganggap tokoh dhagelan menampilkan identitas mereka di atas panggung. kesenian ludruk menunjukkan kekhasan budaya yang mampu memainkan realitas kehidupan kampung dalam panggung pertunjukan. pada awal abad ke-20, ludruk yang juga disebut besutan merupakan bagian yang menyatu dengan kebiasaan atau tradisi masyarakat dalam aktivitas slametan (peacock, 1968, p. 331). koran bintang soerabaia mencatat bahwa aktivitas slametan dan kesenian (tayuban, wayangan, dan ludrukan) merupakan dua hal yang berbeda tetapi saling melengkapi. indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 1-17 © 2019 identitas budaya masyarakat kota: teater tradisi di kota surabaya pada awal abad xx | 14 "orang pendoedoek di kampoeng pregolan nanti sedikit hari bakal membikin slametan sidekah boemi dengen pake tajoeban dan loedroekan sebagi biasanja saben tahoen sekali katanja nanti teropnja hendak diatoernja jang lebih elok dari jang soeda soeda." (bintang soerabaia, 24 mei 1904) menurut peacock, ludruk menjadi pelengkap bagi ritus bersih desa (sedekah bumi) dan slametan yang disebut sebagai ritus penyatuan. mereka menyucikan kampung atau lingkungan dalam kampong (peacock, 2005, 219). meskipun kesenian ludruk dan slametan berbeda, secara teoretis bahwa slametan dianggap ritus penyatuan (rite of incorporation) dan ludruk dianggap ritus pemisahan (rite of separation), relasi antara penduduk kampung dan kesenian ludruk layak disebut relasi simbiosis mutualistik. kesenian ludruk membutuhkan penonton, yang sebagian besar datang dari penduduk kampung, dan penduduk kampung sendiri membutuhkan hiburan yang sesuai dengan identitas budaya mereka. simpulan pertunjukan komersial dalam bentuk kesenian sandiwara modern masih menjadi bagian eksklusif kelompok eropa pada abad ke-19. kesenian ini dianggap tidak mencerminkan budaya mayoritas masyarakat, sehingga lahir kesenian komersial yang bersumber dari tradisi, seperti komedi stambul, wayang wong, kethoprak, dan ludruk. arena pameran merupakan dunia milik bersama yang digunakan sebagai sarana menghabiskan waktu senggang sekaligus berkontribusi mempopulerkan teater tradisi. realitas ini merupakan transformasi ruang yang menandakan era baru budaya masyarakat kota. pameran telah menjadi tradisi masyarakat yang mampu menumbuhkan atau mengangkat budaya lokal sebagai identitas budaya. hal ini tampak pada kesenian rakyat yang sederhana, kemudian berubah menjadi sarana hiburan komersial ketika mendapatkan sentuhan kreatif. orientasi masyarakat terhadap teater tradisi dapat disalurkan melalui momentum ritus tertentu, seperti kelahiran, khitanan, pernikahan, dan ritual slametan kampung. dari gejala lahirnya pertunjukan komersial ditemukan bahwa identitas senibudaya masyarakat kota surabaya teraktualisasi dan teridentifikasi dengan jelas ketika terlibat dalam kegiatan budaya yang diselenggarakan oleh masyarakat kampung. perwujudan identitas seni-budaya masyarakat kota surabaya terdapat pada kesenian ludruk. kesenian ludruk menampilkan kehidupan masyarakat surabaya di atas panggung yang mencerminkan keseharian masyarakat kampung. bagi masyarakat kampung, panggung kesenian ludruk menampilkan diri mereka, yaitu kelompok masyarakat dengan kebiasaan dan gaya hidup kampung. realitas ini menunjukkan kesenian ludruk adalah identitas budaya masyarakat kota khususnya kelompok masyarakat menyandang identitas khas arek suroboyo. tantangan yang dihadapi akhir-akhir ini adalah adanya sentuhan budaya baru yang menggerus budaya lokal (kesenian tradisi), peralihan media hiburan, berkurangnya keterlibatan masyarakat pendukung, dan regenerasi yang terputus. indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 1-17 © 2019 identitas budaya masyarakat kota: teater tradisi di kota surabaya pada awal abad xx | 15 referensi ahimsa-putra, heddy shri (2000). wacana seni dalam antropologi budaya: tekstual, kontekstual, dan post-modernitas. dalam h. s. ahimsa-putra (ed). ketika orang jawa nyeni. yogyakarta: galang press. anonim (1953). propinsi jawa timur 1950. surabaya: jawatan penerangan ri bende, 7 november 2003. bintang hindia, no. 1 thn. ii, 1904. bintang hindia, no. 14 thn. iv, 1 november 1906. bintang hindia, no. 17 thn. iii, 1905. bintang soerabaia, 1 agustus 1921. bintang soerabaia, 12 april 1904. bintang soerabaia, 13 januari 1904. bintang soerabaia, 2 juli 1921. bintang soerabaia, 20 agustus 1912. bintang soerabaia, 21 maret 1904. bintang soerabaia, 24 mei 1904. bintang soerabaia, 28 april 1904. bintang soerabaia, 28 mei 1904. bintang soerabaia, 4 april 1904. bintang soerabaia, 4 juli 1921. brandon, j. r. (2003). jejak-jejak seni pertunjukan di asia tenggara. bandung: p4st. cohen, m. i. (2006). the komedie stamboel: popular theater in colonial indonesia, 1891–1903. athens: ohio university press. cohen, matthew isaac (2001). on the origin of the komedie stamboel popular culture, colonial society, and the parsi theatre movement. bijdragen tot de taal-, landen volkenkunde, 157 (2): 313-357. de indische courant, 17 juli 1923. frederick, w. h. (1989). pandangan dan gejolak: masyarakat kota dan lahirnya revolusi indonesia (surabaya 1926–1946), terj. hermawan sulistyo. jakarta: gramedia. jaspers, j. e. (1908). verslag van de derde jaarmarkt-tentoonstelling te soerabaja. batavia: landsdrukkerij. java post, 15 maret 1952. kayam, umar (1981). seni, tradisi, masyarakat. jakarta: sinar harapan. kurasawa, aiko (1993). mobilisasi dan kontrol: studi tentang perubahan sosial di pedesaan jawa 1942–1945. jakarta: gramedia widiasarana. mimbar kotapraja pasuruan nomor ¾, maret 1957. mrazek, rudolf (2006). engineers of happy land, perkembangan teknologi dan nasionalisme di sebuah koloni. jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia. pandji poestaka, no. 24 thn. ii, 12 juni 1924. pandji poestaka, no. 55 thn. vii, 9 juli 1929. panjebar semangat, no. 16, thn. vi, 17 desember 1938. panjebar semangat, no. 45, thn. vii, 6 juli 1940. panjebar semangat, no. 46, thn. vii 13 juli 1940. indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 1-17 © 2019 identitas budaya masyarakat kota: teater tradisi di kota surabaya pada awal abad xx | 16 peacock, james l. (1967). comedy and centralization in java: the ludruk plays", the journal of american folklore, 80 (318): 345-356. peacock, james l. (1968). ritual, entertainment, and modernization: a javanese. comparative studies in society and history, 10 (3): 328-384. peacock, james l. (2005). ritus modernisasi: aspek sosial dan simbolik teater rakyat indonesia, terjemahan eko prasetyo. jakarta: desantara. perdamaian, 16 desember 1956. pewarta soerabaia, 11 juli 1916. pewarta soerabaia, 14 maret 1953. pewarta soerabaia, 16 mei 1922. pewarta soerabaia, 27 april 1923. pewarta soerabaia, 28 februari 1952. pewarta soerabaia, 28 juli 1923. pewarta soerabaia, 30 juli 1923. pewarta soerabaia, 8 mei 1914. pisani, j. a. (2004). “globalisation and cultural transformation: african and south african perspectives”. international area review. 7(1): 37-62. raffles, t. s. (2008). the history of java. yogyakarta: narasi. "keluar masuk penjara akibat main ludruk," mutiara, no. 323. 20 juni–3 juli 1984. rosenmann, amir, gerhard reese, and james e. cameron (2016). social identities in a globalized world: challenges and opportunities for collective action. perspectives on psychological science, 11(2): 202-221. soeara asia, 19 november 1943. soeara asia, 26 november 1943. soedarsono, r. m. (2003). seni pertunjukan dari perspektif politik, sosial, dan ekonomi. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press. suara masjarakat, 27 februari 1956. trompet masjarakat, 20 juli 1953. von faber, g. h. (1930). a short history of journalism in the dutch east indies. surabaya: g. kolff & company. von faber, g. h. (1931). oud soerabaia: de geschiedenis van indie’s eerste koopstad van de oudste tijden tot de instelling van gemeenteraad 1906. soerabaia: gemeente soerabaia. "9e jaarmarkt tentoonstelling," viribus unitis, 4e jaargang no. 8, agustus 1923. "den hoofdambtenaren voor gemeentenzaken hoofd van het kantoor voor bevolkingszaken," dalam arsip kota surabaya, no. 34.786 box 2041. "di belakang layar sandiwara: ludrug kesenian arek surabaja, asal-usul ludrug," obor surabaja, 8 januari 1952. "hari kemudian seni drama tari wajang-orang" dalam java post, 8 februari 1955. "pasar malam ka 5 di soerabaia dari hari minggoe 1 augustus sampai hari selasa 10 augustus 1909", medan prijaji, no. 26 thn iii, 1909. “tjerita, tata bahasa, tingkah-laku, akan mempertinggi kesenian daerah," pewarta soerabaia, 30 november 1950. microsoft word 1. fakhriansyah dan kurniawati.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 128-143 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 asian flu pandemic in indonesia, 1957 | 128 received: july 4, 2022 revised: august 26, 2024 accepted: august 27, 2024 asian flu pandemic in indonesia, 1957: government and public response muhammad fakhriansyah*, kurniawati history of education program, faculty of social sciences, universitas negeri jakarta jl. r. mangun muka raya no. 7, jakarta timur, dki jakarta, indonesia, 13220 *corresponding author: muhammadfakhriansyah_1403618026@mhs.unj.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v8i2.15045 introduction since sars-cov 2 virus became pandemic, the discussion about the disease or plague in the past has emerged. many people re-discuss the disease or plague problem in the past to compare it with the current situation. the discussion is from a medical and a social point of view, especially about the effect and phenomenon of pandemics (purwanto, 2020). in the history of the pandemic, there have been two influenza pandemics that have plagued indonesia. there were spanish flu 1918 and the asian flu 1957. according to sellwood (2009), asian flu has been a global pandemic in yunnan province, china, since february 1957. asian flu was the world’s second influenza pandemic after the 1918 spanish flu. the pandemic was caused by the h2n2 abstract this study aims to analyze the 1957 asian flu pandemic in indonesia, focusing on the government and public response. the 1957 asian flu pandemic was the second pandemic in the world after the 1918 spanish flu pandemic. the pandemic was caused by the h2n2 influenza virus and originated in china. from china, the virus spread to hong kong, singapore, and the world, including indonesia. the asian flu was the first pandemic faced by the post-colonial government of the republic of indonesia. the pandemic occurred in indonesia between may and august, with the number of sufferers reaching 202,469 people (according to the government). using historical methods, this study shows that the existence of the asian flu indirectly tested the government's work and readiness in dealing with a global pandemic. the asian flu pandemic struck when the indonesian government faced difficult problems after the war of independence (1945-1949). this situation made it difficult for the government to act. therefore, the policy of responding to the asian flu seemed very careful and even slow. in addition, the lack of health sector services and infrastructure in various regions also interfered with handling the pandemic. this situation also caused poor coordination between the central and regional governments. as a result, the public became confused. people end up acting without direction, such as trying traditional medicine, spreading hoax news, violating quarantine rules, committing vaccination fraud, panic buying, and even performing various mystical rituals. keywords: asian flu pandemic; history of pandemic; history of health. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 128-143 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 asian flu pandemic in indonesia, 1957 | 129 influenza-a virus. when the virus hits a human, there are symptoms like cough, fever, and complications like pneumonia or bronchitis. the emergence of asian flu in indonesia made it the first pandemic faced by the government of indonesia. the emergence of the 1950 asian flu also tested the readiness of the new government in facing a global pandemic. moreover, in the 1950s, many problems confronted the government’s steps in dealing with the pandemic, including the emergence of political turmoil that strained central-regional relations; the bad economic situation; the high number of people suffering from folk diseases (leprosy, malaria, yaws, and tuberculosis); the lack of medical personnel accompanied by disparities between regions; the government still owns few curative services (hospitals and polyclinics); the absence of regulations related to epidemics that are appropriate for the times (boediono, 2016; leimena, 1954; neelakantan, 2019; ricklefs, 1999). especially in those years, health became a means to realize the aims of a socialist society under the principles of pancasila (neelakantan, 2017). despite having a crucial role, there are still rare historiographical records regarding asian flu pandemic in indonesia. in general, study related to the asian flu pandemic is dominated by biological research and medicine, especially related to the epidemiological and genetsc patterns of the virus. however, there are studies that discuss this pandemic globally and slightly touch on its existence in indonesia. for example, research conducted by dehner (2012), yoneyama & krishnamoothy (2010), csellwood (2009), dunn (1958), and payne (1966). dehner (2012) discusses the history of influenza in the world, including the asian flu. dehner (2012) also stated the major impact on people’s lives in several countries when this disease emerged. the important point of his research is the discussion of research and production of vaccinations as an intervention step to end the asian flu pandemic. meanwhile, yoneyama and khrishamoothy (2010) attempted to explain the emergence and spread of the asian flu from a political perspective. he examined the relationship between the cold war between the united states and the soviet union with the spread of the asian flu throughout the world. unlike other studies, dunn (1958) and payne (1956) touched slightly on indonesia’s position in the dynamics of the spread of the asian flu disease. dunn (1958), in his paper “pandemic influenza 1957,” explained the spread of the asian flu in the world as a whole, including the number of sufferers in various regions. he explained sequentially from the beginning of the virus's emergence to its fading, from month to month. through this research, dunn also revealed that cases in indonesia according to his calculations reached six million cases. payne (1958) discussed the spread of the virus worldwide, including visually presenting it on map media. payne revealed that the global spread of the virus was divided into two waves. the first wave occurred in mid-57, and the second wave occurred in early 1958. from here, the death rate in several areas was also revealed, along with the causes and treatment. the only study on the asian flu in indonesia, written by an indonesian researcher, was the book national health history of indonesia volume 2 (1980), published by the ministry of health. in addition to discussing health problems in ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 128-143 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 asian flu pandemic in indonesia, 1957 | 130 indonesia during the period 1950-1959, one part of the book addressed the impact of the emergence of the 1957 global influenza outbreak in the world on the deaths of indonesian hajj pilgrims in mecca. therefore, this study fills the gap by tracing the spread of the asian flu pandemic in indonesia and answering the questions: 1) what was the central government’s (ministry of health) policy for tackling the asian flu pandemic in 1957? 2) how did the public react to the existence of a pandemic? method this study uses historical methods and structural approach to explain the history of pandemic influenza 1957 in indonesia. according to kuntowijoyo (2013) there are 5 historical method, including pemilihan topik, heuristic, verification, interpretation, and historiography. data collection involved searching, discovering, and gathering information from the national library of indonesia (pnri) and focused on reporting on government and private national newspapers and magazines. all newspapers or magazines include: kantor berita antara, dunia wanita, djembatan, indonesia raja, kedaulatan rakjat, merdeka, pikiran rakjat, suara merdeka, sinpo, starweekly, and waspada. this research uses secondary sources, including journals and books related to national health conditions in the 1950s. tracing the origin of asian flu in the world asian flu in the world came from yunnan province, china, in february 1957 (dunn, 1958; payne, 1958; sellwood, 2009). in china, at that time, there was an increase in influenza cases, causing community and public activity. nevertheless, the worst medical situation in china was unknown. according to ying (2018), there are no reports regarding the deteriorating health situation because china did not join the who. the absence of the who makes china view the report as having no particular urgency. this information is necessary to prepare the world to face the threat of an influenza outbreak that has the potential to spread all over the world. the world’s attention to the influenza virus started two months later. on 17 april 1957, the new york times reported that in hong kong, there had been an increase in the number of people with influenza since 12 april (offit, 2008). the symptoms they experienced included high fever, headache, muscle pain, and difficulty breathing. 10% or 250 thousand people out of two million experienced these symptoms. the emergence of this disease does not discriminate and can attack people of all ages and professions. as a result, the situation in hong kong at that time was chaotic. almost every day, 10-20 thousand people were forced to queue to get treatment at the hospital. however, the world did not expect the incident in hong kong to be caused by a new variant of the virus, which later became a global pandemic. experts suspect that the outbreak in hong kong is just a seasonal flu that people suffer from. this view changed when similar conditions occurred in singapore, taiwan, and japan at the end of april 1957 (han, 2022). due to this situation, at the beginning of may 1957, singapore laboratory and the united states army laboratory in japan started research on the genetic influenza virus. after a week of research, the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 128-143 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 asian flu pandemic in indonesia, 1957 | 131 researchers discovered a new type of influenza virus, namely a derivative of influenza virus (payne, 1958). it was also reinforced by three leading research institutions in the world, such as world influenza center (london), the institute for medical research (melbourne), and the walter reed army (washington). all laboratories said the virus was a new variant because it was genetically modified and had never been found or had no match with existing influenza viruses. however, virologists did not understand the different genetic mechanisms behind the emergence of the new variant, so the exact origin of the new virus was not known (honigsbaum, 2020). contemporary research revealed that asian flu originated from a genetic mixture of avian influenza virus (derived from poultry) and human influenza virus type h1n1, which was genetically referred to as type h2n2 (mcmillen, 2016; sellwood, 2009; viboud et al., 2015). because the spread of the virus originated in asia, the word ‘asia’ was attached after the word ‘flu’ became ‘asian flu’—the term for the influenza pandemic of 1957-1958. this discovery was disseminated worldwide on 23 may 1957 by who, which announced that a new type of influenza outbreak would soon spread globally. however, the who’s action was too late. the influenza virus has already spread worldwide, and many countries are not ready to deal with it. the delay was also caused by china not reporting the situation described earlier. if china announced in february that it had an influenza virus there, perhaps the world would have been a little more prepared. the emergence of the asian flu pandemic in indonesia the news of singaporeans and malayans infected by the new influenza virus caught the attention of national media in indonesia. on a national scale, the newspaper has been busy reporting the conditions in singapore and malaya. for example, harian merdeka (1957) reported that in malaya, 12 thousand people had been infected with influenza, and dozens of them died on 14 may 1957. in kuala lumpur, the spread of the virus forced many schools to close their operations because many students caught the flu. the influenza virus only took four days to infect the entire region, which has 57 thousand inhabitants in malaya—those who are stricken experience extreme cold or chills. however, the existing news got less attention from the indonesian government. there was no statement from central government officials regarding the influenza outbreak in several southeast asian countries, especially from the ministry of health. in addition, the central government has issued no preventive policies regarding influenza. that was a fatal error. indonesia had the potential to be the following country affected by the virus attack because it had open transportation access and was located close to the infected country. if the government releases information about the influenza outbreak, the public will increase vigilance. the asian flu pandemic was detected in indonesia in early may 1957, in medan, north sumatra (“rakjat dan penjakit,” 1957). geographically, medan is close to the affected areas (malaysia and singapore) and is a meeting point for ships from within ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 128-143 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 asian flu pandemic in indonesia, 1957 | 132 and outside the country. according to the women's world report, the initial traces of the asian flu were seen in thousands of people who came to hospitals or clinics with complaints of flu that were different from usual (“rakjat dan penjakit,” 1957). they complain of similar symptoms: unstable body temperature (hot and cold), high fever, severe headache, bone pain, fatigue, vomiting, abdominal pain, diarrhoea, hoarseness, and coughing. conditions persisted for the next few days. the medan city people's health service (dinas kesehatan rakjat kota medan) noted that 30% of patients with influenza complaints went to the medan general hospital (rumah sakit umum, rsu) on 16 may 1957. unfortunately, the health department did not take the increasing number of influenza cases in medan seriously. the department of health has covered this information and made the media unaware of the increase in influenza cases in medan. the situation changed four days later. on 20 may 1957, cases of asian flu increased dramatically. it was recorded that five thousand of the total 400 thousand residents of medan were stricken with influenza (“1/5 penduduk medan terserang influenza,” 1957). general hospitals, government, and private polyclinics get many visits from patients with influenza complaints. in general hospital, 70% of patients are influenza sufferers. doctors were confused about diagnosing this complaint because it differs from general influenza, commonly called pilek. due to many patients, few doctors in various clinics expressed their inability to care for people who sought treatment (“1/5 penduduk medan terserang influenza,” 1957). the doctors were forced to work almost a full day with only one hour of rest time because they had to serve many influenza patients. for example, in the testimony of doctor tan tik hong to waspada, the number of visitors who lined up for treatment at his clinic from 08.0009.30 reached 92 people. it continued to increase in visits until the evening. this condition is different from the usual conditions when the patient’s presence can be counted on the fingers within 1.5 hours. in addition, doctor chen tsen tshui, a different clinic owner, also said that the patients who came to his place were “too many” (“keliwat banjak”). therefore, dr. tshui urges the public to take care of their health and not travel if they are sick. the aim is to reduce the rate of spread of the virus while reducing the burden on medical personnel (“1/5 penduduk medan terserang influenza,” 1957). in that situation, doctors at medan regional hospital held a meeting to plan preventive measures to prevent the spread of asian flu. however, the medan city health department was still not too concerned. the health department did not take preventive measures because, according to them, there was no worrying news about the flu. the health department's attitude was undoubtedly deplorable because it tended to trivialize the existence of the disease. the virus was already rampant in society: patients crowded hospitals, and public places became deserted because of the many sick people (“penjakit iii,” 1957; “semua sekolah di kotapradja medan ditutup,” 1957). the news of the influenza outbreak in medan became the national spotlight. many media are reporting on the worst situation there. they all reported that in the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 128-143 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 asian flu pandemic in indonesia, 1957 | 133 capital city of north sumatra, there was an anomaly of the influenza virus, which made the health situation there chaotic. however, other news was conveyed by the kantor berita antara, the state-owned media. antara wanted to straighten out the narrative of the current information by making a different report entitled: “north sumatra has not yet had an influenza outbreak.” (“di sumatera utara belum terdapat wabah influenza,” 1957). in this edition, antara interviewed dr. i. made bagiastra, head of inspection of the health service of north sumatra province (inspeksi kesehatan provinsi sumatera utara) on 21 may 1957. dr. made denied reports that north sumatra was being attacked by an influenza epidemic that had infected 50% of medan’s population. however, he also does not deny that influenza cases in his area have increased, which can be proven empirically in the number of visits by patients who seek treatment but have not yet entered the epidemic category. this wis due to the unstable weather in medan, which is sometimes hot and rainy, so the population’s immunity decreases, and they can easily catch influenza. in his view, “people should never go to the house of someone who has the flu, do not go out a lot at night, and do not let the rain fall.” as a government representative, the antara news report can be seen as a step to streamline information to calm the public to avoid excessive panic caused by influenza. however, the report also caused a controversy because it was different from the facts on the ground and seemed to cover up the actual situation in the community. this attitude can undoubtedly eliminate the public’s readiness to face a pandemic threat. transparency of information is essential in this situation, considering that many indonesians are unfamiliar with influenza outbreaks. government’s policy: cautious and slow the large flow of human movement through various modes of transportation and the opening of borders which allows people to come from infected countries has made the asian flu spread rapidly in indonesia. it took only one month from the first case, in the last week of april 1957, to infect thousands of people in java, sulawesi, kalimantan, and the maluku islands. (“djuga di makassar influenza mulai berdjangkit,” 1957; "influenza menjerang kota ambon dan sekitarnya,” 1957; “wabah influenza di bandung,” 1957). after that, all cities affected by the asian flu experienced similar conditions: thousands of residents fell ill; public places were deserted and even closed by the government; and hospitals, clinics, and pharmacies were crowded. according to neelakantan (2019), health affairs are the region’s responsibility in indonesia. the ministry of health only formulates policy guidelines. therefore, in the context of a pandemic, the main focus of handling the pandemic is on the ministry of health. the ministry of health is at the forefront of handling the pandemic. however, since the virus was an outbreak in indonesia (may 1957), there was no preventive or curative action from the central government. this omission makes many local governments confused because they have to determine policies without the direction of the central government to deal with this new emerging disease. for example, since the virus became an outbreak, the government of medan made a policy to lockdown ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 128-143 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 asian flu pandemic in indonesia, 1957 | 134 their city. this policy was made because the government did not know how to overcome the pandemic. on 26 may 1957, the minister of health, dr. azis ali appeared in the media for the first time to discuss the asian flu. he said that the asian flu was not dangerous and no more dangerous than endemic diseases such as malaria, tuberculosis, and leprosy (“menteri kesehatan dr. azis: penduduk tidak perlu chawatir dan takut akan wabah influenza,” 1957). a similar statement regarding this was also conveyed by dr. makmoen, head of the center for epidemiology of the ministry of health. dr. makmoen was a government envoy tasked with investigating the influenza virus in singapore. after returning from singapore, he said that the asian flu is not dangerous (“djangan gelisah,” 1957). however, this statement is not following the conditions in the field. after a week of the asian flu infecting indonesia, and after dr. aziz and dr. makmoen statement, terrible news about the pandemic continues to emerge. the number of patients continues to increase. there have been cases of death (“135 orang meninggal di kota medan", 1957). these numbers are not just a matter of statistics. many people, especially children, suffer from the asian flu. they can also not run the economy and other activities due to their illness. the indonesian government, through its elite officials, particularly at the ministry of health, repeatedly conveyed recommendations to the public, which were disseminated by the media crew. during the outbreak, three officials on behalf of the government delivered statements at different times, including dr. makmoen (head of epidemiology, ministry of health, 28 may 1957), dr. johannes leimena (vice prime minister, 5 june 1957) and dr. r. pingardi (secretary-general of the ministry of health, june 8 1957). the three of them conveyed similar things in general terms, including 1) a new type of influenza virus caused the outbreak; 2) a virus is harmless if it has no complications; 3) there is no need to carry out regional quarantine and closure of public places; 4) do not panic; 5) and it is crucial to maintain the health of each individual (“djangan gelisah,” 1957; “dr. maamoen: influenza tidak berbahaja,” 1957) in dealing with the existence of a pandemic, the central government is in a dilemmatic position. they want to suppress the spread of disease. however, on the other hand, they want to let the economy of a newly recovering country be disrupted due to the implementation of regional quarantine under staatsblad 1911 no. 277 on the quarantine ordonantie staatsblad 1911 no. 299 on the epidemie ordonantie. at that time, the epidemic’s rules referred to dutch colonialism rule, staatsblad 1911 no. 277 on the quarantine ordonantie and staatsblad 1911 no. 299 on the epidemie ordonantie. the critical point in the two rules is holding a quarantine in case of an outbreak. as a result, the government chose a bold step: allowing the disease to spread widely and focusing on treating patients (“influenza menjerang indonesia,” 1957). the research report that revealed that the h2n2 influenza virus is not dangerous has become a reference for the ministry of health in handling the pandemic. the main focus is treating the patient’s symptoms (curative), not stopping the spread of the virus (preventive). the ministry of health believes that preventive policies such as quarantine are futile because they are proven not to contain the spread of the virus. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 128-143 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 asian flu pandemic in indonesia, 1957 | 135 medan is an example of this view. medan is the first city to hold a regional quarantine since the emergence of the asian flu. on may 21, dr. bagiastra, the head of the medan city health department, decided to close school operations and public facilities (cinemas, performance venues, and swimming pools) for up to one week, from 23-30 may 1957 (“semua sekolah di kotapradja medan ditutup,” 1957). the spread of influenza could be stopped. this decision was made because medan’s health condition worsened after five thousand residents of medan, or 1.2% of the population, contracted the asian flu. at that time, many students could not attend school because of illness. as a result, clinic visitors were increasingly booming; doctors were overloaded, and markets and offices were quiet visitors. however, the quarantine result states the spread of the virus was getting out of control and has even claimed lives. therefore, the government has no intention of implementing a regional quarantine. however, curative policies also tend to be late and slow. the main obstacles are drug delivery delays, the disparity in the number of doctors between regions, and the lack of government hospitals and polyclinics. however, the ministry of health seems to have failed to understand that the number of sufferers is not a matter of statistics alone. behind it, there is a process of very severe pain that every sufferer, young or adult, has to deal with from day to day, which then results in the cessation of daily activities. in response to this view, the government refused to hold the asian flu vaccination. on 8 june 1957, who stated that an anti-influenza vaccine would be available by the end of july (“vaccine anti-flu,” 1957). however, the government stated that in indonesia, the asian flu vaccination is not available (“dr. makmoen soeriadilaga,” 1957). he said the vaccination process would be useless if not implemented. by calculation, for the asian flu to disappear, 70% of indonesia’s 80 million population, or 56 million people, must be vaccinated. moreover, to realize vaccination, indonesia must have 56 million vaccine doses available if one person takes a 1cc dose with an effectiveness of 6 months. the problem is that there is not a single pharmaceutical factory in indonesia capable of producing that many vaccines in such a short time. even if the production was successful, there were problems regarding cost, distribution, and personnel. the government also forced the community resistance. moreover, this impacts the length of time for vaccination. it could be months or even years—which does not match the urgency of a vaccine that must be implemented quickly. on this basis, the government did not undertake to carry out vaccinations. moreover, the government also focuses on eradicating malaria, bubonic plague, tuberculosis, and leprosy through vaccines. it is more focused on vaccinating these diseases than the asian flu. on june 12, 1957, as reported by sinpo, the directorate of pharmacy, ministry of health, had sent influenza medicines to all drug depots in the regions, including bandung, semarang, jogjakarta, surabaya, padang, medan, banjarmasin, makassar, and ambon—which was later distributed to nearby towns (“obat2 influenza dikirim ke seluruh indonesia,” 1957). the drugs sent included sulfadiazine tablets, acetose, ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 128-143 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 asian flu pandemic in indonesia, 1957 | 136 pacheco, sulfaguanidin, acid salicylamide, codeine, vitamin c, and multivitamins (“obat influenza kedaerah2,” 1957). the drugs were sent by trains and airplanes. even though it is late because the epidemic is quite severe, this policy must also be appreciated as a state concern. in addition, the people’s food institute (lembaga makanan rakjat, lmr), led by poorwo soedarmo, also conveyed ways to avoid influenza. people must consume food according to “4 sehat, 5 sempurna,” with the following composition: 1) a plate of rice; 2) a bowl of vegetables; 3) a piece of meat and tempeh; 4) fruits. lmr claims that if the public fills the portion of food, their health will be protected from various diseases, including asian flu (“apa jang kita harus lakukan kalau wabah influenza mengamuk,” 1957). lmr also urges that the consumption of vitamin c must be accompanied by nutritious food. the public response the government’s main focus in tackling influenza outbreaks is treating the sufferer’s symptoms (curative), not stopping the spread of the virus (preventive). the central government believes that preventive policies such as quarantine are futile because they have not been shown to contain the spread of the virus. however, the central government is different from the local government. many local governments issue preventive policies, such as closing places of potential epicenters of the virus. in addition, the direction of the central government to focus on curative actions often does not go well. outside java or other remote areas, it appears that the handling of the outbreak is not optimal. the cause is due to inadequate health facilities and infrastructure. the most common cases are the shortage of medical personnel, the scarcity of medicines, and the high cost of health care. in addition, the local government was quite distraught about dealing with the asian flu pandemic. this difference indicates a failure of coordination between the central and local governments. moreover, in the 1950s, the political situation between the center and the regions experienced tension, resulting in a lack of coordination between the ministry of health and local governments, which led to the obstruction of health policies (neelakantan, 2019). poor coordination related to efforts to overcome this influenza pandemic has confused the indonesian people. as a result, they are trying to deal with the plague in their way, from using traditional medicine to acting according to beliefs and customs. in addition, these failures also impact the emergence of incorrect information. some people are looking for profits amid a tense pandemic atmosphere. panic-buying the public response when news of the pandemic spread was panic buying. the lack of information from the government caused the public to panic and buy vitamin c, anti-influenza drugs, and fruits in large quantities. this response made medicines and food ingredients scarce. their prices also skyrocketed. all the goods purchased were not proven effective in preventing asian flu. for example, when the asian flu appeared on 28 may 1957 in palembang, people flocked to pharmacies throughout the city to buy vitamin c ("sekitar influenza," 1957e). as a result, the supply of vitamin c ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 128-143 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 asian flu pandemic in indonesia, 1957 | 137 in all pharmacies was sold out. in addition, people also scrambled to buy oranges. antara correspondents suspect that some people took advantage of the situation by hoarding goods to sell at high prices. in banjarmasin, for example, fruits containing vitamin c were rushed and sold out in the market, so they became rare and expensive. the price of oranges also skyrocketed. the price of large oranges, for example, became idr 30 per 10 pieces, from previously only idr. 15 per 10 pieces ("influenza naikkan harga buah-buahan," 1957). hoax and criminal acts in jakarta, 1 june 1957, starweekly also reported the presence of "tukang tjatut" (kleptomania) in several drug stores and grocery stores ("varia influenza," 1957). the people bought large quantities of vitamin c, quinine pills, and influenza tablets. in their actions, they claimed to be government officials so that they could freely order employees to carry out all drug procurement. they argued that the drugs would be distributed freely to the public. they lied and intended to resell them at high prices. the drugs eventually became increasingly scarce, their prices soared, and they made huge profits after reselling them. on 5 june 1957, sinpo reported the disgraceful actions of unscrupulous persons against the residents in several jakarta villages (“djumlah korban lebih besar di kampung2,” 1957). at that time, the village became a fertile place for the spread of influenza. this is because the environmental conditions are dirty, and the population is far from healthy (lubis, 2008). this lousy situation attracted the attention of individuals who claimed to be government employees and doctors assigned to eradicate the plague. they asked for a fee of rp1 to rp4 to spray and inject antiinfluenza drugs. however, people complained that their bodies were itching and their hands were swollen after taking action. then, the person immediately disappeared. regarding this case, sinpo said, “keadaan di desa2 lebih lagi mengenaskan. bukan sadja mereka kena penyakit pilek, demam, dan kepala pusing, alias influenza, tetapi di beberapa desa mereka juga kena tjatut [the situation in the villages is even direr. they get colds, fevers, and headaches, aka influenza, but in some villages, they were lied to]”. traditional medicine during the asian flu, indonesian people used traditional medicine. according to susan jane-beers (2001), the tradition of traditional medicine in the post-independence era was common. indonesian president sukarno wanted his nation and society to be independent. on that basis, people tried to treat diseases based on traditional medicine methods by utilizing their natural resources. moreover, modern medicines were challenging to obtain at that time. on 17 june 1957, suara merdeka published the method and testimony of a survivor named wiardjo, who recovered from influenza (“labu ut obat influenza,” 1957). wiardjo survived the 1918 spanish flu and the 1957 asian flu. he recommended that people consume pumpkin as a cure for influenza. in 1918, when the spanish flu infected his entire family, he drank a pumpkin concoction and survived. then, he ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 128-143 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 asian flu pandemic in indonesia, 1957 | 138 repeated this method in 1957 when the asian flu struck, and he quickly recovered. wiardjo shared his tricks with suara merdeka: “wash the pumpkin until clean, then grate it to get the water. drink the pumpkin water as often as possible until the body is healthy again.” in addition, pikiran rakjat reported that many residents consumed raw aromatic ginger (kencur) as an antidote and reliever of influenza symptoms (“kinine dan kentjur obat mandjur utk mentjegah influenza,” 1957). from jogjakarta, kedaulatan rakjat suggested to the public a way to prevent influenza by eating orange peels (“kulit djeruk,” 1957). that newspaper claims that eating orange peel is much more efficacious against influenza, even though it tastes bitter. however, the efficacy of the two methods in two newspapers is not measured with certainty. religions as the alternative solutions indonesian society believes that the spreading virus is a warning from god because humans are disobedient. they also take steps to get closer to god. for example, in medan, when the virus first appeared, the elderly believed that the outbreak was caused by many people who were disobedient to god. they thought this was a warning from the almighty for the behaviour of people who did not remember god and committed many sins. therefore, various rituals were born according to the customs believed by the community. this also happened in bogor, as reported by sinpo, on june 7, 1957; it was reported that the parents in the village held a slametan to ward off the dangers of the disease (“influenza djakarta dancing bogor,” 1957). they made tumpeng a symbol of the antidote to the plague and asked god to keep them away from the asian flu. meanwhile, in yogyakarta, the community asked sultan hamengkubuwono ix (reigned, 1940-1988) to hold a kyai tunggul wulung parade. according to ricklefs (2013), kyai tunggul wulung is one of the artefact collections of the yogyakarta palace, which is commonly used to ward off disease and evil because of its supernatural powers. ravando (2020) noted that kyai ngul wulung was paraded twice during the influenza outbreak 1892 and the spanish flu in 1918. however, the discourse on the ngul wulung artefact parade during the asian flu pandemic was a societal debate. the debate emerged in the editorial column of kedaulatan rakjat, 24-29 june 1957. on 24 june 1957, a jogja resident named surono tjokrowinoto wrote a letter requesting the sultan to hold a tunggul wulung parade ("kjai tunggul wulung," 1957). surono said that many residents wanted tunggul wulung to be paraded. he was convinced tunggul wulung could eradicate the influenza outbreak in jogjakarta and indonesia. four days later, surono's request was taken seriously by another resident named h. ahmad basuni. basuni considered the heirloom parade dishonourable because it was against islam ("tadjuk rencana & kjai tunggul wulung," 1957). basuni argued that the tunggul wulung parade could cause a new disease called mental illness (crisis of faith) in addition to influenza. the community would not pray to god but instead rely on the supernatural power of an object considered sacred, which happened to be in yogyakarta, named kiyai tunggul ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 128-143 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 asian flu pandemic in indonesia, 1957 | 139 wulung. this statement was a reaction from islamists to the beliefs of the javanese people. according to soermarsaid moertono, the tunggul wulung parade was a form of trust in the king's power to restore order, not just a matter of mysticism (isnaeni, 2020). a few days later, talk about the tunggul wulung parade resurfaced. one of them came from residents named dirjohartono and djoemijo ("pikiran pembatja," 1957). they asked the sultan to hold the tunggul wulung parade to prevent disease outbreaks. they based their request on historical experience that disease outbreaks would subside after the tunggul wulung parade was held. the debate prompted sultan hamengkubuwono ix to intervene. in kedaulatan rakyat (july 4, 1957), the sultan permitted the tunggul wulung parade if the people wanted it ("soal kelilingja k. tunggul wulung," 1957). however, after that, there was no more news about tunggul wulung. it is strongly suspected that the heirloom was not paraded because of the asian flu, which later subsided. solidarity to facing the pandemic during the asian flu pandemic, people showed great solidarity and cooperation. on may 28, 1957, a jakarta resident named njoo tjing houw wrote an opinion piece asking the government to provide free vitamin c for workers (“vitamin c untuk buruh,” 1957). how argued that low-income workers could not afford vitamin c because it was expensive. houw encouraged the government and wealthy people to distribute vitamin c to workers and their families. in addition, volunteers from various sectors of society helped the government deal with the influenza outbreak. as reported by antara, medical students from the university of indonesia had volunteered to handle the asian flu. organizations such as the indonesian red cross (pmi) also opened their doors to volunteers to help eradicate diseases in the community (“rakjat dan penjakit,” 1957). in balikpapan, pmi provided free anti-influenza drugs for the entire community (“pmi tjabang balikpapan,” 1957). in semarang, there was an act of generosity from a group of people (“jg sepele sadja,” 1957). they distributed free medicines to poor people who had contracted influenza. in addition, many rich people spontaneously gave medicines to those in need. the end of asian flu pandemic in indonesia the asian flu pandemic was reported to have disappeared when entering july 1957. newspapers reported that influenza cases continued to decline. the situation gradually returned to normal as before the outbreak. the absence of reports from the local government regarding the asian flu caused the ministry of health to officially declare that the asian influenza virus in indonesia had "disappeared". this was stated on august 4, 1957 ("influenza leap," 1957). the statement confirmed that the asian flu pandemic in indonesia had ended after three months of rampant among the indonesian people. unfortunately, there was no clear reason behind the official government statement. from an epidemiological perspective, there is no "telah lenjap" [disappeared]. the term usually refers to the idea that the virus has become one with ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 128-143 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 asian flu pandemic in indonesia, 1957 | 140 the individual's immunity. this means that individuals, or the community on a large scale, have developed immunity to the h2n2 virus that causes the asian flu. although the asian flu vaccine was available then, indonesia was one of the countries that did not vaccinate. therefore, it can be said that immunity was formed naturally or by herd immunity. the number of sufferers and the number of deaths due to the asian flu were never known. the challenge of reconstructing the past is further compounded by the limited historical sources and poor coordination of data delivery between local and central governments, resulting in inaccurate or even unrecorded morbidity and mortality rates. there are at least two versions that explicitly relate to morbidity or the number of sufferers. first, it was put forward by frederick l. dunn in his article 'review of international spread of new asian strains' (1958) which was presented in 1957 at the influenza pandemic symposium. according to dunn's records, there were 6 million asian flu sufferers out of 85 million indonesians. second, according to data from the ministry of health, the number of asian flu sufferers in indonesia was 202,469 people ('influenza throughout indonesia', 1957a). this data is the only data released by the government, but only up to june 21, 1957. after that, there were no more records of asian flu sufferers. nevertheless, if we refer to the fact that it entered july 1957 until the outbreak was declared to end in august, there were no more than 200 thousand sufferers. even if there is an increase, the possibility is only around 5-10 thousand sufferers, not soaring to hundreds of thousands. the government also did not explain further which areas had the highest infection rates. however, according to the west java authority’s report said, influenza suffered in west java is 116 thousand people, contributing to 50% of the total cases in indonesia, making it the highest influenza suffered in indonesia (“penderita influenza di djabar,” 1957) conclusions the asian flu pandemic occurred in indonesia from may to august. there are two versions of the number of sufferers: there are 6 million people and 202,469 people. the asian flu pandemic came when the indonesian government was making reforms after the war of independence. health infrastructure and other supporting personnel, such as doctors and health workers, are minimal. this shortage makes all healthcare facilities crowded with asian flu patients. as the holder of control over handling the pandemic, the ministry of health is responsible for providing guidelines and directions to all regional governments at the provincial and city/district levels. this study objectively highlights the stuttering experienced by the ministry of health. this stuttering makes policies come out slowly and tend to be cautious. another important aspect that stands out in this study is the government's view that tends to focus on treatment and ignore prevention. the research report that the h2n2 virus is not dangerous is the reason for the birth of this view. this caused the virus to spread rapidly until 350,446 indonesians were infected with asian flu, and formed herd immunity in the community. however, this does not ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 128-143 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 asian flu pandemic in indonesia, 1957 | 141 mean that the treatment aspect went smoothly. the lack of health facilities and medical services was a major obstacle. furthermore, the government was also slow in sending medical aid to various regions. however, the ministry of health's policy gives the impression that the government only views the number of sufferers as a statistical problem. meanwhile, behind that is a very severe pain process that must be faced by every sufferer, both young and adult, from day to day, which then has an impact on the cessation of daily activities. although the central government in handling the existence of the asian flu pandemic has caused quite a polemic, on the other hand, over time the asian flu pandemic has succeeded in testing indonesia's solidarity as a nation and state. although economic problems continue to occur and have repeatedly failed to find political solutions, for health matters the central government, regional governments, and the community have succeeded in showing good cooperation and solidarity. this is reflected in the emergence of attitudes of solidarity between communities and assistance flowing from the central government to all regions without discrimination even though the region is experiencing turmoil of disintegration. the discussion in this study is an entry point to see the existence of the asian flu pandemic in terms of locality or transnationality, as well as to examine various other pandemics. thus, this article is important to read as a reflection on the handling of the covid-19 pandemic. this understanding makes us aware that experiences and historical lessons will be useful in living life. the goal is so that mistakes in the past are not repeated in the future. acknowledgement this research is part of my master's thesis at universitas negeri jakarta, 2022. references 1/5 penduduk medan terserang influenza. 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(2018). history of influenza pandemics in china during the past century. chinese journal of epidemiology 39 (8). microsoft word 1. layout pangan ihis.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 184-195 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 dynamics of the indonesian parliament in formulating food laws | 184 received: december 11, 2023 revised: july 29, 2024 accepted: july 29, 2024 dynamics of the indonesian parliament in formulating food laws to achieve food security at the end of the new order agustina wilujeng pramestuti*, yety rochwulaningsih, singgih tri sulistiyono doctoral program of history, faculty of humanities, universitas diponegoro jl. dr. antonius suroyo, tembalang, semarang, central java indonesia *corresponding author: awpbening@students.undip.ac.id doi: 10.14710/ihis.v7i2.21316 introduction food systems in various countries often change with the development of urbanization, technological shifts, and industrialization, which also alter the way food is produced, marketed, and consumed. several issues arise, especially in developing countries where food policy often becomes a long-term agenda with various challenges. maxwell and slater (2003) argue that initially, food regulations were limited to food policy and did not address food security. yet, what many countries need is "food security" (maxwell & slater 2003, 531-553). the term "food policy" is said to have revived nostalgia for the 1970s and early 1980s, a time of breakthroughs and programs related to food, including the first world food council meeting (1974), the establishment of the international food policy research institute (1975), the publication of food policy (1976), and other advancements. these breakthroughs were developed in response to the 1972-1974 world food crisis, which raised awareness of the interdependence between sectors. in other words, discussions about food must involve production, distribution, and consumption. furthermore, production issues also encompass other areas such as abstract the indonesian draft law on food explicitly recognizes food as a basic human need and a fundamental right for every citizen. staple foods are also commodities that significantly influence the nation's economic life. therefore, food issues in indonesia have always been a government concern. in the early days of independence, indonesia faced the threat of a food crisis. this ongoing threat has consistently garnered attention from both the executive and legislative branches throughout various eras. using a historical method, this article outlines the dynamics of the indonesian parliament during the new order era in formulating food laws. the urgency of these laws lies in regulating food production and distribution to ensure the fulfillment of the indonesian people's food needs. furthermore, government policies should ideally be oriented towards food sovereignty. research findings reveal that the food law formulated and passed at the end of the new order era actually attempted to be oriented towards food security and was critical of capitalism. this can be seen from the opinions of the factions in parliament during the formulation of the food law. keywords: food law; food security; food sovereignty; new order. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 184-195 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 dynamics of the indonesian parliament in formulating food laws | 185 agriculture and land availability. the 1970s saw the development of modern food law, even referred to as a "food law explosion," which began around the mid-20th century. world war ii also influenced food issues, accompanied by technological advancements and the emergence of food laws in various countries. in addition to the sovereignty achieved by many nations, food laws were also established alongside growing public awareness of nutritional quality. food issues in indonesia also have their own dynamics and have always been a government concern throughout different periods. during the food crisis in the mid1950s, both the executive and legislative branches of the indonesian government addressed the issue of food needs in parliamentary meetings. however, the discussions were still partial and did not reach the stage of drafting a specific food law. these partial discussions covered matters related to food production and distribution, such as agriculture, irrigation, land distribution, and so on. discussions regarding a specific food law only took place during the new order era. political consolidation was not the sole challenge faced by the new order government in its early years. economic recovery was also a pressing social demand that could not be ignored, as failure to address it promptly would jeopardize political stability. a key aspect of this economic recovery was ensuring food availability for the entire population, especially after the political crisis of 1965/1966, which had led to food shortages. the collective memory of long queues for rice and kerosene, essential for daily life, remains vivid. in october 1996, a drafting team of 20 individuals (divided into five groups) was formed. the team comprised eight members from fkp, three from fabri, two from fpp, and two from fpdi, and was led by the deputy chair of the special committee, fachrudin. the team's focus extended beyond the preamble, recitals, and general explanation to the specific articles of the draft bill. chapter ii of the draft bill, addressing food security, consisted of six sections. articles 4 through 23 underwent significant revisions, with the title changing from "food safety requirements" to "food safety." chapter ii focused on food quality and nutrition, covering articles 24 to 29. this article examines the dynamics of food law development in indonesia during the new order era, focusing on the initiating parties and the dynamics of parliamentary deliberations. method this article is structured based on the historical method. the critical historical method is a set of systematic principles and rules to help effectively collect historical sources, critically assess them and then present a synthesis of the results in the form of scientific historical writing (garaghan, 1957, p. 33). this article uses primary sources as explained in the historical method in the form of contemporary newspaper and magazine articles. in addition, this article also utilizes sources in the form of minutes of the dpr ri meeting discussing the draft food law. the minutes of the meeting are very important because they have provided an overview of the perceptions of political parties regarding food security. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 184-195 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 dynamics of the indonesian parliament in formulating food laws | 186 background of food law formulation the legislative productivity of the parliament during the new order era, from the 1971 election to the 1997 election just before the regime's collapse, was relatively low. the parliament's right of initiative to propose legislation was underutilized, possibly due to a mindset that placed the legislature subordinate to the executive. in this context, ismail hasan metareum, then chairman of the united development party in 1996, predicted that it would take over 20 years for the dpr (house of representatives) to achieve equal footing with the executive branch (metareum, 1996, pp. 41-45). despite being elected by the people, the influence of the executive branch, which held significant power in shaping the regime, was ever-present. furthermore, the military's support in various domains, from political and social to economic, was palpable. the executive bureaucracy could readily use the pretext of "disloyalty to pancasila and the 1945 constitution" to terminate the careers and futures of individuals, including legislators. the sole monumental legislative product of the new order parliament in the realm of food security was law no. 7/1996 concerning food. this law was enacted two years before the regime's collapse and was initiated by the executive branch, not a manifestation of the parliament's right of initiative. interestingly, despite the executive's initiative in drafting law no. 7/1996, the series of trials and discussions revealed a critical yet constructive stance from members of parliament, as evident in the views expressed by various factions within the dpr. this section focuses on the discourse surrounding the law's development, reflecting the parliament's role in shaping food legislation. the perspectives of dpr members from different factions demonstrated a commitment to achieving food self-sufficiency or sovereignty. the draft food law was received by the dpr ri (indonesian house of representatives) through presidential decree no. r.os/pun/1996 dated may 28, 1996 (dpr ri, 1996a). as a follow-up, level i discussions were held on june 28, 1996, with the agenda of hearing the government's explanation of the draft bill (dpr ri, 1996b). this explanation was presented in a plenary session of the dpr ri by the state minister for food affairs. subsequently, level ii discussions took place on july 11, 1996, featuring general views from all factions (dpr ri, 1996c). the government responded to these views in a session on july 16, 1996 (dpr ri, 1996d). to draft the law, the dpr ri's consultative body entrusted the discussion process to a special committee (pansus) formed on august 30, 1996. the committee consisted of 62 members from various factions (dpr ri, 1996e). based on article 128 of the dpr ri rules of procedure, the pansus, in collaboration with the government, had the authority to discuss, review, and refine the draft bill according to a set schedule. level iii discussions, the core of the deliberations between the dpr ri and the government, took place from september 20 to october 11, 1996. to streamline its work, the pansus established working groups, smaller teams, and drafting/synchronization teams (1996f). to optimize the available time, the working committee, small team, and drafting/synchronization team carried out their tasks simultaneously. additionally, ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 184-195 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 dynamics of the indonesian parliament in formulating food laws | 187 to address crucial issues at both the working group and special committee levels, several lobbying forums were held. this aimed to facilitate consensus-building in deliberations and foster a cooperative and understanding atmosphere. through this approach, a spirit of togetherness and mutual understanding grew among the involved parties, allowing for the accommodation of various inputs and aspirations from both dpr ri factions and the government (dpr ri, 1996f). several factors appear to have driven the emergence of the food law, encompassing both external and internal factors. external factors relate to the increasingly prominent phenomena of trade liberalization and global economic globalization at that time. indonesia was among the countries actively supporting global economic liberalization (sulistiyono, 2017, pp. 10-27). this is unsurprising, as indonesia's economic development strategy aligned closely with western capitalistliberal countries. this external pressure seemingly compelled the government, as a signatory to the world trade organization (wto) agreement, to harmonize national regulations with the general agreement on tariffs and trade (gatt) (widodo, 2004, pp. 156-177). the gatt agreement includes two key principles: the nondiscrimination principle, requiring equal treatment of all trading partners, and the national treatment principle, mandating equal treatment of domestic and imported products. the draft food law was formulated in this context, during an era characterized by a move towards trade liberalization and economic globalization, to accelerate economic growth and increase income. the indonesian government approved the establishment of the wto, became a member, and agreed to gatt decisions in the uruguay round in 1993, as reflected in law no. 7/1994 concerning the ratification of the agreement establishing the world trade organization. the roots of the liberalization spirit in indonesia during the new order era can be traced back to the economic contraction following the oil boom's end in the late 1970s. with the oil boom over, indonesia had to seek alternatives to sustain its rapidly growing economy. to achieve this, the government intensified non-oil exports. however, these exports were dominated by raw materials, offering little added value to the indonesian economy and even causing environmental damage. simultaneously, to address rising unemployment, the government began to rely on foreign investors to establish labor-intensive industries in indonesia. consequently, economic liberalization gained momentum through deregulation and debureaucratization in the 1980s to attract foreign investment (hanggoro, 2020). indonesia made a monumental move in 1994 by hosting and initiating the asiapacific economic cooperation (apec), as mentioned earlier. the prevailing slogan at the time was, "like it or not, ready or not, indonesia supports liberalization and globalization." the euphoria surrounding liberalization led to the neglect of developing strategies and policies to strengthen national competitiveness and protect national interests. the government often overlooked and even forgot that liberalization is not about charity but fierce competition. in this context, china serves as a prime example. the bamboo curtain country implemented liberalization cautiously, accompanied by strategies to enhance competitiveness, particularly in the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 184-195 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 dynamics of the indonesian parliament in formulating food laws | 188 real sector. liberalization in finance, banking, insurance, and investment was launched after the real sector was prepared. they believed that liberalizing the financial sector would strengthen the thriving real sector (sulistiyono, 2017, pp. 10-27). indonesia experienced a different scenario. liberalization was approached without suspicion and even misinterpreted. economic cooperation and openness were pursued aggressively, with the belief that these policies would address social and economic issues like underdevelopment, unemployment, and poverty. consequently, indonesia consistently spearheaded economic liberalization in both international and regional cooperation. besides being a compliant member of the imf and wto, indonesia also exemplified aggressiveness in initiating free trade agreements (ftas) in subsequent periods, such as agreements with china, japan, korea, india, australia, the usa, europe, and others. while regional and international cooperation are inherently beneficial policies, they should be preceded by internal preparedness (sulistiyono, 2017, pp. 10-27). the new order government initially hesitated to embrace economic liberalization, but the demands of economic growth necessitated substantial investments. this made economic liberalization inevitable, with foreign investment becoming an unavoidable choice. in this context, indonesia was compelled to liberalize its economy. the principle of self-sufficiency or food sovereignty began to shift towards the principle of availability or food security, prioritizing the mere presence of food (in this case, rice), even if it meant importing, in line with the principles of a free-market economy. the impact of liberalization became evident in the subsequent period. from 1995 to 2003, the import dependency ratio (idr) increased significantly. for rice, the idr rose by 9.2%, corn by 7.92%, soybeans by 47.28%, and sugar by 47.39%. more concerningly, this increased dependency stemmed from a decline in domestic production. during 1995-1997 and 1998-2003, soybean production fell by about 25.36%, while imports surged by approximately 54.49%. meanwhile, domestic sugar production plummeted by 17.80%, while imports increased by 58.70%. the internal factors driving the food law's emergence were closely linked to the targets of repelita vi (the sixth five-year development plan) or the first stage of the long-term development phase ii (pjp ii), initiated in 1994. this stage emphasized improving the climate for foreign investment to enhance the national economy and industry. therefore, establishing international cooperation to boost national economic performance became crucial. the indonesian government deemed it necessary to actively participate in international collaborations, including the wto and gatt. while agricultural economic development had been prioritized in pelita i (1969-1974) to meet basic needs and infrastructure, with an emphasis on agriculture, the agricultural sector seemingly remained a domestic and populist sector in name only. in the era of free trade, this sector was also forced into the realm of free trade (dpr ri, 1996g). dynamics of food law development in discussing the dynamics of the new order parliament, it is important to note that ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 184-195 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 dynamics of the indonesian parliament in formulating food laws | 189 the new order government itself emerged under the shadow of sukarno's dominant administration. initially, the new order government did not want to create the impression of drastically severing ties with the previous government's policies. soeharto, as the leader of the new order government, initially displayed the spirit and jargon developed by president sukarno's administration, particularly the spirit of "berdikari" (standing on one's own feet) and the ethos of officials having an "ampera" spirit (mandate of the people's suffering) (kroef, 1968, pp. 245-261). berdikari typically refers to economic independence, a national economy not reliant on other countries. economic dependence on other nations was feared to lead to political dependence and control. in the realm of food, especially rice, the spirit of berdikari was manifested in the form of food self-sufficiency. this entailed production efforts to meet domestic food needs, particularly rice, which was expected to support political stability (manning, 1987, pp. 66-82). several key policies, evolving over time, were introduced by president soeharto's administration concerning food, particularly rice. these included: 1) presidential instruction no. 2/1973 and no. 1/1974 to handle local rice stock purchases between 1973-1975; 2) presidential instruction no. 4/1973 for the establishment and development of village unit enterprises and subsequently village unit cooperatives, aimed at supporting farmers' livelihoods through credit and assistance, both during and after harvest; 3) presidential instruction 17/1974 on rice milling costs to support food self-sufficiency efforts; and 4) presidential decree no. 82/1995 mega rice project, intended to cultivate rice on unproductive land in kalimantan to prevent food shortages (this program failed due to a lack of feasibility studies and resulting environmental damage). as previously described, these policies were among the driving forces behind indonesia's achievement of rice self-sufficiency in 1984. law no. 18/2012 defines food independence as the ability of the state and nation to produce diverse food domestically, ensuring sufficient food for individuals by utilizing natural, human, social, economic resources, and local wisdom with dignity. meanwhile, food security is defined as a condition where food is fulfilled for the country down to the individual level, reflected in the availability of sufficient, safe, diverse, nutritious, evenly distributed, and affordable food that does not contradict religious beliefs, convictions, and cultural practices, enabling a healthy, active, and productive life in a sustainable manner (patunru & ilman, 2019). furthermore, in the early 1990s, there was an evolution in the thinking and paradigm of meeting food needs, shifting from the paradigm of food independence (self-sufficiency) towards the paradigm of food security (syahyuti, wahyuni, sejati, & azis, 2015, pp. 95-109). the essence of food security is meeting food needs, regardless of whether the food can be self-sufficiently met by domestic production or must be imported from other countries. president soeharto even envisioned farmers and agribusiness entrepreneurs utilizing the vast domestic food market ("presidential state address," 1996, pp. 70-78). this paradigm shift was closely linked to the expansion of liberalism and free markets by capitalist countries in the agricultural sector. the liberalization of ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 184-195 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 dynamics of the indonesian parliament in formulating food laws | 190 international agricultural trade had been ongoing since the uruguay round (19861994) and coincided with the establishment of the world trade organization (wto). the wto no longer focused on food self-sufficiency but emphasized national food security strategies within the framework of international trade as regulated by the wto (widodo, 2004, pp. 156-177). the impact of international trade became significant, with 70% of developing countries, including indonesia, becoming dependent on food imports (santosa, 2009). in 1994, the indonesian government agreed to implement the imf agreement on market liberalization, including food commodities, which mandated a maximum 5% reduction in import tariffs. this ultimately opened the floodgates for rice imports into indonesia, weakening efforts towards food self-sufficiency and making it difficult to replicate the success achieved in 1984 (patunru & ilmah, 2019). law no. 7/1996 no longer mentions the terms "food independence" or "food self-sufficiency." instead, "food security" is mentioned five times, indicating a shift in the approach towards meeting domestic food needs from the paradigm of independence to the paradigm of food security. this clearly suggests that the new order government was influenced by the free market in food commodities, allowing for a surge in food imports from abroad. this paradigm shift towards the dominance of liberalism and free market systems faced considerable criticism from members of parliament through their respective factions. in the general views session on july 11, 1996, aimed at providing input to the draft food law proposed by president soeharto's government, the functional groups faction (fkp) emphasized the importance of the government maintaining consistency with the paradigm of food independence or self-sufficiency. through its spokesperson, popong otje djundjunan, the fkp provided clear examples of the impact of food self-sufficiency on the development of life, nationhood, and statehood. they cited the 18th-century irish famine caused by potato blight, which led to mass emigration to america, and the collapse of the heavily armed soviet union due to its economic ruin, largely attributed to food availability issues. during president sukarno's administration, food scarcity triggered socio-political unrest, ultimately leading to the downfall of the regime. consequently, the new order government at that time focused on developing the economy, particularly food independence. until the second five-year development plan (pelita), indonesia remained the world's largest rice importer, but by 1984, it achieved rice self-sufficiency. the fkp reminded the government that this achievement had earned indonesia recognition for food self-sufficiency and the "food for all" award from the fao. if indonesia failed to re-establish food self-sufficiency, it would lose significant foreign exchange to purchase or borrow food from other countries. the fkp also urged the government not to forget the 1993 broad guidelines of state policy (gbhn), which emphasized increasing food production to solidify food self-sufficiency, raise incomes, particularly for farmers and fishermen, and improve nutrition through food diversification. additionally, the fkp stressed that efforts to diversify food and food sources should strengthen food self-sufficiency, especially those originating from ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 184-195 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 dynamics of the indonesian parliament in formulating food laws | 191 within the country (dpr ri, 1996h). one fkp member from dpr ri commission vii noted indications that domestic food products were being displaced by imported products (rangkuti, 1996). however, some dpr ri members remained optimistic that with the implementation of a free market, indonesian agricultural products could compete with foreign products (alkadrie, 1996, pp. 34-37). in line with the fkp's views, members of the armed forces faction (fabri) also strongly supported efforts to improve people's welfare through food self-sufficiency. through their spokesperson, supriyadi, the fabri emphasized that food development should be a top priority as food is a basic human need that must be available sufficiently, fairly, and equitably, with its fulfillment being a fundamental right for every indonesian citizen. however, the abri seemed to signal the strong currents of capitalism and the free market, which positioned rice not only as a foodstuff but also as a commodity with increasing commercial profit potential (dpr ri, 1996i). interestingly, the fabri's stance appeared to align with the government's evolving paradigm shift from food self-sufficiency to food security. meeting food needs would not solely rely on domestic production. imports would be allowed to fulfill consumption needs that domestic production could not meet. conversely, if production exceeded domestic needs, food could be exported or provided as foreign aid to countries in need on humanitarian grounds. therefore, indonesia could not escape the demands of free trade (dpr ri, 1996i). according to the fabri's perspective, rice as a commodity played a crucial role in enhancing national food security and served as a significant source of non-oil foreign exchange. in the era of trade liberalization, food commodities faced challenges and opportunities for the indonesian economy. opportunities existed for competitive commodities, while threats loomed for those with lower quality. to achieve high competitiveness, meeting quality and safety standards was imperative. importing countries for food and processed food products strictly enforced these standards. countries in europe, the united states, and japan, for example, implemented specific minimum requirements that exporters had to meet, with penalties for non-compliance, including product rejection or retaliatory measures under international trade regulations. in this regard, the fabri believed that the draft food law was crucial in providing protection to food entrepreneurs, enabling them to produce commodities that met international standards. meeting these standards in international trade would further boost food exports and foreign exchange earnings, increase production and investment, raise farmers' and workers' incomes, and ultimately improve public welfare (dpr ri, 1996i). meanwhile, the united development party faction (fpp) seemed wary of president soeharto's government's inclination towards liberalism and free markets. while other factions had begun to shift their paradigm from self-sufficiency to food security, the fpp appeared to hold firmly to the spirit of food self-sufficiency or independence. through their spokesperson, saleh khalid, the fpp reminded that the food industry is a complex leading industry with extensive multiplier effects. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 184-195 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 dynamics of the indonesian parliament in formulating food laws | 192 therefore, the modernization of the food industry should always align with the spirit of a people's economy, particularly the development of people-centered agro-industry in rural areas. the fpp expressed criticism (dpr ri, 1996j; churmen, 1996, pp. 38-40). "in other words, the development of the national food industry must avoid the practices of monopoly, oligopoly, and monopsony that still plague our national economy today. furthermore, the development of the national food industry must be capable of becoming a model, medium, and instrument for national economic growth through a strategy of equalizing business and employment opportunities by developing the potential of small businesses, medium enterprises, and cooperatives... the united development party faction is deeply concerned about the ongoing marginalization of farmers' land in rural areas on one hand, and the accumulation of land by urban dwellers on the other, resulting in an increasing number of landowning farmers becoming laborers on their former land and an increasing amount of unproductive fertile land owned by urban residents. the decline in agricultural land has become a sensitive issue and a shared concern alongside rapid industrialization." the general views session was also used by the fpp to criticize the government regarding the conversion of agricultural land, reflecting the expansion of capitalism in rural areas. this was evident in the process of agricultural land conversion. the fpp spokesperson stated that over a decade since achieving rice self-sufficiency in 1983, agricultural rice fields had shrunk to 15.9 million hectares from the original 16.7 million hectares, a decrease of 0.8 million hectares. the most significant reduction occurred on the island of java, where no less than 0.9 million hectares of agricultural land were lost, offset by an increase of 0.1 million hectares of rice fields outside java. in 1983, the agricultural land area in java was 5.5 million hectares, which decreased to 4.6 million hectares in 1993. meanwhile, land outside java increased from 11.2 million hectares to 11.3 million hectares. the increase in land outside java was not comparable to the decrease in java, both in terms of area and productivity (dpr ri, 1996j). similarly, the fpp criticized the role of national banks in disbursing credit and its share to various economic sectors over the past five years, which had shown fantastic growth. however, credit allocation to the agricultural sector in the last five years up to 1994 occupied the smallest position, only 7.6 percent. meanwhile, the industrial sector received 31.2 percent, the trade sector 23.8 percent, and the service sector 25.5 percent (dpr ri, 1996j). this meant that the agricultural production sector received inadequate capitalization, making it difficult to achieve rice self-sufficiency again and, conversely, opening opportunities for food imports, which increasingly benefited traders. thus, the free trade regime in the food sector was the primary beneficiary, while the previously fought-for food self-sufficiency was undermined. although the indonesian democratic party faction (fpdi) reminded the government that indonesia's food policy should aim to increase food production to meet domestic needs, this faction had relaxed its stance to accommodate the growing ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 184-195 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 dynamics of the indonesian parliament in formulating food laws | 193 wave of liberalization and free markets in the food trade, adopting the paradigm of food security. the fpdi spokesperson, djuwardi effendi, stated: "we can imagine that the absence of food or a shortage in food supply will lead to an unstable societal condition, even leading to potential social vulnerability, which could trigger social unrest that endangers the social order. therefore, providing sufficient food and distributing it evenly throughout the archipelago is paramount to maintaining national resilience and ensuring the continuation of national development... the implementation of national food security is a complex logistical task that requires professional personnel and optimal utilization of available resources. the indonesian democratic party faction underlines and fully supports the main objective of indonesia's food policy, which is to ensure sufficient food with adequate nutritional quality for all segments of society." it appears that the fpdi also supported the direction of the national food policy based on the food security paradigm established by the government, namely the availability of sufficient food, even if it meant importing rice. the national rice requirement was 26 million tons per year. however, rice production in the past three years had not been enough to meet the rice demand, let alone fulfill national stocks. one obstacle to increasing domestic production was that not all farmers were ready to adopt modern agricultural innovations, despite liberalization demanding innovation and modernization (efendi, 1996, pp. 48-52). consequently, in 1994, indonesia imported 2.4 million tons of rice, and in 1995, 2.9 million tons. considering this, the fpdi strongly supported presidential decree no. 82 of 1995 concerning the development of peatlands in central kalimantan for food crop agriculture, popularly known as the one million hectare project. the fpdi's food security paradigm became more evident when they emphasized that the ultimate goal of food policy was not only to increase food production but, more importantly, to ensure sufficient food for the entire population at affordable prices (dpr ri, 1996k). however, in practice, increasing food production was neglected. the food security regime, which opened the door wide for food imports based on the logic of food sufficiency, grew stronger over time. the spirit of food self-sufficiency ultimately became a myth. during the discussions on the food law, each faction had the right to present their general views. the functional groups faction (fkp) proposed that the term "food security" be included in the draft law. in addition to explicitly regulating the responsibilities of the government and society, the concept of food security was also introduced to utilize the potential of food diversification from various traditional crops. this was because indonesia is a fertile region, with each area possessing diverse food crops. diversification was considered a strategic effort to gradually reduce dependence on specific food crops, thereby avoiding food vulnerability. besides diversification, the fkp also proposed that the issue of food reserves, both for the government and the public, be included in the discussion on food security. after extensive discussions among the factions, the fkp's proposal was ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 184-195 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 dynamics of the indonesian parliament in formulating food laws | 194 eventually accepted, albeit placed at the end. previously, chapter viii of the draft law discussed guidance, control, and supervision, which was then agreed to be changed to food security and moved up to chapter vii. meanwhile, the title of chapter viii, previously positioned as chapter vii, became community participation. this title change led to the proposal of new articles. the change, as suggested by the fkp, was expected to alter public perception, which viewed the draft food law as solely regulating consumer protection. the chapter on food security served as an umbrella for previous laws that partially regulated specific aspects of food issues and ensured food price stability for the well-being of the people. conclusion during the new order government, the role of creating food independence was primarily an executive initiative, indicating the dominance of the executive branch and the relative weakness of parliamentary power during that era. as in the transitional period, the parliament's right of initiative to propose legislation remained underutilized, demonstrating the weak legislative mentality influenced by the notion of executive superiority over the legislature. however, the parliament should ideally be an initiator in addressing various national issues, particularly food, which is a fundamental source of human life. despite being elected by the people, the influence of the executive branch, which still held significant power, was evident. law no. 7/1996 concerning food was the sole monumental legislative product of the new order parliament in the realm of food security, enacted two years before the regime's collapse and initiated by the government or executive branch. nevertheless, the process leading to the enactment of this food law indicates that members of parliament displayed a critical attitude towards the executive's initiative, highlighting a paradigm shift from food self-sufficiency to food security adopted by the executive. referrences alkadrie, s. s. (1996). pengembangan agribisnis bisa dilakukan dengan kemitraan. parlementaria 15 (xxviii), 34 – 37. churmen, i. (1996). masih ada waktu untuk membenahi agribisnis. parlementaria 15 (xxviii), 38–40. dpr ri (1996a). amanat presiden. retrieved september 12, 2021, from http://berkas.dpr.go.id/armus/file/lampiran/leg_1-20200227-081313-3659.pdf dpr ri (1996b). keterangan pemerintah. retrieved september 12, 2021, from http://berkas.dpr.go.id/armus/file/lampiran/leg_1-20200227-081422-9854.pdf dpr ri (1996c). pemandangan umum. retrieve september 23, 2021, from http://berkas.dpr.go.id/armus/file/lampiran/leg_1-20200227-081455-5008.pdf dpr ri (1996d). jawaban pemerintah. retrieved september 25, 2021, from http://berkas.dpr.go.id/armus/file/lampiran/leg_1-20200227-081532-2867.pdf dpr ri (1996e). mekanisme pembahasan. retrieved august 5, 2021, from http://berkas.dpr.go.id/armus/file/lampiran/leg_1-20200227-081649-6086.pdf ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 184-195 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 dynamics of the indonesian parliament in formulating food laws | 195 dpr ri (1996f). laporan hasil kerja panitia kerja. retrieved august 7, 2021, from http://berkas.dpr.go.id/armus/file/lampiran/leg_1-20200227-082047-6696.pdf dpr ri (1996f). laporan hasil kerja panitia kerja. retrieved july 15, 2021, from http://berkas.dpr.go.id/armus/file/lampiran/leg_1-20200227-082047-6696.pdf dpr ri (1996i). pemandangan umum fraksi abri atas rancangan undang-undang republik indonesia tentang pangan. retrieved february 2, 2022, from http://berkas.dpr.go.id/armus/file/lampiran/leg_1-20200227-081455-5008.pdf dpr ri (1996j). pemandangan umum fraksi persatuan pembangunan dpr ri terhadap rancangan undang-undang tentang pangan. retrieved february 3, 2022, from http://berkas.dpr.go.id/armus/file/lampiran/leg_1-20200227-0814555008.pdf. dpr ri (1996k). pemandangan umum fraksi partai demokrasi indonesia dpr ri terhadap rancangan undang-undang tentang pangan. retrieved march 5, 2022, from http://berkas.dpr.go.id/armus/file/lampiran/leg_1-20200227-081455-5008.pdf dpr ri. (1996g). keterangan pemerintah di hadapan sidang paripurna dewan perwakilan rakyat r.i. mengenai rancangan undang-undang tentang pangan. retrieved january 6, 2022, from http://berkas.dpr.go.id/armus/file/lampiran/leg_1-20200227-081422-9854.pdf dpr ri. (1996h). pemandangan umum. retrieved july 14, 2021, from http://berkas.dpr.go.id/armus/file/lampiran/leg_1-20200227-081455-5008.pdf efendi, d. (1996). petani kita belum seluruhnya siap menerima inovasi. parlementaria 15 (xxviii), 48–52. kroef, j. m. van der (1968). sukarno, the ideologue. pacific affairs 41 (2), 245-261. manning, c. (1987). public policy, rice production and income distribution: a review of indonesia's rice self-sufficiency program. southeast asian journal of social science 15(1), 66-82. metareum, i. h. (1996). optimis 20 th lagi posisi dpr akan seimbang dengan eksekutif. parlementaria, 15 (xxviii), 41 – 45. patunru, a. & ilman, a. s. (2019). political economy of rice policy in indonesia: a perspective on the asean economic opportunity. discussion paper, 6 (2019), center for indonesian policy studies (cips) rangkuti, p. a. (1996). agribisnis primadona untuk memperkuat ekonomi rakyat. parlementaria 15 (xxviii), 26 – 27. santosa, d. a. (january 13, 2009). ketahanan vs kedaulatan pangan. kompas. sulistiyono, s. t. (2017). indonesia in the globalization trap: a historical perspective. paramita: historical studies journal 27(1), 10-27. syahyuti, s., s. wahyuni, w. k. sejati, & m. azis. (2015). kedaulatan pangan sebagai basis untuk mewujudkan ketahanan pangan nasional. forum penelitian agro ekonomi 33(2), 95–109. widodo, s. (2004). pengaruh globalisasi terhadap ketahanan pangan nasional. in sunyoto usman (ed.) politik pangan (pp. 156-177). jakarta: cired. microsoft word 1. regina et al.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 116-131 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 ideology and political orientation of intellectuals from koto gadang 1930-1950: a prosopography | 116 received: september 19, 2022 revised: december 27, 2022 accepted: december 28, 2022 ideology and political orientation of intellectuals from koto gadang 1930-1950: a prosopography nazra cahyani endah regita, herwandi *, nopriyasman nopriyasman master program of history, faculty of humanities, universitas andalas limau manis, pauh, padang, west sumatra indonesia *corresponding author: herwandi@hum.unand.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v6i2.15899 introduction nagari koto gadang was home to people who were open to european and western education systems. during 19th century, the people of koto gadang worked together to send their children to secular schools, and to attend schools in batavia and the netherlands (singgalang, 2014). many prominent minangkabau intellectuals came from nagari koto gadang, including sutan syahrir and agus salim (graves, 2007, p. 253). nagari koto gadang is a small village in minangkabau (present-day west sumatra), home to intellectual figures who contributed to the foundation of the nation and dominated the indonesian intellectual class before independence. the koto gadang people were intelligent and trustworthy in utilizing unity and consensus to gain knowledge, namely by stimulating and increasing the interest of village children through education (fitri 2016). poverty in koto gadang, where most people worked abstract koto gadang is a traditional village in minangkabau, which has produced many indonesian political figures in the period before and during the early days of indonesian independence. koto gadang scholar is an intellectual figure in indonesian politics in various schools of thought. this study analyses the thoughts of the intellectuals from koto gadang; yahya datuk kayo, agus salim, rohana kudus, chalid salim, and sutan syahrir; in indonesian politics 1930-1950. the study shows that the variety of researchers' viewpoints is impacted by family, social, and instructive natural elements, inside and outside koto gadang. yahya datuk kayo in the koto gadang environment built his region from various aspects, one of which was marked by the construction of studiefonds [intellectualship foundations]. rohana kudus advances the ladies of koto gadang through the woman' abilities school, called keradjinan amai setia. agus salim's considerations on islam and his patriotism about the goals of an autonomous indonesia. chalid salim's writings criticizing the colonial government led to him being arrested and imprisoned, in his actions to defend the workers. sutan syahrir grew up outside koto gadang, his nationalism was under the influence of socialism through the popular revolution he carried out. keywords: intellectuals; ideology; politics; prosopography; history of thought. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 116-131 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 ideology and political orientation of intellectuals from koto gadang 1930-1950: a prosopography | 117 as farmers and craftsmen, gave rise to dissatisfaction and prompted its residents to seek a better life elsewhere so that they could support the education of their children outside the village, even as far as the netherlands. migrating is no longer for the purpose of making a living but also for studying. the minangkabau nature provides life lessons for the people, including life on the seashore. minangkabau people not only leave their hometowns and return, but also encourage people to open their minds to the outside world (nasir, 2007, p. 160). the dynamism of the society has been supported by the minangkabau social structure. the people live by the adages "where the earth is stepped on, there the sky is upheld", "accept the good, leave the bad". this has contributed to minangkabau society’s openness to change and acceptance of modern western educational models. the migration tradition of the minangkabau people has also contributed to their their dynamic outlook (nasir, 2007, p. 168). in foreign lands, they were introduced to other cultures and saw how people who were free from colonialism lived. this makes them more critical and sensitive in overcoming life's problems, especially colonialism. after returning from overseas studies, koto gadang intellectuals laid the foundation for reform in minangkabau and also in a wider scope, indonesia in the early 20th century. it was these minangkabau intellectuals who emerged as figures of the national movement (zubir 2011). who were the minangkabau figures from nagari koto gadang who played an important role in indonesian politics in the early 20th century? mochtar naim once revealed that the ancestors of the koto gadang people were sharp-minded and far-sighted. the koto gadang people were good at taking advantage of unity and consensus to gain knowledge by encouraging village children through education (etek, et al, 2007, p. 165). this article discusses the thoughts of minangkabau figures who were involved in politics in indonesia with various schools of thought. one of the areas in minangkabau that from where figures with different ideologies emerged is nagari koto gadang. even after indonesia became independent, koto gadang intellectuals still actively engaged in the political field. who were the minangkabau figures from nagari koto gadang who played an important role in indonesian politics in the early 20th century? prominent names include yahya datuk kayo, agus salim, chalid salim, and sutan syahrir. these figures represent different ideologies with their pioneering work and popularity despite their common origin: koto gadang. what thoughts and ideologies did they embrace and develop? those are a series of questions that underlie the research in this article. a number of works related to this research include a journal written by zusneli zubir titled "merantau: embryos of nationalism in minangkabau" (zubir 2011). merantau has had a major impact, as can be seen from the intellectuals who studied and gave birth to renewal of the notions acquired while traveling, which later became the forerunner to the birth of indonesian nationalism in the 20th century. journal written by danil mahmud chaniago, et al, with the title "nationalism; its roots and growth in minangkabau” (chaniago, et al, 2020) which discusses the emergence of the roots of nationalism in minangkabau, especially those that can be seen in real terms since the paderi war, then shifted in the 19th to 20th centuries where ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 116-131 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 ideology and political orientation of intellectuals from koto gadang 1930-1950: a prosopography | 118 nationalism became a focus on politics. this is one of the backgrounds for the birth of the koto gadang intellectual group and the movements that each character has carried out. then the journal written by ema pratama agustiningsih, "women's movement in minangkabau: the role of rohana kudus in nationalism during 1912-1972" (agustiningsih 2019) which discusses the beginning of the education movement for women carried out by rohana kudus in order to eliminate the stigma that women are only one housewive according to custom. through his efforts, rohana kudus succeeded in establishing the amai setia craft, which became the first pillar of education to break the stigma and customs regarding women. finally, the journal written by jeffrey hadler, "uninterrupted disputes: matriarchy, religious reformism, and colonization in minangkabau" (hadler 2013) discusses the social situation in minangkabau which highlights the conflict between the customary system or more specifically matriarchy with the introduction of islam. the conceptualization described by hadler is from home and family, the influx of ideas of modernity which is not permanent and can shift if new tendencies emerge, such as the minangkabau itself, from europe, even from islam. it began with the paderi war as the beginning of a response to disputes over indigenous people who tried to change the matriarchy with religious teachings. method the method adopted in this study is a historical one as it deals with data from the past. more specifically, the historical method is the process of critically examining and analyzing past records and relics (gottschalk, 2008, p. 39). four main steps of sequential historical research are heuristics, criticism or verification, interpretation, and historiography (abdurahman, 2007, p. 54). the first method is heuristic, by which the author sought and collected data about koto gadang intellectuals. historical sources consist of primary and secondary sources. primary sources are oral and written sources that are contemporaneous with historical events (abdurahman, 2007, p. 54), while secondary sources are indirect sources from historical actors (daliman, 2012, p. 55). the author used written sources as primary sources, including books written by the intellectuals of koto gadang, such as lima belas tahun digul; kamp konsentrasi di nieuw guinea written by by i.f.m. chalid salim, and sutan syahrir’s perjuangan kita. second, source criticism involves testing the data found regarding the truth or accuracy (accuracy) of sources. testing is carried out through external criticism, where testing is carried out for the authenticity of sources or document authenticity, and internal criticism is carried out to test the validity of sources (sjamsuddin, 2007, p. 104) regarding information from books or journals relating to the koto gadang scholar. third, data interpretation. data interpretation involves data that have been obtained from the field through literature studies analyzed based on cause and effect and grouped according to the grouping of sources based on the object studied. next is synthesis, involving assembling or connecting data from existing information. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 116-131 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 ideology and political orientation of intellectuals from koto gadang 1930-1950: a prosopography | 119 fourth is historiography/historical writing. it concerns data that has gone through the previous 3 stages to be written down by the author and turn into a written work. writing history will provide a clear picture of the research process from beginning to end (drawing conclusions) (abdurrahman, 2007, p. 76). nagari koto gadang in social and educational environment koto gadang is a nagari located in agam regency, west sumatra. during the dutch colonial period it was called sumatra's westkust resident. koto gadang sits at the foot of mount singgalang and with terraced rice fields. geographically, koto gadang is located west of fort de kock, bukittinggi (etek, et al, 2007, p. 3). details of the koto gadang’s map can be seen in figure 1. meanwhile, the highlands consist of mountains and hills, valleys and canyons, slopes, land and coast. it is home to two mountains mount marapi and mount singgalang, and lake maninjau, with 3 large rivers called batang antokan, batang masang, and batang agam, as well as the coast. nagari koto gadang is part of the iv koto sub-district. koto gadang has 3 jorongs, namely jorong koto gadang, ganting, and subarang tigo jorong. the dutch government divided the danau maninjau district which consisted of 10 nagari into two supra nagari or keselarasan (harmony) (minangkabau traditional government system), ie keselarasan iv koto and keselarasan vi koto, with nagari koto gadang belonging to keselarasan iv koto (marajo, 2002, p. 41). figure 1. map of nagari koto gadang source: afrianus, et al, 2020, p. 4. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 116-131 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 ideology and political orientation of intellectuals from koto gadang 1930-1950: a prosopography | 120 since the beginning of the 20th century, koto gadang has been a small village, with no more than a thousand inhabitants, occupying a narrow area of land. koto gadang is located at an altitude of 700-800 meters above sea level with temperatures around 210c and 270c during the day. the total area is about 1000 hectares which covers 75% of the highlands, and the rest is lowland. in terms of livelihood groups, some residents of koto gadang work as farmers, traders and craftsmen. not many people chose the farming profession because of limited land that is not suitable for agriculture. because of this, some residents chose to leave koto gadang, or work as craftsmen and carpenters (naldi 2006). since the 19th century, the people of koto gadang have openly accepted the ideas of progress brought by europeans or the dutch who came to indonesia (suryadi 2013). according to the soeara kemadjuan kota gedang newspaper, which was published in 1916 in koto gadang as the first newspaper there, a village school had already been established in koto gadang. in 1856, 28 village schools were established in various nagari in minangkabau, including nagari koto gadang. according to steinmetz's report, the most rapid progress in education was seen in agam's children, especially from the nagari koto gadang, whose children were considered diligent and intelligent (chaniago, 2000). this is proof that the minangkabau people, especially koto gadang, were open to change, including accepting modern western educational models. the dynamic attitude of society was supported by the minangkabau social structure (nasir, 2007, p. 168). prior to the establishment of secular schools by the dutch colonial government, the traditional education known in minangkabau was surau [small mosque] education. in its development, the surau became the initial bridge for the emergence of religious education or islamic education in minangkabau. this institution later became the glue that binds the emergence of modern schools with an islamic perspective (zubir, 2011, p. 17). in short, the emergence of intellectuals in minangkabau was inseparable from the existence of the surau. the surau served to socialize islamic religious values to children in minangkabau, including in koto gadang (undri 2010, p. 107). after the arrival of the dutch, there was a change originating from the interests of the netherlands for the structure of the government bureaucracy. this resulted in the emergence of new jobs, including civil servants in dutch government offices. this change was related to the tradition of the koto gadang people for travelling throughout the region and provided positive benefits for the dutch colonial government which was in need of people to work in the government bureaucracy outside the area, especially in newly conquered areas such as aceh, riau or kalimantan (graves, 2008, p. 254). in this new field of work, the people of koto gadang had an interest in working as employees of the dutch colonial government compared to other villages. the impact of working in the government sector could be seen in the changing mindset of the koto gadang people who tended to prioritize education as a measure of one's level of success. furthermore, the people of koto gadang were generally more proficient in ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 116-131 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 ideology and political orientation of intellectuals from koto gadang 1930-1950: a prosopography | 121 dutch, and they also attended schools in western educational institutions established by the government (naldi, 2006). influences of various ideologies/ from western educational systems merantau conducted in koto gadang because there was not enough rice fields, and the residents left the nagari to trade. migrating is one way to get influence from outside both in education and ideology. basically, young people would leave their hometowns when they were in their teens, either to go to school (in the 19th and 20th centuries) and to become craftsmen or traders. merantau is also seen as the right path to maturity and success, as well as a marker of entering adult life (etek, et al, 2008, p. 40). in general, koto gadang intellectuals started their education at secular schools established by the dutch colonial government under a western education system. the small number of indonesian students who managed to study in the netherlands were deeply influenced by the conditions and political ideas they discovered there. this impressed them. sutan syahrir, one of those who fell for socialism that motivated him to study outside the campus while studying in amsterdam, the netherlands. he held discussions and gatherings with fellow socialists to talk about the ideals of human independence (kahin, 2013, p. 68). this was in contrast to agus salim, where he acquired his faith in islam while working at the dutch consulate to saudi arabia in 1906. his ideas about national independence or nationalism were adapted to the teachings of islam (committee, 1984, p. 20). chalid salim was a leftist who did not believe in the existence of god, thanks to the influence of secular western education. he saw firsthand the fate of the workers on the sumber mujur plantation, lumajang, east java (salim, 1977, p. 40) . the colonials only thought about the benefits they could get from having workers from indigenous groups (who had the opportunity to attend secular schools) because the colonial government was experiencing a shortage of manpower. however, the dutch also did not think about other impacts that could arise from the provision of education in the dutch east indies, namely the educated group or group of modern intellectuals who surrendered themselves completely to the struggle of their own nation from colonialism by foreign nations, which was channeled into overflowing political activities. this group of intellectuals—including yahya datuk kayo, agus salim, chalid salim, and sutan syahrir in their own way—fought for indonesian independence not under a shared vision. they had different ideas, making the goals they formulated more complex, but shared one common goal: unity of an independent nation (mahasin, 1984, p. 3). koto gadang intellectuals and their political thoughts and practices in indonesia 1930-1950 yahya datuk kayo yahya was born on august 1, 1874, in koto gadang. since childhood, he had moved from one place to another with his mother. initially, he moved to suliki in 1882 and attended school there for one year. in 1883, he transferred schools to pasar gadang ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 116-131 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 ideology and political orientation of intellectuals from koto gadang 1930-1950: a prosopography | 122 padang, then from 1885 to 1887 at a private school in bukittinggi. at that time, his mother, landjadin khatib besar, whose title was datuk kayo, was the head of the coffee warehouse in baso, where yahya helped her. in 1888, yahya began studying as an intern at the padang darat resident's office to become more intimately acquainted with the bureaucracy of the dutch colonial government. then from 1892 to 1895, yahya worked as an apprentice clerk (leerlingschrijver) in the agam tua controller's office. when yahya was 20 years and 9 months old, he had the title "datoek kajo" and was appointed as tuanku laras iv koto. it was a prestigious government position, especially for a native son like yahya (etek, et al, 2008, p. 3). not long after, the position of head of laras iv koto opened up, and yahya easily entered as a candidate for tuanku laras. since childhood, yahya had been taught to love his own village, koto gadang, and pay attention to everything related to it. being taken away by his mother from koto gadang proved to have a positive impact on the village in the future. his mother, landjadin khatib besar, wanted him to become a leader in koto gadang (etek, et al, 2007, p. 188). yahya datuk kayo was "the master of the indonesian language" while working at the volksraad, as he was the only one who used indonesian during sessions (rohmadi, et al, 2017, p. 104). according to him, he could use malay more freely and be able to express it at the volksraad sessions, asserting his identity as an indonesier (indonesian). nationalism teaches that a person only lives for his nation and for the sake of the nation and yahya datuk kayo stayed true to this adage at the volksraad. yahya used indonesian in the volksraad from 1927 to 1931. this consistent attitude made him awarded the title "master of indonesian" by the bumiputera magazine. yahya's passion for using indonesian was a demonstration of his pride as an indonesian (rohmadi, et al, 2017). in addition, yahya datuk kayo succeeded in establishing the kota gedang studiefonds or the koto gadang intellectualship foundation, in 1909. this foundation’s objective was to advance the education of koto gadang children, including sending them to the netherlands. studiefonds' short-term program was to find teachers, especially those who could teach dutch. kahar masyhur and rustam, who graduated from the raja bukittinggi school, were sent to the netherlands. the goal was for them to get diplomas in the teaching of dutch and allow them to teach in koto gadang (etek, et al, 2007, p. 157). in 1912, his was founded by studiefonds koto gadang. yahya's efforts to maintain studiefonds were a success as the foundation managed to survive for more than 20 years, and expanded to several cities such as batavia, bandung and medan (suryadi, 2019). rohana kudus rohana kudus was born siti rohana, the first daughter of muhammad rasyad maharaja sutan and kiam, on december 20, 1884 in koto gadang, minangkabau. at childhood, she moved out of koto gadang to follow her father, who worked as a prosecutor in medan, and often moved, both within and outside minangkabau. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 116-131 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 ideology and political orientation of intellectuals from koto gadang 1930-1950: a prosopography | 123 rohana often spent her childhood outside koto gadang. even so, she grew up following minangkabau customs and islamic teachings. rohana was the half-sister of sutan syahrir (zubir, 2011: 76). her first education was obtained from his father who taught her reading and writing skills at home. (agustiningsih, 2019). koto gadang girls were not allowed to attend public schools, but rasyad introduced rohana to a collection of books and magazines, allowing her to master the basics of reading skills (dahlia, 2013, p. 9). when rohana was 6 years old, she moved to alahan panjang to follow his father. there, rohana met mrs. adiesa, the wife of lebi rajo nan soetan, then a neighbor. as a child, rohana often played at adiesa's house, and over time, rohana also studied with adiesa. rohana felt that adiesa's house was so comfortable, because there were many newspapers, books and magazines like at home. rohana's interest in books made adiesa teach her to read and write. rohana, who previously had basic alphabet recognition taught by her father, quickly learned to read and write with adiesa. for 2 years, adiesa and her husband taught rohana to read and write. at 8, rohana was already proficient at reading and writing in the arabic latin alphabet, arabic malay, malay, and dutch, and she even taught her playmates (zubir, 2011). as a teenager, rohana chose to return to koto gadang to realize her dream of having a school for her female friends. she attracted the attention of the girls there by sitting reading books on the terrace or by the window. her friends, who at first mocked her, now started to want to know the stories rohana read to her sister. moreover, she sent many books from her father in medan. her friends' interest in learning increased, so rohana converted a room in the gadang house into a classroom. rohana's grandmothers, tuo tarimin and tuo sini, supported her and believed that she could achieve her dream that women could be as educated and knowledgeable as men (dahlia, 2013, p. 51). society at that time believed women should not go to school and they were destined to be housekeepers. rohana wanted to change that and believed that women in koto gadang should be as educated as the men (oktarina & putra 2021). the awakening women in koto gadang in education began with the establishment of the keradjinan amai setia school (inlandsche meisje school) on february 11, 1911. it was rohana herself who taught women the ability to read and write, as well as arithmetic. keradjinan amai setia aimed to provide education for koto gadang women in the fields of reading, writing, arithmetic, household affairs, craftsmanship, religion, sewing, embroidery, and other skills. keradjinan amai setia in kota gadang was the first girls' school in minangkabau. rohana's struggle did not stop there. she also wanted to have her own newspaper catering to women. the soenting melajoe newspaper was founded on july 10, 1912, a year after the establishment of keradjinan amai setia. the newspaper was managed by rohana together with zubaedah ratna juwita. the newspaper was published once every eight days, establishing itself to be reformist women publication, to allow minangkabau female intellectuals to encourage other women to pursue progress and improve their lot (zubir, 2011). the soenting melajoe then became the center of ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 116-131 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 ideology and political orientation of intellectuals from koto gadang 1930-1950: a prosopography | 124 activities for young and married women, covering politics, the rise of indonesian women, and prose and poetry, in addition to providing opportunities for women to enter the political arena (agustiningsih, 2019). agus salim agus salim was born masyhudul haq on october 8, 1884, in koto gadang, west sumatra. agus salim had 15 siblings (zulkifli, et al, 2017, p. 136). his father, sutan mohammad salim, was a hoofdjaksa or chief prosecutor at landraad in riau en onderhorigheden (high prosecutor at the riau district court). agus salim had moved from one place to another since childhood following his father’s work. as a chief prosecutor, mohammad salim was respected. agus salim was able to enter the els school (europeesche lagere school), a dutch elementary school in bukittinggi in 1891, when he was 7 thanks to his father’s position. in 1898, agus salim continued his studies at hbs (hogere burgelijke school), a high school in batavia, after graduating from els (fauzi & hasanah, 2019). after graduating from hbs in 1903, agus salim decided to work. he was accepted as a translator in batavia. he moved again with his father to riau and worked as a notary's assistant, then to a company in indragiri until 1906 (mukayat, 1958, p. 8). highly intelligent, he mastered 9 foreign languages, including dutch, german, english, french, turkish, arabic and japanese. his expertise in foreign languages led him to travel to saudi arabia to enrich his thoughts and knowledge, as well as being a translator and the dutch consulate in jeddah in 1906 (abdi, 2012). there he met his uncle, ahmad khatib al-minangkabawi. ahmad khatib's open mind towards reform influenced agus salim, who had never studied islam more deeply as he he was subjected to western education. ahmad khatib made agus salim rediscover his faith and his experience while in saudi arabia and studying with his uncle became a turning point in his life about his faith and islam (zulkifli, et al, 2017, p. 84). agus salim was an intellectual with nationalist-islamist thinking. for him, nationalism could not be separated from islam, because islam played an important role in indonesian life. he believed islam would create a unified group consciousness, a unification of feelings from various ethnic groups, with their respective histories, languages, traditions, and social structures. through islam, different groups could unite into a large community (nasution, 1965). in order to prevent nationalism and independence from going astray, agus salim proposed a framework of life "for allah swt", so "the state" as a human creation was no separated from religion and more specifically belief in god the almighty. this means that all of our lives, all of our actions, all of our steps, and all of our deaths are for allah alone (sularto, 2004, p. 88). agus salim realized nationalism-islamism in sarekat islam. sarekat islam was the only organization large enough and widely known by the public that was based on islam. for agus salim, any action should be with the goal of pleasing allah swt and this was in line with the si organization’s goal: to promote trade among muslims (mukayat, 1958, p. 26). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 116-131 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 ideology and political orientation of intellectuals from koto gadang 1930-1950: a prosopography | 125 apart from being active in political organizations, agus salim also expressed his thoughts in written form when he was active in the world of journalism, and his skills in speaking were also clearly visible from sarekat islam, and when he became a member of the volksraad (yulianti, 2012). agus salim's writings opened a window to his thoughts on various aspects of life. of course, his writings were inseparable from islamic teachings and colored the national movement at that time. oethosan hindia was one of si's media that served as a forum for conveying thoughts and ideas. after oetoesan hindia, agus salim moved to bendera islam and also the hindia baroe. the press world, for agus salim, succeeded in opening the awareness of the indonesian people at that time that the dutch east indies should have self-government (yulianti, 2012). chalid salim chalid salim, also known as abdoel chalid salim was born on november 24, 1902 in tanjung pinang, bintan island, riau islands. his father, sutan mohammad salim served there as chief prosecutor. his father had been transferred to several areas such as padang and medan, even though he was still minang and came from koto gadang (salim, 1977, p. 38). after sutan mohammad salim retired, he chose to settle in jakarta. chalid first entered kindergarten (hollandsche christelijke frobelschool), then continued to els and to mulo for junior secondary education. after that, chalid moved to padang and finished mulo. the salim family received a european education (salim, 1977, p. 39). when chalid finished school, he went to live with his eldest brother, agus salim, in rangkasbitung, banten. it was from here that chalid salim first became acquainted with politics. agus salim at that time was a member of the volksraad, and also a leader of the sarekat islam, which meant that he had enormous influence within the nationalists. after that chalid moved again and lived with another older brother, a government official in lumajang, east java. thanks to the help of his older brother, he became an employee at the soember moedjoer plantation. from here, a sense of serving the nation began to emerge, because chalid saw from the plantation that the workers who had worked hard there looked very miserable. their conditions were not commensurate with the huge profits the dutch government enjoyed from the coffee, quinine and tobacco plantations at that time. seeing this, there was a feeling of wanting to fight for self-government for the country and also to improve the lot of the workers who had worked hard there. gradually, chalid salim, who started to get to know politics with no leanings, flirted with leftist ideas. while in pontianak, west kalimantan, he became a member of the editorial staff of halilintar hindia, which followed pki principles. together with a pki member, koesno goenoko, chalid founded the "sarekat rakyat" party, which later developed into a covert organization of the communist movement. since being active in the communist movement, chalid stood by his own leftist movement until finally he was suspected and exiled to digul (salim, 1977, p. 41). chalid tried to socialize his ideas through the mass media. chalid joined as a member of the editorial staff of the pki ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 116-131 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 ideology and political orientation of intellectuals from koto gadang 1930-1950: a prosopography | 126 affiliated halilintar hindia, then moved to the communist-leaning proletar magazine, and finally to the editorial office of the pewarta deli newspaper, which was even more bold in criticizing the poenale sanctie policy and the arrest of all post-rebellion movement figures in west sumatra in 1926. although chalid was eventually exiled to digul, this did not dampen his enthusiasm for building ways towards liberation from colonialism (salim, 1977, p. 191). chalid's desire to fight for indonesian independence and escape from colonialism can be interpreted as a feeling of nationalism, and his leftist ideology was a way to realize these ideals. chalid, a son of indonesia whose heart burned with love for his homeland and his people and bled profusely,was compassionate at seeing the misfortunes of his homeland and the lowliness of his people, even though he had different views chalid never intended to do any harm, although in the end by fighting for his ideals against the indonesian nation in his leftist direction, he became one of the hundreds sent to boven digul, exiled in tanah merah (panitia, 1984, p. 343). sutan syahrir sutan syahrir was born in padang panjang, march 5, 1909. his father, mohammad rasad, titled maharaja sutan bin soetan leman and soetan palindih, came from koto gadang and an amtenaar with his last position as hoofd van landraad or chief prosecutor at the district court in medan (az , 2014, p. 13). syahrir entered school at the age of 6 at els, then he continued his junior high school at mulo in medan, and ams in bandung (az, 2014, p. 17). in bandung syahrir's nationalism grew, after he heard the speech of dr. cipto mangunkusumo, who at that time was known as a leader of the nationalist movement, at the bandung square. since then, he began to be active in national youth associations, even taking part in forming the jong indonesie association (1927) and the perhimpunan magazine. as a result, syahrir, who was still young and studying at ams, was often spied on by the police. in 1927, syahrir was one of the ten people who initiated the establishment of a nationalist youth association called "jong indonesie", then changed the name "pemuda indonesia ", and successfully organized the indonesian youth congress, culminating in the 1928 youth pledge. in 1929, syahrir graduated from ams, and was determined to continue his education in the netherlands, at the university of leiden, the netherlands, majoring in law (az, 2014, p. 22). syahrir came to the netherlands, amsterdam in 1929, to study there, but he spent more time outside his campus. his association outside campus introduced him to people from various nationalities, whom he tought were more interesting than studying and discussing activities in the lecture hall. he rarely attended lectures because his interest and attention was in discussion forums outside campus. there syahrir became acquainted with the notion of socialism and also deepened his knowledge in the polemics of socialism theory (az, 2014, p. 27). still in amsterdam, syahrir then joined the pi or indonesian association [perhimpunan indonesia], an association of indonesian students studying in the netherlands. when he returned to indonesia, syahrir voiced his opposition to the dissolution of the pni. syahrir then ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 116-131 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 ideology and political orientation of intellectuals from koto gadang 1930-1950: a prosopography | 127 founded his own party, the indonesian national education or pni-baru. it was from here that syahrir's political career was really within the party and based on the socialism he had studied in the netherlands. the pni-baru adopted a socialrevolutionary platform (az, 2014, p. 31). thanks to going to school in the netherlands, syahrir became acquainted with the notion of socialism. he was one of those affected by the spirit of the zeitgeist era after world war i in 1914-1918, namely marxism which gave rise to the struggle to improve the lot of workers who were oppressed by capitalism. his understanding of socialism from this experience deepened as he became involved in proletarian life. he becomes sensitive to social and political phenomena that occur in his environment, leading him to be more determined to fight for the fate of the oppressed. syahrir's version of socialism was populist socialism or socialism based on the people, to uphold humanity and recognize the equality of every human being. this means that socialism is the consummation of all popular ideals, namely true freedom and human maturity (pramasanti, 2013). in populist socialism, syahrir's thoughts were centered on humanity. for him, the opposite of colonialism and oppression is not national independence, but rather human revival and the upholding of human dignity. nationalism that is fought for must be complemented by democracy. nationalism without democracy would easily be contained and immersed in feudalism, which had become the model of modern fascism and traditional imperialism. the indonesian nation must be free from all forms of imperialism and live in a democratic nationalism. democracy must also be built in the spirit of nationalism. democracy without nationalism would lead to efforts to pursue individual interests, which could weaken the unity and cohesion of life as a nation (molan, 2014). therefore, the burning spirit of the indonesian people was important and the struggle for independence to escape feudalism was carried out with the power of the national revolution, and was viewed from within as a people's revolution (syahrir, 2018, p. 105). conclusions historically, nagari koto gadang has filled national history because it succeeded in giving birth to intellectuals including yahya datuk kayo, rohana kudus, agus salim, chalid salim, and sutan syahrir. each of these figures, although they came from the same nagari, had different views on politics and the pursuit of indonesian independence. a significant difference from the koto gadang intellectuals stemmed from the perspective of growing up and studying education from different places. yahya datuk kayo, who grew up in the family and social environment of koto gadang, tried to build koto gadang from various aspects of nagari life. his way of thinking directed koto gadang to progress, with many children going to school funded by the koto gadang studiefonds (intellectualship foundation). yahya datuk kayo's efforts to revive koto gadang was similar what rohana kudus had done. however, rohana only focused on the women of koto gadang who lagged behind their educated male counterparts. although rohana never received ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (2), 116-131 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 ideology and political orientation of intellectuals from koto gadang 1930-1950: a prosopography | 128 formal education, she received informal education from her father, and at a young age rohana had mastered several languages. thanks to her intelligence, rohana was able to establish the keradjinan amai setia school which heralded the awakening of women in koto gadang and provided them with education and skills. not being complacent there, rohana also expanded her wings to spread the spirit of women's advancement through the soenting melajoe newspaper. agus salim's experience in jeddah made shaped his thoughts with regard to islam and also his sense of nationalism. he mixed nationalism and islam, believing that the achievement of the ideals of an independent indonesian nation could only happen because of and for allah swt alone. chalid salim and sutan syahrir were figures who were influenced by marxism. chalid salim leaned towards the left because he saw the plight of the workers in the plantations. meanwhile, he grew up in a social environment that was very close to the netherlands, but seeing for himself the conditions of the workers made him fight for an independent government, and further away from god. even so, his efforts to have self-government, to liberate the proletariat and its nationalism, should be appreciated because of his courage to write articles attacking the colonial government until he ended up in digul exile. sutan syahrir, who grew up outside koto gadang but was still educated in the koto gadang social environment, grew to be an immigrant child and had wide associations. in adulthood, he looked for ways to realize the nationalism that he learned while in the netherlands. socialism became the biggest influence in realizing the ideals achieving nationhood for indonesia separate from the netherlands with the popular revolution. these koto gadang intellectuals have shown several colors or characteristics such as intellectuals who received education in minangkabau; yahya datuk kayo whose thinking is an effort to advance koto gadang from being left behind. intellectuals who study outside minangkabau; agus salim, chalid salim, and sutan syahrir whose direction of thought was shaped by influences that came from outside the dutch east indies, namely islam, the left and socialism. these characteristics were also tied to the family or social environment the intellectuals grew up in; intellectuals who grew up in koto gadang, yahya datuk kayo and agus salim, as well as those who grew up outside koto gadang, rohana kudus, chalid salim and sutan syahrir. these characteristics influence the mindset of the figures and also their political practices after indonesia's independence. acknowledgement this article is a summary of the master thesis entitled "cendekiawan koto gadang dalam ideologi dan praktik perpolitikan di indonesia 1930-1950: suatu studi sejarah pemikiran (2022)" at universitas andalas. references abdi, m. i. 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(2011). dari pingitan hingga karier: perjalanan tokoh perempuan minangkabau menentang tradisi. yogyakarta: eja publisher. zulkifli, arif, purwanto, kurniawan, (2017). seri buku saku tempo agus salim. jakarta: kpg. microsoft word 3. mustain, yety r., singgih tri.doc indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 117-124 © 2017 roles of kh. abdul wahab syaroni and syaikh ali bin ahmad basalamah in the development of thariqoh | 117 roles of kh. abdul wahab sya'roni and syaikh ali bin ahmad basalamah in the development of thariqoh tijaniyah in jatibarang, brebes, central java mustain yusuf,1* yety rochwulaningsih,2 singgih tri sulistiyono2 1sma negeri 1 brebes 2master program of history, faculty of humanities, diponegoro university *corresponding author: mustain1enha@gmail.com abstract the main purpose of this article is to examine the roles of k.h. abdul wahab sya'roni and shaykh ali bin ahmad basalamah in the development of thariqoh at-tijaniyah in jatibarang brebes, central java province. this discussion is very interesting given that this thoriqoh is developing in the spreading area of other thariqoh that is thariqoh qoodiriyah naqsyabandiyah. therefore, its spreading faces some challenges. the spread of thariqoh at-tijaniyah in jatibarang brebes cannot be separated from the critical roles of kyai sya'roni and shaykh ali bin ahmad basalamah. in the beginning, these two ulamas pioneered the establishment and development of thariqoh which is not only bounded to jatibarang brebes but also widen to the neighboring areas, especially in the northern coast of java (pantura). nevertheless, the next development of this thariqoh is centered in jatibarang, brebes. regarding to this matter, the development of thariqoh at-tijaniyah especially in brebes and the roles of these kyai will be discussed. keywords: thariqoh at-tijaniyah; wirid; ukhuwah islamiyah; tasawuf. introduction since the entry process to date, the history of indonesia cannot be separated from the elements of islam. experts argue that islamization in indonesia is influenced by thoriqoh. thoriqoh as a madhhab, method, or container of spiritual guidance to the individual in directing life to be closer with god, is an effective medium to spread islam at that time (baidhawi 2013). the opinion is also supported by the situation at that moment, the time of the spreading of sufism (thariqoh) to various parts of the world, while the islamic development ulamas in indonesia are mostly adherents of thariqoh. they were originated from different regions, such as from persia, india and arab (azra 2013: 51). in the 21st century the development of thariqoh grows rapidly, there is 360 thariqoh across the world in 2010 (munawir 2008; masyhuri 2014); while in received: 1 december 2017 accepted: 18 december 2017 indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 117-124 © 2017 roles of kh. abdul wahab syaroni and syaikh ali bin ahmad basalamah in the development of thariqoh | 118 indonesia, around 40 schools of thariqoh exists and eight well-known thariqoh with many follower including thariqoh at-tijaniyah which is developing well in jatibarang brebes. thariqoh at-tijaniyah was founded by sayyid abdul abbas ahmad ibn muhammad ibn al mukhtar at tijani is thariqoh mu'tabaroh, which means sanad or genealogy thariqoh muttasil (connected) with the prophet muhammad. besides mu'tabaroh as the main requirement, thariqoh have to fulfill other requirements, such as the material must be sourced from the qur'an and sunnah. now the existence of thariqoh at-tijaniyah both in the world and in indonesia is growing very rapidly, including in jatibarang brebes. based on the above explanation, there are several issues to be studied: first, what exactly is thariqoh at tijaniyah? second, how is the development process of thariqoh at-tijaniyah in jatibarang brebes? third, how is the role of kh. abdul wahab sya'roni and shaykh ali bin ahmad basalamah in the development of thariqoh at-tijaniyah in jatibarang brebes? thariqoh at-tijaniyah thariqoh at-tijaniyah was founded by sayyid abul abbas ahmad ibn muhammad ibn al mukhtar at tijani. based on the patrilineal and matrilineal nasab, he comes from ulama family (fauzan 2007: 11). shaykh ahmad at-tijani is the 21st descendant of prophet muhammad saw from the line of sayyid hasan, the first son of sayyidah fatima al zahra, daughter of prophet muhammad saw. he was born in ain madhi or madhawi, southern maghribi of algeria, thursday 13 shafar 1150 h / 1737 ad and died september 22, 1230 h/1815 ad at the age of 80 in faz, morocco. shaykh ahmad at tijani was from the (kabilah) tijan big family who famously give rise to great ulamas (basalamah and anam 2011: 15). in his childhood, shaykh ahmad at-tijani has shown the signs a sign of privilege and breadth of knowledge. he had been studied various sciences from various professors and shaikh thariqoh. when he was 7, he was able to memorize the qur'an in the qira'ah of nafi’u. survived by his both parents at the same time when 16, it did not dampen his spirit in the scientific activities, teaching, writing, and giving fatwas, until in 1171 h, he stepped boldly to enter the world of sufism (basalamah and anam 2006). during the long journey of searching and practicing the sciences of the saint (wali) and visits to some thariqoh shaykhs resulted in a great deal of knowledge, wirid, and achievements. some thariqoh taken even granted with the permission to teach (mentalqin), but because of inayah robbaniyyah (guidance from allah swt) they were then abandoned except those taken directly from the prophet muhammad. the thariqoh is thariqoh qadiriyyah, thariqoh nashiriyyah from sayyid abu abdillah muhammad bin abdillah al nazani, thariqoh sayyid muhammad al habib bin muhammad (1165 h). he then took the thariqoh malamatiyah diploma from shaykh abu abbas ahmad al tawwas in tazih (w.18 jumadal al ula 1204 h in tazih). in 1180 h he took thariqoh khalwatiyah and various sciences from sayyid abu abdillah muhammad bin abdurrahman al azhari (w. beginnings of muharram indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 117-124 © 2017 roles of kh. abdul wahab syaroni and syaikh ali bin ahmad basalamah in the development of thariqoh | 119 1180 h) in algeria (basalamah and anam 2011: 19-24). with all of his knowledge, in 1186 h he departed from tilmisan to perform hajj and pilgrimage to the prophet muhammad. in the middle of the journey, he took a stop in susah village-tunisia for one year and made a good friend with sayyid abd al samad al rahawi (mulyati 2011: 219). when shaykh ahmad at-tijani visited shaykh abu samghun in a tranquil area of 90 km in south of geryvile, sahara desert in 1196 ah / 1782 ad, while in seclusion (khlawat) he received a great grace from allah swt, that is al fath al akbar1, a face to face meeting with the prophet muhammad saw in awake state or conscious (yaqzhah) (basalamah and anam 2011: 25). since that meeting, rosulullah saw never lost from his sight and always with him. shaykh ahmad at tijani acknowledged when he received his fath, the prophet muhammad came and informed him that during this time he himself taught and guided him in thariqoh, so he did not need to feel indebted to any tariqoh shaykh. the prophet muhammad ordered to abandon all the thariqoh he had been studied previously and hung onto this tariqoh (tijaniyah) and allowed him to establish his own thariqoh. prophet muhammad teaches (mentalqin) about wirid that must be practiced in the form of reciting istighfar and shalawat, 100 times each, without seclusion (retreat). in the next fath (1200 ah / 1786 ce) prophet mohammad (saw) perfected the teachings of thariqoh by giving additional wirid by reciting lafadz (tahlil) la ilaha illa allah for 100 times. he confirmed that the prophet muhammad is his only shaykh, therefore the followers of shaykh ahmad at tijani called it as (at thariqoh al muhammadiyyah) thariqoh muhammadiyah (masyhuri 2014: 354). in muharram 1214 h / 1799 ad at the age of 50 years, in arafah desert makkah al mukaramah, shaykh ahmad bin muhammad at tijani confirmed has reached the dignity of al qutub al kamil, al qutubul al jami and al qutubul al udzhma. in the next few days on the 18th of shafar 1214 h / 1799 ad, he was awarded as al khatmu al auliya al maktum (as the hidden last saints). this event is then regarded as the day of id al khatmi2 by the followers of thariqoh at-tijaniyah (basalamah and anam 2011: 27-41). the rapid development of thariqoh at-tijaniyah was considered to be able to compete with ottoman rule, so shaykh ahmad at tijani and his followers were expelled from algeria. in 1213 h / 1798 m shaykh ahmad at tijani moved the activity center and the spread of his thariqoh to fez morocco and with the help of the ruler of morocco, maulay sulaiman, in 1800 a zawiyah was established in fez for his settlement until he passed away in 1230 h / 22 september 1815 ad in the age of 80. 1 al fath al akbar is a great gift from allah swt in form of the opening of the blind separating between someone with prophet muhammad, the opening of the highest dignity of saint. 2 quthub means the most beautiful star. the best human who collects all virtues, in human nature, worship, and his closeness to allah swt; also known as the khalifah of prophet muhammad to maintain the balance of nature. described in the book of jawahir al ma'ani and kanz al muthlasam, qutubul al-kamil wa al-jami is the greatness of the physical and mental gift as well as the inner core by knowing ism al adham covering all forms, letters, pronunciation, number, purpose, and time, ism al adham may be taught and some are forbidden to be taught. indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 117-124 © 2017 roles of kh. abdul wahab syaroni and syaikh ali bin ahmad basalamah in the development of thariqoh | 120 before he died, shaykh ahmad at tijani had appointed ali ibn isa as khalifah (muqodam zawiyah) who made tilimsan-algeria his center. he wishes that the order succession of khalifah is done in turns between ali ibn isa family and at tijani's family, so that after the death of ali ibn isa, the leadership went to muhammad as saghir ibn ahmad at tijani (1853 ad) with ain madi as the center. his next successor was muhammad al-id ibn ali ibn isa (d 1876 ad). in the next period after al id, there was a dualism of leadership. muhammad as saghir (1892 ad) was appointed in tilimsan, while ahmad (1897 ad) was appointed in ain madi replaced by al basyir (1911 ad), then ali. although both groups of thariqoh are separated, the muqodam of thariqoh at-tijaniyah are very active in making new branches. the long-standing alliance with the moroccan government since maulay sulaiman period is very crucial to approach at tijani in order to face the competition with zawiyahs of the sharifs which are considered threatening his power, until the end of the 19th century. this makes the development of thariqoh at-tijaniyah is very rapid in morocco. based on such protection guarantee and cooperation, when wahabiyah movement emerges which is hostile to sufi and thariqoh and grave pilgrimage tradition, tariqoh at tijaniyah is experiencing rapid development instead. a strong alliance with at tijaniyah until the issuance of the protectorate declaration in 1912 made every city in morocco have the opportunity to establish the tijaniyah zawiyah. this condition is pointed out as one of the reasons thariqoh attijaniyah in morocco grow faster compared to the origin of this thariqoh, namely in algeria and tunisia (mulyati 2011: 223). in addition, the development of thariqoh attijaniyah in morocco also cannot be separated from the role of shaykh muhammad ibn ahmad al kansus (1877 ad). he has a big contribution in developing thariqoh at-tijaniyah in the south of morocco. through the role of muhammad al hafidz bin al mukhtar from udwah ali kabilah in mauritania, this thariqoh then spreads from morocco to the southern part of sahara. accompanied by several people from his kabilah after meeting with shaykh ahmad at tijani in 1789, he was appointed as muqadam and was given permission to spread the thariqoh. the spread among negro was also supported by umar ibn sa'id al futi (1795 1864 ad) a negro ulama from the futa toro region. al futi after receiving the teachings of thariqoh for one year from shaykh abdul karim ibn ahmad al mughili al futajaluni, was very active in teaching and spreading thariqoh at-tijaniyah in surrounding cities such as kangaba, koumbiya, diagonko, to outside nigeria. the fruit of his labour is the book of ar rimah containing the fundamental of thariqoh tijaniyah and rimah hizb ar rahim al hizb ar rajim which was written in 1261 h / 1845 ad. the spread from west africa to egypt was introduced by umar janbu, a disciple of muhammad as saghir ibn ali at tilimsani, the grandson of ali ibn isa. around 1900 ad, thariqoh at-tijaniyah also widely spread to sudan and sinegal, which was first adhered by the moorish tribe. the next development in 1925 ad, shaykh alfa hashim, an at tijani muqodam from west africa visited sudan, indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 117-124 © 2017 roles of kh. abdul wahab syaroni and syaikh ali bin ahmad basalamah in the development of thariqoh | 121 followed by shaykh ad dardabi al maghribi, so that many people embraced this thariqoh (masyhuri 2014: 256-357). in early 20th century, thariqoh at-tijaniyah continued to spread to various regions of africa, such as sinegal, mauritania, guinea, nigeria and gambia, even to asia such as saudi arabia and indonesia. through the influence of al haj yusuf brought during a visit to makkah and the results of study from shaykh alfa hashim in medina, the development of thariqoh at-tijaniyah can spread to east africa such as ethiopia and somalia. meanwhile, shaykh muhammad ibn malik al-ilmi (1943 ah), and shaykh al-basyir (1911 ad) were contributing a lot in the distribution of thariqoh outside algeria, that is to egypt, sudan, syria, palestine and turkey. in 1924 al ilmi founded a zawiyah in medina; while in 1951 an egyptian muqodam shaykh muhammad al-hafidzh ibn abdul latif founded the thariqul haq magazine as the media of distribution (yusuf 1985). the rule of thariqoh at-tijaniyah in the position of muqodam (tariqah teacher) cannot be achieved because of appointed or requested by a person but based on isyarah since the position of muqodam is essentially a gift from allah swt to the chosen one. however, asking to learn and asking for bai’at to become a member of (ikhwan) thariqoh at tijaniyah3 is highly recommended. in general, muqodam is someone who has learned a lot of knowledge of dzahir like tafseer, hadith, fiqih, kalam, tsawuf and other knowledge related to islamic shari'a (masyhur 2014). the practice is also categorized as the lightest, because the wirid only takes five minutes every morning and evening. this wirid is called wirid wa'difah, and then ba'da magrib or isya between 15 -30 minutes. also the wirid practiced once a week called hadroh khasiatul jum'ah. there are three types of wirids, namely (1) wirid lazimah practiced in the morning and evening (istighfar, hailallah, sholawat 100 x); (2) wirid wadifah practiced when maghrib or isya; (3) wirid khasiatul jum'ah. based on the available information, it can be seen that thariqoh at-tijaniyah is one of thariqoh mu'tabarah which is experiencing a very rapid development. the book about the history of this thariqoh as well as its zikir as a reference for anyone who wants to learn it has been written by the teachers of tijaniyah in jawahir al ma'ani wa bulugh al amaniy fi faidl al sheikh al tijaniy or known as al kana ' is. the distribution of thariqoh at-tijaniyah in jatibarang, brebes the entry of thariqoh at tijani to jatibarang brebes is closely related to the entry of thariqah at tijani to indonesia (hidayat 2005). it was identified that there are two ways which begin tariqoh tijaniyah movement in indonesia, namely, the presence of shaykh ali thayib, and secondly, the teaching of tariqoh thariqoh in pesantren buntet cirebon which was brought directly by kyai anas from the holy land of mecca (https://4binajwa.wordpress.com/khazanah-tijaniyah/perkembangan-tarekattijani-di-indonesia). the two means clearly influence the facts about the existence of tariqoh tijaniyah in jatibarang, both of which are an integral part of jatibarang 3 kh. ahmad said basalamah (muqodam thariqoh at tijaniyah), interview 14 december 2014. indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 117-124 © 2017 roles of kh. abdul wahab syaroni and syaikh ali bin ahmad basalamah in the development of thariqoh | 122 ulama, kyai sya'roni and shaykh ali, since shaykh ali thayib and kyai anas have a good personal relationships with both jatibarang ulamas (fakhrudin & basalamah 2009). this also affirms the fact that kyai sya'roni and shaykh ali are the pioneer and developer of thariqoh at tijani in jatibarang brebes. kyai sya'roni and shaykh ali were good friends with kyai khawi (buntet cirebon), so when shaykh ali deceased, kyai khawi who appointed shaykh muhammad basalamah (the sole son of shaykh ali) as muqodam at tijani in jatibarang succeeded his father.4 now all the activities of thariqoh at-tijaniyah in jatibarang are entrusted to k.h. rosidi malawi sya'roni and shaykh soleh bin muhammad ali basalamah who are the charismatic kyai jatibarang who always guide and monitor the development of thariqoh at-tijaniyah in this area. he is the muqodam of thariqoh at-tijaniyah from the third generation of k.h. abdul wahab sya'roni and shaykh ali ibn ahmad basalamah. the development of tariqoh at tijaniyah in jatibarang brebes reached its peak in 2005 when jatibarang was trusted to be the place of halaqoh of the international alim ulamas and idul khotmi at tijani attended by national and international alim ulamas. vice president of the republic of indonesia, muhammad yusuf kalla, and a lot of muslims attend the event (idul khotmi lil qutbil maktum syaihk ahmad at tijani 2005). the role of kh. abdul wahab sya'roni and shaykh ali basalamah assessing the existence and development of thariqoh at-tijaniyah in jatibarang brebes cannot be separated from the important role of kyai sya'roni and shaykh ali, because they are the pioneer of the establishment and development of thariqoh which is not only limited in jatibarang brebes but to some other areas especially in the north coast of java (pantura). regarding the entry of thariqoh at tijani to jatibarang brebes, it was brought by shaykh ali thayib from mecca around 1921. shaykh ali thayib stayed in raden mas. h. wangsa residence (one of the employees / managers of jatibarang sugar factory), the parents of raden mas h. ali afandi, one of islamic activist in jatibarang, located 50 meters away from the west of kyai sya'roni's residence. therefore, it is possible that shaykh ali thayib then entrusted the establishment of thariqoh at-tijaniyah in jatibarang to kyai sya'roni.5 in developing thariqoh at-tijaniyah in jatibarang brebes, kyai sya'roni and shaykh ali prefer the soft ways through personal approaches began with their closest people such as neighbors, relatives, friends, best friends, and etc. they spread their teachings with their own ways by delivering tausiah and recitation in various places starting in their own homes, in mushollas and mosques in their neighborhood and then widen to their village environment, to several villages, sub-districts and districts. on various occasions, giving tausiah and recitation was always delivered with the teachings of shaykh ahamd al tijani, the founder thariqoh at tijaniyah, 4 interview with sholeh muhammad basalamah (supervisor of pondok pesantren darussalam jatibarang and grandson of syaikh ali), 8 december 2014. 5 interview with syaikh sholeh muhammad basalamah (supervisor pondok pesantren darussalam jatibarang and grandson of syaikh ali), 8 december 2014. indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 117-124 © 2017 roles of kh. abdul wahab syaroni and syaikh ali bin ahmad basalamah in the development of thariqoh | 123 accompanied by certain religious movements that attract the attention of his followers or his students. thariqoh at-tijaniyah teaching in jatibarang was developed by kyai sya'roni and shaykh ali lend color to the development of tasawuf at that moment, so that thariqoh at-tijaniyah can quickly develop even outside jatibarang. despite its development, kyai sya'roni and shaykh ali were also facing many obstacles, especially from other schools in islam since the teachings in thariqoh attijaniyah are considered mystical and often seen as a cult in islam. however, essentially this tariqoh teaches devoutness (alim), wara, and wisdom as the followers of islam. facing various negative views on this thariqoh at tijaniyah, it was explained since the beginning that the founder of thariqoh shaykh ahmad at tijani stated that thariqoh at tijani would face trials in form of disowning of many people, so that the followers of thariqah must be patient because of these trials. the condition became more conducive when thariqoh tijaniyah is acknowledged as a part of thariqoh mu'tabarah which is recognized by the nu ulamas. this is reflected from congressional decision (6th keputusan muktamar of nu in cirebon in august 1931 led by kh. hashim ash'ari, stated that thariqoh tijaniyah with all forms of its practice is declared as mu'tabarah or shah.6 the development of thariqoh at-tijaniyah in jatibarang reached its peak which marked by idul khotmi event along with the inauguration of al ittihad mosque on march 3, 2005. this event was an important event of the development of thariqoh attijaniyah in jatibarang brebes, because it was the first event which successfully presented the muqodam / important figures of tariqah at tijaniyah from south africa, such as shaykh fakhrudin. in the previous year, shaykh soleh basalamah (grandson of shaykh ali) was invited twice in the same event in south africa and the event was significant to the development of thariqoh at-tijaniyah in general and in jatibarang brebes in particular. conclusion thariqoh as a madhhab, method, or container of spiritual guidance to the individual in directing life toward the closeness with god, is an effective medium to spread islam. in its implementation, thariqoh must fulfill several requirements, that is mu'tabaroh means thariqoh sanad must be connected to the prophet muhammad. moreover, all teaching materials must be sourced from the qur'an and sunnah. thariqoh at-tijaniyah founded by shaykh ahmad at tijani is thariqoh mu'tabaroh. its existence is recognized and developed rapidly in indonesia. the history and teachings of thariqoh at-tijaniyah have been completely written by the teachers of tariqoh in the book of jawahir al ma'ani wa bulugh al amaniy fi faidl al shaykh al tijaniy or known as book of al kana'is. thariqoh at-tijaniyah process of entering and growing in indonesia relates to its entering process in jatibarang brebes, between the 1920s. its existence and 6 decision in muktamar nu also supported by influencing ulama in nu such as kh. wahab hasbullah and kh. ma’sum from lasem. an interview with kh. ahmad said basalamah (muqodam thariqoh at tijaniyah), 14 december 2014. indonesian historical studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 117-124 © 2017 roles of kh. abdul wahab syaroni and syaikh ali bin ahmad basalamah in the development of thariqoh | 124 development cannot be separated from the role of kh. abdul wahab sya'roni and shaykh ali basalamah. these two figures are the first to pioneer and develop thariqoh at-tijaniyah in jatibarang brebes and surrounding areas. today, the continuity of this thariqoh is preserved by kh. rosidi malawi sya'roni and shaikh soleh muhammad ali basalamah as the direct descendants and their students as well. references azra, azyumardi (2013). jaringan ulama timur tengah dan kepulauan nusantara abad xvii & xviii akar pembaruan islam indoesia. jakarta: kencana prenada media. baidhowi baa syaiban umar syaikh (2013). manaqib thariqoh at-tijaniyah hagiografi khotmul auliya al-qutb al-maktum syaikh ahmad at-tijani ra dan ajaran thariqohnya. jakarta: pt. pustaka akindo. basalamah, sholeh, and misbahul a. (2006). tijaniyah menjawab dengan kitab dan sunnah. tangerang: putra bumi. fakhrudin, ahmad al uwaisi, and muhammad s. basalamah (2009). syekh ahmad attijani r.a keturunan rosulullah yang mirip rosulullah saw (jatibarang: pp. darussalam. fauzan adhiman fathulah (2007). thariqoh tijaniyah mengemban amanat rahmatan lil’alamin. banjarmasin: yayasan al anshari. hidayat, muhamad nur (2013). tarekat dalam timbangan syariat. surabaya: muara progresif. masyhuri aziz.a. (2014). ensiklopedi 22 aliran tarekat dalam tasawuf. surabaya: imtiyaz. mulyati, s. (2011). mengenal dan memahami tarekat-tarekat muktabarah di indonesia jakarta: kencana prenada media group. munawir, abdul fatah (2008). tradisi orang-orang nu. yogyakarta: pustaka pesantren, 2008. soleh basalamah and m. anam. (2011). tijaniyah menjawab dengan kitab dan sunnah. tangerang: putra bumi. yusuf, abdullah puar (1985). masuknya islam ke indonesia. jakarta: cv. indrajaya. “laporan panitia idul khotmi lil qutbil maktum syaihk ahmad at tijani 2005”. https://4binajwa.wordpress.com/khazanah-tijaniyah/perkembangan-tarekat-tijani-diindonesia, accessed on 17 january 2016. received: 1 december 2017 accepted: 18 december 2017 microsoft word 1. oral history_amurwani.docx indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 86-95 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 oral history in indonesian contemporary historiography | 86 oral history in indonesian contemporary historiography: a case study of female political prisoners in plantungan camp 1969 – 1979 amurwani dwi lestariningsih ministry education and culture republic of indonesia, department of history, faculty of humanities, universitas indonesia corresponding author: amur.gunawan@gmail.com doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v3i2.6216 abstract in the indonesian contemporary historiography study, the approach of oral history is important. in contemporary history, oral history is used to explore sources and collect data and facts. one of the examples is the study of female political prisoners in plantungan camp due to the movement of 30 september 1965. through the approach of oral history, the violence, trauma, and stigma toward female political prisoners can be revealed. this research intends to reconstruct the story of female political prisoners in plantungan camp, kendal, central java. the camp was formerly functioned as a concentration camp of female political prisoners who were involved in “gerakan 30 september 1965.” keywords: contemporary history; plantungan; political prisoners; oral history. introduction in historical study, writing a story from the experience of a living historical actor is a controversial matter. in journey of life, someone faces various experiences in his/her career. in fact, the experience which were encountered not always joyful, frequently, it could be something traumatic. (nugroho, 1984: 6). based on the conventional definitions, history was defined as a continuous dialogue between the present and the past to understand and plan the future. hence, in order to maintain the quality of dialogue, reliable sources were required. each of them has its own methodology and analysis on what must be done and how to do it correctly. among the historians, only a few people can accept something which has not been documented, as the term “no document, no history” (morrison, 2000: 1). if people keep referring to that opinion, indonesians will not have the habit particularly of writing what they have experienced. for indonesians who are accustomed to the oral tradition, it is difficult to fulfil the opinion of the historians who override the oral history. as stated by james, if oral sources were limited and people did not appreciate them as something which can be correctly verified, it was just the same as closing the door against most people of the world who exist, live, and die to received: 11 october 2019 accepted: 30 november 2019 indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 86-95 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 oral history in indonesian contemporary historiography | 87 document and differentiate them. indonesia’s herritage in term of folklore, oral tradition, and oral information became the evidence of a living oral culture and selfdiscovery (morrison, 2000, p. 2). according to djoko suryo, the oral history is considered a new approach in the contemporary historical writing, even though this approach has been known in the period of classic historical writing. in the classic historical writing, oral tradition is a reflection in traditional historiography (suryo, 1991, p. 14). mona lohanda stated that oral history is defined as a record of memories spoken by informants based on their direct experience. meanwhile, harsja w bachtiar said that oral history has two main roles in general. the first collects important information from main characters directly involved in it, the latter represents common society in the history so that their history remains persistent. the oral history provided sources which were unavailable in the conventional sources in the form of documents (lysa, 2000, p. 62). similar to conventional history, the exploration of oral history sources also uses the technique of sources exploration, for instance the historical method applied in written sources. the main function of oral history in contemporary history is to serve as the means to extract or collect historical data and facts (vansina, 2014). those data and facts are then used to formulate a historical reconstruction (historiography). as stated by djoko surya, historical reconstruction is obtained through the making process of history, aiming to reconstruct the history as the real actuality (historiography as actuality) into a history arranged in a written method (historiography as written), namely historiography. in conventional history, historical activities are extracted through written sources, then in oral history, historical activities are conducted through oral sources, namely remembered history (surya, 1991, p. 14). a similar thing was stated by paul thompson that oral history provided sources which were basically similar to published autobiographies. as an autobiography, oral history can complement the perspective which cannot be found in document sources. oral sources create a more realistic reconstruction of the past. in reality, if it is compared with other sources, oral history enables the reconstruction of various points of view which existed from the beginning. oral history provides media to reconstruct a more realistic and balanced historical narration. therefore, oral history has a radical implication for the whole social message of history (thompson, 2012, p. 5-7). nugroho notosusanto has conducted a record of those stories by using the approach of oral history. at glance, narrating a history of a person who is still alive was considered unnecessary, because it will cause a controversy. it was caused by the fact that contemporary history often involves living actors, making it seemingly not a part of the real “history” (notosusanto, 1984, p. 6). contemporary history is defined as an era of those who lived together, along with the history readers and writers as well. david thomson in notosusanto (1984) stated that what was called as contemporary history comprises of 20th century. according to nugroho, contemporary history in indonesia has initiatedsince the indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 86-95 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 oral history in indonesian contemporary historiography | 88 period of kebangkitan nasional indonesia (indonesian national awakening). however, due to the age of indonesian historians who almost did not experience the era of national movement, the definition was shifted. the era of national movement was no longer included in the periodization of contemporary history. furthermore, the periodization category of contemporary history is also shifted. its perspective is no longer starts in the national movement era, but in the japan era. thus, the boundaries of contemporary history from one generation to another keep shifting (notosusanto, 1984, pp. 6-7). several difficulties were encountered in applying contemporary history approach, one of those is the greater subjectivity from the historical actors whose stories were written. it was because the actors who experienced the event is still alive. in several cases, they pretend to put a greater role to themselves compared to actual reality.the absence of time gap on the actors strengthens the subjectivity level, particularly those related to the interpretation in analyzing the sources (notosusanto, 1984: 8). in contemporary history, since the actors mostly are still alive, the approach of oral history becomes the method often used to collect the sources. the usage of the approach of oral history in contemporary history is to provide more data which were rarely found in conventional documents. therefore, the approach of oral history was considered more appropriate to be applied in contemporary history (notosusanto, 1984, pp.10-15). in temporary history, implementing the approach of oral history is highly relevant because the historical actors still could be foun their testimony is a data source which is required to be explored in oral history. interview is the basis of all research of oral history. it can be in the form of narrative interview, elite interview, group interview, and life experience interview--which is a discourse between two or more people about the issues. interview method is effective if it is conducted with a dialogue between two people, namely interviewer and informant (interviewee). the interviewer must possess broad knowledge to acquire information from the interviewee. the interviewer must be careful in selecting data from the informants, without having to wait for the information being told to the interviewer. in terms of interviewing the informant, the interviewer does not prepare by reading references related to the problem extracted from the informant, the interviewer will not be able to explore deeper information from the informant, to analyze the primary source, and consider the questions and answers. therefore, the informants will not function as they should and the information obtained from the interviewer will not have sufficient quality (notosusanto, 1984, p. 16). oral history has an important meaning as written by paul thompson that it changes the whole characteristics of historical writing. at least, oral history has provided new evidences by shifting new area, challenging several assumptions, and judgements which have been the reference of many historians ever since, and reviewing the groups which have never been in the study of history. the scope of history is also broadened, it simultaneously shifted the social message into more democratic (thompson, 2001, pp. 3-9). indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 86-95 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 oral history in indonesian contemporary historiography | 89 a strong motivation to write contemporary history is caused by the existence of great and rapid changes in the modern era. in several developed countries, those changes were not felt that great and rapid because the condition of the society has been stable. on the other hand, in developing countries, for instance indonesia, a change, particularly in 1942 was felt so drastic. the great changes sometimes made the actors lose their orientation. those changes often become confusion and ignorance for the people who experiencing them. corruption is one of the cases currently, corruption are considered as a new matter. in fact, it was deeply rooted in history and has been a serious discussion for the society. due to the rapid change in the developing society, corruption wasperceived as a new matter. it triggered a confusion and anxiety in society. thus, contemporary history by applying the approach of oral history is needed in order to counterballace towards the rapid changes with the available sources. any oral source that can be recorded in a certain method, probably has not been considered as a part of “history”. however, one day when oral sources have been documented systematically, it will be a part of the real “history” in the future time. according to asvi warman adam, oral history has given a sort of discovery to the historians. furthermore, it gave achance to develop a research in the future, and recover the oldest skill in the profession of history, namely interview (adam, 2000, p. xviii). themes, such as military history, social history, political history, environmental history, local history, economic history, agricultural history, maritime history, female history, and other themes which can be categorized into contemporary history can apply the approach of oral history. the research aims to reconstruct the story of female political prisoners in plantungan camp, kendal, central java by using the approach of oral history. plantungan, kendal, central java is a concentrated camp of female political prisoners involved in the incident of “gerakan 30 september 1965.” every september 30th, we were reminded of a national tragedy. the tragedy left a deep collective trauma and wound for indonesians. the incident was initiated by the murder of seven generals in jakarta. the political situation at that time was chaotic along with the widespread hoax, as a result, the security condition was unstable. in a short time, the horizontal conflict was inevitable. the conflict initially occurred in jakarta and spread to java and bali. the scope of the conflict shifted from local to national conflict. in such condition, many people comitted acts of violence and burnt the houses or buildings owned by indonesian communist party (pki). the tragedy created a new problem for indonesians. besides the civil war, it also leaves new problem for pki members and their followers. after pki and their ounderbouws were dispersed, a problem rose for the people who were accused of being involved in that incident. the same thing happened to gerakan wanita indonesia (gerwani) which was considered being involved in the incident of 30 september 1965. the newspapers at that moment contained the news about the involvement of gerwani members, such as berita yudha, angkatan bersendjata, and kompas, between october and december 1965. they were arrested and jailed. initially indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 86-95 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 oral history in indonesian contemporary historiography | 90 they were placed in the detention centers in bukit duri (jakarta), wiragunan (yogyakarta), and bulu (semarang). the situation of the detention centers was insufficient because the increasing number of prisoners which was estimated to be increasing up to 30% in 1968, resulting in the consequence of their great life cost. therefore, the policy issue of the new order government was to move the female political prisoners of b group to plantungan. according to the notes of the himpunan surat keputusan/perintah, the instructions and other provisions related with the matter of kamtibmas on july 1969 until february 1974, there were 500 people placed in temporary detention center (tefaatra), plantungan. the placement was aimed to prevent the prisoners to develop communist ideology opposing the ideology of pancasila. tefaatra was also called as inrehab pulau buru, a utilization camp of political prisoners in the era of new order (amurwani, 2011, p. 151). plantungan, female political detention camp the life in plantungan camp can be seen in three patterns of interaction relationship. the first pattern is the interaction relationship pattern among the female political prisoners. the second one is the interaction relationship pattern between the female political prisoners and the camp wardens. the third one is the interaction relationship pattern between the female political prisoners and the local citizens. in building the interaction relationship were social spaces built by the local inhabitant of plantungan camp. in a life fully and strictly controlled by the wardens, the prisoners were not allowed to talk to each other. they were strictly monitored. in order to communicate with each other, the female political prisoners used code language. the interaction among the female political prisoners were limited. they were also not allowed togather with more than two people. if it was done, they would receive punishments because they had done a “political movement” (gerpol), a term used by the wardens when the political prisoners interacted with other political prisoners. their movement space was greatly limited and continuously monitored. intrigues were often attempted by the female political prisoners to acquire “freedom” from the wardens. these female political prisoners would cooperate with the wardens to provide reports on their friends who conducted violations (hearman, 2009, p. 25). as the reward, they would acquire “freedom”. in this case, the female political prisoners whose information could be trusted by the wardens, would get different treatment than their friends. as stated by foucault that authority must be understood as a form of immanent authoritative relation in the space in which the authority is valid. authority must be understood as something maintaining that authoritative relationship, forming the chain or system of that relation, or even isolating them from the others from an authoritative relation. therefore, authority is a strategy in which authoritative relation is the effect (kamahi, 2019, pp.119-120). the female prisoners in plantungan camp could communicate freely to the wardens. however, it was what often stimulated the conflicts among the female indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 86-95 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 oral history in indonesian contemporary historiography | 91 political prisoners in platungan. this condition was usually utilized by the wardens to make the political prisoners not violating the rules in the detention center. the prisoners were prohibited to write and read newspapers or books. in order to overcome the restriction of those activities, several political prisoners arranged words which were then turned into a song to alleviate their longing of their families or to reminisce an event which was considered important and meaningful for them. a similar thing also applies with the people outside the complex. they were strictly prohibited to interact with the people outside. everytime they were needed to do activities outside the detention complex, there was always a strict monitoring (amurwani, 2011, p. 219). that relationship shows how an authority is produced in a certain way by the state. investigating the collective memory of the female political prisoners in the study of history, writing a story from an experience of a living historical actor is a controversial matter. in one’s life journey, various experiences were faced in his/her career. in reality, the experience faced was not always joyful, oftentimes, it was unpleasant experiences. as a beginner in conducting historical research, there are several considerations in deciding to choose oral history. the limitation to obtain written documents is the main reason besides the difficulty in accessing the source itself at that time, particularly the events related with the incident of 1965. another consideration is the development of a paradigm to reveal the history of common people at that time among the young historians. history is not only possessed by influencial people and political elites. in the effort to conduct the camp life reconstruction of female prisoners in 1969-1979, using oral history is the appropriate choice. therefore, the initial step is conducting a library research and searching for various documents in various libraries. the various collected data, in the form of legal products and primary and secondary sources from personal notes or owned by the states, can not provide any description about the life of a community, the prisoners. the whole life description of the relationship between the prisoners and the community inside the camp, even with the community outside the camp is greatly shallow. by realizing that fact, it is necessary to add more data which can be added into a work of an oral source. in digging oral sources, the approach of oral history is highly required. referring to the opinion of djoko suryo, there are three elements required in oral history, namely: 1) structure and process, 2) acts and interaction of human life, and 3) sociocultural context recorded in the past (suryo, 1991, p. 16). the change from the life of society in general into the camp life of the female political prisoners causes changes of interaction and regulation patterns created by the camp community of female political prisoners themselves. in the historical process, the prisoners are presumed to have a collective experience in facing the changes occurring around their life, which means the welfare aspect in giving meaning of life in their community. their collective experience in responding to the changes from a free indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 86-95 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 oral history in indonesian contemporary historiography | 92 society to a community of female political prisoners gives descriptions about a phase of camp life community of female political prisoners which has not been known by people in general. the investigation through oral history from historical witnesses and actors of the camp community of female political prisoners is expected to give an in-depth description about a structure and process of social activities and interaction of that community. in order to obtain a deeper and wider description, it is necessary to visit the location and do several interviews with the historical witnesses and actors. the interview were conducted to both the camp staffs and female political prisoners, a particular technique and approach are required. there are several cooperative camp staff who give all the information easily, but there are also those who mind to answer the questions. the same thing applies to the female political prisoners. sometimes the prisoners find it difficult to reveal the experience residing in their memory. perseverance and patience are necessary things to be able to dig data deeper. therefore, before conducting an interview, a guide line is commonly created beforehand about the things which will be asked and arranging the guide line to develop the obtained information. the interview result is then transcribed into texts. in the science of history, texts are not only translated into written meanings, but also into words which are given meaning. according to gadamer, hermeneutic approach sees an ongoing interpretation based on the dialectic process between the researcher’s subject and the object studied. moreover, gadamer explains that the text here is the written one which is different in term of socio-culture and era from the researcher and the object studied. as stated by gadamer (magetsari, 2018, p. 21) it is called as the thing between the one who understands and the one who is understood. this reciprocal process separated with distance and time requires a “mediator”, namely language. ricoeur also sees the existence of a dialectic process in understanding a text. there is a reciprocal process between the text and the reader. in this case ricoeur shares the same opinion with gadamer (magetsari, 2018, p. 22). those texts are then given meaning and interpreted to reconstruct a historical event. eventually, the texts in a wider scope of knowledge can be defined as an artefact because a text originally being non-verbal after being transcribed into an important source. those texts are understood from their words and language structures so that the object being studied can be understood as a meaningful thing. accordingly, the scope of hermeneutic approach depends on how it is seen. if the approach is based on materialism, what is revealed will be dependent on social behavior and system (magetsari, 2018, p. 24). in order to arrange a social system of female political detention camp community, in-depth observation and interview on the social witnesses and actors in the female political detention camp community are required. it is necessary to give explanation about each interaction patterns undertaken by the female political prisoners. those political prisoners often experienced various kinds of pressure, both normatively and psychologically. for instance, during the family visit time, a indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 86-95 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 oral history in indonesian contemporary historiography | 93 political prisoner was forced not to acknowledge her children. even though it was hard for them to do that, they only could see their children afar so that it would not be known that those children are their own children. the confession of a mother to her biological children will bring a high risk for their future. it was a heavy burden for a mother to be apart with her family, especially with their children until an unknown time (amurwani, 2011, p. 235). 1 the relationship between the male wardens and the female political prisoners often violated the morality. sexual harassments were often experienced by the female political prisoners. the strong patriarchal culture caused authority dominance toward the female political prisoners. they could not resist when they were harassed sexually. a political prisoner even got pregnant for three times. in 1977, the female political prisoners were released gradually until 1979. the release period was not an easy period for them. as an ex political prisoner, they experienced social outcast. they kept receiving punishment from the society. various occupations both in formal and informal sectors are shut for them. the stigma which had been adhered to them could not just be removed. the existence of “bersih lingkungan” in the new order period forced them to change their family status, particularly their children. they were forced to change the status of their children as the biological children of their far relatives or other families who want to take care of them. they were all done so that the children could be accepted by the society and have the opportunity to work in the formal sector. suspicions on ex female political prisoners in the society keep on occurring. even there are people who straightly deny their presence. that is why the ex-female political prisoners isolate themselves from the surrounding society. the reality must be accepted by them because the society in general already has values and norms built from the experience and comprehension on history. those ex political prisoners changed their identities with the new ones so that they could be accepted by the society in their new environment. after the reform, the ex-political prisoners tried to open their self to the society. they started to make testimony to the audience who wanted to listen to their testimony. various discourses so far considered taboo started to be discussed. slowly, the dark mist started to be unveiled. various efforts were done to return them so that they would be wholly accepted in the society. the historical vengeance created conflicts among humans and everlasting trauma. the bittersweet of history has been experienced by the people of this nation. then, what is left from that incident is historical wisdom. the willingness to understand the context of an incident in a national dynamics journey. the willingness to make peace with the past and to learn 1 the interview conducted on sutiah, mia bustam, as well as the diary of dr. sumiarsi stated that. the heaviest pressure for a mother is when the family visit time in which their children also came to see them. their longing of their family, especially their children must be resisted. their desire to hug their children must be eliminated so that their children would not be involved in their involvement as a member or follower of a forbidden organization. indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 86-95 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 oral history in indonesian contemporary historiography | 94 appreciating differences wisely and humanely for the nation’s unity in the present and in the future (amurwani, 2016, p. 4). conclusion oral history is required to obtain deeper information and more detailed description of a community which are not obtainable from written sources. in the digging of oral history, a communicative relationship between the interviewer and the informants is required. in verifying the data, a distance between the interviewer and the informants is required. a data cross-check is required by using various sources. therefore, it is expected that from the data digging and interpretation, a result which is as objective as it can be is obtained. through hermeneutical approach and dialectic process, it is expected that an interpretive understanding of texts is obtained. the understanding and interpretation of texts is what can be used as the data to reconstruct a historical event. references adam, asvi warman (2000). rekonstruksi sejarah pengalaman hidup. in p. l. p. huen, james h. morrison, kwa chong guan (eds). sejarah lisan di asia tenggara: teori dan metode. jakarta: pustaka lp2es. hearman, vanessa (2009). the uses of memoirs and oral history works in researching the 1965–1966 political violence in indonesia. international journal of asia-pacific studies, 5(2): 21-42. hoopes, james (1980). oral history an introduction for strudents. california: the university of north california press. kamahi, u. (2017). teori kekuasaan michel foucault: tantangan bagi sosiologi politik. jurnal al-khitabah, 3(1), 117-133. lestariningsih, amurwani d. ( 2011). gerwani: kisah tapol wanita di kamp plantungan. jakarta: kompas. lestariningsih, amurwani d. (2016, march 11). berdamai dengan sejarah, kompas. lysa, hong (2000). ideology dan lembaga sejarah lisan di asia tenggara. in p. l. p. huen, james h. morrison, kwa chong guan (eds). sejarah lisan di asia tenggara: teori dan metodologi. jakarta: pustaka lp3es. magetsari, n. (2018). mengkaji ulang ilmu pengetahuan budaya. in s. hidayat, (eds). hakekat ilmu pengetahuan budaya. jakarta: yayasan obor. morrison, j. h. (2000). prespektif global sejarah lisan di asia tenggara. in p. l. p. huen, james h. morrison, kwa chong guan (eds). sejarah lisan di asia tenggara: teori dan metode. jakarta: pustaka lp2es. notosusanto, n. (1966). 40 hari kegagalan g 30 s. lembaga sedjarah, 2. notosusanto, n. (1984). masalah penelitian sejarah kontemporer (suatu pengalaman). jakarta: inti idayu press, 1984. suryo, d. (1991, march 13). sejarah lisan untuk sejarah sosial. lembaran berita sejarah lisan. indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 86-95 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 oral history in indonesian contemporary historiography | 95 thompson, p. (2012). suara dari masa silam: teori dan metode sejarah lisan, trans. by windu w. yusuf. yogjakarta: penerbit ombak. vansina, j. (2014). tradisi lisan sebagai sejarah. jakarta: penerbit ombak. informants interwiew with sutiah, 4 mei 2005, in kramat raya, jakarta. interview with mia bustam, 5 & 9 juni 2005 in limo, depok. microsoft word 8. hidayat & lukitaningsih.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 161-186 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in tenure and ulayat land use in lumban rau timur village, toba samosir | 161 received: january 21, 2022 revised: march 21, 2022 accepted: march 28, 2022 changes in ownership and ulayat land use in lumban rau timur village, toba samosir hidayat* & lukitaningsih department of history, faculty of social science, universitas negeri medan jl. william iskandar ps. v, kenangan baru, kec. percut sei tuan, deli serdang, north sumatera indonesia *corresponding author: hidayatamsani@unimed.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v5i2.13452 introduction land is a basic human need, as long as human life always interacts and is related to land. fruits and plants that are consumed by humans are produced on land either from rice fields, fields, plantations and forestry. land is a place where humans carry out life processes and activities: a place to be born, raised, matured, aged and died. on land, humans build houses, places of worship and carry out various social activities. land is needed not only while humans are still alive, but also needed after death. on the land various public facilities were built such as schools, hospitals, markets, airports, abstract this study explores the historical background of the establishment and the uses of customary land in lumban rau timur village. it analyses the process and mechanism of transferring customary rights as well as factors that influence the role of the state and the market in determining the direction and change of the customary land of the toba batak people in samosir regency. sources were collected by structured interviews, observation, and literature study. methods and data analysis uses a descriptive qualitative research approach with a sociohistorical approach. the historical background of the formation of ulayat in lumban rao timur village comes from land clearing and comes from golat land (land grabbing due to land conflicts). communal land includes areas where ceremonies, graves, rice fields, livestock grazing areas, cultivated forests, expansion areas or settlement expansion, waters and forest areas, wild plants are managed and used together. ethnics are inhabited by residents who have genealogical and territorial ties. according to tradition, the land should not be transferred to other parties, but over time, there has been a transformation of land ownership to other parties, both local residents who lived in and outside the village, which is intended for agriculture and non-agriculture. the transformation of ulayat land ownership is caused by socio-cultural shifts, demographic pressures, openness information and communication as well as the state penetration via government regulations on natural resources under the development programs in the areas of lake toba. keywords: ulayat; land use; land ownership; land commodification; state penetration. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 161-186 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in tenure and ulayat land use in lumban rau timur village, toba samosir | 162 hotels, offices, houses of worship, cemeteries and various other public facilities and public spaces. the variety of uses, benefits and functions of land in supporting the activities of human life makes the relationship between humans and land very complex, magical in nature, influencing the way of thinking, economic activity and the meaning of land (soesangobeng, 1971, p. 51). in a number of communities there is an understanding that land is defined not only physically, but as a "spirit object" that is closely related to the life of the community. land and humans are like two entities that influence each other in a macro-cosmic and micro-cosmos relationship, where humans are the center who are intertwined with supernatural powers (sitorus & sierrad, 2006, p. 3). soil is not only an element of production but also has socio-cultural and religious magical meanings (vallenhoven, 2011), bushar (1981, p. 103). in short, land is a place for humans to develop their humanity and civilization. land as an element of production in contemporary society has the role and function of land: (1) land is an object and property is fixed, even the value / price is getting more expensive; (2) land is a place to live for citizens, communities, clans and alliances when they are still alive and can provide livelihood, hope and glory. (wignjodipoero (1983, p. 197). the socio-cultural meaning of land in society is recorded in a number of expressions. in javanese society and ethnicity there is a saying: as loud as the cough is as gentle as the earth, the yen needs to be filled with starch (so that an inch of his land is defended until he dies). in the karo batak community and ethnicity there is a proverb: ija taneh idedeh ije pusung ndabuh [where the ground is stepped on that is where the navel falls (the place of birth)], in the toba batak ethnic land is likened to ulos na sora bad [a cloth that will never rot] siregar (2011, p. 1). the proverb describes the importance of the meaning, role, function and benefits of land in people's lives, both while still alive and after death. when they die, the land is the place where the community, clan and community members are buried. in society there is a belief that the land where the community members live is the ancestral dwelling place, danyang-danyang and becomes the protector of the community and community members and clan members. thus, for the community or community members, land does not only function as an element of production in economic activity, but also has socio-cultural and religious meanings. therefore, during the feudal period, the authority to control and own land was in the hands of the kings, where the king had political authority or public rights to regulate and determine the area and boundaries of his power and regulate the distribution of land products. although the authority over the land is in the hands of the king, there is room for the citizens to open, cultivate and control the land with the permission of the king. along with the development of time, the land which was opened and cultivated by the members of the alliance developed into ulayat land or customary law community. based on the results of van vallenhoven's research, in the archipelago there are 19 areas of customary rights (beschikkingrecht) or what soepomo called lordship rights (ngani, 2012, p. 51), one of which is the batak customary law community. in various ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 161-186 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in tenure and ulayat land use in lumban rau timur village, toba samosir | 163 regions in indonesia, there are several names for referring to customary land rights: such as wawengkon (java), torluk (angkola), ulayat (minangkabau), land clan (lampung), panyampeto or pewatasan (kalimantan), limpo (south sulawesi), tatabuan (bolaang mangondow), patuanan (ambon), paer (lombok), prebumian or payer (bali) (hilman, 1992: 181). the results of vallenhoven's research on the heterogeneity of ulayat rights are a real and natural portrait of indonesia's pluralistic socio-cultural and legal conditions that continue to this day. legally and constitutionally, the position and status of ulayat land in laws and regulations have a very high position. article 18b of the 1945 constitution states: "the state recognizes and respects customary law community units and their traditional rights as long as they are alive and in accordance with the development of society and the principles of the unitary state of the republic of indonesia. in the regulation of the state minister of agrarian affairs/head of the national land agency no. 5 of 1999 concerning guidelines for the settlement of problems with ulayat rights of customary law communities, ulayat land is a parcel of land on which there are ulayat rights of a certain customary law community. customary law communities are groups of people who are bound by their customary law order as joint citizens of a legal alliance because of the similarity of residence or on the basis of descent. "regional government is the party authorized to determine and give recognition to ulayat rights in its area through regional regulations". ter haar (1996) defines customary law communities as organized community groups, living in a certain area, having their own power, and having their own wealth in the form of visible and invisible objects, where the members of each unit live a normal life according to their own principles. nature and none of its members have the mind to break the bonds or break free from the bonds forever. the ilo convention 169 of 1989 defines indigenous peoples as peoples living in independent countries whose social, cultural and economic conditions distinguish them from other peoples in the country, and whose status is regulated, either wholly or in part by the customs and traditions of these indigenous peoples or with special laws and regulations. the alliance of indigenous peoples of the archipelago (aman) defines indigenous peoples as a community that has ancestral origins from generation to generation living in a certain geographical area, and has a distinctive value, ideology, political economy, culture and social system (international labor organization, 1989, arizona, 2016). harsono (2003 pp. 185-186) defines ulayat rights as a series of authorities and obligations of a customary law community related to land located within its territory which is the main supporter of the livelihood and life of the community concerned throughout the ages. according to harsono, the scope of ulayat rights includes all lands within the area, both those that have been occupied by someone and those who have not. the boundaries of the area of ulayat rights in a community and customary law community cannot be determined with certainty. in harsono's view, the concept of ulayat rights implies the existence of social relations, activities and laws between legal communities as subjects of rights and the land in their territories. hasono (2003, ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 161-186 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in tenure and ulayat land use in lumban rau timur village, toba samosir | 164 pp. 185-186) identified the relationship between ulayat rights holders and customary law area units on two matters: (1) regulating and administering land use (for settlements, farming), inventory (creation of new settlements/rice fields) and land maintenance; (2) regulate and determine the legal relationship between people and land; and (3) determine the legal relationship between people and legal actions related to land (sales and purchases, inheritance). ter haar (2017, p. 15), identifies community associations with ulayat rights territorially and genetically. territorial alliances refer to community members who live in the same place and genealogical alliances because residents who hold ulayat rights have blood ties. stakeholders of territorial and genealogical ulayat rights have the authority to manage agrarian resources in their internal and external areas. in depth, ulayat rights holders have the authority and obligation to manage resources for the welfare and interests of the participating citizens, including resolving agrarian conflicts between their citizens. stakeholders of customary rights are also responsible for regulating and safeguarding the resources of the alliance area from interference and occupation by outsiders. customary rights, which live and grow in indonesian society, have various legal systems, traditions and customs that have been developed from time to time to meet the individual needs of the cultural community and its environment. from the results of the study by sirait et al., (2000, pp. 1-2) the management of agrarian resources carried out by stakeholders and customary rights communities shows their ability to manage cultivation forests, gardens, agricultural businesses and forests that are passed down from generation to generation in a sustainable manner. the management of agrarian resources in the area of customary rights takes various, dynamic and integrated forms that produce various benefits for the community and the environment, both economically, socio-culturally, religiously, and ecologically. on the other hand, various customary rights that live and grow in various communities and indigenous peoples experience marginalization (bedner and arizona, 2019; sirait et al., 2000; sutarja et al., 2019; murray, 2001). based on the results of research conducted (marbun, 2021; firmando, 2021). sembiring (2017) has experienced degradation and change into private ownership which contradicts the basic concept and function of ulayat rights in batak culture and traditions. starting from the description above, the researcher is interested in revealing the dynamics of customary rights on the batak ethnic group in samosir regency. the choice of this theme is intended to explore data and information related to the phenomenon of the diminishing role and function of ulayat rights that take place in the toba batak community and ethnicity. the focus of the research is to: (1) explore the historical background of the formation of alliances and customary rights of the batak ethnic group in lumban rau timur village, samosir regency, (2) analyze the process, mechanism and dynamics of the batak ethnic customary rights in the study area and (3) analyze the influence of the inflow and outflow of ethnic bataknese, and the effect of state and market penetration on the transformation of ulayat rights to other parties in the research location. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 161-186 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in tenure and ulayat land use in lumban rau timur village, toba samosir | 165 the study of customary rights conducted by bedner and arizona (2019) is general in nature by using a historical approach and reveals the development of the study of customary rights from colonial to the reform era. studies conducted by marbun (2021), elfriany (2020), elfriany (2020) and sembiring (2017) explore the role, function and existence of customary rights from a legal perspective, while firmando (2021a and 2021b) and sugiyarto (2017) reveals the relation of ulayat rights with harmony and social integration in the batak community. in contrast to the study conducted by the researcher, this paper is intended to explore the changes and dynamics of the customary rights of the toba batak people in samosir regency. based on this thought, the research problem was formulated as follows (1) the historical background for the establishment and uses of customary land in lumban rau timur village; (2) the process and mechanism for the transformation of customary rights to other parties; (3) the role of the state and the market in determining the direction and change of the customary lands of the toba batak people in samosir regency. koentjaraningkrat (1986) identifies the land ownership system in indonesia in four forms, namely a public or communal property system with shifting use (norowito), a property system with rotating use (norowitogilir), a communal system with fixed use (bend), and an individual system (foundation). tjondronegero stated that the communal land ownership system was the original form of land ownership in indonesia, and the king was the center that determined various matters related to the ownership, control and use of land (tjondronegoro, 1984, p. 254). the system of ownership and control of communal land in other terms is called ownership based on customary law communities or ulayat rights. in the customary law literature, it is known that there are two patterns of control and ownership of land. the rights of control and ownership of land are control by community groups called ulayat land and individual land. according to hooker (1978, p. 118) ulayat land is a form of joint ownership of land, the thing attached to ulayat rights is the authority/power to administer and regulate the land in and out of it. from the aspect of the parties who use it, customary land is categorized as a common pool of resources. in contrast to common pool resources such as shepherds' fields, there is a "rivalry in consumption" character, in customary lands there is supervision from fellow beneficiaries, customary holders and social sanctions. therefore, it does not cause overuse (saunders, 2014, pp. 636–656). vollenhoven (2011) and sudiyat (1981, p. 2) analyze the characteristics of ulayat rights as follows: (1) only legal alliances and their citizens are entitled and free to use land within their jurisdiction; (2) outsiders who wish to use the land must first obtain permission from the legal alliance; (3) citizens of legal alliance may take advantage of ulayat land for their personal and family interests; (4) the legal partnership is responsible for everything that happens within its territory; (5) ulayat rights may not be relinquished; (6) ulayat rights include rights that have been cultivated by individuals in the territory of the alliance. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 161-186 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in tenure and ulayat land use in lumban rau timur village, toba samosir | 166 the food and agriculture organization (fao) (2002, p. 3), defines land tenure as the relationship between humans (individuals or legal entities) relating to land based on state law or customary law. fao considers land tenure rights as a set of rules made by the community or by the state, to regulate the behavior of citizens regarding land tenure and use. the set of regulations not only regulates the authority of the subject of the right to use, control and transfer the land attached to his right, but also the limitations and obligations of the subject of the right when exercising his authority. the governance of land tenure and ownership in customary rights belongs to the common property category (dagan and heller, 2001, p. 549). stakeholders of customary rights authority or commoners as the subject of rights have the rights and obligations to regulate “objects of customary rights – common resources, membership and territorial boundaries, to comply with norms and values in order to achieve common goals. the concept of land tenure formulated by fao is in line with the principle of social function of land contained in the basic agrarian law no. 5 of 1960 (harsno, 2006, pp. 23-24). in the basic agrarian law, it is stated that the control and use of land is explained that there are things that are allowed, mandatory or prohibited for the subject of land rights. in every right of control and use of land rights, including those contained in customary rights, there is an interaction of rights and obligations between legal subjects, namely the owner of land rights and other people outside the owner. the interaction between the subjects of rights related to land by cohen (1978, pp. 154157) and reich (1978, p. 181) is defined as the legal relationship between people with regard to natural resources that are entitled to rights. according to sumardjono (in warman, 2010, p. 18) the determination of customary rights includes three things, namely: a) the existence of customary law communities that meet certain characteristics as the subject of customary rights; b) the existence of land/areas with certain boundaries as lebensraum which is the object of customary rights; c) the existence of the authority of the legal community to take certain actions as determined. ulayat rights or alliance rights are areas where a group of customary law communities reside, which in traditional societies are often magical-religious. in customary rights, legal communities have the right to manage agrarian resources including land according to prevailing norms, traditions and customs. each member of the community can get a share of rights to agrarian resources (land, water, plants, trees, cultivated forest and grazing areas) with certain limitations. the partnership regulates the boundaries of individual rights and rights for the benefit of the partnership. individual rights and partnership rights complement, complement and are closely related. each member of the partnership is given the right to work on customary land rights in his territory by being given a permit called the right to vote. if a piece of land in the partnership area has been worked on by a citizen continuously, then the relationship with the land is getting stronger, on the contrary, the relationship between the land and the partnership is getting more and more tenuous and over time the land will be recognized as the property of the person working on it. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 161-186 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in tenure and ulayat land use in lumban rau timur village, toba samosir | 167 the use and control of land owned by a person or entity, is not just a technical relationship, the method and form of a person or entity relating to land and agrarian resources in general. the right to use and control within the scope of customary rights has a broad meaning, namely that it is an institution that regulates the use of an item/land tenure, resource tenure, property rights which have social, economic, political and legal dimensions. it is no exaggeration to say that the right of tenure and ownership is a social institution because it is a patterned social behavior regarding how rights and obligations to natural resources are determined and implemented. thus, moeliono (2000) assessing the system of land tenure and ownership is the coexistence of a state and community-based regulatory system. land tenure and ownership rights are related to the equitable allocation and distribution of wealth to prevent the concentration of power that could lead to social conflict. from the aspect and nature inherent in ulayat rights, land tenure and ownership rights can be interpreted as political institutions, because they are related to and determine the distribution, concentration of power in society. in cohen's understanding (1978, pp. 154-157), tenure rights and ownership of land and agrarian resources are generally people-to-people relationships related to land, controlled/owned commodities and power relations between people. the right of control and ownership of a commodity such as land gives the owner the power to deal with other people who are not owners. referring to reich (1978, p. 181), the control and/or ownership of one's rights to objects such as land can have an impact on others/neighbors. the right of control and ownership can become power over others, agricultural land owners can exploit tenants or peasant laborers. in this context, land tenure and ownership rights act as legal and economic institutions. from the legal aspect, the form of right or regime of tenure and ownership rights over land influences and determines the achievement of the goals and interests that are expected to be shared (barnes, 2009, p. 10). economically, land tenure and ownership rights are related to the allocation and use of land for sustainable economic progress. proper management of land and agrarian resources can contribute to community and community productivity, beauty and environmental sustainability and social cohesiveness. a good land/agrarian resource tenure and ownership system can help owners and users of agrarian resources minimize losses, and at the same time maximize profits. the practice of adaptive tenure and ownership of customary rights is strongly indicated as a stimulus to increase the use of more productive resources, invest in maintaining or increasing property values. in modern society, the regime of land tenure and ownership is oriented towards business development, commodities and capital accumulation (besley and ghatak, 2010). in de soto's understanding, an accountable system of resource control can convince people to use property rights as capital to invest by making it a collateral (de soto, 2000). from an economic perspective, an accountable system of control and ownership of agrarian resources has ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 161-186 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in tenure and ulayat land use in lumban rau timur village, toba samosir | 168 an impact on environmental sustainability, or vice versa is an indicator of government failure, and triggers population growth (heltberg, 2002). the system of control and ownership of ulayat rights, in line with the times, has developed and changed. the relationship of the subject of ulayat rights and the inherent nature of ulayat rights with agrarian resources or objects of ulayat rights, especially land, the pattern of control and utilization of land, underwent significant changes, namely from the system of control and communal ownership moving towards individual control and ownership. ownership rights or ownership rights as private rights are usually conceptualized as a function of private property rights related to freedom, autonomy and preference satisfaction. the inherent nature of individual ownership requires the existence of the so-called trinity of rights essential to private, namely property control, exclusion, and alienation. the nature of such individual ownership is an "absolute" form of ownership in the practice of land ownership in indonesia, with limited application. in individual land ownership, there are public interests and social functions, namely the fulfillment of the basic needs of community members and supporting the realization of community welfare (barnes, 2009, pp. 119-120). yannacone in barnes, (2009, p. 159) states "social property" namely "property which has become vested with the public interest to such an extent that the property itself can be considered dedicated to public use". in the ownership rights or individual ownership rights there is a "duty of stewardship" which requires the holder of the control right to use and manage the resources they have in a way that does not violate any significant value contained in these natural resources. method study on changes in tenure and the use of ulayat land was carried out in lumban rau timur village. the selection of the village as the research location was based on the following considerations: (1) lumban rau timur village is one of the villages in nasau subdistrict, toba samosir regency, where there is a use and utilization of ulayat land rights (2) the control and use of ulayat land rights in this village is in the process of transition and changes due to internal and external pressures. the research method used is a qualitative descriptive approach and sociohistorical. the use of a qualitative approach is intended to understand and analyze the phenomenon of changes in tenure and use of customary rights through relevant informants and documents. the use of qualitative and socio-historical approaches is intended to produce a description of the phenomenon of changes in tenure and use of people's customary rights or the behavior of informants and documents related to the causes of changes in customary land rights, processes and forms of transfer of ownership and utilization by other parties. creswell (2014, pp. 234-235), creswell and poth (2018, pp. 111-126) identify the characteristics of qualitative research: (1) research is conducted in a natural setting as a direct data source; (2) researchers as key instruments; (3) describe a particular situation or data collected in words; (4) relating to processes rather than results or ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 161-186 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in tenure and ulayat land use in lumban rau timur village, toba samosir | 169 products; (5) the analysis tends to be inductive; (6) research focus on the views and experiences of participants, and how people make sense of life. in this study, matters related to the root causes of changes in customary land rights, the process and form of changes in customary rights and forms of use of customary land rights by other parties are identified, sorted, categorized as construction material or narrative. data collection techniques used are interviews, observation, and literature study. interviews were conducted in an unstructured manner to explore information and facts related to the causes of changes in customary land rights, the process and form of changes in customary rights and forms of use of customary land rights by other parties. informants interviewed are parties who understand and are involved in the process of transforming ulayat rights to other parties. the informants consisted of 4 residents of lumban rau timur village, 2 village officials and 3 traditional administrators in the east lumban rau area. observations are used to observe the conditions of socio-cultural life and forms of customary land use found in the research location. the document study is intended to find information and data relating to the history of customary rights and forms of control and use of customary land rights in the research location. the interviewees were selected purposively and snowball. such selection is related to the nature of the object of research in the form of social situations, places, actors, and activities spardley (2006) which is not known and experienced by everyone. thus, those who were selected as informants were those who were involved in the process of transforming ulayat rights, had real understanding and experience regarding the control and use of ulayat lands. data analysis used a qualitative data analysis approach proposed by creswell (2014, p. 255). data analysis is carried out interactively and continuously until certain themes are completed and compiled. data analysis was carried out through the following stages: data reduction, data classification according to variables and research focus, narrative construction, generalization and conclusion drawing. managing communal land the position, role and function of land and especially ulayat rights in the batak community and ethnicity have an important role economically, politically and socioculturally in accordance with the values, views and philosophies of hamoraon, et al. (2009). by owning a large area of land, a batak has the opportunity to develop offspring (hagabeon), through possession and land ownership of wealthness (hamoraon), by owning a large land a batak people has honor (hasangapon). for the toba batak people, land, especially inherited land, is considered a manifestation of the body of their ancestors which must always be cared for and maintained. because of that, parents in the toba batak family always socialize the importance of their homeland (bona pasogit). the customary land in lumban rau timur village comes from the clearing of forest into a village. this is indicated by the name of the village lumban rau, which comes from the word lumban commensurate with huta, meaning village; rau means tree or trees, place of trees or forest. before becoming a village, east lumban rau was a ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 161-186 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in tenure and ulayat land use in lumban rau timur village, toba samosir | 170 caterpillar area or alliance originating from the forest clearing process carried out by the hasibuan clan, so that the hasibuan clan was called sipukka huta. some of the remaining forest clearing is still found in the lumbun rau timur village area. the opening tradition in the toba batak ethnic community is spoken by mr. daulat naibaho as the raja huta/customary figure of east lumban rau. “the stories and collective memories our parents always tell are the mamungka huta and the do nampuna tano clan, the establishment of a village and land belonging to the clan. the expression mamungka huta or village opening as spoken by daulat naibaho, is not only found in the lumban rau timur ulayat land area, but is also found in other ulayat rights circles in indonesia. the opening of a village is one of the general characteristics and principles in the process of forming and establishing an alliance or village. it's just that the mamungka huta that takes place in the lumban rau timur ulayat land area is specifically intended for the clan, the clan do nampuna. in the ethnic batak tradition, the founder of the huta is called the king clan (tano clan). another clan that lives in the forest is called the boru clan, they do not have land rights. huta was founded by a clan of kings and in every batak huta there is a huta king, one of the founders of the huta. the clans of tano and clans of do nampuna tano indicate that the cleared land is not owned individually but collectively, in the context of the toba batak ethnicity it is called the tano clan. this is related to the form of ethnic batak kinship which is patrilineal. the ulayat land areas in lumban rau timur village originating from the mamungka huta are the napajulu, sibaning and batu sandar forests. the expression of the clan is nampuna tano, mamungka huta, provides an overview of the meaning and function of land for the toba people and ethnicity. for the toba batak ethnic, land is a treasure that not only has a material meaning but is also an important geneological and territorial element. for the batak ethnic, someone who is capable of huta, the opening and establishment of a village has meaning, he has created a village for himself and his son to become a separate community in his village. over time, starting with the family who opened the village, then certain clans were formed which had their own territorial areas and became the holders of power in and out of the village they founded. thus, land plays a role and functions as a uniting tool for residents who have blood and family ties, land becomes a binder and unifies families and clans. the expressions marga do nampuna tano and mamungka huta are in line with the views on the important principles and characteristics of ulayat rights put forward by vergouwen (2004, pp. 79-80). an important unique characteristic of ulayat rights in lumban rau timur village is the presence of golat land. this village's golat land is the ulayat land of the naibaho clan and its descendants which is managed jointly from the results of land grabbing caused by land conflicts between the alliance/founding clan, the hasibuan clan and the naibaho clan. the land conflict started with the land claiming ownership by the naiboho clan which then led to a conflict between the hasibuan clan and the naiboho clan, that ended with the victory of the naibaho clan. as a result of the defeat in the conflict, the naibho clan automatically controlled the union territory which was ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 161-186 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in tenure and ulayat land use in lumban rau timur village, toba samosir | 171 previously controlled by the hasibuan clan. the golat lands in lumban rau timur village that came from the confiscation are lobok dolok pagar gunung, lobu opuribu and lobu andahara pagar gunung (interview with daulat naibaho, 22-10-2020). the object of ulayat rights found in lumban rau timur village is related to the village tradition (huta) of the batak community. huta, as a residential unit in the batak community, is a genealogical and territorial unit. the huta people are bound by blood relations and are their descendants and ancestors, have the same clan, only a small part including the boru are of different clans. the ulayat area of the batak community in this village includes areas where ceremonies, graves, rice fields, pasture land for cattle grazing, cultivated forest areas, land for settlement expansion or settlement expansion, water (rivers), forest land (including plants or plants) wild plants and wild animals), tunggane huta (shared burial place) tapian (public bathing place). this customary land is managed collectively which is called ripe-ripe land). the transfer of this category of land to other parties is the shared responsibility of all villagers and is carried out carefully. in the territory of the batak community alliance, in addition to communal lands that are managed collectively, there are land areas that are managed and controlled individually. the land area controlled individually is the land used as the site of the house and yard, the land area where the family and its members carry out daily work activities around the house and part of the land around residential areas. land in this category is a source and a place of livelihood as well as meeting the food needs of residents. such as rice fields and fields and which produce food needs and ceremonial purposes throughout the life cycle and as a place for certain cultivated lands which are customary lands can only be managed and cultivated by villagers. land transformation process the process of transformation or transfer of ownership of customary land that took place in the lumban rau timur village area based on information from the village head, mr. anton naibaho, was carried out through various varied activities, namely in the form of gifts from parents to children or in-laws, buying and selling, exchanging, pawning, leasing, separation and division of joint assets and income in the company or inbreng. a brief description of the various processes of customary land transformation at the research site is described below. transformation using grants based on the narrative of one of the informants named anton naibaho, the process of transforming ulayat land in the batak community in this village is pauseang, (giving land to daughters), ulos nasorabad, (giving inheritance given by parents to daughters), panjaean (inheritance given by parents to sons and parbandaan (giving grave land), tuhorni boru or sinamot (dowry), pauseang is a form of giving parents to daughters either before or after the daughter gets married. the batak community is intended as a sign of love and memories from their parents to their daughters. giving pauseang to girls in the research location is in the form of rice fields, gardens, fields and yards. other forms ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 161-186 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in tenure and ulayat land use in lumban rau timur village, toba samosir | 172 of gifts given by parents to their daughters who are categorized as pauseang are in the form of gold, household furniture, jewelry and land (sinambela, 2014, p. 1). nasorabad is the giving of part of the inherited land owned by parents to daughters. the difference between pauseang and ulos nasorabad relates to the implementation of the administration. the provision of pauseang land is given when the woman's parents are still alive and is intended as a provision for her daughter's domestic life. meanwhile, ulos nasorabad is the gift of land given to daughters from inherited land. the granting of pauseang and ulos nasorabad lands is often a matter of debate, considering that according to patrilineal lineages, daughters do not have inheritance rights from their parents' wealth, including land. sons are entitled to the wealth and inheritance of their parents, including land, because sons are the successors of the clan. giving panjaean by parents to boys is a form of traditional affirmation of sons as successors of the clan. the term panjaean comes from the word manjae which means separating from parents or forming a new family. (interview with rahmat sitorus pane october 17, 2022). other forms of land giving at the research site are tano parbandaan, tuhorni boru, indahan nalas (a gift to a newborn grandson), tuhorni boru or sinamot (dowry), pandungoi. tano parbandaan has an important role in the pago, usually in the form of intact meat as a sign of gratitude for the batak tradition related to the batak cosmology of bona pasogit, (the village where people were born which provides information about where people come from, who they are, why they migrated and were then buried in their hometown). tuhorni boru or sinamot is the giving of a piece of land to a woman by a male party or family. this gift occurs when a man from a certain indigenous community will marry a woman from another community. pandungoi is the giving of a piece of land in exchange for services. pandungoi is carried out when an indigenous community has misfortune (died) and the deceased before being buried is shaken (usually in the batak tradition, the deceased who are usually shaken are people who already have grandchildren and great-grandchildren). the gift of this piece of land as a dowry, it must be with the knowledge and approval of local traditional leaders, namely land that is donated by parents or ulayat land holders for funerals/cemeteries (interview with rahmat sitorus pane october 17, 2022). usually, the giving of ulayat land is accompanied by a traditional event called an archivingan, a joint meal attended by all family members of the grantor consisting of elements of dalihan natolu. in this activity, the parties negotiate the boundaries of the land to be granted. the archiving activity ends with the distribution of pagos (usually in the form of whole pork and/or money as a sign of gratitude) to each element of daliha natolu. pago-ago in the form of meat is called jambar (a certain portion to be distributed to a number of people based on their position on the dalihan natolu at the event) rather than representing the indigenous people as land clans (interview with rahmat sitorus pane october 17, 2022). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 161-186 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in tenure and ulayat land use in lumban rau timur village, toba samosir | 173 transformation via buying and selling the second form of the process of transferring ownership of customary land at the research site is through buying and selling. based on the results of the interview with mr. continued naibaho, information was obtained on the forms of buying and selling land that are common in east lumban rao, namely: mangodis pate (free sale), dondon/sindor (annual sale or limited sale) and marlibe (land swap). manggadis pate is a sale and purchase of land, where the land owner surrenders his land in perpetuity to the buyer (another party) with the payment of an amount of money whose amount is determined on the basis of an agreement between the land owner and another party. (interview with lanjutan naibaho, 22-10-2020). dondon/sindor is a sale and purchase of land in which the land owner submits his land to be worked on in several harvest periods to the buyer with the payment of an amount of money, the amount of which is determined on the basis of an agreement between the land owner and the buyer. after several harvest periods (usually a year) according to the agreement, the land previously handed over to the buyer is returned to the seller (original land owner). marlibe (change of place of land), is the transfer of land ownership between residents by exchanging their land forever on the basis of an agreement between the two land owners. the practice of buying and selling customary land rights in the form of free or limited sale is carried out by agreement between the seller and the buyer who is known by the customary ruler. based on the informant's narrative, "the parties involved in the process of buying and selling land, mostly between residents who live and live in the lumban rau timur village environment. the process of controlling customary land through limited buying and selling and free buying and selling always requires the presence of witnesses from local residents and the approval of the penghulu or village head. based on information from the local village head, daulat naibaho, “the legality of the transfer of land through sale and purchase is determined by customary rules in the form of giving witness money called pago-pago and the approval of the local ulayat land ruler. the giving of pagos or witness money in the batak community, including those found at the research site, is more of an obligation and customary right than the fulfillment of administrative requirements in buying and selling. the obligation to pay pago-pago for witnesses is interpreted as compensation, because the land being traded contains customary rights. with the buying and selling process, either on a limited basis or independently, it results in the loss of the rights of communal members or parties who are witnesses. as a substitute for the loss of communal rights to land, the person or party who is a witness has the right to pago-pago. meanwhile, for the buyer, the payment of pago-pago is interpreted as compensation or payment of customary obligations due to additional communal rights according to the customary rules of land originating from the recipient of the pago-pago. the process of transferring customary land through sale and purchase is carried out in writing, usually signed by the seller and buyer, known by the head of the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 161-186 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in tenure and ulayat land use in lumban rau timur village, toba samosir | 174 partnership and also signed by the necessary witnesses. the practice of buying and selling customary land rights that took place at the research site took place both in writing and unwritten. the practice of buying and selling in writing carried out by residents can be categorized as fulfilling the buying and selling conditions regulated in civil law, namely cash, real and clear (sumardjono, 2001, p. 6). buying and selling land orally is most commonly done by residents. this is related to the ipso facto land tenure system. land tenure status and one's ties to land are determined by the intensity and investment in the plot of land controlled. the right to control and manage land is attached to a person if he/she continues to work on it. the stronger the intensity and the amount of investment in land, the stronger the control over the plot of land. on the other hand, the weaker the intensity and the smaller the investment in land, the weaker the strength of their customary land rights so that they can be transferred. on the parties. from extracting information from informants, the process of transferring customary land rights is not only carried out according to formal procedures, but is accompanied by mandegehon, namely the activities carried out by the seller and the buyer both setting foot on the land to show the boundaries of the land and to introduce the new owner to the land. adjacent land owners. furthermore, a meeting was held by inviting parties from the family, in which there was an element of dalihan natolu consisting of hula-hula, dongan tubu and boru. jambar (certain parts to be distributed to people based on their position (dalihan natolu) in the event) rather than representing the indigenous peoples as land clans. with a pawn, it means that ownership rights are not lost, because they can still be redeemed, if they cannot be redeemed, it can be increased to a loose pawn. transformation via pawn pawning in local terms is called dondon, which is the transfer of control of land (fields or rice fields by means of temporary rent or by agreement (one day the land) will be redeemed by the pawnbroker. in the practice of dondon, a land owner pawns his land to a second party (the beneficiary). pawn) in return for receiving a certain amount of money with the agreement of both parties. pledge recipient after paying the pledge has the right to use the land within a certain period of time until the pawners pay the specified amount at the time of the pledge agreement. if within a specified period of time, the pawnbroker does not pay the pawned money he has received, the pawned land or rice fields can become his right of control or the property of the pawner. according to anton naibaho, residents in his village avoid dondon as much as possible, and it is carried out between parties who have close relations with close relatives, carried out in secret and often unwritten. this is done considering that donating rice fields or fields to parties who are not close relatives, is considered to be able to injure self-esteem. this is related to the tradition, a person who gives money as a mortgage for a field or field is automatically entitled to the result which is considered as interest on the debt. an informant named hendrik simmangunsong said “the amount of the pawn money ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 161-186 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in tenure and ulayat land use in lumban rau timur village, toba samosir | 175 depends on the value of the land, the fertility of the land and the amount of money needed by the pawner. residents here pawn the land or fields when in a very urgent situation. if there is no urgent need, people usually prefer to rent out their land. leasing land is safer than pawning, considering that the balance is often detrimental to the pawner and benefits the moneylender”. (interview with hendrick simangunsong 23 october 2020). in the general elucidation of the government regulation in lieu of law number 56 of 1960 concerning maximum and minimum agricultural land, it is stated: redemption of pawned land depends on the willingness and ability of the pawner. many pawns last for years, decades, and some are even continued by the pawnbroker's heirs and pawnbrokers, because the pawnbroker is unable to redeem the land. “... in other areas, pawning is also known where the yield of the land is not only interest, but also installments. such a pawn is called "selling in installments". in contrast to the ordinary mortgage, in installment sales, after a long period of time the land returns to the pawner without paying a ransom.” regarding the process of the pawn transaction, anton naibaho explained, “along with the times, when parents pawn the land when the situation is urgent, nowadays it is considered as a way to solve problems. pawnshops in our village are not like pawnshop advertisements that solve problems without problems, but on the contrary, pawns are often a source of problems. when the dondon cannot be paid off, a pate agreement will be made, which results in the release of rice fields and fields.” (interview with anton naibaho october 23, 2020). factors affecting transformation of communal land factors that influence the process of transforming ulayat land in the research location can be distinguished into internal factors that live and exist in the community and external factors originating from the supra-village (local and central government regulations), money market penetration, widespread commoditification and growth of economic development and facilities public. internal factors: worldview: hamoraon, hasangapon and hagabeon the toba batak ethnicity has a world view in the form of hamoraon, (wealth), hasangapon, (honor) and hagabeon (many descendants). in accordance with this world view, every batak person as much as possible to embody it in their socio-cultural life. hamoraon is the basic and main capital for achieving other life goals, namely hasangapon and hagabeon. the actualization of the world view of hamoraon, hagabeon and hasangapon is carried out in various ways, one of which is ownership of property such as land. for the toba batak ethnic and community, land is identified as status and power, so for them land ownership is a means of actualizing their identity. a person who owns a large land is a sign that he has wealth, by owning the wealth in question is interpreted as having power. a person who has power automatically attaches a high social status, ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 161-186 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in tenure and ulayat land use in lumban rau timur village, toba samosir | 176 with the social status he bears, he becomes an honorable person (sangap) in society. likewise, only with the world view of hagabeon (many descendants), such as having a "ticket" to enter and be part of the dalihan na tolu system that ensures a harmonious life for the entire toba batak culture. an ethnic toba batak wherever located is governed by the dalihan na tolu system which is a guide in social activities, especially in the implementation of various traditional ceremonies. everyone involved in traditional ceremonies is separated in position and roles through the dalihan na tolu system. each toba batak will occupy a position in the na tolu pretext, namely as hulahula [the giver of the wife], dongan tubu [brethren of the family] and boru [the recipient of the wife] (simanjuntak 2009, p. 158). in line with the patrilineal lineage, everyone and the toba batak family tend to have hagabeon [many descendants]. hagabeon is the basic capital to realize hamoraon and hasangapon. with many descendants, especially having sons, an ethnic toba batak has a hamoraon, a high social status, because the continuity of his lineage and clan is maintained. for the toba batak, boys play a role in forming kinship groups and girls create an affinity relationship (butarbutar, 2019, p. 498). a batak family head who has complete offspring (sons and daughters), is recognized, enters and becomes part of the dalihan na tolu system. the position of a person depends on the activities made and the implementers of the activities. a person who has descent or clan will determine the position and kinship relationship between a person and the executor of the activity (gultom, 1992, p. 53). the presence of a person in a traditional event is intended to carry out obligations and receive all rights that have been determined by custom dalihan na tolu. these obligations and rights are manifested in the form of giving and receiving "customary objects" which are symbols and become means for both parties in traditional ceremonies. the consequences and actualization of the life goals of hamoraon and hagabeon encourage the transformation of land tenure and land conflicts that take place in sync with demographic growth and the development of the economic value of land. in line with the hamoraon life orientation, the toba batak ethnic view of land tends to be secular, the religious aspect of land values shifts from social-religious magic towards and becomes a commodity, so that control and ownership of land becomes a sign and symbol of wealth. in line with the hagabeon world view with patrilineal lineages, almost all toba batak people view that descendants, especially sons, are a buffer and guarantee for the continuity of the dalihan natolu system. the batak ethnic view of the meaning of children also tends to shift from quantitative to qualitative. proverb: marboro sapuluh pitu, maranak sapuluh anom [seventeen daughters and sixteen boys are being abandoned]. boys are not only the successors of the lineage/marga and play a role in traditional events, but also children are interpreted qualitatively. in relation to land, the quantitative and qualitative meaning of children has implications for the transformation of ulayat rights. it is related to the quantitative and qualitative meaning of children requiring land ownership as social capital and economic capital. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 161-186 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in tenure and ulayat land use in lumban rau timur village, toba samosir | 177 the orientation of life in hamoraon is indicated by a phenomenon: land is identified as status and power, so that land ownership becomes a means of actualizing one's identity. in relation to ulayat rights, it turns out that the world view of hamoraon encourages "acceleration of the transformation of ulayat land from being communal to being individual. likewise with the life orientation of the hagabeon, the presence of children, especially sons as the successors of the clan and acting as a buffer for the dalihan na telu system. in the actualization process, the community encourages land fragmentation through various grants and the transfer of land ownership to other parties. the orientation and way of life about the hagabeon in turn has implications for the wider need for land. when the land area is very large, the increase in the membership of the alliance and demographic pressures are overcome by new forest lands, but when the land has been completely divided and every corner of the mountains and forests has been claimed to be clan land or state land, the available land is divided and continues to be divided between children and grandchildren. in the context of the naibaho clan, for example, it has reached its 17th generation. demographic pressures on ulayat land have an effect on changing the views of batak youth about clans. only a few young batak people know the original location of their clan land (huta) and the clan is understood solely genealogically without any historical connection with the name of the village which is derived from mamungka huta (village opening) due to demographic pressures. in the context of the socio-historical conditions of the ulayat land of the rau timur village, it can be stated: if at first the opening of the village (mamungka huta) was followed by the emergence of a "new clan" as a response to the increasingly limited natural carrying capacity due to demographic pressures, now demographic pressures on ulayat land responded to by the transfer of ulayat land which results in the fragmentation of ulayat land. the transformation process of ulayat land transfer in lumban rau timur village is also related to the intensification of batak ethnic and cultural interactions with the outside world since the entry of zending, dutch colonial penetration and the enactment of national land law and economic development and policies that place the lake toba area as a leading tourist destination in north sumatra. the entry of zending and colonial penetration had a major influence on changes in the socio-cultural and economic structure of the ethnic and territorial bataknese. although at the beginning of the entry of zending was rejected by the ethnic batak elite as shown by the king of singamangaraja, but slowly the presence of zending increasingly gained a place in batak land. the presence of zending does not have a major effect on the agrarian structure, the transfer of control and utilization of ulayat land. the influence of zending is limited to the use and utilization of land for the construction of places of worship, health and education. this is different from the colonial penetration and european multinational companies that developed large plantation businesses on batak land. the enactment of the agrarian law in 1870 had a major impact on the transformation of control and use of land in batak lands, including customary lands. although for the nasau sub ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 161-186 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in tenure and ulayat land use in lumban rau timur village, toba samosir | 178 district, the influence of colonial penetration and dutch and european multinational companies in general was very limited, because their operational areas were concentrated in the surrounding deli serdang and langkat areas. one of the important events of the dutch colonial penetration in the batak lands was the takeover of the sihaporas customary land which had been occupied for generations by about eight generations in 1913 as a pine forest and the publication of the sihaporas enclave map, in 1916. only physical but followed by coercion of local residents to work in pine forests, some residents were expelled from the sihaporas customary community who were then assigned as dutch colonial spies, (simangunsong, 2020). country and market penetration the penetration of outsiders that had a major influence on the transformation of customary land tenure in batak lands was the issuance of various regulations related to forest governance, plantations, regional and village administrations as well as the inclusion of various development programs in the new order era and the reform era. juridically and constitutionally, ulayat rights get quite respectable because it is stated in the 1945 constitution in article 18 b of the 1945 constitution: "the state recognizes and respects customary law community units and their traditional rights as long as they are still alive and in accordance with developments. society and the principles of the unitary state of the republic of indonesia”. other laws and regulations related to customary rights include: agrarian law no. 5 of 1960, the mineral and coal mining law no. 4 of 2009 and no. 3 of 2020, law no. 2 of 2012 concerning land acquisition for development, for public interest, plantation law no. 18 of 2004, forestry law no. 41 of 1999. in the five laws, customary rights are stated in terms and statements as: (1) "agrarian law applicable to earth, water and space is customary law", (2) customary law as original indonesian law, (3) legal dualism land based on customary law and national law, since the enactment of uu pa no. 5 of 1960 became the national agrarian law. (4) "... the indigenous peoples, as long as they still exist, must be in such a way that they are in accordance with the national and state interests, which are based on national unity and may not conflict with laws and regulations". (5) “... in the event that the required land (for plantations) is land with customary rights of customary law communities which in reality still exists, the applicant for rights (plantation investors) is obliged to hold consultations with the customary law community holding customary rights and citizens holding rights to the land in question, to obtain an agreement regarding the surrender of the land, and the compensation. the terms and statements contained in the five sectoral laws describe the ambiguity and ambiguity of the government's legal politics regarding ulayat rights. the existence of ulayat rights is locked with the statement “... as long as it is in fact still there, it must be in such a way ...”. if this statement is related to the philosophy and principles of national law, it is positive, so there is no room for the existence of ulayat rights to survive and survive. considering that the philosophy and principles of ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 161-186 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in tenure and ulayat land use in lumban rau timur village, toba samosir | 179 positive indonesian law are ipso de jure, while the philosophy, principles and existence of ulayat rights are based on ipso de facto. the application of ipso de jure legal philosophy and principles in positive law has implications for the integration of customary rights in national agrarian law and the position of customary law communities into a sub-ordinance of the positive legal system which results in the decay of customary rights (davidson, et al., 2010, p. 144; safitri, et al., 2010, p. 186). on the other hand, various regulations on natural and agrarian resources have become the entry point for the penetration of state and market power in rural areas and communities and communities. laws on forestry, plantations and village governance in fact strengthen the grip of state and market forces to exploit natural resources in customary rights areas. various regulations related to natural resource and agrarian governance have resulted in the decay of local institutions related to agrarian governance, including customary rights institutions. the process of legal subordination of customary rights that took place during the new order era and continued in the reform era, was strengthened by the inclusion of various development policies and programs that entered rural areas in samosir regency. in relation to the existence of ulayat rights, the inclusion of economic and infrastructure development programs, the placement of the lake toba area as a national leading tourism followed by the penetration of market forces, resulting in changes in the physical, geographical, social, economic, cultural and political landscape of batak land and the transfer of ownership of ulayat lands. in east rau village and the lake toba area in general. based on the narrative conveyed by one of the community leaders, mr. anton naibaho, the impact of the penetration of economic power that took place in rau timur village was the increasing number of traditional markets, weekly markets, promotions and offers of electronic goods on credit, ease of access to financial and banking institutions, and host -host interest money. according to him, the ease of getting fresh money from formal and non-formal financial institutions in his village was followed by an increase in the sale of land pawns and the transfer of ownership of land, including the transfer of ownership of customary land. next, anton naibaho, explained that the process of transferring ownership of ulayat land took place between residents in his village and other parties from outside the village. in general, the recipients of land pawns and/or land buyers are rich and influential people in the village, government employees and companies or those who work in the city. mr. naibaho also explained that the money obtained from the proceeds of pawning and selling was used for various purposes such as wedding parties, children's educational needs, business capital and sudden needs such as death or accidents. external factors that have an important impact on the transformation of customary land tenure are the expansion and regional autonomy, namely samosir island becoming an independent district. autonomy and regional expansion make it easier and shorten the chain of control of the bureaucracy and accelerate political decision making and the implementation of economic development. socially, ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 161-186 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in tenure and ulayat land use in lumban rau timur village, toba samosir | 180 autonomy and regional expansion encourage the inclusion of state administration into the spatial and social space of society. in empirical reality, regional autonomy has an impact on the transformation of authority over ulayat land, which was previously the full right of customary holders, to the local government. matters related to the boundaries of customary territory, scope, existence and position, rights and obligations of customary law as well as institutions and use and utilization of ulayat rights in samosir regency are regulated in regional regulation no. 1 of 2003. in this regional regulation there are also rules for the use and utilization of customary rights through the relinquishment of rights for tourism, agriculture and other purposes requiring cultivation rights and or use rights. the influence of state and market power in the transformation of the transfer of ownership and use of customary land in the lake toba area has been going on since the new order government and continued during the reform era. the process of the transfer of land ownership and the transformation of land use in the lake toba area began with the development of pt indorayon on april 26, 1983, a year later, obtained a forest concession right (hph) covering an area of 150,000 hectares, which includes the merkusi pine forest in north sumatra. at the beginning of the reform pt indorayon was closed because it was considered damaging to the environment, pt indorayon later changed its name to pt toba pulp lestari, but the nature and form of the company's operations in relation to the community and the lake toba area have not changed significantly. by north sumatra environmental activists and activities, the presence and continued operation of pt toba pulp lestari in the lake toba area, not only destroys the environment but is also considered to have committed crimes against humanity, divided politics and damaged the order of dalihan natolu (simamora, et al., 2021). so that there are suggestions from environmental activities so that the government revokes the government to immediately revoke the tpl permit. a similar proposal was submitted by the indonesian parliamentary chairman (mpr) bambang soesatyo who asked the central government, particularly the ministry of environment and forestry, to revoke pt toba pulp lestari's land use concession permit. given the presence of tpl for approximately 30 years of operation in tapanuli, north sumatra leaves deep sorrow for the batak community. in the new order, the state penetrated customary rights and customary communities with the issuance of the industrial plantation forest concession rights scheme (hphti) with the minister of forestry decree no.320/kpts-ii/1986. siringgo (2011) stated that the existence of pt toba pulp lestari's hti has an impact on job creation, infrastructure development in the form of road openings and increasing government revenue. but this has to be paid dearly with the loss of about 50 thousand hectares of customary forest land in the lake toba area undergoing a function change into industrial forest plantations. as a result, the community has not only lost their customary land, but also lost the endemic frankincense plant which has been a source of livelihood for the community for decades. in the reformation era, the state's penetration of ulayat rights and indigenous peoples is by placing lake toba as a super priority tourist destination in 2015, the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 161-186 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in tenure and ulayat land use in lumban rau timur village, toba samosir | 181 determination of the master plan for priority tourism destinations (ridpp) for lake toba, an agrarian reform program in the form of land certification and the designation of the lake toba area by unesco as a one of the world's geoparks (2 july 2020). the determination of the lake toba area as a national flagship destination in 2015, was greeted with joy by the community and 6 local governments in the lake toba area. the central government's policy was responded to two years later by issuing samosir regent decree number 474 of 2017 concerning determination of criteria and classification of tourism objects in samosir. the decree of the regent is intended to facilitate the proper management of tourism objects. after the samosir regent's decree was issued, the reality on the ground showed that many elements were involved, the ability of government and community resources at tourism objects was not ready, the management of tourist objects was not yet professional and the conditions of facilities and infrastructure were inadequate (saputra & ali 2020), so that the program has not been fully present and felt by the community. according to the narrative of the village head of rau timur before and after the lake toba program as a national flagship destination, it was stated that there was no significant difference. according to anton naibaho, this is due to tourists coming to certain areas and staying at hotels whose owners are from the city and some of the hotel employees are not sons of samosir. in wardani and nasution's notes (2016), the key success factors for the lake toba tourism development strategy are accessibility, amenities, attractions and the establishment of a management agency through the tourism authority agency. it is not yet fully available in samosir island. state penetration that has a major influence on the existence of ulayat rights and indigenous peoples in the lake toba area is agrarian reform in the form of land certification and unesco's designation of the lake toba area as one of the world's geoparks (2 july 2020). agrarian reform is one of the flagship programs of joko widodo's first term of government. at the local and village levels of rau timur, the agrarian reform program is conducted by several residents who have taken care of land registrations derived from grants and the proceeds of buying and selling. this phenomenon indicates that in the rau timur village area, it is not only the transfer of customary land ownership to other parties (outside the village) but land commodification and changes in land tenure from communal to individual ownersip. this change in the form of ownership has implications for the change in the meaning and function of the land from being cultural, magical religion shifting to profane and commodity land and is commercial in nature. it is in line with the understanding and interests of the state and the market, that communal land tenure can be an obstacle to economic development and the entry of investment into the lake toba area. in this regard, land certification has become smooth of investment and the gateway to commoditization and commercialization of land since the president joko widodo in office. the existence of customary rights in the lake toba area is not threatened by state and market forces at the national level but also from global forces. the determination of the lake toba area by unesco to become one of the world's geoparks on july 2, ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 161-186 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in tenure and ulayat land use in lumban rau timur village, toba samosir | 182 2020) was greeted with joy by the local government and local elites who have been struggling and waiting for unesco's decision. in the analysis of borras jr and hall (2009), unesco calls the designation of the lake toba geopark as a global land grabbing phenomenon. the determination of the lake toba geopark by unesco has implications for the loss of access and authority of the local population to customary lands and resources that are the source of life and support for a civilization that has lasted for decades. the determination of the lake tabo geopark also triggered agrarian conflicts and social movements (manalu, 2009) because after the toba caldera was designated as a geopark, it was followed by infrastructure development such as the mega project the caldera–toba nomadic escape. local residents' protests over the mega project were resolved by operating a bulldozer to drive away the demonstrators, so that dozens of indigenous women cried and struggled. as if in desperation, the mothers who took part in the demonstration were treated inhumanely, they were forced to take their clothes off—to the point that they were almost naked. the loss of access and land assets due to infrastructure development and the expansion of capitalist businesses that befell the people in the lake toba area also took place in west sumatra (narihisa, 2002). central sulawesi (aragon, 2002), central kalimantan (palupi, et al., 2015; warren, 2002; zakaria, 2002). conclusions based on the history of its establishment, ulayat land in this village is divided into mamungka huta (village opening) and golat (land confiscated due to land conflicts). the customary lands originating from the golat land in the village of lumban rau timur are lobok dolok pagar gunung, lobu opuribu and lobu andahara pagar gunung. in line with the patrilineal batak ethnic kinship system, the opening of the village to the king's clan (marga tano), the establishment of the village was aimed at clan land. the clan founder of the village in lumban rau timur village is the hasibuan clan. the village areas originating from the mamungka forest are the napajulu, the sibaning and the batu sandar forest. the customary land area in the research location is a residential unit inhabited by residents who have genealogical and territorial ties. the residents of lumban rau timur village are almost completely bound by blood relations and are descended from their ancestors (the same clan), only a small part including the boru whose clan is different. the village ulayat area includes the area where the ceremony is held, graves, rice fields, pasture land for cattle grazing, cultivated forest area, land for settlement expansion or settlement expansion, water (river waters), forest land (including plants or plants that grow wild animals and wild animals), tunggane huta [common burial place], and tapian [public bathing place]. the transformation process or ownership transfer of ulayat land took place in the lumban rau timur village area was carried out through various varied activities, (1) through various land grants such as pauseang [giving land to girls], ulos nasorabad, [giving inheritance given to people, parents, to daughters], panjaean [gifts of ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 161-186 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in tenure and ulayat land use in lumban rau timur village, toba samosir | 183 inheritance given by parents to sons], tano parbandaan, tuhorni boru, indahan nalas [gifts to grandchildren], tuhorni boru or sinamot [dowry]; (2) various buying and selling and exchanging land such as other mangodis pate [free sale], dondon/sindor [annual sale or limited sale] and marlibe [land swap]; (3) pawning, leasing and pate agreements; (4) separation and distribution of joint assets and income in the company or inbreng. traditionally, customary land rights cannot be transferred to other parties, as time goes by, in fact there is a transformation of land ownership to other parties, both between local residents and residents from outside the alliance which is used for agriculture, settlements, educational facilities, places of worship. the internal factors that drive the transformation of ulayat land are demographic pressures. the batak ethnic view of hamoraon, hagabeon and hasangapon, migration in and out and the interaction of the bono pasogit with the homeland of life and the overseas world. external factors that have a major influence on the transformation of customary lands are the penetration of the state and the market through various regulations on forests, local government and various development programs that enter the union area. about a century ago, ter haar indicated that the inherent nature of customary land was "condensing or deflating and expanding" reciprocally and continuously. this condition is what happened to the customary land of the toba batak ethnicity in the eastern lumban rau village, the process from expanding to deflating. references anna, susan s., carl folke and karl-goran maler. 1996. property rights 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membangkitkan hak ulayat: pemetaan partisipatif kedaulatan masyarakat adat dan peranan mediatornya pada era reformasi. in anu lounela dan r. yando zakaria (ed.), berebut tanah beberapa kajian berperspektif kampus dan kampung. yogyakarta: insist. wignjodipoero, s. 1984. pengantar asas-asas hukum adat. jakarta: pt gunung agung. zakaria, r. y. 2002. catatan atas konflik tanah di negri bersuku-suku. in anu lounela dan r. yando zakaria (ed.), berebut tanah beberapa kajian berperspektif kampus dan kampung. yogyakarta: insist. banditry in semarang, 1950-1958 joseph army sadhyoko,* agustinus supriyono, dhanang respati puguh master program of history, faculty of humanities, diponegoro university *corresponding author: josepharmy16@gmail.com abstract this article discusses about banditry that occurred in semarang during the period of 1950-1958 with the problem focus on the causes of the banditry, types of banditry, and mitigation. through the historical method, this article reconstructs those problems by using the approach of social reality of crime concept. in result, the banditry happened in the aftermath of the independence war, occurred due to economic difficulties, the reorganization and rationalization program, and the circulation of guns that was uncontrolled. keywords: semarang; banditry; social reality of crime. introduction nationally, banditry cases have not been widely discussed. there are only at least two cities in indonesia during the war of independence and post-war independence discussing these cases. these cities were yogyakarta and jakarta. as for semarang, there was only a few people knowing how far the banditry had occurred in the city (fauzi, 2005; budi, 1998; purwanto, 2005). in general, independence war taking place within the period 1945-1949 led to the destruction of many infrastructure facilities and bad economic conditions. therefore, it was important for the government to carry out immediate improvements in the sector of physical and economic development. meanwhile, in the sector of employment, both civilian and military require restructuration and rationalization (rera) at the post-war of independence. rera's policy was applied by government of the republic of indonesia on january 1948. minister mohammad hatta, who became head of government at that time, was eager to create conditions "one soldier one commando” (djamhari, 2012:49-50). an excessive number of fighters and the presence of military formation outside the regular army was a concern of the central government. therefore, their existence had to be regulated through this rera policy. the rera policy needed to regulate not only the fighters but also central and local governments in order to reorganize scattered civil servants during the war. many employees were evacuated to safe places. all of them had to be rearranged in order to fill the posts of government and the defense of the state ideally and proportionately. in addition, this policy was received: 12 april 2017 accepted: 17 may 2017 mailto:josepharmy16@gmail.com expected to save the lucrative state budget and to immediately restore the state condition that was unstable due to war (ricklefs, 1992:355-360). along with the struggle for full sovereignty, the indonesian government in practice did not follow rera's policies consistently. nationally, rera was enacted on june 1950 by mobilizing some 70,000 former soldiers to be returned to society. 25,000 of them were from java. central government promised that the former soldiers would get jobs immediately according to their interests, particularly in agriculture and carpentry (suara merdeka, 5 june 1950:2). in national scale, rera's policy was much too late when compared to central java province. rera's policy had been enacted since april 1950 by returning the exstudent army of 2,500 people to the community. 90 percent of that amount were requested by the government to go back to school, while the rest were required to find job independently and some also personally chose to pursue military education. meanwhile, in semarang, the rera's policy was enacted a month later. on may 1950 the city of semarang received about 3,000 former student soldiers from approximately 10,000 former soldiers to be returned to central java province. the municipal government even planned to accommodat former student soldiers who were graduated from junior and senior high school in a student dormitory. this dormitory was planned to be built in the area of jalan halmahera and jatingaleh. for the remaining approximately 7,000 former soldiers in central java, the provincial government was still seeking funds to finance the training for students' skills (suara merdeka, 26 may 1950:4). rera imposed by the central and regional governments clearly had impact to the increase in the number of unemployed in indonesia at the post-war of independence, especially for the fighters of the war of independence. they were the main target of the policy. as a result, there were many fighters felt anxious. those who had struggled to sacrifice body and soul for the country during the war of independence were not accommodated in the military units formed by the government of the republic of indonesia. there were some former fighters who felt that they had been left by the government. those who had been struggling for obtaining compensation, such as obtaining decent jobs, life-long security, and of course the future of their families after the state was truly sovereign (djamhari, 4950). unemployed fighters and civilians were clearly the burden of the state and were forced to be mobilized immediately, through skill, transmigration, education, and exclusively for ex fighters were incorporated into the national reserve corps (ctn) (poesponegoro & susanto, 2010:302). the issues of injustice, dissatisfaction, and the desire of some dutch businessmen felt fear that their assets would be taken by the republic to the emergence of various resistance against the government of the republic of indonesia. one of them was the ratu adil armed force (apra) which had a major impact in the early 1950s. the presumption of apra sympathizers infiltration was widely known by the army in central java. people who knew how cruel apra action in bandung became worry that the rebellion would occur in their area, even some also suspected that apra sympathizers began to commit criminal acts. the worried condition was seen in the surrender of central java province from the military emergency government to the civil government (suara merdeka, 11 february 1950:4). overste suprapto tried to reduce these fears and concerns by explaining that central java province would remain safe, although it was suspected that there were apra sympathizers hiding in the province. the influence of widespread sympathizers according to suprapto could be prevented by providing adequate employment, so the number of unemployed was reduced. suprapto suspected that the unemployment during the post-war independence would be very potential to be recruited in the new apra movement (suara merdeka, 11 february 1950:4).1 the concerns arising from the community were not just about apra. they were also suspicious on the former fighters in the war of independence. some cases that occurred in the war of independence in some areas of central java, such as boyolali and surakarta, as well as pemalang, brebes, and tegal showed that the fighters acted as bandit (ibarahim, 2004; lucas, 1989). in addition, there were bandits exploiting the unstable regional situation during post-war of independence. based on this background, this article raises the study of social history on banditry in a unique urban area and semarang was selected as the object of the study. first, this city was selected because there were various presumptions that during the post-revolutionary era of independence, semarang was a center of government and it had a rapid economy, so the city was targeted by the bandits who come in line with the increasing urbanization flow. second, semarang is the capital of central java province during post-war of independence which had a heroic national historical narrative with the five days battle. however, of the fighters who participated in the battle, there were some fighters who had no place in the military service. therefore, they joined with the bandits. third, in general, the city that tried to improve their life during post-war city of independence would have difficulty in disciplining and securing city due to shortage of security personnel. semarang experienced the condition, so that banditry was tried to be overcame effectively. the social reality of crime growing in the city should have been able to bind city governments, law enforcers, and townspeople to jointly overcome banditry, in addition to the ability to know, understand, and cut the root of the banditry emergence that actually took place in the city of semarang in the decade of 1950's. semarang had heritage of military and police troops from dutch and japanese experiencing in the battlefield. based on these descriptions, the main problem discussed in this article is why there was a banditry in semarang during psot-war of independence, 1950-1958? meanwhile, in order to be able to answer the main problems above, there are several questions. 1the rank of a middle officer in the army having the equal level of lieutenant colonel. 1. what were the causes of the emergence of banditry in semarang? 2. who were the bandits, what kind of banditry took place in semarang, why did they choose to act in semarang, who were their targets, and where was the area in semarang most often attacked by bandits? 3. what was the most effective handling and outcomes achieved by local government, law enforcers, and townspeople in order to overcome the danger caused by banditry in semarang? method the method used in this research is historical method. this method have four stages (notosusanto, 1964:5). the first is the heuristic or process in finding and collecting sources and data relevant to the research problems. data sources are obtained from libraries, archives, and newspaper offices (abdullah, 2013:9). in this stage, there is also a critic to determine the source authenticity and the credibility level of the sources that being worked on. the next stage is interpretation on the data and facts obtained. in this stage, the synthesis of data and facts is performed to go to the last stage, that is historiography. this method result in systematic, scientific, and easy-tounderstand of historical writing (kuntowijoyo, 2005:100-101). results and discussion banditry roots almost all major cities in indonesia still had various social problems after the recognition of independence. poverty, low levels of education, destruction of public infrastructure (office building) and economic (plantation and industrial), increasing in urbanization, and rampant unemployment (civil servants and soldiers) were burdens that had to be resolved soon (ricklefs, 1992:355-359). semarang became one of the big cities in indonesia that experienced such condition. the city had to rebuild its chaotic infrastructure and bureaucracy due to war and omnipotence by the colonial authorities. development process could not be separated from the local government policies that saw the development of the population from various aspects of life. in addition to the issuance of weapons control and the use of military attributes, the problem of urbanization during post-war of independence became problematic for the government of semarang. on august 1950, demak had experienced severe drought due to a long dry season. the wells and rivers were dry, so many livestock, rice fields, and fields of people who died before they could be harvested. in addition to the long dry season, the damage at the water gate of karanganyar, for more precisely in kali wulan, due to the war of independence since late 1945 also exacerbated this condition. the area that suffered the most as a result of the drought was kawedanan wedung whose citizens were 33,000 people. many residents were working on drilling wells and stemming the tempuran angin-angin, kenceng, gojoyo rivers but the results were also not optimal. meanwhile, some were trying to find drinking water in the village of mijen, precisely in the old kawedanan wedung. however, it was difficult for people to reach the village due to long travel time and expensive cost. finally, many of those were desperate and migrated or left their house to go to semarang (suara merdeka, 15 august 1950:2). on september 1952, the urbanization flows happened again from the east and west border of semarang. harvest failures due to flood and the long rainy season were the main cause (suara merdeka, 16 september 1952:4). on january 1954, mount merapi disaster caused many residents around the slopes to evacuate. about 4,000 residents would be evacuated to safe places (suara merdeka, 21 january 1954:1). in addition to addressing the issue of evacuation, donations for victims of erupted mount merapi were also established by several governmental and private agencies. this condition also indicated the emergence of mmc gangs who was suspected began their action in semarang (suara merdeka, 28 january 1954:2). therefore, the growth of banditry roots was affected by social. economic, political condition during the post-war independence. the running revolution economy was not able to meet the needs of the people of semarang. in addition, the administration of government bureaucracy and security of the territory requiring a long time and less personnel, causing the emergence of bandits and facilitate the bandit to perform their action in semarang. the bandits action in semarang, criminal acts have various terms. some crimes could be categorized as banditry acts because they had some bandit terminology, such as a robber, a person who steals and kills cruelly and unashamedly, and the enemy of all law enforcers. (gove, 1976:170 in suhartono, 1995:93) bandits acting in semarang had various names, such as garong, begal, burglar, and robber. the different name refers to the objective of bandit operation. below are some of the dominant banditry cases in semarang, among others: street robbery pembegalan (street robbery) comes from a basic word "begal" meaning a bandit who plunder on the road (tim penyusun pusat pembinaan dan pengembangan bahasa, 1999:105). the street robbers run their action without knowing the time and are always accompanied by threats to the victims. some of the acts of street robbery were reported by suara merdeka daily. the first street robbery happened on the head of the foreman of the borsumij company in kampung duwet during the afternoon between 13:00 and 14:00, may 5, 1950. when the victim had just left the abdulkadir shop and walked towards the rest area of tan oei, suddenly he was approached by two people who forced him to hand over his money. the victim was powerless to refuse and hand over the money of approximately of 600 (suara merdeka, 6 may 1950). one of examples of the above street robbery event was obtained from suara merdeka newspaper and from this newspaper, it was also known that the year with the greatest street robbery cases was in 1950 with 21 cases. this great number was related to the excesses of the revolution that created a city situation that was not yet completely secure and stable. while in the following years, the street robbery intensity declined considerably compared to what happened in 1950, not even ten cases in a year. the second analysis was related to the use of firearms by the begal. in 1950, there were 18 cases then continued to decline in subsequent years, not even up to five cases in a year. this condition occurred because of the implementation of emergency law of the republic of indonesia number 12 of 1951 on firearms that were applied strictly. for the perpetrator who was caught to have firearm shall have been threatened to have death penalty as the maximum penalty. third, street robbers targeted quiet road located in villages in the city of semarang. this proved that the villages in semarang were not safe because almost every year, street robbery case always happened, even in public roads, this crime also happened. in addition, the border area of the city was also quite prone to this street robbery. these conditions also illustrated that the polices in semarang did not yet work well. fourth, there were various goods grabbed by the begal, ranging from merchandise, cars, luggage, jewelry, motor cycles, and so on. this showed that the street robbers were not picky in action. all the goods carried by the victim were grabbed. such actions could not be separated from the city condition in 1950's when there was food scarcity. fifth, some of begal worn military attributes. this could be associated with rera's policies that had been enacted at the central and regional levels, so that some frustrated former fighters were exposed to this policy and unemployed choose to be begal. meanwhile, there were more street robbers appearing along with the unstable condition of the city. however, following the enactment of the emergency law of the republic of indonesia number 12 of 1951 on firearms, the number of street robbery decreased. this condition was also inseparable from some security operations performed by police and soldiers in line with the implementation of the law in semarang. sixth, not all street robbery target was woman. in carrying out their action, begal did not select their victims, they could be women or men. this also occured at the time of the street robbery for the seventh analysis. the street robbery also did not consider the time. it could happen any time. seventh, most of street robbery cases occurred in semarang were not handled well by police. some cases even ended without any complete clarification. meanwhile, from the data obtained, it showed that some street robbers could escape when they were already trapped by police or even after performing the action, even they used vehicles such as cars and bicycles. therefore, it could be said that at that time, the police performance was considered weak in ensuring the citizen security. eighth, the street robbers almost never worked individually. they always worked in groups. minimum, there had be two persons performing the action. burglary locally, burglar in semarang are often called as "maling". they were the ones who took others' property in secret (tim penyusun kamus pusat pembinaan dan pengembangan bahasa, 1999:622). those considered as maling were often simplified as burglar. however, the notion in the legal dictionary defines burglar as the ones who are against the law by taking others' property at night (sudarsono, 1992:262). the first burglary case was published in suara merdeka daily, it took place at gudang kancil mas warehouse in oosterwalstraat (around the old town area) on may 23, 1950 at five in the morning. the warehouse was visited by four burglars who entered the barn by breaking the tiles. the four burglars succeeded to take most of the textile materials which were estimated to be worth approximately f 20,000. a witness who knew the incident stated that he saw the burglar hide his loot not far from gudang kancil mas, which was near to the railway carriage. after the investigation, the police managed to catch two of the four burglar and secured 15 blocks of stolen textile (suara merdeka, 24 may 1950:2).2 first, the burglary case above was one example of a case processed from the suara merdeka daily newspaper. based on the comprehensive data analysis from suara merdeka daily, the year with the highest level of burglary cases occurred in 1950 with nine cases. this great number could be associated with the excesses of the revolution that created a city situation that was not yet completely secure and stable. in addition, economic conditions that have not yet recovered led to the rise of burglary cases. while in the following years the intensity of burglary cases declined considerably compared to what happened in 1950, not even ten cases in a year. second, most of the thieves preferred sharp weapons to firearms, although there were several burglary cases carrying firearms. this was because the thief did not directly come into contact with the victim as in the begal. burglary cases were usually known the next day or after the victim made report to the police. however, the issue of firearms ownership was also special concern, because thieves who were considered not to require firearms turn out to have firearms easily in those days. illegal firearms ownership was still occurred in 1950 before the emergency law of the republic of indonesia number 12 of 1951 enacted. third, house was the most potential target for burglary because it was easier to break and enter into the house than warehouse or store that was definitely secured by a security officer. the houses were also dominantly located in the village. this also showed that the police have not maximized in securing the city, even into the villages. fourth, burglars almost never worked individually. they always attempted to do burglary in group, minimum two people. 2 one block can be defined as a roll of cloth of which the weight is around 25 kilograms with various length depending on the cloth thickness fifth, the items taken by burglar varied greatly, ranging from merchandise, cars, luggage, jewelry, motor cycles, and so on. this showed that burglars were not picky in action. all the goods carried by the victim were grabbed. such actions could not be separated from the city condition in 1950's when there was food scarcity. sixth, none of perpetrators worn military attributes. this showed that most of burglar were purely civilians. the difficult economic conditions in those days caused a some of people attempt to do burglary. seventh, all of burglar target was not women. in doing burglary, they did not point out to women, yet they prefer to take immobile goods to the owner or ones at home. eighth, burglary tended to occur at night because many victims were less likely to be careless and security at night was not so maximized. burglar could freely break down the contents of the house, warehouse, or store. ninth, most of burglary cases could be handled by police but with long term period. they still could escape when they were trapped by citizens or police during the action. this shows that the use of firearms was more dangerous than the use of sharp weapons. burglar having sharp weapon was easy to traced and caught by the police. robbery robbery's root word is robber which is defined as a person who commits to take others' property by coercion and violence (tim penyusun kamus pusat pembinaan dan pengembangan bahasa, 1999:815). suhartono equates robber with "gedor" in the banditry tradition in the countryside. the word "gedor" is identical with violence that is equalized by the act of knocking on the door loudly. semarang, which borders with rural areas in east, south and west, is still familiar with the criminal terms. the first recorded robbery occurred at night on april 28, 1950. the robbers used army uniform and attacked a chinese living in jalan pedamaran number 39 a. the robber was three and two of them carried a revolver. they forced the host to hand over his valuable goods. finally, the robbers managed to seize cash worth approximately f 400, a hand watch, and a key to the vault (suara merdeka, 29 april 1950:2). first, the above example was one of the robbery cases that occurred in 1950. based on data processed from suara merdeka daily newspaper, the year with the greatest number of robbery cases was in 1950 with 38 cases. this great number of cases could be associated with the excesses of the revolution creating a city situation that was not yet completely secure and stable. in addition, economic conditions that had not been recovered led to the rise of robbery cases. while in the following years the intensity of robbery cases declined considerably compared to what happened in 1950, not even ten cases in a year. second, the analysis was related to the use of firearms by the begal. in 1950, there were 29 cases then continued to decline in subsequent years, not even up to ten cases in a year. this condition occurred because of the implementation of emergency law of the republic of indonesia number 12 of 1951 on firearms that were applied strictly. for the perpetrator who was caught to have firearm would be threatened to have death penalty as the maximum penalty third, house was the most potential target for burglary because it was easier to break and enter into the house than warehouse or store that definitely secured by a security officer. the houses were also dominantly located in the village. this also showed that the police had not been maximized in securing the city, even into the villages. fourth, the robbers almost never worked individually. they always attempted to do robbery in group, minimal two people. fifth, the items taken by robbers varied greatly, ranging from merchandise, cars, luggage, jewelry, motor cycles, and so on. this showed that the robbers are not picky in action. all the goods carried by the victim were grabbed. such actions could not be separated from the city condition in 1950's when there was food scarcity. sixth, some of robbers wore military attributes. this could be associated with rera's policies that had been enacted at the central and regional levels, so that some frustrated former fighters were exposed to this policy and unemployed choose to be robber. meanwhile, there were more robbers appearing along with the unstable condition of the city. however, following the enactment of the emergency law of the republic of indonesia number 12 of 1951 on firearms, the number of robbers decreased. this condition was also inseparable from some security operations performed by police and soldiers in line with the implementation of the law in semarang. seventh, not all of robbers’ target was not women. in doing robbery, robbers did not point out to women, yet they preferred to take immobile goods to the owner or ones at home. eighth, the robbery action could happen any time. however, robbery tended to occur at night because many victims were less likely to be careless and security at night was not so maximized. robber could freely break down the contents of the house, warehouse, or store. ninth, most of robbery cases in semarang could not be handled by police maximally. some cases even ended without any complete clarification. meanwhile, from the data obtained, it showed that some of the robbers could escape when they were already trapped by police or even after performing the action, even they used vehicles such as cars and bicycles. therefore, it could be said that at that time, the police performance was considered weak in in ensuring the citizen security. first, from the various descriptions above, it could be discussed several things. first, there were three factors that caused to the emergence of the banditry in semarang, the rera policy was enacted since june 1950 and the scarcity of food, and government that had not been well ordered including the not maximum police performance. second, the bandits in the above narratives were more dominated by pure bandits. pure bandits were bandits from civil society who performed their actions to meet their life needs. they were very opportunistic. the bandits showed no principled attitude and they only looked for profit in the midst of unstable city conditions. in addition, in carrying out the action they worked in groups and attacked the victim any time. third, not all the news contained in suara merdeka daily reported banditry in semarang, while there was no source from the semarang police. therefore, the news about the bandit's recklessness with illegal firearms raised the concerns of semarang residents. the circulation of illegal firearms had only been regulated after the emergence of emergency law of the republic of indonesia number 12 of 1951 on firearms with the threat of death penalty for the owner. countermeasures when the number of law enforcer that was not comparable with the banditry actions had disturbed citizens of semarang, then the existence of private security organizations had a place in the middle of the citizens. the members of this organization mostly came from members of the army or fighters in the era of the independence revolution. the aim at involving former fighters was to protect them from being involved as bandits. several former fighters initiated the formation of several private security organizations. all of these private security organizations were under the coordination of the semarang military office. however, if the working area covered central java, the security organization had to be under the coordination of the central java territory military iv. in general, this security organization was divided into two types, namely private security organizations established independently by the former fighters and security organizations formed by the government named people's defense force. as already feared before, that semarang was prone to illegal firearms trade. even the circulation of weapons also involved law enforcer. one of the cases decided by the semarang military court on november 7, 1955 was the misuse of firearms by a soldier with the initials dj. the perpetrator holding the pistol and its bullet were charged with negligence in assuming responsibility for guarding and misusing firearms for the banditry action. the history of firearms ownership was disclosed by the perpetrator recognition that he obtained the gun when he carried out his duty in ambon as a member of the unity of dss tt iv, diponegoro division. the gun was lent to a friend who was actually used it to do robbery in weleri. for the perpetrator’s actions, the court sentenced him to two years in prison. punishment in accordance with the prosecutor's demands (suara merdeka, 8 november 1955:2). a similar case occurred again to former employees, with initial j, at the semarang police office who chose to resign since october 1955. he domiciled at jatingaleh. the perpetrator was arrested by police at a bus stop near to apotik bangkong because the police found a colt firearm. the illegal firearms according to the perpetrators were obtained by chance in 1949 in the jatingaleh military gangway ditch. on the basis of the finding, the perpetrator did not report his findings to the police and chose to keep them. another reason that the perpetrator delivered because he worked in the police station, so the firearms ownership was considered no harm. after he resigned from his work, the firearm was about to be sold to a fellow police officer for rp 2,000 (suara merdeka, 4 december 1956:2). another effort to anticipate illegal firearms circulation was by organizing a renewal of firearms registration in semarang for the period of 1957. for firearms holders, either as owners or individual borrowers from general civil citizen were required to re-register their firearms to the semarang police office at jalan bojong number 123/125 room number 11. this administrative office was open every working hour. when the owners processed the ownership permit, they were required to bring a license (fit) model of firearms of xvii a or b type, duty stamp paper (dutch: plakzegel), and of course the firearms. such registration took place from 1 january to 31 march 1957 (suara merdeka, 27 december 1956:2). not all appeals and enforcements of firearms registration were obeyed by semarang residents. however, on march 5, 1957 the military police corps performed search in drogisterij (netherlands: drug store) "quick" located at jalan mataram, estimated to be a place for firearms, they found a number of firearms. in the search, it was found several firearms such as three dobel loops firearms, one chas, one mauser weapon, and a small gun (pistol dames ). of all firearms found, firearms having license or registered legally for hunting purposes were only pistols dame. in addition, it also was found 38 rounds of 7.7 jungle rifle caliber bullets, two of them did not have license. the owner of drogisterij "quick" initials lthl was immediately arrested by military police corps and his case was immediately submitted to the public prosecutors. on the other hand, the one with initial lwh who worked at the soap company lies industrie was also arrested for storing the illegal bulldog gun in his car (suara merdeka, 6 march 1957:2). furthermore, semarang government through law enforcers, both police and soldiers also tried to prevent illegal firearms by checking every member of the security forces entering semarang. some soldiers were apparently carrying firearms without permission from their units. this case occurred to one of the soldiers from a unit in jakarta who had just descended from the zwarte hond ship at semarang harbor on 27 march 1957 (suara merdeka, 6 march 1957:2). the firearms carried by the soldiers were eventually confiscated by law enforcers in semarang. army commander of territory iv of central java reminded and reiterated the law and regulation on the firearms ownership on june 13, 1957. the regulations contained in the emergency law no. 12 of 1951 on provisional rules of interim penalties contained in the state gazette of 1951 number 78. the regulation also stipulated the apparatus of either the police, military or certain civilian in central java who might own, try, keep, use, issue, enter, transport, and surrender firearms for the sake of personal safety. these officials included all members of the armed forces including civil officer of titular military, member of police officers, private persons assisting police and state troops' duties, and civil servants from subdistrict head to the upper position. in addition, there were still some official servants, such as imprisonment, forestry, pawnshops, traffic, duties and excise, ptt, state plantations, volcanoes, state mining, state banks, state treasuries, and state courts, both prosecutors and clerk who had the right to have a firearm. in the meantime, there were still people who had certain jobs given permission to own firearms, such as amateur and professional hunters, licensed hunting gunmen, and repairmen of hunting weapons who must also be licensed. for the sultanate palace of yogyakarta, surakarta, mangkunegaran, and paku alaman also got the privilege of owning firearms (suara merdeka, 14 june 1957:2). the limitation made by the central java military ruler aimed to stop the circulation of illegal firearms that were still in circulation and still easy to obtain. police residency semarang and semarang at the beginning of each year always held a regular registration of firearms. for firearms holders, either as individual owners or borrowers from general civil population were obliged to re-register their firearms to the residency police station / semarang on jalan bojong 123/125 number 11. this administrative office was open every working day from eight to 12 noon, while every friday is only till eleven o'clock in the morning. when processing ownership permit, the owners were required to bring a license (pas) model of firearms of type xvii a or b, duty stamp paper (dutch: plakzegel), and of course the fire weapon. the registration took place from 1 january to 31 march 1958 (suara merdeka, 14 december 19572). police conducted various arrest modes to detain the aggression of the bandits. there were three strategies in overcoming the bandits in semarang. first, the result of cooperation among local polices around semarang. mobbrig police action to detain the movement of mmc members suspected to be screwed semarang continued to be performed. in the early hours of january 2, 1954 mobrrig police and boja limbangan police carried out patrol and reconnaissance on unexpected mmc members in the area. police finally managed arrests while they were watching a ketoprak show in the hamlet of watulawang, boja district, kendal. the arrest began, when police began to dissolve the show by firing a gun into the air and warning the mmc sympathizers to surrender. there were no casualties in the incident. the mmc sympathizers had fought back with fire, but because they were trapped by police forces, finally they surrendered. there were 10 of 14 members of the mmc arrested and one of them was woman. four others were released after a deep investigation; it was found that they were not involved in the mmc movement. the evidence seized from the arrest was a houderbak (dutch: silinder to keep the bullet) with 25 bullets and important papers. five arrested people proved to be members of mmc. while the rest allegedly acted as an introductory messenger of information, which could be known from the contents of a letter from mmc officials who hid in mijen. ten mmc sympathizers were eventually arrested by the police (suara merdeka, 6 january 1954:2). second, reconnaissance. semarang police continued to conduct surveillance against gedor plotters who attacked the workshop excelsior semarang. the workshop suffered heavy losses because the merchandise was seized by the gedor. total loss was approximately 19,000. three of gedor were arrested by police on may 25, 1950 (suara merdeka, 26 may 1950:2). third, the development of previous cases. two police officers from the central java provincial police office, ong tiong giem and kardjono managed to uncover the crime of gangster bandit that had been troubling residents in semarang and in other cities in central java. their actions such as street robbery, robbery, burglary, and other criminal banditry by using firearms had been paralyzed. this was the biggest arrest. sutrisno who became bengkol as well as the one who prepared and planned the banditry was successfully arrested in semarang after a series of surveillance conducted by the police. together with his bandit friends, he was suspected to launch his action in a house on jalan dr. cipto. the house belonged to a food entrepreneur who also supplied logistics needs in prison houses in semarang. in the arrest on january 3, 1958, there were nine bandits successfully arrested besides sutrisno, namely idi, bertus ong, tjioe siong liem, johny sumarno, oei sing hien, lie tjing hien, mulyono and modhalil. in the arrest operation, fn revolver was seized from sutrisno's hand (suara merdeka, 4 january 1958:2). conclusion based on the above descriptions and referring to the problems formulated in this article, it can be drawn up the following conclusions. first, the roots of banditry in semarang emerged due to economic difficulties that occurred in the early 1950s, so to meet their life needs, the banditry targeted all the victims without any exceptions. the economic difficulties were shown from the distribution of food, clothing, shelter that did not work properly. it was coupled with various social problems occurring in semarang, such as the emergence of unemployment, homeless, refugees, and criminality. second, the origin of bandits in semarang was dominated more from the villages in semarang. this condition could be understood because the citizens were not used to live in subsistence way and they only rely on the trade and services sector, so they have no other choice when experiencing economic pressure. they were forced to become bandits, such as thief, street robber, burglar, and robber. in addition, they moved more dominant in groups that were not well organized. third, in order to deal with and overcome the actions of the bandits who troubled semarang, the local government, police, military, and citizens tended to be reactionary. they only gave responds after banditry cases had occurred, so the repressive nature was preferred in overcoming banditry in semarang. this shortterm countermeasures option was as a consequence of the emergence of a new government during post-war of independence requiring immediate the restoration of conditions. consequently, the success of short-term banditry handling was seen only from various security operations, firearms control, and bandits arrest. references abdullah, taufik. bab i pengantar ke sejarah sebagai disiplin ilmu, paper presented at seminar nasional pekan cinta sejarah, pontianak, 18-22 november 2013. budi, langgeng sulistyo, 1997/1998. permasalahan sosial perkotaan pada periode revolusi: kriminalitas di yogyakarta 1947-1948, lembaran sejarah, vol. 1, no. 2. djamhari, saleh (2012). a. kegelisahan pascaperang, in abdullah, taufik and a. b. lapian (ed.) indonesia dalam arus sejarah: pascarevolusi. jakarta: ichtiar baru van hoeve and ministry of education and culture of indonesia. fauzi, m. (2005). lain di front, lain pula di kota: jagoan dan bajingan di jakarta tahun 1950-an, in colombijn, f. (ed.) kota lama kota baru: sejarah kota-kota di indonesia. yogyakarta: ombak. gove, philip babcock (1976). websters third new international dictionary. massachusetts: g.& c. merriam co., in suhartono (1995). bandit-bandit pedesaan: studi historis 1850-1942 di jawa. yogyakarta: aditya media. ibrahim, julianto (2004). bandit dan pejuang di simpang bengawan: kriminalitas dan kekerasan masa revolusi di surakarta. wonogiri: bina citra pustaka. kuntowijoyo (2005). pengantar ilmu sejarah. yogyakarta: pt bentang pustaka. lucas, anton e. 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(1992). sejarah indonesia modern, translated by dharmono hardjowidjono. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press. sudarsono (1999). kamus hukum. jakarta: rineka cipta. tim penyusun kamus pusat pembinaan dan pengembangan bahasa (1999). kamus besar bahasa indonesia edisi kedua. jakarta: balai pustaka. “2500 anak-anak tentara pelajar akan kembali ke masyarakat”, suara merdeka, 21 april 1950. “3 orang kaki tangan penggedor ketangkap”, suara merdeka, 26 may 1950. “dibegal di jalan umum duwet”, suara merdeka, 6 may 1950. “dompet merapi”, suara merdeka, 21 january 1954. “kalau gerombolan nonton kethoprak”, suara merdeka, 6 january 1954. “kesukaran tentang air minum”, suara merdeka, 15 august 1950. “keterangan wiwoho: tentang pengembalian jawa tengah”, suara merdeka, 11 february 1950. “komplotan bandit-bandit ulung dibekuk polisi”, suara merdeka, 4 january 1958. “lagi ‘kancil mas’ dibongkar pencuri”, suara merdeka, 24 may 1950. “lebih kurang 10.000 orang tentara akan kembali ke masyarakat”, suara merdeka, 26 may 1950. “lebih kurang 70.000 orang akan kembali ke masyarakat”, suara merdeka, 5 june 1950. “menjual senjata api”, suara merdeka, 4 december 1956. “menyimpan senjata tanpa izin”, suara merdeka, 8 november 1955. “merapi tetap berbahaya”, suara merdeka, 21 january 1954. “mereka yang diizinkan membawa senjata api”, suara merdeka, 14 june 1957. “pendaftaran senjata api”, suara merdeka, 14 december 1957. “perampok di pedamaran 39 a”, suara merdeka, 29 april 1950. “ramalan hujan”, suara merdeka, 16 september 1952. “rampok menembak mati pegawai dpu di siang hari”, suara merdeka, 28 january 1954. “senjata-senjata gelap ketemu di semarang”, suara merdeka, 6 march 1957. “turun dari kapal senjata disita”, suara merdeka, 28 march 1957. the legal efforts on marine culture development in pacitan, 1999-2015 heru arif pianto sekolah tinggi keguruan dan ilmu pendidikan pgri pacitan indonesian historian association, east java branch corresponding author: ariefheru84@gmail.com abstract beach is one of the most famous tourism areas in pacitan. beaches in pacitan have special features compared to other beaches. the beautiful nature is able to attract tourists to come, visit and enjoy it. therefore, the beaches in pacitan have a lot of possibilities to be a tourism area of marine culture. this article is a historical research. the method used in this study was a historical research method, consisting of four steps, heuristics, criticism, interpretation and historiography. the results of this study indicate that the beaches in the pacitan region have special attraction for tourists to visit. thus, to be a tourism area of marine culture, pacitan requires a better management. based on research conducted so far, the beaches in pacitan have not been managed optimally, due to a lack of facilities, and low human resources as managers. in short, it is the responsibility of communities, private parties and local governments to maximize the quality of management of coastal tourism around pacitan, and their cooperation is need. therefore, the beaches can be a tourist area of marine culture that can grow rapidly in pacitan region. keywords: marine culture; beach tourism; development efforts; pacitan. introduction indonesia is a country that is rich in natural beauty, flora and fauna and it is also a multicultural community. these elements can contribute large foreign exchange to the tourism aspect. in general, tourism is seen as a sector that may encourage and enhance development activities, open employment opportunities, as well as potential for increase the local revenue. all of these that can be achieved if the tourism is able to be managed maximally. nowadays, business in the tourism sector is not an easy thing, as there are many obstacles and constraints due to the emergence of multidimensional crisis. this provides a large effect on the quantity of domestic and foreign tourists visit in enjoying the natural beauty and culture owned by indonesia (department of culture, tourism, youth, and sports affairs of pacitan, 2008). received: 4 april 2017 accepted: 18 may 2017 in order to enter the current globalization era, the role of the tourism industry must be supported by qualified and professional human resources due to the increasingly tight competition of the tourism world. in addition, as indonesia is passed by the equator, it has a climate that gives rise to a variety of flora and fauna that can attract the tourists to visit indonesia. other factors supporting the geographical conditions of indonesia in the form of tropical forests, mountains, beaches, and also the oceans and cultural diversity are the potential capital base to become a famous tourist destination. many areas supported by the beauty of nature in indonesia have important role in the tourism, to be managed well, to increase own-source revenue. not apart from that, pacitan district is also supported by adequate natural resources that play an active role to maximize the management of tourism areas. pacitan district has 12 subdistricts namely, donorojo, punung, pringkuku, pacitan, kebonagung, tulakan, ngadirojo, sudimoro, arjosari, tegalombo, nawangan and bandar. each district has a main tourist attraction that may attract tourists. various attractions in the area of pacitan district are dominated by marine tourism; therefore, the maritime potential in pacitan is highly quality. in addition, there is an international standard coastal tourism in pacitan, teleng ria beach. moreover, there is still much marine tourism that has not been developed well, which actually has its own uniqueness (department of culture, tourism, youth, and sports affairs of pacitan, 2008). the development of southern java region, where the pacitan district is located, is in the form of procurement of adequate road infrastructure that may facilitate the flow of transportation from the region of central java, east java and special region of yogyakarta. of course, this is also supported by the travel agencies of each region. a good management of tourist attractions is performed by local government through the department of culture, tourism, youth and sports affairs, as well as the supports from the communities that increasingly make pacitan worth visiting as tourism areas. method this article use historical research on how to reconstruct the past through the process of testing and critical analysis on the recording and relics of the past (gottschalk, 1983:18-32). generally, historical research has four steps that included; heuristics (source collection), criticism (source verification), interpretation and presentation stage (rochmat, 2009:147-151). historical sources used are primary and secondary sources in the form of books, magazines as well as prints or reports. the first research method conducted was heuristic. heuristic is the ability to find and collect the resources needed in the writing of history. the principle that must be performed is the primary source search stage. in this study, the writer collected the source of activity documentation archive as well as conducted the interviews. the second step was to criticize the source. in this step, it was conducted the assessment, testing and selection of traces or sources that had been collected. this criticism stage could be distinguished into two types namely, internal criticism and external criticism (widja, 1998:21-22). in this study, the external criticism was conducted to find out the authenticity of the historical sources that had been successfully collected, while internal criticism was used to assess the credibility of the source. the third step was interpretation. those various sources had not been meaningful if the interpretation had not been conducted, that including analysis and synthesis (kuntowijoyo, 2009:100-102). then the sources that had been passed in the external and internal criticism were synthesized. in this stage, the meaning and relationship of facts that were causal or interrelated as well as chronological are able to be determined. the method of historical interpretation was often directed to the philosopher's view, so that historians might find possible solution in facing the historical problems. the last step was historical historiography. this stage was the final stage of writing or reconstructing the past events in the form of historical stories poured into writing (kartodirdjo, 1982:60-61). in this stage, certain skills to maintain the standard of story quality such as serialization, chronology, causality and imagination were required (widya, 1998:24). writing the results of historical research might provide a clear picture of the research process from beginning to end. therefore, it could be found whether the research was conducted in accordance with the procedure or not, and to what extent the validity of the sources was obtained. in addition, we could see whether the work of the historians concerned was interesting or not, because in the writing, the historian had to be also be smart in processing and composing interesting sentences without eliminating the quality of historical story written. here, the writer presented the paper in the form of historical stories that were written chronologically from theme or topic that is clear and easy to understand. results and discussion geographical condition pacitan is an area located in the southwest of east java province which is directly adjacent to central java province. the geographical boundaries of pacitan district are as follows. 1) ponorogo district (east java) and wonogiri district (central java) in the north. 2) trenggalek district (east java) in the east. 3) indian ocean in the south. 4) wonogiri district ocean in the west. geographically, pacitan district lies between 7.55˚8.17˚ sl and 110.55˚ 111.25˚ el (the government of pacitan, 2011:4). the area of pacitan district is around 1.389,87 km2 with the area of paddy field by 130.15 km2 or around 9.36 percent and the total dry land is 1.259,72 km2 or around 90.64 percent. most of the wetlands are rainfed rice field by 51.53 percent and most of the dry land is for woody plants by 35.89 percent (the government of pacitan, 2011:4). pacitan district is formed with the region consisting of twelve districts namely: kebonagung, pacitan, pringkuku, punung, donorojo, arjosari, tegalombo, nawangan, bandar, tulakan, ngadirojo and sudimoro. from that many subdistricts, they are divided into 171 villages/urban villages (the government of pacitan, 2006:4). of the 12 subdistricts, they have their own geographical condition that are relatively similar in the mountain area. most of them are located in rural areas that in fact have a simple life. the communities also emphasize more on the processing of natural or agricultural products. this happens because of the environmental factors that is indeed supporting for the development and processing of agricultural land as the main livelihood of the population. pacitan is a southern coastal area of java island surrounded by seas and hills. this condition causes some areas of pacitan are difficult to reach by large vehicles. in fact, there are some tourist attractions that are not still able to reach by large vehicles; consequently, many tourists are forced to use motorcycle. when viewed from the physical condition of the region, the topography aspect of pacitan district shows the landscape with various slopes as follows: 1) the slope of 0-2% that covers 4.36% of the area is in the form of seashore 2) the slope of 2 15% that covers 6.60% of the area is for agriculture and the area is considered for soil and water preservation. 3) the slope of 15 45% that covers 25.87% of the area is used for annual crops. 4) the slope of 40% above that covers 63.17% of the area is functioned as a land and water buffer zone and serves to maintain the balance of ecosystems in pacitan district. pacitan district is also a tourist area that has a fairly high level. in addition to the areas that have a number of quite long beach, pacitan district also has a very interesting tourism potential that includes many caves, beautiful and fascinating natural environment for tourists to visit and enjoy. the famous tourist objects in pacitan district have a very interesting natural view to visit. this is supported by the geographical condition of pacitan district located on the south coast of java island. the tourist objects include the beach and cave. pacitan has many good sized beaches with small and medium scale, and almost every district in pacitan has a beach as a tourist attraction of the community that want to prove the beauty of natural view of pacitan region. among the beaches that have a very beautiful natural view are teleng ria beach in pacitan subdistrict, klayar beach in donorojo subdistrict, watu karung beach in pringkuku subdistrict, and wawaran beach in kebonagung subdistrict. these beaches have the beauty of nature potential and also contain millions natural wealth. the local communities around the beaches are much benefited with the fresh fish found in the seas in pacitan ((the government of pacitan, 2011:192). tourist attraction in the form of cave is also commonly found in pacitan. some caves or stone tunnels that is indeed formed in pacitan are gong cave, tabuhan cave, putri cave and so forth. all the caves are visited by many tourists both domestic and foreign tourists every day. this brings an impact to pacitan, in addition to the name of pacitan that can be known throughout the region, it also increases the regional cash income. indirectly, these tourism areas also contribute in improving the living standards of the pacitan community. the availability of supportive natural resources encourages the community to utilize the available resources. many pacitan communities use the rocks as a commodity of stone craftsmen. they make the rocks into agate, souvenirs and other objects that have a relatively high selling price. in addition, there are people who work in the pottery business that is quite famous. they are able to run the business due to the support of available natural resources (the government of pacitan, 2011:304-310). the beauty of pacitan’s natural resources attracts many visitors from both inside and outside of the city. tourist attraction in pacitan has its own natural beauty so it is not surprising if every day pacitan is visited by many domestic and foreign tourists. the tourist visit, in fact is able to provide a positive impact for the community around the tourist attraction. many of them run food sales activities, including the services provided to the visitors. it is very helpful to the community in terms of economic growth. the development of beach areas as tourist destinations in pacitan beaches in pacitan have a natural beauty and white sand. geographically, the coastal tourism is located in several villages. the average distance from district is as far as 45 km and 20 km from the subdistrict. to go to some beaches, people have to pass the switchback and winding road that are decorated with beautiful scenery including a variety of stunning natural view with a row of towering hills, as well as small caves where people can see the stalactites and stalagmites from the side of the road. therefore, although the road is fairly challenging but the tourists who go to the beach do not feel tired and bored. in addition, the beaches in pacitan have a special feature compared to other beaches existing outside the pacitan area, called as sea fountain between the rock gap and the tidal wave. the condition of this beach is still very natural, it can be seen from the clean and fine sand and the sparkling blue rolling wave, so this beach is worth mentioning as the paradise of pacitan. the atmosphere of the beach itself is still very natural, the seashore is decorated with coconut trees and huts/shelter roofed with dried leaves, reefs on the tidal areas are also still maintained naturally, in addition to the wave blast that emit blue color that marks the sea water that has not been polluted. tourists can also search for the coral reefs to find shells (mollusca), and starfish (echinodermata). in addition, along the rocks there is also snail as well as seaweed that grow around the rocks. the beauty of beaches in pacitan is not up there, as the tourists can see directly local people climb coconut trees to take air deresan (raw materials for the brown sugar production) or have the coconut water served directly by the local people while enjoying the natural exotic beach in pacitan. with such beauty, it is not surprising that many domestic and foreign tourists want to prove the beauty of the beaches in the pacitan region. based on statistical data for the last 6 years, the number of visitors of coastal tourism in pacitan has increased. moreover, the highest retribution value was in 2013 (see detail in table 1). table 1. tourist visit rate in pacitan beach region no year total visitor 1 2009 5510 2 2010 11836 3 2011 40679 4 2012 45891 5 2013 50233 source: dinas kebudayaan, pariwisata, dan olahraga kabupaten pacitan 2008. therefore, we can draw an underlying cause that the beaches in pacitan region are the pride of pacitan district community, the exotic beaches with white sand. in addition to the natural resources, the tourism must be supported by reliable human resources as the beach has great potential to be used as a marine tourism as well as maritime pioneering beach in pacitan. pacitan area is surrounded by a vast ocean, so it is very suitable for the development of marine culture that has been untouched at all. therefore, it requires support and cooperation from all parties, both government and community altogether to process the available natural resources for the joint prosperity of life. in the present, it is time to optimize the utilization of natural resources. this is not easy, but it must always be prioritized, especially by local governments to manage the coastal tourism into a beach with a well-established marine culture, if necessary they are made as an international trade center with the construction of a large port. it is indeed a dream, but a dream that must be realized together. so far the vast oceans of pacitan have not been touched by professional human resources. the sea is only used by traditional fishermen. the marketing of sea products is also less than the maximum. this should be taken immediately for the sake of better life sustainability, especially for those whose livelihood is fishermen. if it has been analyzed based on the quantity of tourists who come to the beaches in pacitan region, this has proven that the maritime beach potential is excellent and very supportive to be developed. the beauty of the sea's natural view so far is able to attract tourists to come and see. therefore, what is left depends on how the management of the beach to follow up this matter to progress and attract the interest of tourists that increase every year. of course, facilities and infrastructure should also be considered, ranging from road infrastructure, as well as other supporting facilities. advantages and disadvantages of beach tourism in pacitan advantages as already described above, the coastal tourism in pacitan has more advantages compared to other beaches, especially its beauty of nature. diversity of tourist attraction of the character and state of coastal tourism is different from other beaches located outside pacitan, in other words beaches in pacitan has distinctive characters that will not be owned by other beaches. the typical advantages are: these beaches generally have seashore with very long white sand; the natural whistling sea fountain between the reef gaps every now and then; various evergreen plants decorate along the shore; various biotic life (clam shells, sea snails, sea slugs, and of course the diversity of marine fishes); the clear, huge, sparkling blue wave; there are typical and natural huts/shelter; the reefs are fascinating and still pristine; towering exotic hills. in addition, the benefit of the coastal tourism is the accessible road to the beach. pacitan is a vast area, with the good asphalted road condition (even hotmix). the road condition between the object locations itself that has been hardened with asphalt is relatively good already. moreover, the tourists will be presented with exotic scenery along the winding road to the tourism area, which are: the natural towering hills; caves on the side of the road to the location of objects with visible stalactites and stalactites. another key factor is the enthereforeiasm of the people. local people tend to preserve the natural view of the beach and culture flourished in their area as well so that the potential of the location of coastal tourism will be more preserved, wellmaintained. this also applies to the developing culture in their area. the concern of the people around the coastal tourism for the comfort of the tourists who visit it can be categorized as one supporting factors of the potential beach in pacitan. disadvantages although the coastal tourism in pacitan has many advantages, there are some disadvantages of this tourist attraction. the large number of tourist attractions in pacitan district is currently not counterbalanced with the maximum development effort. most of the tourism attractions in pacitan are still undeveloped, or under development. while most tourist attractions in the pacitan district are also classified as new object types and highly potential to be developed compared to tourist attractions of other disadvantaged areas. it can be seen from the lack of facilities and infrastructure in a number of tourist attractions despite some facilities and infrastructure are available in some tourist attractions, but still lacking in the number and its maintenance. as mentioned above, the management of the coastal tourism has not fully realized yet. there are many shortfalls and weaknesses that still remain. weaknesses which need to be considered in the coastal tourism areas in pacitan are: 1) unavailability of lodging facilities for tourists in general, the coastal tourism in pacitan has not accommodated the lodging in the form of hotels, however few lodgings in the form of homestays managed by the local community are available. nevertheless, the problem is that they have not been maximally managed. it can be seen by the lack of facilities and services in those homestays. as such, the tourists who want to stay in pacitan should look for other lodgings around the city, for the complete facilities and better comfort level. actually, this is also a great opportunity for local people to establish a hospitality business with adequate facilities. so the tourists will enjoy the beauty of the beach to the fullest even at night and breathe the cold and fresh air in klayar beach without thinking about looking for a resort far from the tourist sites. for those who can read this situation, it may also an opportunity to provide employment as well. the local people can also be the tour guides. it is an impact and a good opportunity which should be utilized in the best way. 2) tourism information center (tic) tic itself still does not exist until this very moment. this is because the lack of attention both from the local government and the surrounding community, with this case, the tourists will find it difficult to get information about everything in the coastal tourism, as a result, the tourists will be less comfortable and satisfied. it should be a big task for the local government to address and therefore finding the right solution for the development and welfare of pacitan community. 3) lighting the existing lighting at the coastal tourism location in pacitan is far from the standard. for example, the condition in the coastal tourism location is pitch black at night, it is impossible for tourists to enjoy the charm of coastal tourism at night. in addition, the lighting on the road sides is also not available. this is a major problem to be solved. tourists during this time can only visit in the morning and afternoon, and only few tourists at night. it is because of the absence of lighting both on the access road and on the access to tourist attractions. 4) unavailability of adequate restaurants in reality, this good tourist attraction has not provided adequate restaurant. even if they are present, they are merely a traditional-scale food stalls serving a limited food product. this condition also makes it difficult for the tourists to enjoy this wonderful beauty of the nature for quite a long time. they have to find restaurant that is quite far from the tourist sites. up to now, the one who enjoys the food stalls with a few menu and limited number are the local community only. therefore, many tourists who are familiar with this condition of coastal areas in pacitan often bring foods from home so they can enjoy their meal while witnessing the beauty of the nature. imagine how perfect it is if they can visit the tourist attraction without bothering to bring foods, as it is available around the beach and they can enjoy the beauty of the nature at it utmost while enjoying the various typical dishes of pacitan including the delicious and nutritious seafood products. 5) limited human resources internal human resources of tourism and the management of tourist attraction have not met the qualifications yet, such as the level of education, class or rank, as well as special skills. the human resources provided have to master marine science and natural science so as to explain to the tourists at their best. in addition, they have to speak foreign language since lots of foreign tourists visit and need information about the beauty of this nature who are, of course, speak in foreign language. in addition to the aforementioned, there are also several other disadvantages of klayar beach. however, the disadvantages lie mostly on the facilitation and infrastructure. it is very unfortunate given the stunning nature is not balanced with adequate facilities so it is unable to increase the tourist visits. the more tourists who visit, the more positive impacts are gained including by the local government. because the tourists visit can increase the budget for regional income as well. reading this opportunity, local government should immediately counterbalance the facilities of this tourist attraction in order to increase local government revenue budget. furthermore, the local government through the department of tourism should be able to recruit professionals who are assigned in klayar beach. briefing, guidance and training should be given as often as possible to improve their professionalism in managing the coastal and marine tourism. even though it takes a long process as well as large capital, the local government could take it into consideration by all means in order to improve the quality and maximize these marine tourist attractions. in addition to the local government, certainly there should be a support from the community and all parties, for the sake of the common interests and the improvement of living standards. development strategy there should be some kind of management strategy and development for tourist attraction to attract the tourists. similarly applies for the coastal tourism in pacitan. in developing the coastal tourism and for the success of its development, local government must pay attention to several important factors which can promote the successfulness, therefore the development strategy to achieve the vision and mission, as follows: first, developing tourism objects and attractions (including nature tourism as well as arts and culture) by improving the facilities and infrastructures together with the quality and quantified tourist attractions which are more interesting and giveing a distinctive charm for the tourists. in this case, the coastal tourism in pacitan presents a tourist attraction of natural, white sand, long seashore and also the uniqueness of the natural whistling sea fountain between the reef gaps. all kinds of natural resources are managed in such a way to leave a good impression to the visitors, expecting that once they come, they want to feel and enjoy the beauty of the nature someday with their loved ones even with relatives, friends and the people around them. second, establishing cooperation between private parties and local community in terms of developing tourism facilities and businesses around the coastal tourism area. development of this beach is impossible to be performed solely by the local government. to promote and facilitate the development, there must be cooperation from parties involving the local community as well as private parties who have interests. therefore, it is expected that the development of the tourism attraction is able to be conducted well. third, promotion and marketing of coastal tourism from various segments of local, regional, national and international market using a variety of optimal promotion and service means. a good promotion should be performed since today making promotions are easier by utilizing the advanced science and technology. promotion via social media will be able to provide accessibility for information in regional, national and even international. fourth, developing the local art and culture as a form of tourism attraction preservation and upholding the cultural wealth of local of customs and values and at the same time as a filter against the infiltration of bad or inappropriate cultural effects that may be unsuitable for the eastern culture. in addition to the surrounding attractive beauty of the nature, support is needed from the cultural wealth of the community in order to attract the tourists. tourists do not only come to enjoy the charm of nature alone, but they need to be entertained by some local cultures of those many cultures. coastal tourism is an original beach natural view. efforts to develop the existing potential of coastal tourism in pacitan can be held by the addition and improvement of facilities, infrastructures and the natural conservation of the tourist attractions. the development should be performed continuously so it can provide competitiveness with tourist destinations in other areas. the development refers to two factors i.e. economic factors and socio-cultural factors. the economic factor itself is performed by the addition and improving of facilities, infrastructures, which include: entrance gate of the coastal tourism, viewing post, places of worship, toileting facilities, food stalls, tourism information center (tic), and security post. development on the economic factors is expected to support competitiveness and at the same time can increase the own-source revenue. therefore, the living standard of pacitan community and local people around the coastal tourism will increase generally. for socio-cultural factors, its development focuses on social stability, culture, politics, and national security. so, coastal tourism should be able to improve the image of tourism in pacitan district, as well as the image of national tourism in general as a safe and comfortable destination for both domestic and foreign tourists. it must be really well-managed, so that the visitors will significantly increase in number every year. moreover, the increase in visitors will also bring good impact and is a breath of fresh air for the local governments. obstacles encountered in the development of coastal tourism in pacitan every management of the tourist attraction in every area absolutely meets some obstacles more or less. this is indeed not a big problem yet it is a natural thing. due to the arising problems, the management should always try to do self-correcting and rearrangement of the management strategies to improve the conditions and situations to attract the tourists to visit. likewise, several obstacles and problems that may have become homework for managers of the development of beaches in pacitan region are also found. various problems that arise for the management of tourist attraction to solve also get some input and criticism from the local community. it does not mean that this criticism is to haunt the manager, instead the criticism is to build as well as the serve as a trigger for the managers to improve their management professionalism. actually, the cases that occur in the management of tourist attraction in klayar beach bring a positive impact for the managers. the positive impacts are: first, the community becomes more critical in guarding every policy set by the local government, especially by district department of tourism youth and sports affairs of pacitan, so that it can be said that the community has participated actively in determining the direction of regional development, notably the development through the stage of tourist attraction development. second, the government obtains input from the community, so that all policies set can accommodate all the aspirations of the community especially the people surround the tourism attraction. third, with many inputs from the community, an evaluation can be created for the local government regarding its performance so that it can conduct procedural improvements and management arrangements. fourth, with the conditions by many inputs from the public, a more professional management, the awareness from the public, private and local governments altogether in undertaking the maximum development are required. particularly in the development of the klayar beach in practice, several obstacles are still encountered. these existing obstacles are the tasks for local governments to find the right solution. generally, the obstacles faced by the manager in developing this coastal tourism are below. 1) limited development fund with the limited budget fund from the local government, especially for the development of tourist attraction in klayar beach results in the lack of conducting guidance to the community around the location of tourist attraction in klayar beach and less maximum development of tourism attraction. it proves by the less optimal development of facilities and promotion and marketing. therefore, klayar beach may be less well-known by the public widely. in addition, the investment to the tourist attraction management by the private parties is still lacking. 2) limitations of facilities and infrastructure coastal tourism area in pacitan during this time in terms of the procurement of facilities and infrastructure is said to be very minimal. it certainly affects the interest of tourists or visitors. good facilities and infrastructures will automatically attract the tourists to visit because they can enjoy the beauty of the attractions as well as the variety of satisfactory facilities. 3) limited human resources on science of tourism communities in the coastal area today has very minimal information so it will give impacts on the lack of knowledge of the scope of tourism science. this condition results in the lack of awareness of the surrounding environment. so, the natural environment in coastal area of klayar will gradually lose its original characteristic. if it happens continuously, then the charm of coastal tourism will fade and even lost so that the tourists will no longer want to visit it. 4) low accessibility so far, the accessibility to the coastal tourism area is still very low. it is proved by the minimum means of transportation towards this tourist attraction. the unavailability of designated means of transportation will also greatly affect the graph of visitor rate. in addition, the roads leading to the tourist areas are still insufficient. local government should, through the department of tourism of youth and sports affairs, be quickly address this inadequate accessibility issues. 5) low awareness of tourists on the environment admitted or not, at this moment tourists who visit the coastal tourism area are lack in environmental awareness. they should maintain environmental conditions of the coastal areas. most tourists are not really care at all to the environment; the evidence is that there is still a lot of garbage littering around the beach. in addition, local cultures must also be preserved. although many visitors are the foreign tourists, it does not mean that the local cultural conditions around the beach should follow it, definitely no. the ancient culture must be preserved as the identity of the nation. the aforementioned are some of the obstacles encountered by the management of coastal tourism in pacitan region that still lack in its management. these obstacles must be solved for the future of the tourist attraction that must also be improved both in the management and the number of the visitors. there should be cooperation from several parties from the public, the private parties and the local government. conclusions pacitan is an area with potential coastal tourism to be developed. in addition, there is a local cultural event which is very interesting and able to attract the attention of the people as well as domestic and foreign tourists. its cultures or local ritual such as ceprotan is very attractive. therefore, it requires the efforts to develop and improve the facilities and infrastructure in coastal tourism involving the participation of local communities, government and private parties. the development of this tourism attraction is expected to increase the interest of both domestic and foreign tourists to visit this coastal tourism area. it is related to the addition of infrastructure and business facilities in the marketing of coastal tourism products. regarding human resources, the local community has less efforts in developing these tourist attractions so that the role from all parties are very crucial both from the government, private and local communities. in the development efforts of the coastal tourism until now, some influential obstacles and problems still come across. those obstacles include lack of facilities and infrastructure, minimum budget funds from local governments especially from the department of tourism, youth and sports affairs, and low human resources. moreover, one factor that is significantly important is the low awareness of the tourists to the environment, as well as from the accessibility factor that has not been maximized. therefore, the government in this case represented by the department of tourism, youth and sports affairs needs to make efforts in the addition and improvement in terms of facilities and infrastructure. facilities and infrastructure are very important in attracting both domestic and foreign tourists. in addition, there is a good relationship or cooperation between the government, the private sector and the local community with high consistency in order to improve the professionalism of the management of coastal tourism of klayar beach. it is indeed to increase the number of tourist visit rate. furthermore, the marketing strategy of the coastal management plays an important role. with an attractive promotion, it will affect the interest of tourists visit. how the management deals with a good management and good marketing becomes certainly one key factor for the success of many parties. with the development and a good management, surely the main purpose of establishing coastal tourism in pacitan region as a maritime pioneering beach will be realized accordingly. it is the time for pacitan to be able to maximize its geographical maritime area. to start a thing is indeed not as easy as falling off a log but it needs struggle and hard work from all parties. if it has been successfully established, the marine culture will be growing easily, it is expected that in the future, pacitan can maximize the management of its sea products, salt factory establishment, and even the port development as a means for the international trade route. it is not merely a dream but it is a common task to manifest pacitan as a well-established maritime area and its prosperous community by maximizing the wealth of the natural resources in the form of vast ocean. references bps kabupaten pacitan (2011). pacitan dalam angka. pacitan: bps & pemerintah kabupaten pacitan. dinas kebudayaan, pariwisata, dan olahraga kabupaten pacitan (2008). buku pedoman wisata. pacitan: dinas kebudayaan, pariwisata, dan olahraga kabupaten pacitan. gottschalk, louis (1983). mengerti sejarah, translated by nugroho noto susanto. jakarta: penerbit universitas indonesia. kartodirdjo, sartono (1982). pemikiran dan perkembangan historiografi indonesia: sebuah alternatif. jakarta: gramedia. kuntowijoyo (2009). pengantar ilmu sejarah. yogyakarta: bentang. pemerintah kabupaten pacitan (2006). hasil-hasil pelaksanaan pembangunan kabupaten pacitan tahun 2005. pacitan: badan perencanaan pembangunan daerah kabupaten pacitan. rochmat, saefur (2009). ilmu sejarah dalam perspektif ilmu sosial. jakarta: graha ilmu. widja, i.g. (1998). pengantar ilmu sejarah: sejarah dalam perspektif pendidikan. semarang: satya wacana university press. microsoft word 2. syariffudin et.al.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 86-94 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the preservation of ratib saman in palembang, 2000-2019 | 86 received: january 10, 2022 revised: march 7, 2022 accepted: marc 8, 2022 the preservation of ratib saman in palembang, 2000-2019 indah pratiwi, sakinah, syarifuddin,* supriyanto history education, faculty of teaching and education, universitas sriwijaya, palembang, south sumatra indonesia *corresponding authsr: syarifuddin@fkip.unsri.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v5i2.13388 introduction indonesia has a rich tradition that is still maintained and can be felt by its people to present-day. one of the most important aspects of maintaining culture is ensuring that it is not eroded by the time. many people are beginning to show an indifferent attitude towards their previous ancestral culture as technology advances in this era. this is undoubtedly a significant challenge in terms of preserving existing cultural heritage (priatna, 2017). the backgrounds of people’s lives cannot be overlooked when discussing cultural heritage. as a result, management is required as a step in maintaining this culture (puguh, 2017) culture evolves alongside human life. people in each region have different cultures. it is critical to introduce cultural heritage, including intangible cultural heritage, which includes language, rituals, social practices, craft traditions, local knowledge, performing arts, and oral traditions. it has something to do with human creativity and cultural differences (stiawati, yusuf, & sair, 2018). abstract ratib saman is the most important dhikr that contains invocation. ratib saman was first introduced by shaykh abdul samad al-palimbani and was part of the teachings of the sammaniyah order. the practice of ratib saman in palembang had shifted because there were too few followers who read the ratib saman. however, over time, the ratib saman tradition began to be preserved by the people of palembang, especially in old mosques. ratib saman is routinely practiced on twice a week. this research aims at determining the beginning of the practice of ratib saman in palembang and the preservation of ratib saman in palembang that are still being held. the historical method used to get factual explanations on the origin of ratib saman. the data collection was conducted by observation, documentation, and interview. in addition, the ratib saman tradition is also widely practiced by their selves on special occasions. ratib saman readings are attended either by young or old people. it had become a tradition of the people of palembang, which can be seen from the practice of ratib saman that was held regularly and whose reading had a characteristic. therefore, it should be preserved so that it does not get erased by time. keywords: palembang; preservation; ratib saman ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 86-94 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the preservation of ratib saman in palembang, 2000-2019 | 87 culture is the result of people’s past experiences that are unique in relation to the existence of their environment (kismini, 2013). culture is a part of a tradition that is passed down from generation to generation for the benefit of the next generation. traditions are the accumulation of knowledge, cultural symbols and content, and small institutions passed down through generations that contribute to the formation of individual, organizational, and territorial identities. tradition, according to petruzzelli and albino, is “the entire set of competencies, knowledge, values, and culture that characterizes a specific place, as well as region and age. one of which is ratib saman culture (presenza, messeni, & sheehan, 2019). ratib saman is associated with the establishment of the samaniyah order, which was founded by shaykh muhammad bin abdul karim as-samani al-hasani al-madani al-qadiri al-quraisyi, who was born in medina in 1132 hijriyah or 1718 ad and is of the quraysh tribe (helmina, 2016). among his students and followers, the name alsamani or muhammad saman is well known. it was disseminated to indonesia by muhammad saman's students who studied in the middle east, one of whom was shaykh abdul shamad al-palimbani (jannah, 2017). shaykh abdul shamad al-palimbani was a well-known student who helped disseminate the samaniyah order in indonesia. he was an indonesian cleric and sufi known for his broad intellectual insight, and he played an important role in the expansion of the samaniyah order in palembang (ravico, 2018). the ratib saman is the most important aspect of the samaniyah order. ratib saman expresses faith in the creator by requesting assistance or safety in this world and the next. ratib saman includes a number of dhikr (remembering allah in the heart and mentioning him by the tongue) that include prayers and tawassul (a religious practice in which a muslim seeks nearness to god) (marzuki, 2020). the practice of ratib saman in palembang had experienced a shift due to the fact that fewer people were reading the ratib saman. previously, ratib saman was often held on the night of the wedding ceremony to ward off calamity. in the last 20 years, ratib saman in weddings has disappeared and is no longer used by the people of palembang (ahmad fauzi, october 31, 2020, interview). the loss of ratib saman's use in weddings has influenced some people's decision to make ratib saman a routine for reading dhikr together. this can only be seen in a few mosques that still practice the ratib saman. as a result, research on ratib saman cultural preservation in palembang was decided to be conducted. this research, of course, is not the first to raise this theme. study by helmina entitled “the existence of ratib saman as local wisdom in influencing the socio-cultural religiosity of the tanjung pauh community in the modern era”. this study found that the people of tanjung pauh only followed the ratib saman without knowing how ratib saman entered the village (helmina, 2016). the second one is research by raudatun jannah entitled “the role of the samaniyah order in the menteng war against the dutch colonial in palembang”, which found that the religious elite during the palembang sultanate was able to nurture and guide their followers to the path of allah. the figure is h. zain who is the religious leader of ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 86-94 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the preservation of ratib saman in palembang, 2000-2019 | 88 the samaniyah order serving as a warlord in the fight against colonialism (jannah, 2017). the study by kalsum entitled “beratib culture in palembang: a case study of the old ratib saman manuscripts in the present”, which shows that the two ratib saman manuscripts entitled urwatu al-wusqa and silsilah and tawassul were taken from an old manuscript that were then revised again by h. andi syarifudin as the imam of the sultan mahmud badaruddin i jayowikramo mosque, who is still preserving this tradition. this is considered an activity that has spiritual value and improves character, opens sustenance, and fends off misfortune for everyone (kalsum, 2016). the title of the preservation of ratib saman in palembang from 2000-2019 was chosen because no one has raised the title yet. on this basis, special and in-depth research on ratib saman in palembang is necessary. from the explanation of the background above, the problem can be formulated regarding the practice of ratib saman in palembang begin and the preservation of ratib saman in palembang from 2000-2019. the purpose of this research was to determine the beginning of the practice of ratib saman in palembang and the preservation of ratib saman in palembang that is still being carried out. this research is expected to make a scientific contribution to the people of palembang, especially in getting to know the local culture they have, and to provide knowledge and understanding about the values and history of ratib saman. method this research employed the historical research method. the historical method is a method of historical research and writing by using systematic methods, procedures, or techniques in accordance with the rules of historical science (daliman, 2018: 24). according to garraghan in abdurrahman, the historical method is a systematic set of rules to collect sources effectively, evaluate critically, and synthesize the results obtained in written form (abdurrahman, 1999: 43). the steps in writing this research began with the heuristic stage (data collection). the heuristic stage is the initial stage in collecting references or sources that refer to the problem to be discussed (sanusi, 2013: 137). sources in the form of interviews with historical actors related to the problems studied, namely the leaders of the practice of ratib saman, had been collected. then, supporting sources in the form of books, journals, and online news were also used. the instruments used were interviews and observations. the resource persons in this study were ustaz ahmad fauzi, the leader of the ratib saman at the sultan agung mosque, and ustaz kms. andi syarifuddin, the leader of ratib saman at the sultan mahmud badaruddin jayawikramo mosque in palembang. after the heuristic stage, source criticism was carried out. this was done for validation or verification of historical sources that had been collected (daliman, 2018: 58). source criticism was also carried out on the results of interviews, journals, books, and online news to be compared to become valid sources. then, the historical sources found were synthesized and analyzed to interpret the facts and conclude them into a single unit (irwanto and alian, 2014:89). next, the final ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 86-94 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the preservation of ratib saman in palembang, 2000-2019 | 89 stage was historiography. historiography is a compilation process that selects and analyzes sources that then become a form of historical writing (sanusi, 2013: 137). at the end of the discussion, conclusions were drawn from the results of the discussion. the beginning of the practice of ratib saman in palembang the samaniyah order is an order that has had a great influence and has developed in indonesia, including in the socio-religious life of the muslim community. to have a great influence, of course, the samaniyah order was founded by a well-known sufi figure, shaykh muhammad saman. this order was founded in the medina region and is widespread in yemen, egypt, sudan, ethiopia, and southeast asia (zulkifli, 2001). muhammad bin abdul karim al-saman al-madani, who is the founder of the samaniyah order, in his book al-nafahat al-illahiyat quoted by his student shaykh abdul shamad al-palimbani, taught seven kinds of remembrance according to the seven levels of the soul that can be achieved by humans, including: first, nafs alammarah, whose form of dhikr is la ilaha illa allah. second, nafs al-lawwamah, whose form of dhikr is allah, allah, allah. third, al-mulhamah, whose form of dhikr is hu, hu, hu. fourth, al-muthmainnah, whose form of dhikr is haq, haq, haq. fifth, al-radliyah, whose form of dhikr is hay, hay, hay. sixth, al-mardliyah, whose form of dhikr is qayyum, qayyum, qayum. seventh, al-kamilah, whose form of dhikr is qahhar, qahhar, qahhar (muvid & kholis, 2020). ratib saman is the most important dhikr in the samaniyah order. many palembang scholars practiced and obtained ratib saman's diploma when they studied directly under shaykh muhammad saman, among them were shaykh abdus somad al-palembani (1737-1832), shaykh kemas ahmad bin abdullah (1735-1800), and others. the scholars preached and broadcast ratib saman to the public and the palace. therefore, the sultan of palembang received a diploma for practicing ratib saman (oskandar, 2020). ratib saman is a practice that has been used by previous scholars and passed on to the people of indonesia. this practice is not only carried out by the people of palembang, but also the people of kalimantan, bugis, betawi, and sumatra. in palembang, ratib saman has been practiced for a long time, even by native palembang people, especially in the palembang sultanate (interview with fauzi, october 31, 2020). the practice of ratib saman in palembang is known to have existed since the time of shaykh abdul shamad al-palimbani and was passed on to his students until the next successors, so that it came to the time of k.h. abdullah zawawi izhom who continued to practice it for the people of palembang (interview with fauzi, october 31, 2020). since the time of the sultanate, the practice of ratib saman continues to this day and has become a wirid (dhikr that is read after prayer). ratib saman was not only worship but had become a tradition of the people. the practice of ratib saman itself spread in every village. in places that practiced ratib saman, there are old mosques, such as the sultan mahmud badaruddin jayowikromo mosque and the sultan agung mosque in 1 ilir, palembang (interview with andi syarifuddin, november 4, 2020). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 86-94 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the preservation of ratib saman in palembang, 2000-2019 | 90 the preservation of ratib saman in palembang, 2000-2019 in 2000, ratib saman was held only once or twice a week. in the past, ratib saman was performed every day. this is due to conditions and situations that are different from now. at the sultan mahmud badaruddin jayowikromo mosque, the practice of ratib saman was led by ustaz kms. andi syarifuddin. previously, there were many ratib saman leaders, including his father and k.h. zen shukri. ratib saman’s practice itself is carried out after the isha prayer (interview with andi syarifuddin, november 04, 2020). at the sultan agung mosque, 1 ilir village, there was also the practice of ratib saman led by ustaz ahmad fauzi bin k.h. abdullah zawawi izhom who continued his father’s act. this mosque had a role in practicing ratib saman so that the ratib saman sultan agung dhikr assembly was formed. in addition to the sultan agung mosque, the sultan mahmud badaruddin jayowikromo mosque also carried out the ratib saman practice regularly once a week. figure 1. ratib saman was reading at the sultan mahmud badaruddin jayo mosque. source: ratib saman palembang facebook, uploaded december 6, 2017. before 2000s, ratib saman was practiced at weddings, usually performed on the night before the wedding day. this was meant to prevent bad things from happening to the bride and groom. however, in the last 20 years ratib saman has no longer been held at weddings (interview with ahmad fauzi, october 31, 2020). in the will of k.h. abdullah zawawi izhom, he asked his successors to continue practicing ratib saman, especially at the sultan agung mosque in 1 ilir, palembang. the practice was carried out every friday night and wednesday night or twice a week. in addition, they also did it by visiting the homes of the scholars and the palembang sultanate traditional palace to practice the ratib saman (interview ustadz ahmad fauzi, october 31, 2020). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 86-94 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the preservation of ratib saman in palembang, 2000-2019 | 91 figure 2. ratib saman dhikr assembly was read by the congregation of sultan agung mosque, i ilir, palembang, at the traditional palace of the palembang sultanate. source: palpres.com, january 20, 2020. the practices of ratib saman carried out by the people of palembang, especially at the sultan agung mosque, 1 ilir, were starting to be routinely carried out every friday night and wednesday night. this activity was certainly not only followed by the elderly, but also by the younger generation who was actively involved in carrying it out, especially those who had activities in an organization known as irma or the mosque youth association. this shows that the contribution of ratib saman in palembang was still maintained. ratib saman had a characteristic in its reading. laa ilaha illallah reading was read at least 300 times and it was read in a rhythmic way and with a strong tone of voice. the procedure for its implementation began with a rhythm that flowed and gradually got faster (interview with ustadz ahmad fauzi, october 31, 2020). ratib saman contained dhikr to allah, which was the basic idea of reading. the dhikr was recited aloud and with sounds at the same time. the dhikr had a special feature in the sentence la ila ha illa allah which was then sung by changing it to hu hu hu reading, which meant he (allah) (hasan, 2017). in the practice of ratib saman, the etiquette rules of dhikr were repenting to allah, being pure from impurity and uncleanness, having the intention to obey allah's commands, having a sincere heart, facing the qibla, scenting clothes, reciting the dhikr physically and externally, and eating halal food and wearing clean clothes (munir, 2016). the readings practiced in the implementation of ratib saman from 2000 to 2019 were indeed quite a few compared to the era before the 2000s. however, this did not diminish the intention of the people of palembang to continue to preserve it. currently, ratib saman can still be found in several old mosques in palembang. in its implementation, it is not only in mosques, but also in events at home, such as reading the yasin. the people who come never forget to ask the leader who leads ratib saman to practice it together after the yasin reading activity is over. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 86-94 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the preservation of ratib saman in palembang, 2000-2019 | 92 ratib saman’s reading ratib saman's reading was a manifestation of gratitude and remembering to allah swt. in addition, ratib had great benefits, including: being very strong in giving impressions to the heart, purifying the heart and being able to improve temperament, opening the door of fortune, granting all desires, avoiding disturbances from evil spirits, and so on (interview with kms. andi syarifuddin, november 4, 2020). up until now, ratib saman is still often read by the public, especially in palembang (such as at weddings, celebrations for new homes, vows, salvation, etc.). at the great mosque for example, ratib saman is held every thursday night after the isha prayer (interview with ustadz ahmad fauzi, october 31, 2020). figure 3. the ratib saman manuscript and the palembang palace source: archive collection by kms. andi syarifuddin, 2020. ratib saman's reading consists of several thoyyibah sentences, including: (1) tawassul to the prophet muhammad pbuh; (2) shalawat (sending prayers) to the prophet muhammad pbuh and to his family, companions, wives, and descendants; (3) tawassul to sheikh muhammad samman, then the saints of allah from east to west of the earth; (4) appeals to god; (5) greetings to shaykh muhammad samman; (6) greetings to the the prophet muhammad pbuh; (7) istighfar (seeking forgiveness from allah); (8) nafi-itsbat and song; (9) recitation of the quran; (10) prayers to the prophet muhammad; (11) takbir (magnifying allah); (12) tawassul to the saints of allah and the shaykhs of the order; (13) tawassul to the murshid (religious teacher) council of the sammaniyah order; (14) praise. conclusion ratib saman in palembang was brought by shaykh abdul shamad al-palimbani who studied directly under shaykh muhammad saman. ratib saman used to be widely practiced in almost every village, but nowadays, there are only a few villages that carry ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 86-94 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the preservation of ratib saman in palembang, 2000-2019 | 93 it out. some of them are old palembang villages, which are the sultan agung 1 ilir mosque and the sultan mahmud badaruddin jayawikramo mosque. the sultan agung mosque itself carried out ratib saman regularly on wednesdays and fridays after isha prayers. ratib saman continued to be practiced by the people of the 1 ilir village, led by ustad ahmad fauzi who continued the teachings of his father, k.h. zawawi izhom and formed the sultan agung ratib saman dhikr assembly. not only carried out in mosques, the practice of ratib saman was also carried out by visiting the houses of the scholars and even to the traditional palace of the palembang sultanate. in addition, at the sultan mahmud badaruddin jayawikramo mosque, ratib saman was held once a week after the isha prayer. ratib saman in palembang had become a custom and tradition that continued to be practiced by the community. referrences abdurrahman, d. (1999). metode penelitian sejarah. logos wacana ilmu. daliman, a. (2018). metode penelitian sejarah. ombak. hasan, n. (2017). makna dan fungsi tradisi samman. ibda` : jurnal kajian islam dan budaya, 15(1), 112–134. https://doi.org/10.24090/ibda.v15i1.2017.pp112-134 helmina. (2016). eksistensi ratib saman sebagai kearifan lokal dalam mempengaruhi sosial budaya keberagaman masyarakat tanjung pauh pada era modern. islamika: jurnal ilmu-ilmu keislaman, 16(1), 1–16. https://doi.org/10.32939/islamika.v16i1.113 jannah, r. (2017). peran tarekat sammaniyah dalam perang menteng melawan kolonial belanda di palembang. medina-te: jurnal studi islam 13(2), 119–131. https://doi.org/10.19109/medinate.v13i2.3483 kismini, e. (2013). eksistensi budaya seni tari jawa di tengah perkembangan masyarakat kota semarang. forum ilmu sosial, 40(1), 113–122. https://doi.org/10.15294/fis.v40i1.5496 marzuki, a., & selatan, k. t. (2020). nilai agama dan budaya dalam tradisi besaman. ushuluna: jurnal ilmu ushuluddin, 6(1), 19–32. https://doi.org/10.15408/ushuluna.v6i2.15758 munir. (2016). dinamika ritual tarekat sammaniyah palembang. madania, 20(2), 197– 214. http://dx.doi.org/10.29300/madania.v20i2.168 muvid, m. b. dan nur kholis. (2020). konsep tarekat sammaniyah dan peranannya terhadap pembentukan moral, spiritual, dan sosial masyarakat post modern. dialogia, 18(1), 79–99. https://doi.org/10.21154/dialogia.v18i1.2038 oskandar, d. (2020). smb iv djayo wikramo, rm fauwaz diraja gelar zikirratib samman.” diakses dari https://beritapagi.co.id/2020/01/29/smb-iv-djayowikramo-rmfauwazdiraja-gelar-zikir-ratib-samman.html. presenza, a., messeni, a., & sheehan, l. 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(2018). perkembangan budaya sakukha pada masyarakat suku lampung saibatin (1993-2017): sumbangan materi pada mata kuliah sejarah kebudayaan pendidikan sejarah universitas sriwijaya. zulkifli. (2001). kritik sayyid usman tentang ratib samman: kajian atas naskah tanbih alghusman. jakarta: badan litbang agama. microsoft word 16. kusnafizal-2 [apa-n].docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 186-195 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 tabib family’s role on fracture treatment in aceh, 1950-2020: a historical reconstruction | 186 received: november 24, 2020 revised: november 30, 2020 accepted: december 7, 2020 tabib family’s role on fracture treatment in aceh, 1950-2020: a historical reconstruction teuku kusnafizal*, abdul azis, sufandi iswanto study program of history education, faculty of teacher training, universitas syiah kuala, banda aceh, aceh *corresponding author: kusnafizal@unsyiah.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v4i2.9497 introduction health is the right of every single person’s life. it is especially attached to humans in general. according to law no. 36 of 2009, health is a state of health, both physically, mentally, spiritually and socially which allows everyone to live socially and economically productive. health is the main asset for someone to do all activities. if someone is not healthy, with all the limitations, it is impossible to do that activities. one of the most common methods taken by a person when he/she is unwell (sick) is medication, both modern and traditional. according to sarajar (1995, p. 2), traditional medicine is a health effort in a different way from medical science, rooted in original traditions or outside indonesia. only about 20% of diseases that can be treated through modern medicine, the rest is unknown for its cure, that's why traditional medicine is back into everyone's choice for treatment (daniel, 2009, p. 9). law no. 36 of 2009 on health, recognizes the existence of tabib and traditional medicine as an indispensable part of health services. traditional medicine is known to abstract this research traces the origin of traditional fracture treatment, and identifies the values of local wisdom, especially in traditional healing process performed by the tabib family and to describe how the traditional healing system is developed from ancient times to the present. this study used a qualitative approach and historical methods through topic selection, heuristics or collecting sources, verification or source criticism, and sources and historiography interpretation. based on the research that has been conducted, the following results were obtained: (1) fracture treatment has been performed since 1950 in aceh, especially among the tabib family coming from south aceh through the inheritance of knowledge from generation to generation; (2) the regeneration process was performed in the healer family, in this case the father inherited from his children or grandparents to his grandchildren to study this knowledge, and practiced it in their entire life; (3) entering the modern era, traditional medicine has developed in several aspects, so, people tend to believe in this treatment. this study is a part of the historical local wisdom (hlw) to determine how the development of traditional medicine in aceh from time to time. keywords: historical reconstruction; local wisdom; traditional medicine for fractures. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 186-195 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 tabib family’s role on fracture treatment in aceh, 1950-2020: a historical reconstruction | 187 the public for centuries, long before the existence of modern medicine. this circumstance is supported by indonesian circumstance which has a lot of flora and fauna that can be used as a medical tool in the past and until today. according to the decree of the minister of health (menkes) no. 176 of 2003, traditional medicine is classified into four groups: battra ramuan, battra keterampilan, battra supranatural and battra based on a religious approach. traditional medicine skills consist of traditional massage, fractures, circumcision, shaman, reflexology, acupressurist, acupuncturist, chiropractor and other traditional medicine with similar methods. traditional medicine for fracture skills is a form of treatment that is still believed by sufferers as an alternative to the treatment methods provided by medical science. according to mangunsudirdjo (fitri, 2018, p. 4), general goal of handling fractures is to seek bone healing without medical surgery, meaning that it is in a position where there are no functional abnormalities, and it will recover if adequate repositioning and adequate fixation are conducted, in general. the treatment method provides a reposition by massaging and fixing it with cardboard or wood. the traditional medicine system that develops in each society is different. it depends on belief, culture, and social life adopted by the communities. for example, in the life of aceh people, it is always related to their social and cultural lives which are motivated by their life in the past. the traditional treatment for fractures is not something new for the communities, especially those in south aceh. this traditional medicine is the main choice for people when they experience injuries or fractures even modern medicine is very advanced than traditional medicine at this time and modern medicine is used as an additional treatment. in addition, the more advanced modern medicine is, according to some people the costs will be more expensive when compared to traditional medicine and there are also people who think that traditional medicine is more effective and efficient than medical treatment, especially at tabib wen, which has long been known for fracture category (nasrullah, interview 2019). studies on fractures were conducted by tedjodiprono (1982), sarajar (1995), aji et al. (2016), siswanto (2018), lesmana (2018) and notosiswoyo (2001). fractures are categorized into two parts, those are closed-fracture if there is no tear on the skin and open-fracture which is marked by injuries caused by fractures or certain objects that have torn the skin. leonita (2015) and indarto (2018), suggest that traditional medicine is an integral part of culture, because the concept of how to treat it is performed by reading several verses of the koran and the presence of special ingredients. in traditional medicine, there are certain mechanisms and conditions that must be obeyed, so that it is a characteristic of the culture of the community concerned. according to research conducted by afriza (2017), traditional medicine is part of physical anthropology and it is related to biology, usually researcher uses a phenomenological theory approach to explain the data obtained on the field data. this disease is seen as a complex phenomenon that affects human life, so, traditional medicine appears as an alternative to treat patients who have had fracture accidents. the procedure for traditional treatment of broken bones are by conducting massage or hand healing methods and medicines derived from spices of leaves and roots of trees. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 186-195 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 tabib family’s role on fracture treatment in aceh, 1950-2020: a historical reconstruction | 188 it is relevant to zubir's research (2019), stating that, the initial sheet of traditional medicine in the archipelago occurs since humans rely on the environment to meet their needs. in prehistoric times, human habits depended on nature and it could be seen from the way of gathering food, looking for shelter, relying on clothes from bark or animals including looking for drugs. the development of traditional medicine occurs during the time of islamic kingdom in indonesia, the kings in indonesia advices the rishis or tabib to make potions and treat people with fractured injuries. the ingredients are sikilia leaves, merensi leaves, selaguri leaves, light leaves, and rintang leaves, these are some of the medicines used by tabib to treat patients with fractures. this research was conducted on december 8, 2019 to august 22, 2020, the research location was in south aceh. the object was, the first, the role of tabib family in the treatment of fractures. the second object, was patients who visited the traditional fracture site. then this research was using a case study of the tabib family, this is because the tabib family has long been practicing in south aceh, the information stated that the first traditional treatment for fractures in south aceh was tabib wen in 1950. then after he passed away, the science of fracture medicine was passed on to his six children, one of them, namely tabib ali. the practice was seen every day. this was the number of people who believed in the traditional treatment of fractures. according to lesmana, (2018) the term tabib referred to a person who conducted traditional medicine in several areas. in addition, in some areas the term tabib was the same as batra, shaman and masseuse. method the research used a qualitative approach, where the researcher collected data by means of documentation, observation and interviews, so, they revealed problems according to the research needs. a qualitative approach was potentially interpreted as a research method based on the philosophy of post-positivism, used to examine natural object conditions, inductive, qualitative data analysis and qualitative research results to emphasize meaning rather than generalization (sugiono, 2010, p. 14). the qualitative approach was also a research approach to understand the phenomena that was experienced by research subjects such as behavior, perception, motivation, action and others (maleong, 2007, p. 6). the method used was historical method as proposed by (kuntowijoyo, 1995, p. 89), namely: topic selection, heuristics, or collecting sources, verification or source criticism, interpretation of sources and historiography or rewriting of historical events. in addition, the source of information in this writing was also obtained from the results of interviews, the first party to be interviewed was the family of 6 tabib and the second party was 12 patients. this study aimed to examine the history of fracture traditional medicine in aceh. according to garragahan (abdurrahman, 1999, p. 43) the historical method is a set of systematic rules and principles for collecting historical sources effectively, critically, and systematically by evaluating the results in written form. the origin of fractures traditional medicine in aceh ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 186-195 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 tabib family’s role on fracture treatment in aceh, 1950-2020: a historical reconstruction | 189 each treatment has a background story on how the origin occurs, for example, the descendants of a family. this family is known as the family of tabib. the word tabib is assigned to this family because they are able to heal fractures from the past generation to the current generation. this ability does not automatically arise in this tabib family, but it is rooted in something that happened. attempts to transfer fracture treatment in this family are passed down to the next generation. viewed from the perspective of philosophy, medicine is the initial science in society, this science exists because the guidance of life in society to find solutions on what happened in society. science develops alongside the religion, so, it is interrelated with one another. it seems that in ancient times, humans use many rituals and spells to achieve their desired goals. the early developing knowledge is closely related to: prayer, mantra, and medicinal herbs, so, the earliest knowledge is medicine (wijaya, 2006, p. 174). the public's belief in fracture healers (tabib) is motivated by a tabib who is very skilled in fixing fractures named abdurrahman. in 1950, marked by the birth of tabib aji, abdurrahman had opened his own practice at rumoh tengoh to be precise in ujong blang village, beutong district. abdurrahman is known by the public as tabib wen. the tabib's call is assigned to him because he is able to conduct fracture fixing (sequences), and the word wen means a boy taken from the gayo language. tabib wen is the only child of tabib musa, someone who inherits his medicine. he is a person who plays a very important role in passing on this knowledge to his six children and grandchildren to his generation today. tabib wen obtains his knowledge from his father named tabib musa. musa is born into the world with a physical condition that is less than perfect as he should be. he is not able to walk like ordinary people. with his circumstance, he is unable to work or help people. when he is an adult, his father, tengku sida, gives traditional medicine to help people who experience pain, especially fractures. tengku sida teaches tabib musa, starting from the prayers when performing medication or what is called "rajah" and introducing the anatomical location of bones to treat people with fractures. rajah and massage are inseparable, both of them are united during treatment. when the broken bones are connected again in sequence, a rajah is conducted to make it more effective. according to notosiswoyo (2001), fracture shamans also obtain their skills in various ways, some are coming from whispers through dreams, whispers while in between sleeping and waking, given charms and prayers by their parents, and obtain expertise by apprenticeship at an older broken teacher/shaman. as explained by notosiswoyo, it turns out that tabib wen did not only learn from his parents, especially in 1962 when tabib musa passed away, at that time people came to the tengoh house for treatment, because he was the only child who was able to perform this treatment. besides being taught by his father, tabib wen also dreamt of how the anatomy of human bones was located, so, when tabib wen woke up from his sleep, when he was performing the massage, he immediately felt and understood where the fracture was without an x-ray at that time (interview with tabib suh). basically, this knowledge is in this family from generation to generation which is continuously being taught. so, it will never be broken until today. it comes from allah, who is entrusted ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 186-195 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 tabib family’s role on fracture treatment in aceh, 1950-2020: a historical reconstruction | 190 to their family, as they believed, they should not feel arrogant on the knowledge they have. bone fracture treatment development process in aceh the time is growing, but traditional medicine still exists in modern time. many factors affect the popularity of traditional medicine such as the famous tabib, who treats many broken patients, the used drugs can be found in nature, so, the cost is relatively cheap, there are no worse decision happening such as having to have amputations and others. as explained in previous books such as tajul muluk, in general, the methods and medicines used are sipatah leaves, these leaves are usually used to heal fractures, in other words, these leaves are broken bones leaves, cool leaves, taro leaves, white grass, pulut rice and several other ingredients. the materials are crushed and placed on the broken part. however, this family is slightly different from what is described in the tajul muluk book. the used methods and medicines are formulated by this family, which is immediately evident from the inequality of drug concoctions between this family and other tabib. in the early 1950, tabib wen opened his own practice at rumoh tengoh, as he tried to live independently from his father, tabib musa, until 2020, this treatment has been continued until generations of children, grandchildren, and even some of his great-grandchildren were able to treat this fracture. in the period between 1950 and 2020, it is a long time span, 70 years have passed, and this family of tabib still maintains their family heritage in the form of traditional medicine in the field of fractures and has its own ingredients and methods for treating fractures. as the years passed, there are many events that cause a new culture to enter the social order, so, this traditional medicine does not look rigid or outdate, this family finally adjusts the current developments with their knowledge. it can be seen that after the 2004 tsunami in aceh, many new medical devices emerged among the acehnese people, such as scanning tools for several scan functions, including detection on break location. public hospitals usually perform iron insertion operations (pins) to lock the broken bones so, they are straight and stick to both surfaces, the broken leg is replaced with an iron leg, and some even have to amputate the legs. the development of certified medical devices also adds the confidence of community by choosing this route, but many still choose traditional medicine in the healing process. there are 20 patients visiting for treatment every week, and 80 people each month, the number of patients is like a hospital or community health center. all patients with fractures of various kinds are brought to this place, even, according to the story, there are some patients who pass away when they arrive there. however, the times develops and human thinking also increases. by the existing of medical facilities, patients are not immediately taken for treatment at this time, but they will be checked at the hospital first, have their wounds cleaned, and scan the broken parts. the hospital will usually provide several options for patient treatment. however, if the patient chooses to go home and seek treatment in traditional medicine, the hospital allows it. afterward, the patient is brought to the place of broken healer (tabib) in several ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 186-195 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 tabib family’s role on fracture treatment in aceh, 1950-2020: a historical reconstruction | 191 districts in aceh. what is different in the field of medicine is the way patients are being treated, it appears that the public trust is fully given to tabib who treats him. however, at this time, to make the results more reliable, firstly is scan, then the results of the scan are submitted to the tabib to see what occurs to the bones. day by day, new discoveries in the medical field are increasing, but traditional medicine is still running. this is supported by control from the health office. based on an interview with the health office (dinkes), the medical service division explains that: “…the health government of the south aceh region has recorded the number of traditional healing practice locations for fractures. the number of treatment places according to the data is 12 practice locations. furthermore, training will be held and certification will be given to each tabib at the place of treatment, so, the place of treatment is considered legal. for the government, this traditional medicine is very important and became the general public believe. therefore, the health office (dinkes) fully supports the smooth running and healing of the community. until today, there has been no reporting due to practice failure. then, what needs to be known is that the origin of fracture treatment in south aceh was conducted by tabib wen in 1950, and has been famous from ancient time to the present. maybe, if he is still alive, he should have provided the training to teach people who want to learn fracture treatment...” (interview, august 3, 2020). based on the statement above, it is clear that currently the trust between health offices, hospitals, health centers with fracture healers (tabib) has been established. this family majoring in the medical field proves that traditional medicine is still reliable in choosing this healing method. there are several systems that are practiced by this family in treating people who have fractures. to initiate healing treatment, a patient can carry the conditions for treatment, this is recommended for patients who have severe fractures. so, they must be treated directly in one of these family practices. these requirements are likened to, for example, every person who enters a certain institution to apply for a job, enroll in school, enroll in college, for example, requires certain conditions so, he/she can work or study at the agency, as well as requires entry requirements for the process. healing goes faster. each condition brings its own meaning, so, tabib keeps this inheritance without adding or subtracting any ingredients that have been prescribed previously, although some of these healers (tabib) say that there are those who do not agree with the implementation of this circumstance. the provision of conditions to a tabib is termed as "peunejok", meaning that if the patient has provided these circumstances, the patient is part of the tabib’s family. the difference is in the way of giving (peunejok) to the healer (tabib), in the past the existing conditions are arranged in a small tray, but now it rarely looks like that. now these conditions are put in a container which is important since the conditions must be sufficient. fractures traditional treatment requirements this requirement is one of the efforts before the traditional fracture treatment is performed, by these conditions, the treatment will be performed by the tabib, absolutely this requirement is one of the ways that the treatment takes place in the traditional ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 186-195 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 tabib family’s role on fracture treatment in aceh, 1950-2020: a historical reconstruction | 192 place. the conditions or guidelines that must be met by the patient and the patient's family are as follows. (1) gold (meuh), the patient can give gold in the amount according to the patient's ability, not limited to whatever is given. it is an object whose selling value never decreases, so, when having treatment, the requirement is gold. when the patient's family needs the help of a tabib, they can give it to them. if the patient recovers, the gold will be sold and used during tabib wen's birthday feast which is annually held to buy the needed equipment; (2) knife [badêk] bone is like a knife, broken bones will be repaired like normal bones and it is as strong as a knife (blade); (3) white fabric is the status of the patients are considered as family, therefore, life and death are at their home while being treated, so, if that happens the tabib family will also help their family; (4) betel/ ranub the acehnese cannot be separated from betel when gathered in one place. when the condition is given by the patient's family, the betel will be eaten together at that time. betel is given in the form that the ingredients have not been put together, such as daffodil, lime, areca nut and the betel itself; (5) money [peng], which is only in addition to a few people for alms to the healer (tabib) who treats them. the amount of money is not pegged. money becomes a trend in granting this condition because some who are able to give money are not necessarily asked by the tabib but sincerity from the patient's family to give it or not willingly. after the peunejok process is received, the tabib immediately makes a visit to sort out the patient. the visit time between patients varies, depends on when the tabib has the time to order. usually, the healer (tabib) massages in the morning and evening, during the day the patient uses physical exercise and regular activities. ordering is conducted according to the type of fracture experienced by the patient, for example: if the patient breaks in the middle of the bone, a wooden splint will be attached and tied with siren bark for several days and tabib will massage it slowly, if the fracture is in the joint, it will be conducted according to patients’ comfort. in performing the massage, the healer (tabib) only massages at a suitable location by adding a balm whose properties are to relieve muscle pain, sprains, aches and others. for this family, they use a balm with the tiger balm brand or people often call it rimung cap balm. this balm is very popular in beutong sub-district, because it is the balm that is always used when the tabib performs massage. during the massage, besides rubbing the balm on the part of the body, the healer (tabib) also uses prayers, according to one interview source some of them seek prayer itself with the information given but some are taught directly. the used prayers are coming from koran for example alfatihah, al-ikhlas, an-nas, and prayers to glorify allah, then they make dhikr while massaging, then ask for the blessings of the prophet muhammad pbuh through prayers to him, and proceed to prayer in one's own language, by asking god for healing so, the patient can recover and be able to conduct god's commands such as prayer and others. time does not change the prayers that are always read during treatment. as times have developed, this family still uses prayers that have been given to them from generation to generation. it is just a little different in the ingredients when massaging, during tabib wen's time, according to a patient at that time, he performs ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 186-195 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 tabib family’s role on fracture treatment in aceh, 1950-2020: a historical reconstruction | 193 the massage by collecting crude oil, a coconut water that is not dried in the sun, but the crude oil is no longer used, because it is not available and also there is no one who produces it. the information from a patient whose hand is dislocated named saidil mudhahar states that: “… i had sprains as a result of an accident while i was playing football, the treatment process was conducted by applying balm and wood oil, then massaged and it felt quite painful. however, the pain was gradually disappeared, then after being massaged, i put the nutmeg on my feet…’’ (interview, july 18, 2020) after massaging is complete, the patient makes his own concoctions. the potion is a hot round stone, burned in a fire and then placed on a fabric containing lingeng pagee leaves that have been pounded and flaked on top of fabric, then bandaged and the hot stone is rubbed on the part that has broken slowly until the water disappears and the stone feels hot again. for patients who only experience sprains, they will only be given pounded nutmeg which is then applied to the affected area and rested. apart from these drugs, the patient must follow several restrictions which make the fracture worse, make the body itchy and the most important thing is not to come into contact with anything that is not his mahram while this treatment is taking place. further, as you can see, this knowledge is passed on to the offspring only. however, as time goes on, one of tabib suh's patients named nasir is also able to perform this treatment even though he is not as skilled as this tabib but because of his strong belief and the belief that tabib suh is given to him. he is able to perform this treatment even though he only does it when tabib suh himself asked for help. it seems that in this era development which is changing, human thinking also changes, although there are several traditions that must be preserved, but for one's ability to perform healing, it returns to that person's will and belief. this family's ability to cure is well known by many people. if you look at some medical practices, there must be an attached pamphlet to indicate the place of medical practice, in contrast to this family, from tabib wen's spell until today, they think that putting up pamphlets is a form of joy in their knowledge, so, they have not put up practical pamphlets in front of the house and continue to accept patients every day and every time. after the patient is cured, the patient will be given dipeusijuk or powdered by offers in an annual way of tabib wen, all patients who recover, usually bring food that is placed in a container and then distributed to the orphans and people who present at that time as a sign of gratitude to allah for the blessings given by allah for his/her healing. conclusion expertise in performing traditional fracture treatment is hereditary. starting from learning to cure self-taught by tengku sida around 1900 as the first generation whose initial goal is to help the communities until it develops into a practice place that is known to many people and used as a treatment house, especially broken bones. until today, the broken healer family (tabib) has 4 generations. this regeneration process is passed on from father to child or grandfather to grandson. each tabib receives and ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 186-195 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 tabib family’s role on fracture treatment in aceh, 1950-2020: a historical reconstruction | 194 inherits knowledge in different ways, but basically the knowledge is the same, that is by curing people with broken bones. this knowledge will be introduced and taught when the child enters puberty, then the inheritance of knowledge will be continued if the child has an interest in learning. however, in the process itself, the inheritance is not forced. traditional treatment for fractures is an effort to help people with fractures bones, this cure aims to heal and make it easier for people to return to their normal activities. references abdurrahman, d. 1999. metode penelitian sejarah. jakarta: pt. logos wacana ilmu. afriza, n. (2017). penyembuh tradisional di gampong rawa kecamatan tanah luas kabupaten aceh utara. aceh anthropological journal 1(1), 21–43. https://doi.org/10.29103/aaj.v1i1.358 aji, s., nasution, z., & bernadheta, s. (2016). mbeko patah tulang “tradisi pengobatan patah tulang pada etnik manggarai”. yogyakarta: pt kanisius. daniel, j. b. (2009). spiritual healing, scientific validation of healing revolution. healing research. volume 1 24(1), 43 fitri, r., oktiarni, d., & arso, d. d. (2018). eksplorasi pengetahuan obat tradisional dalam perspektif hukum kekayaan intelektual di bengkulu. mimbar hukum fakultas hukum universitas gadjah mada, 30(2), 304. https://doi.org/10.22146/jmh.31021 indarto, i., & kirwanto, a. (2018). explorasi metode pengobatan tradisional oleh para pengobat tradisional di wilayah karesidenan surakarta. interest: jurnal ilmu kesehatan, 7(1), 75–86. https://doi.org/10.37341/interest.v7i1.76 kuntowijoyo. 1995. pengatar ilmu sejarah. yogyakarta: yayasan bentang budaya. leonita, e., & muliani, a. (2015). penggunaan obat tradisional oleh penderita diabetes mellitus dan faktor-faktor yang berhubungan di wilayah kerja puskesmas rejosari pekanbaru tahun 2015. jurnal kesehatan komunitas, 3(1), 47–52. https://doi.org/10.25311/keskom.vol3.iss1.101 lesmana, h., alfianur, a., utami, p. a., retnowati, y., & darni, d. (2018). pengobatan tradisional pada masyarakat tidung kota tarakan: studi kualitatif kearifan lokal bidang kesehatan. medisains, 16(1), 31. https://doi.org/10.30595/medisains.v16i1.2161 maleong, l. 2007. metodologi penelitian kualitatif. bandung: remaja rosda karya. notosiswoyo, m. 2001. review penelitian pengobatan tradisional patah tulang. media litbang kesehatan, 17-24. http://www.litbang.kemkes.go.id:8080/handle/123456789/79802 sarajar, lumi, r. massie, g. w. 1995. pengobatan tradisional sulawesi utara. jakarta: departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan. siswanto, s. (2018). pengembangan kesehatan tradisional indonesia: konsep, strategi dan tantangan. jurnal penelitian dan pengembangan pelayanan kesehatan, 1(1), 17– 31. https://doi.org/10.22435/jpppk.v1i1.429 ihis (indonesian historical studies) 4 (2), 186-195 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 tabib family’s role on fracture treatment in aceh, 1950-2020: a historical reconstruction | 195 sugiyono. 2010. metode penelitian pendidikan (pendekatan kuantitatif, kualitatif, dan r&d). bandung: cv alfabeta. tedjodiprono. 1982. penemuan baru ilmu pengobatan tradisional modern dengan teori mesin dan computer. jakarta: c.v. genep jaya baru. wijaya, c. a. (2006). ilmu dan agama dalam perspektif filsafat ilmu oleh: cuk ananta wijaya 1. filsafat, 40 (ilmu dan agama dalam perspektif filsafat ilmu), 174–188. zubir, z. (2019). dukun patah tulang dan obatan tradisional di nagari koto anau kabupaten solok propinsi sumatera barat tahun 1960-2012. jurnal historia 7(1) 7-18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24127/hj.v7i1.1819 microsoft word 8. ihis_lestari_uniting in humanity en (l).docx ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1), 74-83 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 uniting in humanity: the role of indonesian red cross, 1870-1960 | 74 uniting in humanity: the role of indonesian red cross, 1870-1960 indra fibiona1*, siska nurazizah lestari2, ahmad muhajir3 1preservation of cultural values office, ministry of education and culture, special region of yogyakarta 2department of history education, faculty of education and teacher training, universitas nusantara pgri kediri 3department of history education, faculty of education and teacher training, universitas islam sumatera utara *corresponding author: indra.fibiona@kemdikbud.go.id doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v4i1.8071 abstract the red cross is an important organization engaged in the humanitarian field. red cross had a long history regarding its important contributions among national movement to the indonesian revolution period. the history of the red cross from bataviaasch comite to be the indonesian red cross (pmi) was very complex, due to many dynamics and chronicles in it. there were lots of interesting problems to study on the red cross transition from the colonial government to the republic of the indonesia government. based on the reason above, this research discusses the red cross transformation from the bataviaasch committee into the indonesian red cross (pmi). the research was historical research by applying four stages. analysis results indicated that red cross's development from bataviaasch committee to pmi had many obstacles, both internal and external ones. moreover, political constellation at that time also gave a great effect on indonesian red cross development. however, these uncertain conditions have confirmed the indonesian red cross establishing process. keywords: red cross; bataviaasch comite; humanity. introduction human has a moral obligation to provide humanitarian assistance as long as they live in the world. the assistance is not limited to some obligations in certain areas, but it extends to international level based on human solidarity. voluntarism is not divided into religious, philosophical, political or ideological frames. in this case, voluntarism has a noble goal that is providing assistance and development based on individual encouragement to help those in need. the urge is a symbol of mutual security as social beings. in addition, the government has the responsibility related to people's welfare. however, the government cannot always effectively respond to all consequences that occur to humans, both from artificial disasters or natural disasters. so, this is the function of humanity organizations in helping, and completing services and efforts that the government cannot provide, because injured people have the right to receive treatment from medical personnel (beigbeder, 1991, p. 386). received: june 8, 2020 revised: june 9, 2020 accepted: june 10, 2020 ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1), 74-83 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 uniting in humanity: the role of indonesian red cross, 1870-1960 | 75 the importance of humanitarian organization underlies the formation of a humanitarian organization. the red cross is an organization with an important role, mainly in humanitarian missions. at the beginning of red cross period, humanitarian assistance focused on casualties caused by war only. at the end of 19th century, natural disaster aid was increasingly distributed by the international red cross which then standardized aid provision. although, its initial aim to help injured victims among war as a result of armed conflict, mainly in europe, international conference resolution in geneva for the first time in 1863 clearly indicated that red cross establishment was a shadow of post-conflict rebuilding, through peacetime relief activities. jean henry dunant himself escorted this activity, so, the various resolutions of red cross international conference in the 19th century reaffirmed the mandate to launch postconflict humanitarian aid that occurred among countries in europe (smith, 2013, p. 18). in february 1863, several switzerland elite figures gathered in geneva to join henry dunant. they gathered to embody various ideas, so they formed "international committee" to help wounded soldiers” (international committee for aid to wounded soldiers). in 1873, the committee used the name "international committee of the red cross” (international committee of the red cross/icrc) (haug, 1993, p. 52). geneva convention idea reached the netherlands, which was subsequently formed nederland roode kruis (nrk). nrk was established based on a royal decree on july 19, 1867. subsequently, on 8 october 1870 the bataviaasch committee (bataviaembryo red cross committee) was established, and became the first part of the dutch east indies. in 1872, there was a changing on its name to centraal committee nederlandsch-indie van de nederlandsche vereeniging tot het verleenen van hulp aan zieke en gewonde krijgslieden in tijd van oorlog (central netherlands indies committee of dutch association to provide aid to soldiers who were injured and wounded during war ), which then on october 21, 1873 the dutch colonial government changed it to het nederland-indiche rode kruis (nirk) which in 1895, it changed once again to central committee in nederlandsch indie-van de vereeniging van het nederlandsche roode kruis (central committee in indies of dutch red cross association). in 1920, the nomenclature changed once again to nederlands rode kruiz afdeling indie (nerkai). after the changing, there were three polyclinics established in batavia and buitenzorg. the committee in the dutch east indies dealt with nursing, assistance to disaster victims, work welfare, and personnel training (jaquet, 1983, p. 112). since 1934, the dutch red cross activity has grown, including donor and blood transfusion activities. some changes to the nomenclature indicated that before it became indonesian red cross (pmi), their activities had gone through many processes in indonesia. the nomenclature changes that happened several times were accompanied by strong reasons and various events. based on that reason, the main problem in this research is the changing process or dynamic of the red cross organization since the formation of the bataviasch committee to become indonesian red cross (pmi). by using the historical method, this research was studied diachronically. the research problem as a reference in the article is how was the organizational transformation that occurred in bataviasch ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1), 74-83 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 uniting in humanity: the role of indonesian red cross, 1870-1960 | 76 committee to become indonesian red cross (pmi); who were the involved parties in the organization from roode kruis to indonesian red cross (pmi); and what were the organizational contributions from bataviasch committee to pmi for the dutch/ indonesian indies community. by utilizing colonial-era newspaper articles and related libraries to international and national interest, this research was prepared with a social science approach mainly related to the organizations. this article describes the role of the red cross organization from the bataviasch committee to the indonesian red cross, from 1870 to 1960. establishment of bataviaasch comite and nederlands rode kruis afdeling indie (nerkai) the red cross establishment in the dutch east indies was based on a decision issued by the netherlands kingdom, on 19 july 1867 under the name het nederlandsche rode kruis (nrk). based on the decision, on 8 october 1870 bataviaasch comitevan het rode kruis (batavia red cross committee) was established in the dutch east indies. bataviaasch comite was chaired by j.f.r.s. van den bossche and assisted by secretary a.j.w. van delden (java-bode: nieuws, handelsen advertentieblad voor nederlandsch-indie, november 27, 1870). in the beginning, this organization handled general social problems. the colonial government then made a forum by forming the subdepartment under bataviaasch comite (batavia committee). it was beyond expectations, the sub-department turned out to have a good performance in overcoming war casualties (fauzia, 2013, p. 143). meanwhile, from 1930 onwards dutch east indies red cross activities were operated under the name of the dutch east indies red cross (het nederland-indiche rode kruis-nirk). this sub-department then developed into a red cross embryo in the dutch east indies. in 1872, the name was changed to centraal comedy nederlandsch-indie van de nederlandsche vereeniging tot het verleenen van hulp aan zieke en gewonde krijgslieden in tijd van oorlog (central netherlands indies committee of the dutch association to provide aid to soldiers who were injured and wounded during the war). the organization then underwent a change back on october 21, 1873, under the name het nederland-indiche rode kruis (nirk). in 1895, it was transformed once again into the centraal committee in nederlandsch indie-van de vereeniging van het nederlandsche rode kruis (central committee in the dutch east indies of the dutch red cross association). it was temporary until in 1920 the organization changed its name to the nederlands rode kruis afdeling indie (nerkai). after the nomenclature change, three polyclinics were established in batavia and buitenzorg, then in 1929 a hospital was also established. the organization had a humanitarian mission related to nursing, assistance to disaster victims, social assistance and nursing training, then developed in 1934 including handling blood transfusions (frits, 1983, p. 112). dutch east indies red cross organization and its contribution at the beginning of its establishment, the bataviaasch committee was successful in collecting donations of ƒ19,000 from a number of donors (java-bode: nieuws, handels-en ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1), 74-83 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 uniting in humanity: the role of indonesian red cross, 1870-1960 | 77 advertentieblad voor nederlandsch-indie, 27 november 1870). nrk also collected donations through the lottery, with 434 prizes and a grand prize of ƒ100,00. the lottery was distributed to several districts, including: semarang, yogyakarta, surabaya, jakarta, bogor tangerang, cirebon, pekalongan, surakarta, padang, deli, aceh, pasuruan, palembang, banjarmasin, and makassar. the donations in the form of lotteries caused negative excesses even it did not have significant impact (java-bode: nieuws, handels-en advertentieblad voor nederlandsch-indie october 9 1878). regardless of the purchase of an ambulance that cost a lot of money because it was used by nrk in the franco-prussian war, nrk managed to transfer 25,000 to nirk. that amount was added to another 10,000 transferred by the rotterdam division, during the second expedition of aceh (early summer of 1873). nirk was satisfied with the amount. it indicated that the dutch did not forget their "sons" who fought "to defend the rights of their citizens", after the indies had made an effort to help franco-prussian war victims. nirk did not only accept remittances, but also clothes, analgesic (pain relievers), antipyretics (fever drugs) and supplements (vitamins). the shipment was commissioned by king william iii personally. according to w. hingman, a former infantry general, nrk transferred more than f70,000 for the benefit of troops during an extensive aceh expedition. it was added by the cost of lombok expedition (1894) which reached around 18,000 (java-bode: nieuws, handels-en advertentieblad voor nederlandsch-indie october 9, 1878). large donations were also obtained from military action in the east indies. van den berg de bruyn said that military action in the east indies received more than f100,000 contributions during the aceh expedition. according to historian nrk h. ch. g. j. van der mandere, nrk supports were in the form of money and goods amounted to f15,000 during the aceh expedition until 1888. the general assembly concluded that due to this money, the dutch could minimize the loss of life by conducting intensive care on the army and navy forces, and moving it from aceh to padang. the intensive care maximized the assistance provided by the dutch community "(van bergen, 2019, p. 1). in 1873-twentieth century, the netherlands experienced a period of depression. in addition, the netherlands had to face a bloody conflict when expanding (in the form of punitive expedition and administrative expansion) in aceh, so it led to the outbreak to aceh war until 1903. the number of fatalities was around 100,000 and it became the most fatalities number in dutch military history (holland, porter, robinson, 2005, p. 64). this was the reason why nrk's role was very important in minimizing casualties, so they obtained a lot of support from the netherlands. in the process, the management of nirk encountered many challenges, due to several factors, including the distance between the dutch east indies and the netherlands which was quite far away, the vast area of the dutch east indies, as well as the independence and autonomy to regulate the red cross activities. similar to nrk, nirk members were mostly recruited in a conservative and closed manner. therefore, general military health workers and women did not have the opportunity to make nirk decisions and strategic plans (van bergen, 2014, p. 31). ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1), 74-83 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 uniting in humanity: the role of indonesian red cross, 1870-1960 | 78 despite facing many challenges, nirk kept to contribute on several military expeditions. nirk's contribution in embodied humanitarian values began in 1873, when the aceh war occurred for the first time. the war that lasted for three periods from 1873 to 1907 claimed many injuries and deaths, both from dutch and native forces. the main priority was helping the wounded dutch troops. after several time from the aceh war, in 1907 it came a statement that the entire archipelago became part of the dutch monarchy. while nirk's tasks for the humanitarian mission in aceh had not yet been completed, the problems faced by nirk were still the same as the nrk organization under the bataviasch committee which had emerged for decades. without war, nirk did not have activity, and without activity, there was no visibility. similarly, without visibility, nirk would lose popularity and membership. on the other hand, the nirk organization had an advantage, because it was supported by the dutch red cross (nrk). the complicated problems encountered by nirk could be resolved after nrk provided assistance and intervention. a common problem was the scarcity of medicines and medical equipment for nirk operation (van bergen, 2014, p. 31). it was important to remember that nirk had collected more than ƒ90.000 until 1871. ƒ60,000 from the donation was sent to the dutch red cross in den haag. in 1875, nirk had branches in batavia, padang, semarang, surabaya, and makassar. nirk also established three clinics in batavia and bogor regions in 1920 and established a hospital in 1929 (fauzia, 2013, p 143). in addition, nerkai equipment was also supported by morris branded ambulance, standard medical equipment, and others. the officers in the nerkai team polyclinic consisted of the head, a dutch doctor, several female nurses, male nurses, a guide (a nurse in the field). female nurses wore nurses' clothes as nurses in general, with a red cross symbol tied to the hand (maccormack, tilbury, triggs, 2001, p 159). the development of military nursing in the dutch east indies was not as fast as other european countries. this was due to the condition of good stability in the dutch east indies region which was marked by infrequent wars and conflicts. this had an impact on the dynamics of netherlands red cross in the dutch east indies. the organization that was established in 1867 received support from the community, especially women. such support was showed by the large number of women involved in organizing nurse training (lynaugh, 1995, p 85). nurses who participated in the red cross organization were sometimes allowed to work in hospitals to improve their practical skills. learning process at the hospital was performed by becoming an assistant of military surgeon. the lessons received were, for example, routine handling faced in daily life, such as handling accidents, influenza diseases, and others. the nurses did not have much capability about the handling of war victims because the victims had to be provided by psychological treatment as well. nevertheless, some nomenclature of local red cross incorporated in the netherlands red cross, especially the red cross in the dutch east indies, continued to educate nurses who had passed the theory test, the nurse was provided ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1), 74-83 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 uniting in humanity: the role of indonesian red cross, 1870-1960 | 79 the opportunity to practice (van bergen, 2014). the netherlands red cross nurse had the first opportunity and practical experience during the franco-german war of 18701871 (lynaugh, 1995, p 85). in addition, colonial imperialism also encouraged the development of nurse training in britain. the british colonial war of the second half of 19th century in india and africa was part of an imperial expansion scheme as well as a trial of army nursing services. the nurse's services could not be realized in the netherlands, even though netherlands had greater colonial powers. the dutch attitude was very paradoxical, due to almost unmatched exploitation of the colonial economy, but the dutch did not comply the policy of formal expansion through war. dutch military medical services in the indies reflected this situation. military medical services that had been designed in 1817 remained unchanged throughout the nineteenth century, although international policies on the red cross were issued (lynaugh, 1995, p 85). the establishment of the indonesian red cross and the end of dualism actually, there was a passion to establish the indonesian red cross (pmi) since 1932 which was pioneered by dr. rcl. senduk and bahder djohan. then, the establishment proposal was submitted at the nerkai congress (1940), but it was rejected. during the japan occupation, the proposal was resubmitted, but it was still rejected. on september 3, 1945 president soekarno ordered the minister of health dr. martoatmodjo's buntaran to establish a national red cross agency to show the international world that the existence of the indonesian state was a real fact after the proclamation of independence on august 17, 1945. on september 5, 1945, dr. buntaran established the five committee consisting of dr. r. mochtar, dr. bahder johan, dr. joehana, dr. marjuki and dr. sitanala, to prepare for the establishment of red cross in indonesia. on september 17, 1945 the executive board of indonesian red cross (pmi) was established with the first chairman, drs. mohammad hatta. at its inception, the dutch-indonesian red cross received support from the american red cross. this support was provided in the form of food and drug packages. in 1945, pmi received greater assistance. the aid packages were mostly distributed to java for prison camps. it was heard by the japan, so japan tried all means to thwart the shipment of the package. there was no detailed information about the packages sent to the netherlands red cross, but the american red cross was trying to provide assistance in large numbers, although threat of sabotage toward the shipment could occur more (rode kruis-pakketten voor indië. het vrĳe volk: democratisch-socialistisch dagblad august 23, 1945). prof. supomo in the capacity of the republic of indonesia delegation held an informal meeting to conduct consideration with the dutch prime minister, dr. drees. then, they held a meeting to discuss the cooperation of the netherlands red cross with the indonesian red cross. it was also attended by high representative of the kingdom, dr. l.j.m. beel. the netherland red cross, the indonesian ministry, and the central committee of the indonesian red cross during the meeting in yogyakarta approved the collaboration between the two parties. under the leadership of the ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1), 74-83 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 uniting in humanity: the role of indonesian red cross, 1870-1960 | 80 coordinating committee, all red cross workers in central java coordinated in order to provide the necessary assistance to the community (indonesië dr. drees ontmoet prof. supomo samenwerking rode kruisgroepen compromitterende brieven, in de heerenveensche koerier: onafhankelĳk dagblad voor midden-zuid-oost-friesland en noord-overĳssel january 14, 1949). several javanese medical staff were intensively trained in the program to socialize hygienic life, and also teaching simple treatment in the villages. the training should be performed by moving from one location to another. this was caused by the conditions of the physical revolutionary war between indonesia and dutch. the program was assistance from the colonial government through the dutch east indies red cross. the hygiene mantri school program was revived in 1945 by trained health workers in the rockefeller unit before the war, then transferred to magelang in 1947 (harper & amrith, 2014, p. 104). "nederland helpt indië" foundation and the netherlands red cross jointly provided assistance in the form of some alasphine drugs worth around five thousand guilders to fight yaws in indonesia. the assistance arrived in the first half of february in batavia (tegen framboesia het dagblad: uitgave van de nederlandsche dagbladpers te batavia 31 january 1949). in its development, in 1948, the red cross in the dutch east indies (nirk) had experienced a crisis and weakening in the organization, one of which was caused by corruption. this had an impact on the decline in public confidence in the organization. prominent nirk figures from batavia, donors, and chief of the logistics department of the red cross in the dutch east indies (nirk) (arriens) intervened to overcome the problem by visiting several areas, one of which was semarang for several days. the visit was aimed at stabilizing the performance of the red cross to carry out its humanitarian mission well. the main step that should be taken was to restore the trust of donors and the community as a result of problems arising internally, one of which was related to issues about misuse of funds, the arbitrariness of management in the leadership and other problems hampering nirk operations. the red cross branch of semarang actually had reliable human resources, because it had long been managed by prominent figures from the red cross in batavia. then, nirk officials evaluated and replaced nirk leadership positions in semarang. some nirk leaders in semarang were temporarily replaced by figures from the red cross who had served in jakarta (de rode kruis affaire eerste en belangrijkste taak: het vertrouwen herwinnen leidende figuren uit batavia in de locomotief: samarangsch handelsen advertentie-blad january 13, 1948). in 1948, yogyakarta region was largely under the dutch control. the central area and eastern as well as northern suburbs were occupied by the dutch, with a garrison estimated to consist of a thousand soldiers, several stuart tanks and armored cars as well as machine gun operators. the suburbs were occupied by republican forces. in a major attack on the night of december 29, 1948, republican forces encroached into four blocks from the center of the city. on january 9, 1949 the siliwangi battalion carried out a four-hour attack (with mortars and machine guns) penetrating into the ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1), 74-83 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 uniting in humanity: the role of indonesian red cross, 1870-1960 | 81 city center, in which battalions continued to fight for two hours before dutch tanks and armored vehicles were finally forced to retreat. instructions of the armed forces commander on november 9, 1948 governed the implementation of military and civilian wehrkreise. by the civil wehrkreise arrangements, it was also reflected in the participation of civilians in the enforcement of independence at that time. likewise, java command headquarters instruction no. 4 / mbk.d / 1949 allowed members of military families working in public kitchens and the indonesian red cross to participate in the unit and command posts. civilian casualties during the revolutionary war in yogyakarta until 1949 were numerous, especially in the suburbs. red cross could not provide the maximum contribution in this area. because one ambulance was destroyed by the dutch in the 19 december 1949 attack; the dutch had refused to cover of any damaged indonesian red cross facilities. yogyakarta hospital treated 108 civilian casualties during december 19-25, 1949 (kratoska, 2001, p.105). on january 16, 1950, there was only one national association in one country, the dutch government dissolved nerkai and handed over its assets to indonesian red cross. nerkai was represented by dr. b. van trich while indonesian red cross was represented by dr. bahder djohan. from 1950 to 1963 the indonesian red cross continued to provide assistance. finally, the government of the republic of united state of indonesia issued presidential decree no. 25 on january 16, 1950 and affirmed by presidential decree no. 246 on november 29, 1963. the decree contained the appointment of the indonesian red cross organization as the only organization authorized to carry out red cross activities in the republic of united state of indonesia, in accordance with the geneva conventions (1864, 1906, 1929, and 1949) (maccormack, tilbury, triggs, 2001, p. 159).. the main task of the indonesian red cross based on presidential decree no. ris 25 of 1950 and republic of indonesia presidential decree no. 246 of 1963 was to provide first aid to victims of natural disasters and victims of war in accordance with the contents of the 1949 geneva convention. internationally, the existence of indonesian red cross was recognized by the international committee of red cross (icrc) on june 15, 1950. then, indonesian red cross was accepted as a member of the 68th national association by the league of red cross and red crescent societies (league) which is now called the international federation of red cross and red crescent societies (ifrc) at the international federation of red cross and red crescent societies in october 1950 (rode kruispakketten voor indië. het vrĳe volk: democratisch-socialistisch dagblad august 23, 1945). conclusion the red cross is a very important organization in the indonesian history. the organization engaged in the field of humanity has contributed a lot to the communities. since it was first established in indonesia with the name bataviaaschcomite under the dutch government until, it finally became the indonesian red cross facing various problems ranging from the scarcity of equipment and drugs to negligence of the majors and corruption in the body of the organization. however, ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1), 74-83 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 uniting in humanity: the role of indonesian red cross, 1870-1960 | 82 it has a lot of contribution and role to humanity. bataviaasch comite at that time of its activities received many donations from donors through the lottery. these donations were used to sustain humanitarian activities performed at the time. subsequently, the bataviaasch comite changed its name to het nederland-indiche rode kruis (nirk), at that time, nirk focused on helping dutch soldiers who were victims of the war, especially the aceh war. after indonesian independence, president soekarno ordered that a national red cross agency should be established on september 3, 1945. it was intended that the existence of indonesian state could be further proven to the international world after the proclamation of independence on august 17, 1945. references beigbeder, y. (1991). the role and statuts of international humanitarian volunteers and organizations: the right and duty to humanitarian assistance. leiden: martinus nijhoff publishers. de rode kruis affaire eerste en belangrijkste taak: het vertrouwen herwinnen leidende figuren uit batavia dalam de locomotief : samarangsch handelsen advertentie-blad 13 januari 1948 fauzia, a. (2013). faith and the state: a history of islamic philanthropy in indonesia. leiden: brill. frits, j. g.p. (1983). guides to the sources for the history of nations, 3 rd series. harper, t. amrith, s. histories of health in southeast asia: perspectives on the long twentieth century. indiana: indiana university press. haug, h. (1993). humanity for all: the international red cross and red crescent movement. haupt, switzerland: henry dunant institute. holland, r. f., porter, a. robinson, r. (2005). theory and practice in the history of european expansion overseas: essays in honour of ronald robinson. london: routledge. indonesië dr. drees ontmoet prof. supomo samenwerking rode kruisgroepen – compromitterende brieven. de heerenveensche koerier: onafhankelĳk dagblad voor midden-zuid-oost-friesland en noord-overĳssel, 14 januari 1949. jaquet, f. g.p. (1983). guides to the sources for the history of nations (3rd series). berlin: walter de gruyter. java-bode. (1870). nieuws, handels-en advertentieblad voor nederlandsch-indie, 27 november 1870. java-bode. (1878). nieuws, handels-en advertentieblad voor nederlandsch-indie, 9 oktober 1878. kratoska, p. h. south east asia, colonial history: independence through revolutionary war. (milton park: taylor & francis, 2001). lynaugh, j. e. (1995). nursing history review (volume 4: official journal of the american association for the history of nursing). philadelphia: university of pennsylvania press. macalister-smith, p. (2012). international humanitarian assistance: disaster relief actions in international law and organization. berlin: springer. ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1), 74-83 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 uniting in humanity: the role of indonesian red cross, 1870-1960 | 83 mccormack, t. l. h., tilbury, m. j., triggs, g. d. (2001). a century of war and peace: asia-pacific perspectives on the centenary of the 1899 hague peace conference. leiden: brill. rode kruis-pakketten voor indië. het vrĳe volk: democratisch-socialistisch dagblad, 23 agustus 1945. tegen framboesia. het dagblad: uitgave van de nederlandsche dagbladpers te batavia, 31 januari 1949. van bergen, l. (2014). on war task and peace work. the dutch east indies red cross between the colonial wars and the second world war. journal of asclepio, revista de historia de la medicina y de la ciencavol 66 (1),1-11. doi: 10.3989/asclepio.2014 .05 microsoft word 8. widuatie et al.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 229-238 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the existence of the indonesian christian church (gki) bondowoso, east java in 1962-2019 | 229 received: may 29, 2024 revised: august 29, 2024 accepted: 30 august, 2024 the existence of the indonesian christian church (gki) bondowoso, 1962-2019 dewi salindri, ratna endang widuatie*, wana arta history study program, faculty of humanities, universitas jember jl. kalimantan no.37, tegal boto lor, sumbersari, jember, east java, 68121 *corresponding author: ratnaendang.sastra@unej.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v8i2.22696 introduction christians often refer to a church as a physical building, considered a house of god. however, in a broader sense, the term "church" derives from the portuguese word igreja and the latin word ecclesia, both meaning "congregation" or "community of believers." according to van den end (2008a, 202), the core elements of a church are individuals who share a common faith in god and rely on god as the savior in their lives. the growth of christianity in indonesia is closely linked to the historical context of its arrival. the development of protestant christianity in indonesia differs significantly from the introduction and spread of islam in the region (van den end, 2008b). islam's rapid spread in indonesian society can be attributed to the peaceful introduction by muslim traders who settled in various regions (vlekke, 2008, 3). in contrast, european colonization, driven by the 3g mission (gold, glory, and gospel), led many indonesians to perceive christianity as the default religion of the colonialists (ericksen, 1999). abstract this article presents a historical analysis of the growth of gki bondowoso, a protestant christian church in indonesia. employing a sociological approach and functionalism theory, to analyze the social functions of the church within its community as well as the interactions between the church and other social institutions. gki bondowoso, established on a land grant from a muslim community, has a unique history. it became a founding member of the seven church clusters that led to the formation of gki east java. since 1962, the church has strived for self-sufficiency and actively participated in the efforts to unify the gki into a single organization. throughout its history, gki bondowoso has experienced changes in pastoral leadership and commission activities. it has actively sought to positively influence its surrounding environment, including fostering integration with the ethnic chinese community and learning about madurese customs. the ethnic chinese population in bondowoso has successfully adopted the local language, facilitating better relationships within the community. however, the church's growth and sustainability have been supported by its positive relationships with the local community and other religious groups, demonstrating its positive influence on its environment. keywords: pastoral leadership; local community; commission; gki bondowoso. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 229-238 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the existence of the indonesian christian church (gki) bondowoso, east java in 1962-2019 | 230 the growth of various christian churches across indonesia has resulted in diverse patterns influenced by the specific zending (missionary) activities and the social context in which each church was founded. for example, the growth of the indonesian christian church (gki), the jawi wetan christian church (gkjw), and the protestant church in western indonesia (gpib) has been shaped by unique factors. in east java, the growth of gki has been influenced by chinese elements, local javanese culture, and the zending efforts of missionaries. while many people associate chinese individuals with buddhism, it's important to note that there are significant chinese populations in indonesia who adhere to taoism, protestant christianity, catholicism, and islam (iswanto, 2013, p. 163). this demonstrates that the dutch colonial efforts to spread christianity did not exclude the possibility of conversion among non-indigenous populations (padmo, 2004, p. 25). the evangelization of peranakan chinese in east java was not solely undertaken by the nederlandsch zendelinggenootschap (nzg) missionary organization. many conversions were initiated by individuals within the peranakan chinese community itself (wulandari, 2022, p. 296). oei soei tiong, a prominent figure in the establishment of gki east java, is considered the founding father of the organization (lombard, 1996, p. 102). baptized in 1898, oei soei tiong actively preached the gospel to chinese communities in bangil, malang, and mojokerto. in 1933, he was appointed as the pastor of the first chinese congregation in surabaya. gki is a church that was originally called tiong hwa kie tok kauw hwee (thktkh), the name means the same as "the church of christ" in china (gunawan, 1989, pp. 18-19). to appreciate the meaning of the name of the church, on june 26 1932 the chinese christian conference decided to upgrade the status of the association from an "association" to a "church". efforts to achieve independence for the peranakan chinese finally resulted in a decision, that on february 22 1934 in bangil the east java klasis thktkh was officially established. pastor drs. hac hildering (surabaya) and oei soei tiong (bangil) came to serve worship activities for the chinese congregation in bondowoso. the two of them were part of the consultant pastors in the congregation, so once a month oei soei tiong came to give a sermon to the bondowoso chinese protestant christian congregation. efforts to spread the gospel to the chinese christian congregation were carried out by pastors oei soei tiong and ds. hac hildering arrived in the bondowoso area in 1933. at that time, oei soei tiong was in charge of serving worship and carrying out the first baptism of five members of the congregation located at gki bondowoso. while there is limited research specifically on gki bondowoso, several studies related to protestant missions (zending) and the contributions of gki churches to indonesian society can provide valuable insights. the study from intan (2015) which explore the presence and challenges faced by protestant churches in indonesia, the world's largest muslim-majority country. the historical context of protestant missions in indonesia, from the dutch colonial era through the japanese occupation and the indonesian independence struggle, including the old order and new order regimes. while the christian mission in indonesia has not been driven by military force or ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 229-238 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the existence of the indonesian christian church (gki) bondowoso, east java in 1962-2019 | 231 economic greed, churches have encountered numerous challenges and hardships in fulfilling their god-given mission, encompassing both the evangelical mandate and the cultural mandate. despite these challenges, indonesian churches remain entrusted by christ and are called to faithfully and joyfully carry out their divine calling. meanwhile, aritonang (2020) several factors contribute to the persistence of zending theology in certain churches today, including a pessimistic mindset, an unbalanced ministry focus, and a dichotomous view of the church and the world. this paper offers a theological reflection aimed at reinforcing the church's social responsibility. bondowoso is part of the tapal kuda area, where the customs are still heavily influenced by madurese culture, but in matters of belief, the bondowoso community is heterogeneous. there are two major ethnic groups that inhabit the bondowoso area, namely javanese and madurese, there are also a small number of ambonese, chinese, and arabs. madurese is of course the language in their daily lives, it is even the language used in religious activities, but most bondowoso people can use two languages, namely javanese and madurese. islam is the majority religion for the madurese population in bondowoso, so the strong influence of islam can be an obstacle to the spread of the gospel message in bondowoso, so it can be said that protestant christianity is a minority religion among the community. gki bondowoso grew up in a madurese environment where the majority were muslim. this church was built on land given by a muslim named atmodiwirijo who was a wealthy tobacco businessman and owned a tobacco factory called "tjintjin mas". atmodiwirijo is known to the public as a generous person and maintains good relations with chinese people. atmodiwirijo's giving of a plot of land to the chinese congregation was not motivated by any particular reason, such as establishing cooperation in business matters or trading with chinese people (hut gki bondowoso lxxv). during the tenure of the second pastor, rev. tj lintang, gki bondowoso initiated the construction of its church building, marked by the laying of the foundation stone. the completed church was subsequently inaugurated on december 2, 1964. this historical overview highlights several key issues: (1) background of gki bondowoso's founding: understanding the circumstances surrounding the church's establishment; (2) dynamics of gki bondowoso: examining the church's role in the growth of the protestant christian community in bondowoso; (3) contributions of gki bondowoso: identifying the various roles and contributions made by the church to the community. to provide a clear and focused research scope, this article examines three key areas: (1) spatial scope: the study focuses on the gki bondowoso congregation, a significant historical entity in the growth of protestant christianity in bondowoso; (2) temporal scope: the research covers the period from 1962 to 2019, with 1962 marking the beginning of gki bondowoso's construction and 2019 notable for its unique christmas event; (3) scope of study: this research utilizes institutional history to analyze the church as an institution. the choice of the 2019 christmas theme reflects gki bondowoso's commitment to environmental awareness and its efforts to address ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 229-238 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the existence of the indonesian christian church (gki) bondowoso, east java in 1962-2019 | 232 issues like waste pollution. in addition to this event, the church has engaged in various activities related to interchurch relations and social outreach within the broader community. method the research method used by the author is the historical method according to kuntowijoyo's opinion, in this case, kuntowijoyo divides the historical research method into five stages, including: 1) topic selection, 2) source collection, 3) verification, 4) interpretation, analysis and synthesis, and 5) writing or historiography (kuntowijoyo, 2003, p. 91; koentjaraningrat, 1986). the first stage is topic selection, where the topic selection must be in accordance with the interests of researchers who have emotional closeness so that writing history will be subjective. the choice of research topic must also be based on intellectual proximity so that the form of writing will be objective. the topic of gki bondowoso was chosen because this church has quite a unique historical value. to collect sources, the author conducted interviews with several figures who knew the historical process of gki bondowoso, including the gki bondowoso pastor, the gki bondowoso council, and parties from the atmodiwirijo family as people who had the land granted for the establishment of the church. meanwhile, secondary sources were obtained by researchers in writing this article, namely in the form of scientific articles such as books, journals, theses, dissertations, and sources from the internet (newmark, 1997). writing history really requires documents, so there are no documents that are meaningless to be able to write history. in the verification process, the author tries to double-check efforts to obtain credible sources, while obtaining the authenticity of the sources can be done by comparing the research sources that have been obtained based on their time. the next stage is interpretation or attempts to interpret historical facts. as for the final stage, namely historiography, this part is the most important in carrying out the process of presenting and compiling all the data, then it will be compiled into a form of writing that has been reconstructed and put into writing about historical research. the establishment of gki bondowoso the east java region has several tribes that have existed for a long time, such as the osing, tengger, javanese, and madurese tribes. the local community's habits, which are so strongly embedded in islamic and javanese traditions, make it difficult for other religions to develop in the east java region, such as the entry of protestant christianity, whose initial presence was rejected by the community (hakim, 2024). this rejection occurred because the local community did not easily accept new things or teachings that were not in accordance with their old traditions, as well as the preaching of the gospel to the madurese community, the results of which could be said to be less fertile or less likely to produce many congregations, as happened in preaching the gospel in the bondowoso area. the madurese ethnic community makes islam a religion that they firmly adhere ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 229-238 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the existence of the indonesian christian church (gki) bondowoso, east java in 1962-2019 | 233 to as a guide in their lives so that the madurese ethnic community also trusts kyai as people who are considered to have great influence, this makes it difficult to preach the gospel within the madurese ethnic community. evangelists who are tasked with serving the people of east java must learn about the local culture or language, this is useful so that they can approach the local community. zendeling, who served in the east java region, took several approaches to preach the gospel, such as taking a madurese language crash course conducted by an evangelist in bondowoso and using gamelan as a medium to accompany the songs performed by the evangelist when serving the javanese community (joedanti, 2006, p. 12). in the bondowoso area, the activities of preaching the gospel to madurese and the chinese were assisted by the java committee zending in the early 1880s, namely by sending an evangelist named h. van der spiegel. when van der spiegel served in the bondowoso area, he provided a form of service, namely by building a pastor's house, building a church, building a hospital, and moving his evangelism to places that were easily accessible to the public, such as in the chinatown area in the center of bondowoso (jodeanti, 2006, p. 13). they provided a form of service to the chinese by opening schools intended for their children. the work of the christian mission carried out among the chinese congregation in bondowoso obtained real results, namely missions in the field of education, this can be proven by producing an obedient child of god named tjan kian pa. since the 19th century, missionary work in the field of education has been intensified by missionaries in several churches in indonesia, including in the bondowoso area. the target of this mission work will be given to children and teenagers, as well as adults who are serious about learning. the services provided by evangelists in educational missions are by providing teaching such as reading, and writing, and there are also christian religious lessons, where the bible is the main lesson for peranakan chinese children. the feeling of interest in christian schools that can provide intellectual needs has become the answer to educational needs in the future, so in this case, there are many bondowoso peranakan chinese who then send their children to attend the christian school foundation. in 1932 the bondowoso congregation was initially served by an evangelist named j. van den blinh as hoofd onderwijzer (school principal) at the christelijke hollandse chinese school (chr. hcs) bondowoso, with seven congregations served by adult baptism and sidi since 1928 -1932. the service among the chinese congregation was carried out by pastor hw van den berg in bondowoso and assisted by rev. kisbri from the situbondo pentecostal church. drs. hac hildering and oie soie tiong came to the bondowoso area and served the chinese protestant christian congregation in 1933. oei soei tiong performed his first baptism on 26 august 1933 at thktkh klasis bondowoso with a total of 5 members being baptized. when the number of members who had completed the baptism process increased, on september 9, 1933, a church was formed which was named djemaat kristen tiong hwa bondowoso, before the formation of tiong hwa ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 229-238 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the existence of the indonesian christian church (gki) bondowoso, east java in 1962-2019 | 234 kie tok kauw hwee (thktkh) bondowoso which was only formed on february 22, 1934. gki bondowoso is a unique church because it grew within the madurese community where the majority of the population embraces islam, then a muslim named haji atmodiwirijo who is the owner of a tobacco company called: "tjintjin mas" has given a plot of land for the development process of gki bondowoso. the location of the land grant given by atmodiwirijo is in a strategic position and is in the center of bondowoso so that when the gki bondowoso assembly surveyed the construction of a church, they strongly agreed that the gki bondowoso building should stand on that land. this situation is closely related to the policy regarding the issuance of presidential regulation number 10 of 1959, where the regulation contains a prohibition on chinese people who can no longer carry out economic activities (trade) in rural areas (ri presidential regulation no. 10 of 1959, concerning prohibition for foreign small trade and retail businesses outside the capital of level i and ii selfregional regions and residency). gki bondowoso will be established in a location close to the center of the people's economy and the bondowoso chinese residential area called chinatown. as time went by, the gki bondowoso congregation grew rapidly, making the gki bondowoso assembly enthusiastic to soon have their church building. before having its church building, the gki bondowoso congregation rented the gpib bondowoso building in 1952, then after the lease expired the gki bondowoso assembly returned to renting mas katjungkamari's house which took place in 1960. efforts to build the church building were not easy, because of the condition. it relates to the funds owned by the church. the implementation of the construction of gki bondowoso in 1962 was based on the publication of a statement letter number: 389/xiii.a/62 on 2 october 1962 (certification letter 2 october 1962, concerning the handover of a plot of yard land in bondowoso). the construction of gki bondowoso took around two years until finally the church building was inaugurated in 1964. dynamics and influence of gki bondowoso to society the bondowoso area only has one gki church, namely gki bondowoso. gki bondowoso was part of the church members from the beginning of the formation of the forerunner of gki east java. every year gki bondowoso always prepares and divides its duties in providing services to its congregation, so that it can move the circle of activities and organizational wheels within the church. an institution must have a clear vision and mission, which means that the development of an institution such as a church must be able to experience progress and transformation from time to time so that a church can influence society and other churches. a church that strives always to develop, be able to live, and grow is a church that has a clear direction. if an institution such as a church experiences stagnant conditions, then the church will be said to be an institution that has forgotten its duties and roles, so it can also be called a dead church because it is not by the teachings in the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 229-238 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the existence of the indonesian christian church (gki) bondowoso, east java in 1962-2019 | 235 bible. the growth and development of gki in indonesia went through several long processes, until on february 22 1934 in east java a church was founded which was named gki east java (gunawan, 1989, p. 306). likewise, on march 24 1940 in west java a church was founded which was later called gki west java, and on august 8 1945 in central java a church was founded which was called gki central java. on march 27, 1962, the three churches began efforts to unite themselves to merge the churches into the gki general synod. the gki general synod is a new face that is different from the faces of other synods that have been formed previously. this reason is because the forum is based on and motivated by the unity of the church in indonesia. this condition is in line with the basis and objectives of the council of churches in indonesia (dgi), whose three church members consist of gki west java, gki central java, and gki east java, to merge to become members of the church. furthermore, on august 26, 1988, the three churches were finally pledged to become one church which was named the indonesian christian church (gki) (gunawan, 1989, pp. 225228) the dynamics in a church will occur in every leadership of the pastor in charge, these dynamics can be seen based on the rise and fall of the congregation or can also be seen from the development of church activities (nugroho, 2020). for activities within the church to run well, several commissions working within it need to be assisted. gki has five commissions, namely the children's commission (sunday school), women's or adult commission, music and liturgy commission, service and testimony commission, and youth or youth commission. these five commissions carry out several tasks which are arranged based on the results of the decisions of the work meetings that have been determined. gki bondowoso was once led by a consular priest when the gki bondowoso congregation experienced a priest vacancy. conflict is a part that some institutions never fail to experience, such as the internal conflict that occurred within gki bondowoso where the gki bondowoso congregation felt that there was a mismatch with the priest who served them, namely rev. edi sumartono because he was considered to prefer his interests to matters concerning the church. this internal conflict occurred in 2004, until finally pdt. edy sumartono had to be moved to serve congregational activities at gki tulungagung, this method was taken as a step to resolve conflicts within the gki bondowoso congregation. the role of the pastor is to handle these internal problems so that the pastors on duty must then be able to understand the characteristics of each congregation which has different characteristics. in 2009, namely when the rev. martin k. nugroho, began to restore the gki bondowoso congregation which had disappeared from church activities. gradually, gki bondowoso was able to demonstrate its existence in providing a positive role to the community, namely by establishing relationships with other churches or with the community around the location where gki bondowoso was founded. gki bondowoso carries out several forms of activities that relate directly to the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 229-238 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the existence of the indonesian christian church (gki) bondowoso, east java in 1962-2019 | 236 outside community, including assisting in the form of installing water pipes at the raudhatul jannah islamic boarding school in 2013, providing sacrificial animals at the al-mubarak islamic boarding school (nugroho, 2020). gki bondowoso has also provided donations in the form of necessities and building materials to victims affected by natural disasters, as was done by gki bondowoso together with the disaster preparedness cadets (tagana) in providing galvalum houses to fire victims in gg. pentecostal (bondowoso) which occurred in 2015. the fife report of gki bondowoso congregation in (2019) during the leadership of pastor martin k. nugroho, gki bondowoso gave its role to an islamic-based school, namely at smk nu tenggarang, where pastor martin taught about music and choirs. this activity took place in 2018. in 2019, gki bondowoso collaborated with the john fawcett foundation (jff) and lp2sm in holding free treatment and cataract surgery activities at the nu wonosari clinic (bondowoso), which succeeded in helping 2000 patients, including 200 cataract surgery patients, this activity was aimed at economically disadvantaged people. the role given by gki bondowoso to other churches is not only carried out in spiritual services but also in helping to develop the potential of gkjw sumberpakem, jember. gki bondowoso collaborates with gki sanjose surabaya to collaborate in developing the gkjw sumberpakem community and congregation in the fields of agriculture and animal husbandry so that when agricultural products from the gkjw sumberpakem congregation are to be sold, the three churches help to sell them to gki sinwil east java. development in the agricultural sector has also reached the katul planting business, so this role has had many positive impacts on society. as for the livestock sector, gki bondowoso and gki sanjose surabaya provided several goats for breeding, then developed further into the lemosin cattle farming business, as well as teaching the gkjw sumberpakem congregation to process livestock manure to become organic fertilizer for their agricultural land (lastri, 2021). conclusion gki bondowoso was able to develop amid the bondowoso community, where the majority of the people are of the madurese tribe who are very strong in islamic values and traditions. it is called a unique church because gki bondowoso stands on a land grant given by a businessman and owner of the tjintjin mas tobacco company. the owner of the land is named atmodiwirijo, who the community calls a generous muslim. apart from donating his land for the establishment of gki bondowoso, atmodiwrijo also gave some of his money to support funds for the church building materials. the sense of unity that has been realized by the two evangelists who have provided service to the bondowoso chinese christian congregation, which previously was only a bond of chinese christian bonds, has made gki bondowoso a legitimate institution. thktkh bondowoso, which was originally pioneered by a young man named tjan kian pa (pangestu), is said to be the fruit of a real gospel message from zending efforts in the bondowoso area which originated from an educational mission. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 229-238 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the existence of the indonesian christian church (gki) bondowoso, east java in 1962-2019 | 237 chinese people attach more importance to education for future intellectual needs, compared to madurese who do not easily believe in things that come from outside their culture. gki bondowoso has actively sought to positively influence its surrounding environment, including fostering integration with the ethnic chinese community and learning about madurese customs. the ethnic chinese population in bondowoso has successfully adopted the local language, facilitating better relationships within the community. gki bondowoso's role in community engagement is evident in its various activities with other church members and the broader community. the church has collaborated with organizations like fkub, tagana, lp2sm, and jff to provide social assistance to those in need. gki bondowoso's commitment to inclusivity aligns with the first principle of pancasila, promoting an open and tolerant attitude towards individuals of different backgrounds. this approach demonstrates the church's ability to implement life guidelines based on pancasila values. references aritonang, a. (2020). karya sosial gereja: studi tentang gki cianjur. jurnal luxnos, 6(2), 160-74. ericksen, r. p. (1999). luther, lutherans and the german church struggle. kirchliche zeitgeschichte, 12(1), 297-307. gunawan, p. (1989). benih yang tumbuh xiv: gereja kristen indonesia jawa timur. surabaya: sinode gki jawa timur dan badan penelitian dan pengembangan gpi. hakim, b. m. o. c. (2024). kajian teologis praktis terhadap liturgi gereja kristen protestan indonesia dalam pertumbuhan iman jemaat di wilayah iii (simalungun). tashdiq: jurnal kajian agama dan dakwah, 6(2), 91-100. https://doi.org/10.4236/tashdiq.v6i2.5381 intan, b. f. (2015). misi kristen di indonesia: kesaksian kristen protestan. societas dei: jurnal agama dan masyarakat, 2(2), 325. https://doi.org/10.33550/sd.v2i2.21 iswanto, a. (2013). dialog islam-kristen dalam sejarah: konteks global dan lokal. harmoni, 12(2), 163-171. joedanti, s. (2006). seraut wajah jemaat gkjw bondowoso. bondowoso: gkjw bondowoso. kartodirdjo, s. (1993). pendekatan ilmu sosial dalam metodologi sejarah. jakarta: gramedia. koentjaraningrat. (1986). pengantar ilmu antropologi. jakarta: aksara baru. kuntowijoyo. (2003). metodologi sejarah. yogyakarta: pt. tiara wacana. lombard, d. (1996). nusa jawa: silang budaya (batas-batas pembaratan). jakarta: pt gramedia pustaka utama. newmark, m. s. (1997). navigating the internet for sources in american history. the history teacher, 30(3), 283-292. padmo, s. (2004). bunga rampai sejarah sosial–ekonomi indonesia. yogyakarta: aditya media yogyakarta. van den end, th. (2008b). harta dalam bejana: sejarah gereja ringkas. jakarta: bpk ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 229-238 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the existence of the indonesian christian church (gki) bondowoso, east java in 1962-2019 | 238 gunung mulia. van den end, th. & j. weitjens, s.j. (2008a). ragi carita 2: sejarah gereja di indonesia 1860an – sekarang. jakarta: pt. bpk gunung mulia. vlekke, b.h.m. (2008). nusantara: sejarah indonesia, penerjemah samsudin berlian. jakarta: kepustakaan populer gramedia. wulandari, w. r. (2022). kunci pertumbuhan gereja di indonesia yang berbasis data dari perspektif evangelikal dan tinjauan kritis atasnya. jurnal sosial teknologi, 2(3), 295-305. microsoft word 004. new layout khairana zata.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 154-164 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 “de moelijike middenweg”: association politics between the dutch east indie and the netherlands | 154 received: june 03, 2023 revised: july 03, 2023 accepted: january 15, 2024 “de moelijike middenweg”: association politics between the dutch east indie and the netherlands through indische toneel, 1913-1933 khairana zata nugroho, singgih tri sulistiyono, dhanang respati puguh* master program of history, faculty of humanities, universitas diponegoro jl. dr. antonius suroyo, tembalang, semarang indonesia *corresponding author: dhanang.respati@live.undip.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v7i2.19148 introduction this article examines the attempts to implement association politics in order to build good relations between the dutch east indies and the netherlands through two indische toneel; karina adinda: oost-indisch zedenspel in drie bedrijven by victor ido and boeddhakind: indische spel in vier bedrijven by marie van zeggelen, which were shown throughout 1913-1933. previously, association politics has been studied through various paradigms, but the studies that examine association politics in the dimensions of art, especially performing arts, are still rarely conducted. this became an interesting issue to investigate because in the midst of the natives’ movement against colonialism that emerged in the dutch east indies at the beginning of the 20th century, appeared another group who wanted good relations between the dutch east indies as the colony and the dutch as the motherland through moderate efforts, one of which is through performing arts. they are known as associationist group. association politics is a type of political movement that carries the concept of unity between indonesians and other foreigners in the colonies. through this politics, it is hoped abstract this article discusses the endeavors to build a harmonious relationship between the colony of the dutch east indies and the motherland, the netherlands, through the association politics in indische toneel (indies play) performances of karina adinda and boeddhakind in 1913-1933. in the midst of the natives movement, where the natives put in motion their thoughts and ideas against the oppressive colonial government, a new cultural consciousness that desired a dialogue between east and west also appeared as the consequences of the implementation of the dutch ethical policy. one of its aspects was performing art. through historical method, this anomaly is examined through the performances of two indische toneel namely karina adinda and boeddhakind, indische toneel that combined west dramaturgy with javanese performances such as gamelan and traditional dances. the performances were produced in cooperation with organizations such as vereeniging oost en west, het nederlandsch-indonesisch verbond van jongeren-organisaties (nivjo), and other indonesian students in the dutch east indies and the netherlands. the performances garnered disapproval from nationalists and praise from ethnicists keywords: indische toneel; colonialism; association politics; pribumi; drama ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 154-164 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 “de moelijike middenweg”: association politics between the dutch east indie and the netherlands | 155 that indonesia can be independent without needing to depend on other nations. nevertheless, association politics received a negative response from nationalists. this reaction arose because even though indonesia had become a country that could run independently, fundamentally indonesia was still under the control and part of the dutch government (hatta, 1933). one of the proponents of this politics was raden mas noto soeroto, a javanese prince from pakualaman who was educated in the netherlands (“associatie – politiek”, 1932). through het nederlandsch-indonesisch verbond van jongeren-organisaties or the association of dutch-indonesian youth organizations (nivjo), noto soeroto and the people who advocates association politics tried to unite indonesians and the dutch through a moderate way (poeze et al, 1986, p. 196). founded on 30 march 1926, the association has the goal of achieving better understanding and cultivating mutual respect between the two nations ("nederlandsch-indonesisch verbond van jongeren-organisaties", 1926). apart from nivjo, boeatan, a shop and gallery founded by vereeniging oost en west (east and west association), also provides performances that showcased traditional javanese art. the association's goal was to preserve dutch east indies arts and crafts by creating a market in the west for a wide variety of products produced by the natives. vereeniging oost en west also often holds art exhibitions to show javanese art and indigenous handicrafts (groot, 2006, p. 127; meer, 2017, p. 508). indische toneel or indies play is a performing art that was popular from 1900 to 1925 in the dutch east indies and the netherlands. by focused on the life in the colonial world and combined it with western dramaturgy, indische toneel has distinct characteristics that makes it an aberration from conventional western drama because it incorporates eastern elements in its performances (cohen, 2014, p. 233; baay, 1998, p. 52). two indische toneel entitled karina adinda and boeddhakind are indische toneel that focused on the life of javanese priyayi; both plays showed javanese art as integral part of the show and involved indonesian students in its productions. in this regard, art was presented as a justification for a paragon of colonial relationship between the culture of the natives and the culture of the dutch people as something related, rather than a unified or assimilated (cohen, 2014, p. 232). through the performing arts, association politics can be realized through mutual understanding of each other's motives and culture. however, in reality association politics is a form of indirect rule of the dutch government over the dutch east indies (bloembergen, 2004, p. 48). within colonial context, there have been several studies that put emphasis on performing arts and its relation to the hegemony of the colonial government. cohen (2014) examines the development of indonesian performing arts in the netherlands, such as various types of javanese dance performances and music groups, indische toneel, and kroncong ensemble. in several performances, the integrity of javanese art is valued as a form of respect and tolerance between races, and related to this context, the progress of the political plane was placed on cultural exchanges that are on even stipulations. in other performances, the existing performances are intended to strengthen dutch influence on traditional culture. meanwhile, van der meer (2017) stated that various exhibition activities such as night markets held by the dutch colonial government were an attempt to legitimize colonial power in the dutch east indies. these various exhibitions show western modernity and present the colonial government as a good government. in its development, these exhibitions contributed to the birth of the middle class in indonesian society which later became a significant part of the colonial government in maintaining its hegemony. although both studies discussed performing arts and its relation to colonial government power, the discussion that centered on association politics in arts dimension, especially performing arts, have not yet been discussed ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 154-164 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 “de moelijike middenweg”: association politics between the dutch east indie and the netherlands | 156 further. in that regard, this study examines the development of attempts to implement association politics through indische toneel and the reactions of various groups regarding these endeavors. there are several things that become subject matters of discussion in this article. the first part of this article illustrates the socio-political conditions of the dutch east indies and the association politics to provide context. the second part discusses karina adinda’s early productions as hybrid performances that combined the aspects of the western and eastern elements. the third part describes the development of the performances of karina adinda and boeddhakind in the netherlands. the fifth section focuses on reactions to the association politics in indische toneel karina adinda and boeddhakind. method this article uses the historical research method. the historical method is a research method which comprises heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography to achieve historical truth (wasino & hartatik, 2018, p. 11). a variety of reviews regarding the play performances published in contemporary newspapers in the dutch east indies and the netherlands were used in this study, including the bataviaasch nieuwsblad, haagsche courant, de express, de avondpost, and other contemporary newspapers obtained through online sources such as delpher.nl. to support the existing primary sources, secondary sources such as books, magazine articles, and journal articles are used as corroboration materials to provide context and various other information that is not available in contemporary primary sources. the next step is to conduct source criticism to test the truth or accuracy of these sources. however, external criticism in regard to the material of sources are not carried out on most of the existing sources because the majority of the sources were obtained in digital form, while for internal criticism, existing sources are selected in advance to sort out which sources are relevant to this study and which sources are irrelevant. the sources that have passed the selection process are then compared with each other and arranged in such a way in the interpretation process to compose a comprehensive historical narration (sjamsuddin, 2020, p. 99). the state of sociopolitics in the dutch east indies and association politics in september 1901, on the advice of abraham kuyper who came from the christian antirevolutionary party as prime minister of the netherlands at the time, queen wilhelmina announced a new policy known as the ethical policy when conducted troonrede or speeches from the throne. the policy was created in order to advance the condition of the natives in the dutch east indies through irrigation, migration, and education (sumarno et al., 2019, p. 369). the ethici or supporters of ethical policy encouraged the existence of association politics for the colony, with j. h. abendanon as directeur voor onderwijs as one of the main supporters of the association's political idea. abendanon argued that the netherlands could become a patron for the dutch east indies so that the colony could develop and be independent. the development of the dutch east indies were based on the western model and even though the dutch east indies were already independent, in principle the dutch east indies were still part of the netherlands (touwen, 2000, p. 78). the attempt to implement ethical principles in the colonial politics revealed a paradigm shift of the colonialists, from on how to expand and consolidate their hegemony in the colony through military means to focus on how to develop the colony in its various aspects. related to these changes, there was a fundamental perspective from colonialism that is also assumed ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 154-164 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 “de moelijike middenweg”: association politics between the dutch east indie and the netherlands | 157 by westerners in other nations, namely the "civilization mission" of a “higher” civilization towards a “lower” civilization. colonial exploitation was the impact of racial supremacy believed by westerners. this view later became the basis for determining the political policies that needed to be applied in the colony that were starting to become independent, even though the state of the politics in the colony had changed (niwandhono, 2011, pp. 85-86). the education program on ethical policy ultimately became a counterproductive stratagem for the dutch colonial government. this western-style education started the emergence of native intellectuals who became proponents of the development of nationalism. these intellectuals had the objective to strive for welfare and provide education to the people to oppose colonialism; in other words, native intellectuals wanted progress in the form of modernity for colonial society (sumarno et al., 2019, p. 371). indirectly, the colonizers have paved the way for the birth of nationalism among the natives through various western thoughts taught through the western-style education (touwen, 2000, p. 68). even so, among native intellectuals there were also people who were open to association politics, one of whom was raden mas noto soeroto. through his illustrated monthly magazine called oedaya, noto soeroto anonymously wrote down his various thoughts. in its first year of publication, oedaya published various articles concerning indonesia, especially issues related to cultural matters. oedaya stated that they are a magazine that is not under the influence of political parties. though political problems are not presented explicitly in the magazine, noto soeroto's ideas regarding harmonious cooperation between the east and west can be found in it (poeze et al, 1986, p. 180; karels, 2008, p. 68). in his view, noto soeroto argues that the combination of the eastern and western elements can create harmony in life. in order to achieve this harmonization, the natives need to become "enlightened" through contact with western culture. westerners, particularly in this case the dutch, also need to familiarize themselves with the "east", which in this case is javanese culture in particular. noto soeroto hopes that through this osmosis process, the two cultures can produce a harmonious synthesis (djadjadiningrat-nieuwenhuis, 1993, p. 46). in connection with the spirit of the association, on 30 march 1926 het nederlandsch-indonesisch verbond van jongeren-organisaties (nivjo) was established as a new way to unite indonesians and the dutch who wanted coalescence between the two through various activities such as seminars, watching films, exhibitions art, as well as creating opportunities for the dutch and indonesian to discussed in order to have better understanding in each other to create a better appreciation between each other (karels, 2008, p. 80). the organizational structure of nivjo consisted of d. j. w. j. kluiver as chairman, raden mas soeripto as deputy chairman, hein von essen as first secretary, raden mas jodjana as second secretary, a. f. pasanea as first treasurer, and a. doeve as second treasurer. noto soeroto became the honorary chairman of the nivjo. the membership was open to both individuals and organizations, making it an umbrella organization for various other organizations related to the dutch east indies. organizations and associations that are members of the nivjo include leidse indologen vereeniging (leiden indolog association), boeatan, bond van a.s. zendelingen (association of candidates for missionary), as well as the indische club student association (poeze et al, 1986, p. 200; cohen, 2014, p. 247). karina adinda: the embryo of indische toneel hybrid karina adinda: oost-indisch zedenspel in drie bedrijven by playwright hans van de wall, or famously known through his pen name victor ido, became one of indische toneel and the first dutch performing arts to incorporate javanese art into its performances. the play was set in ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 154-164 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 “de moelijike middenweg”: association politics between the dutch east indie and the netherlands | 158 java in 1913, and told the story of forbidden love between a regent's daughter named raden adjeng karina adinda and a controleur named willem rennenberg. both were involved in a romantic relationship without the knowledge of karina's father, raden mas adipati prawiro di ningrat as the regent of wiriosari. rennenberg was treated as a nuisance by the regent, due to rennenberg’s efforts to shine light on the gambling problem growing in wiriosari, involving also the regent and most of wiriosari’s government officials. this caused the regent and a magang or intern he sent to rennenberg, boesono, to concoct a plan to remove rennenberg from the equation. this plan was successfully done when rennenberg, in the end, died when trying to shut the sluice gate of the brantas river to prevent flooding caused by boesono’s meddling (ido, 1913). this play was inspired by several figures and true stories that occurred at the beginning of the 20th century, such as the life of raden adjeng kartini as a young woman from among the priyayi who tries to realize her idealism by going against customs and conservatism in her society, the love story between a controleur and the daughter of a district head in east java (oosthoek), and a controleur named cohen who was killed trying to shut a sluice gate to prevent flooding in rembang (wall, 1927). karina adinda premiered at the stadsschouwburg batavia on 20 april 1913. the play was directed by victor ido and performed by the dilettante theater group he had formed. the newspaper de expres, in its review of the premiere of karina adinda's performance in batavia, stated that victor ido had succeeded in presenting the lives of javanese nobles on the stage, something that had not been successfully done by other dutch playwrights. the use of language that feels archaic is one of the weaknesses of this play. nevertheless, the gamelan music that accompanied the play received high praise from the audience ("de opvoering van karina adinda", 1913). the usage of gamelan throughout the play shows van de wall's tendency to combine various elements from other cultures with western dramaturgy. the gamelan is a loan from the javanese arts association langen siswo, whose members are stovia students. the java bode newspaper, as quoted by the de expres newspaper, said that there was a possibility that the staged of the play was the first performance to combine “civilized” eastern cultural elements with the european ones in dutch art (“de opvoering van karina adinda toegestan, 1913). the actors who appeared also received appreciation for their performances. saoedin, a stovia student who played koesoemo, was showered with praise for his acting skills, along with several other stovia students involved as extras. the play extended for three more performances at the stadsschouwburg batavia, namely on 27 april 1913, 29 april 1913, and 15 may 1913. each show proved successful, especially at karina adinda's last performance, although not many spectators attended the show due to a rainstorm, the last performance of karina adinda still got a standing ovation from the audience ("karina adinda", 1913). after its premiere in batavia, a production of karina adinda was held for the first time in bandung at the schouwburg concordia on 7 june 1913. the dilettante group that performed the play in batavia reprised their respective roles in that production (k., 1913). karina adinda's next performance was held in surabaya on 23 july 1913, with two additional performances held at the end of july 1913. similar to the performance in batavia, the surabaya production was well received by the crowd, as evidenced by the schouwburg which was filled with spectators. other cities such as yogyakarta and malang have requested permission to show karina adinda after the performance in surabaya, but the difficulty to move the scenography or landscape paintings that serve as the backdrop for the play making it impossible for karina adinda to be shown in these two cities (“karina adinda te soerabaja”, 1913). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 154-164 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 “de moelijike middenweg”: association politics between the dutch east indie and the netherlands | 159 karina adinda finally had its revival production at the stadsschouwburg batavia on 18 september 1913. stovia students once again lent their gamelan collections for the play ("karina adinda", 1913). the popularity of karina adinda made it one of the plays shown at the koloniale tentoonstelling te semarang (colonial exhibition in semarang) which was held from 20 august to 22 november 1914 (hoofdbestuur der vereeniging koloniale tentoonstelling semarang, 1916, p. 71). the play was held on 24 september 1914 and became a popular performance in the exhibition even though the preparation time allotted for the performance of the play was limited ("karina adinda", 1914). the development of karina adinda and boeddhakind’s performances in the netherlands since its appearance at the beginning of the 20th century, indische toneel has been held in many schouwburg or theaters in various cities in the dutch east indies. gradually, indische toneel had consolidated its place among the varying entertainments for the europeans living in the dutch east indies. the ease of transportation due to the opening of the suez canal in 1869 has brought about the practice of touring around different continents for professional theater groups in europe (sugiyama, 2019, pp. 250-251). the popularity of indische toneel in the dutch east indies made many professional theater groups start performing indische toneel in the netherlands. through this practice, indische toneel can be performed in the dutch east indies and the netherlands. entering 1926, another indische toneel with priyayi as its center of attention emerged in the form of boeddhakind: indische spel in vier bedrijven by marie van zeggelen. the play told the story of siti mira-inten, a regent's daughter in central java. mira-inten is known as boeddhakind or the budhha’s child through her feat in caring for flood-stricken people in the salam village. an epidemic that has infected several villages has resulted in the doctor who is responsible for the outbreak requiring assistance from mira-inten, who is trusted by the local community. frank hamel, the local controleur who is also the fiancé of tilly van heemsbergen, daughter of the local resident, decides to solve the plague problem. mira-inten then carried out her marriage to a regent named raden adipati ario hasmono. in the middle of the wedding, which was celebrated with a dance performance from the groom, mira-inten then left her wedding party when she heard the news that hamel was suffering from an epidemic to care for hamel. at the end of the play, it is known that hamel and mira-inten love each other even though each has a partner and is hindered by existing social status (zeggelen, 1927). boeddhakind demonstrated a western-style progressive view of javanese culture. this can be seen in the conversation between mira-inten and tilly when mira-inten's wedding was to be held. tilly said that doing mlaku ndhodhok or squat walking that mira-inten needed to do when getting married was a form of submission to men that mira-inten did not need to do as the daughter of a regent (zeggelen, 1927, p. 28). the first reading of its script was carried out by marie van zeggelen at the esher surrey art gallery in den haag on 9 december 1926. the reading was held for bond van nederlandsche tooneelschrijvers or the association of dutch playwrights ("bond van nederlandsche tooneelschrijvers", 1926). it was greeted with great enthusiasm from the audience. their appreciation at that time was aimed at van zeggelen's beautiful presentation of the play's script and the selection of topics regarding the lives of javanese nobles. van zeggelen managed to depict the inevitable conflict between culture and racial differences very well (l. m., 1926). boeddhakind then premiered on 25 and 26 april 1927, held by boeatan and collaborated with nivjo. the performance of raden mas soebanto, a member of nivjo who played raden ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 154-164 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 “de moelijike middenweg”: association politics between the dutch east indie and the netherlands | 160 adipati ario hasmono, when performing a dance at his wedding ceremony and accompanied by the melody of boeatan's gamelan played by other nivjo members under the direction of raden ajoe jodjana, wife of raden mas jodjana, became the main highlight in the show. soebanto was a member of nivjo besides soeripto and jodjana who regularly performed as a dancer with gamelan music for vereeniging oost en west and boeatan (poeze et al, 1986, p. 225). even though most of the actors present were amateur actors, the performances were very well received by the audience. extracted by het koloniaal weekblad, the algemeene handelsblad newspaper said that van zeggelen had triumphantly gave a new color to indies drama by depicting the conflict between javanese customs which contradicted the development of the modern world through siti mira-inten (“nabetrachting over “boeddhakind”, 1927). it is possible that the character of siti mira-inten was based on raden adjeng kartini, as reported in several reviews of boeddhakind’s that appeared in 1927. henri borel, a dutch playwright and critic, commented that the character of siti mira-inten has something in common with the figure of kartini; both were women who were fully influenced by dutch culture and the west school of thought (borel, 1927). in addition, van zeggelen's admiration for kartini can be seen in one of her novels entitled kartini: een baanbreekster voor haar volk. throughout the novel, van zeggelen consistently mentioned kartini as a boeddhakind (zeggelen, 1947, p. 88 & 236). on the other hand, karina adinda still became one of the indische toneel which was still frequently performed by various theater groups in the dutch east indies since its first performance. its high popularity among the natives and chinese people meant that many illegal and informal performances took place, both in the form of adaptations into javanese as well as in malay language ("karina adinda. stamboel-voorstelling verboden", 1928). twenty years after its first performance at the stadsschouwburg te batavia, karina adinda finally premiered in the netherlands with a new professional theater troupe het vaderlandsch tooneel. the theater group was formed to create close ties between the netherlands and the dutch east indies by presenting various indische toneel, with the majority of which are works by victor ido (cohen, 2016, p. 72). the newspaper het vaderland stated that victor ido eventually gave the opvoeringsrecht or the rights to perform of his 'beloved' play to actress cecile spoor-carelsen, of whom he had known for many years ("cecile spor-carelsen over karina adinda", 1933). on 26 october 1933, karina adinda was shown for the first time in the netherlands at het gebouw voor kunsten en wetenschappen in den haag under the direction of spoor-carelsen and cor pare. het vaderlandsch toonel also invited several guest stars to play a number of native characters, including raden s. hardjodirenggo who played kosesoemo and pah sadin the village elder of tupang, margopati as boesono, raden mas waloejo as patih bintarang, p. waworoentoe and soemardi who respectively played the characters darmo and pak kromo (“karina adinda”, 1933). hardjodirenggo was a member of the nivjo and leader of the ardjoeno javanese art group who was active as an actor and dalang (puppeteer) in the netherlands (cohen, 2014, p. 252). the preponderance of the reviews regarding karina adinda's performance stated that the play was more suited as a retrospective play and more appropriate to be watched by people who miss the dutch east indies in the past. the problems that became the main focus were considered to be irrelevant, with several elements typical of the dutch east indies such as supernatural powers and divine forgiveness which combined melodramatic elements that were not suited with the audience’s taste (veth, 1933). even though the reviews were not favorable towards the play, the acting skills of the indonesians in the play received quite high ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 154-164 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 “de moelijike middenweg”: association politics between the dutch east indie and the netherlands | 161 praise, especially hardjodirenggo who managed to play the characters of raden koesoemo and pah sadin very well ("hans van de wall op het haagsch tooneel", 1933 ). the reaction towards association politics in indische toneel throughout its productions, karina adinda and boeddhakind received a variety of reactions from various groups. at the beginning of its performance in the dutch east indies, tjipto mangoenkoesoemo questioned the playwright's aim in creating karina adinda. in his article entitled kritiek op een indische tooneelstuk. indische toestanden? (i), tjipto wrote that behind karina and rennenberg's romance problems, the playwright’s intention concerning the harmonious relations between the west and east were shown through this play. the problem regarding the unity of the two is illustrated through the feud between rennenberg and the regent of wiriosari. rennenberg's love for karina, which was depicted as the personification of the west's view of the east, is nothing more than an abhorrent "form of mercy" because essentialy, rennenberg still looks down on karina. furthermore, tjipto also criticized the portrayal of the east as the party that should be grateful to the west for bringing modernization in the form of western knowledge and ideas (mk., 1913). this condescending view, as long as the west still viewed the east in a degrading position, will be the main problem that will not allow the existence of association politics. meanwhile, karina adinda's performance at koloniale tentoonstelling te semarang which was greeted with great enthusiasm by the public, can be seen in the same light as the koloniale tentoonstelling te parijs, which showcased various arts from the colonies. the exhibition was part of the colonial agenda to gain high profits without the need for resistance and violence, but through a peaceful and legal way through organizing exhibitions that displayed the supremacy of the colonialists (bloembergen, 2004, p. 91). the same thing can also be seen in the boeddhakind performance, which received various reactions regarding its showing. ben van eysselsteyn, a well-known journalist and writer in the netherlands, commented that the conflict in the play was too weak and melodramatic in nature. the inaccurate depiction of some manners in the interaction between the europeans and the natives called for some revision. nevertheless, van eysselsteyn appreciated the play's aim of trying to unite the west and east (eysselsteyn, 1927). karina adinda and boeddhakind illustrated that even though it has a sympathetic tone towards the natives, its construction was still based on how the west perceives the east in the sense of orientalism as said by edward said. orientalism is a western way to dominate and reconstruct eastern culture in order to have authority over the east (said, 2003, p. 3). based on the spirit of association and ethics, indonesians do not need to completely give up their culture, but need to adapt it to suit european culture. this process could be achieved under the guidance of the dutch in order to reach a common understanding for the sake of creating unity between the two (poeze et al, 1986, p. 25). on the other hand, the attempt of the native students who sought association politics also got mixed rejoinders. praise and appreciation came from the ethici who supported the association's political efforts, but the attempts were opposed by the other natives students organization perhimpunan indonesia, which were radical and anti-colonial in nature. nivjo's accentuation of javanese art, especially in various javanese dances and gamelan, was also not fully welcomed by other indonesian members. in reality, the performance of the arts was seen as evidence of the development of the association. however, the prioritization of javanese elements resulted in non-javanese being reluctant to participate (poeze et al, 2008, p. 199). regarding the attempts to realize association politics, noto soeroto in his article ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (2), 154-164 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 “de moelijike middenweg”: association politics between the dutch east indie and the netherlands | 162 denominated de moeilijke middenweg said that this form of politics is a middle ground which is difficult to effectuate. the implementation of this politics led to him being denounced as "a javanese turned to the west, which he allowed to control (him), so that he was against his own people and has become blind to the clear distinction between his people and the whites who colonized them." association politics, as stated by noto soeroto, can be seen as a "golden path" when there are similar intentions between the two parties; as long as this has not happened, then the political association that they supported was still seen as a "thorny path" (noto soeroto, 1925, p. 33). conclusion amidst the movement of the natives who began to express their thoughts through varying media against the colonial government, the association politics which influenced several native intellectuals gave rise to the desire to establish congenial relations between nations through moderate means. to achieve this, various organizations and associations were formed, such as vereeniging oost en west and het nederlandsch-indonesisch verbond van jongerenorganisaties which routinely hold art exhibitions and javanese art performances in order to created further understanding of javanese culture. through two indische toneel entitled karina adinda by hans van de wall or victor ido and boeddhakind by marie van zeggelen, the pursuit of association politics is manifested through the performances of javanese art in both plays. the attempt to realize association politics through the indische toneel received mixed reactions, with the ethici who supported and praised the plot of the two indische toneel, and the nationalists who questioned the purpose behind their creation and its showing which was nothing more than an attempt to achieve a colonial agenda like koloniale tentoonstelling. references associatie – politiek. 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(2018). metode penelitian sejarah: dari riset hingga penulisan. yogyakarta: magnum pustaka utama. zeggelen, m. c. v. (1947). kartini: een baanbreekster van haar volk, derde druk. amsterdam: j. m. meulenhoff. zeggelen, m. v. (1927). boeddhakind: indische spel in vier bedrijven. amsterdam: k. groesbeek & paul nijhof. microsoft word 6. padliansyah et al.docx indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 74-85 © 2019 terminal kalibaru sebagai solusi mengatasi kemacetan bongkar muat peti kemas di pelabuhan tanjung priok | 74 terminal kalibaru sebagai solusi mengatasi kemacetan bongkar muat peti kemas di pelabuhan tanjung priok jakarta, 2011-2016 padliansyah, endang susilowati, sutejo k. widodo program magister ilmu sejarah, fakultas ilmu budaya, universitas diponegoro alamat korespondensi: fadlygavet89@gmail.com abstract this study argues that container loading and unloading congestion at tanjung priok port is caused by long dwelling time due to the limited capacity of existing container terminals. therefore, the kalibaru terminal was built to overcome this problem. the research objective is to look at the planning, construction, and operation of the kalibaru terminal. this study uses historical methods consisting of heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. the results of this study indicate that the construction of the kalibaru terminal is a superior project of government and private cooperation so that it must go through an international tender. the development of kalibaru terminal aims to increase productivity and accelerate economic growth. the existence of the kalibaru terminal also caused the flow of goods to run smoothly and decrease in dwelling time from eight to three days. keywords: container loading and unloading; kalibaru terminal; tanjung priok port; dwelling time. abstrak kajian ini berargumentasi bahwa kemacetan bongkar muat peti kemas di pelabuhan tanjung priok disebabkan dwelling time yang lama akibat keterbatasan daya tampung terminal peti kemas yang ada. oleh karena itu, terminal kalibaru dibangun untuk mengatasi hal tersebut. tujuan penelitian adalah melihat perencanaan, pembangunan, dan pengoperasionalan terminal kalibaru. kajian ini menggunakan metode sejarah yang terdiri dari heuristik, kritik sumber, interpretasi dan historiografi. hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa pembangunan terminal kalibaru adalah proyek unggulan kerja sama pemerintah dan swasta sehingga harus melalui tender yang berskala internasional. pembangunan terminal kalibaru bertujuan untuk meningkatkan produktivitas dan mempercepat pertumbuhan ekonomi. keberadaan terminal kalibaru ini juga menyebabkan arus barang semakin lancar dan menurunnya dwelling time dari delapan menjadi tiga hari. kata kunci: bongkar muat peti kemas; terminal kalibaru; pelabuhan tanjung priok. diterima/ received: 11 juni 2019 disetujui/ accepted: 4 juli 2019 indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 74-85 © 2019 terminal kalibaru sebagai solusi mengatasi kemacetan bongkar muat peti kemas di pelabuhan tanjung priok | 75 pendahuluan latar belakang yang mendasari pembangunan terminal kalibaru adalah pesatnya pertumbuhan arus peti kemas pada tahun 1989-2010. pada tahun 2010 kapasitas pelabuhan tanjung priok semula hanya mampu menampung sebesar 4.800.000 teu (twenty-foot equvalent unit) dan setelah dilakukan program penataan, perluasan dan rekonfigurasi pelabuhan maka kapasitasnya meningkat menjadi 7.000.000-8.000.000 teu di tahun 2016. total realisasi bongkar muat peti kemas di pelabuhan tanjung priok pada tahun 2011 sebesar 5.900.000 teu per tahun meningkat menjadi 6.200.000 teu di tahun 2012-2013. hal ini mengindikasikan perlu segera dilakukan penambahan fasilitas untuk menampung pertumbuhan arus peti kemas di tahuntahun mendatang. ketika terminal kalibaru secara penuh beroperasi pada tahun 2032 mendatang maka pelabuhan tanjung priok diperkirakan mampu menampung sebesar 20.000.000 teu. fasilitas pelabuhan tanjung priok hanya mampu melayani kapal dengan kapasitas maksimum 6.000 teu sedangkan tren pertumbuhan penggunaan kapal peti kemas di dunia saat ini menggunakan kapal dengan kapasitas lebih dari 10.000 teu dalam rangka mengurangi biaya logistik per teu sehingga untuk melayani kapal direct call dengan ukuran besar harus disiapkan fasilitas yang memadai (laporan tahunan pt pelabuhan indonesia, 2014, p. 53). pembangunan terminal kalibaru merupakan proyek pembangunan pelabuhan terbesar di indonesia sehingga pt pelindo ii telah memberikan perhatian besar yang mampu memperkuat mata rantai logistik indonesia secara signifikan serta mengoptimalkan segala upaya demi mewujudkan tujuan proyek ini yaitu untuk meningkatkan kapasitas dan produktivitas jaringan logistik yang lebih optimal sehingga dapat meningkatkan investasi ke indonesia dan membawa indonesia menjadi poros maritim dunia. peletakan batu pertama pembangunan terminal kalibaru dilakukan oleh presiden ke-6 republik indonesia susilo bambang yudhoyono pada tanggal 22 maret 2013. pembangunan terminal kalibaru terbagi menjadi tiga tahap yakni tahap pertama terdiri atas 3 terminal peti kemas dan 2 terminal produk yang dibangun secara bertahap. terminal-terminal tersebut direncanakan mulai beroperasi pada tahun 2016, 2023, 2024, 2027 dan 2032. masing– masing terminal peti kemas didesain untuk kapasitas 1.500.000 teu. sementara untuk terminal produk diproyeksikan berkapasitas 10 juta meter kubik per tahun. pembangunan tahap ii meliputi pembangunan empat terminal peti kemas dengan total kapasitas 8.000.000 teu (laporan tahunan pt pelabuhan indonesia ii, 2015, p. 27). berdasar pada latar belakang yang telah diuraikan, dirumuskan permasalahan mengenai perencanaan, pembangunan, dan pengoperasian terminal kalibaru. metode metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode sejarah yang terdiri dari empat tahap. tahap pertama adalah heuristik yang merupakan suatu proses untuk mencari dan mengumpulkan sumber-sumber sejarah, baik sumber primer maupun sumber sekunder. sumber-sumber yang dicari dan dikumpulkan ialah sumbersumber yang relevan dengan tema yang diteliti (frederick dan soeroto, 1984, p. 467). indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 74-85 © 2019 terminal kalibaru sebagai solusi mengatasi kemacetan bongkar muat peti kemas di pelabuhan tanjung priok | 76 setelah sumber dikumpulkan, tahap selanjutnya adalah kritik sumber untuk menentukan otentisitas dan kredibilitas sumber sejarah. semua sumber yang dikumpulkan terlebih dahulu diverifikasi sebelum digunakan, sebab tidak semua sumber dapat digunakan dalam penulisan. dua aspek yang dikritik yaitu keaslian sumber dan tingkat kebenaran informasi yang terkandung dalam sumber sejarah. penentuan keaslian suatu sumber berkaitan dengan bahan yang digunakan untuk membuat sumber tersebut atau dikenal dengan kritik eksteren. adapun kritik terhadap kredibilitas informasi yang terkandung dalam sumber sejarah dikenal dengan kritik interen. setiap sumber sejarah diperlakukan sama, yakni diseleksi baik dari segi eksteren maupun interen untuk memperoleh data yang akurat dan valid (hamid dan majid, 2011, p. 47-48). tahap ketiga dalam penelitian sejarah adalah interpretasi. pada tahap ini dituntut kecermatan dan sikap obyektif, terutama dalam hal interpretasi terhadap fakta sejarah. hal itu dapat dilakukan dengan mengetahui kondisi umum yang sebenarnya dan menggunakan nalar yang kritis agar dapat disajikan tulisan sejarah yang ilmiah (hamid dan majid, p. 47-48). tahap yang terakhir adalah historiografi, yaitu proses penulisan peristiwa sejarah. dalam tahap ini faktafakta yang sudah dianalisis dan disintesiskan dipaparkan dalam bentuk tulisan menggunakan bahasa indonesia yang baik, sehingga mudah dipahami oleh pembaca (abdullah dan surjomihardjo, 1985, p. xv). perencanaan pembangunan terminal kalibaru pada tahun 2011 operator pt pelabuhan indonesia ii (persero) berencana membangun terminal kalibaru tahap 1 dengan kapasitas hingga 4.500.000 teu di utara pelabuhan tanjung priok. fasilitas pelabuhan tanjung priok yaitu pertama, layanan peti kemas di pelabuhan tanjung priok 4.800.000 teu pada tahun 2010. kedua, layanan terminal car di pelabuhan tanjung priok untuk 6.000 mobil dengan lahan 12,3 hektar. ketiga, rancangan pembangunan terminal kalibaru berkapasitas 4.500.000 teu. keempat, bila tahun 2009 sebanyak 60-65 % peti kemas asal pelabuhan tanjung priok harus transit di singapura maka pada tahun 2010 hanya 20 % (kompas, 25 maret 2011). proses tender terminal kalibaru jakarta pada bulan mei tahun 2011 terminal kalibaru telah ditender pemerintah dengan nilai proyek sebesar rp 8,8 triliun dengan luas 77 hektar dan berkapasitas 4.500.000 teu. pembangunan terminal kalibaru ini diperuntukan bagi bongkar muat peti kemas dan terminal ini dibangun karena pada tahun 2011 kapasitas peti kemas di pelabuhan tanjung priok tidak memadai. tender pada mei 2011 merupakan tender investor. selain pt pelindo ii belum ada investor yang menyatakan minatnya berinvestasi dalam proyek pemerintah. pt pelindo ii dengan didukung dana dari bank-bank milik pemerintah ini membangun terminal kalibaru tetapi harus melalui tender (kompas, 25 maret 2011). proyek terminal kalibaru ternyata diminati oleh perusahaan-perusahaan kelas dunia yang tergabung dalam sejumlah konsorsium. dengan tambahan kapasitas 4.500.000 teu maka pelabuhan tanjung priok dapat melayani ekspor-impor. pt indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 74-85 © 2019 terminal kalibaru sebagai solusi mengatasi kemacetan bongkar muat peti kemas di pelabuhan tanjung priok | 77 pelindo ii yang memilih bermitra dalam proyek ini sejak juli 2011 telah memastikan pembiayaan sebesar us$ 1,29 milyar atau setara dengan 11 triliun dari bank mandiri. dukungan pendanaan juga telah didapatkan oleh seluruh peserta kualifikasi misalnya perusahaan pelayaran jepang mitsui lines juga mendapat dukungan dari jaringan perbankan mereka sebesar total kebutuhan investasi (kompas, 12 agustus 2011). mitsui lines adalah perusahaan pelayaran kargo yang didirikan pada tahun 1964 dan kini mereka memiliki lebih dari 800 kapal. bermitra dengan perusahaan pelayaran adalah sebuah keharusan, karena perusahaan-perusahaan tersebut yang menentukan rute kapal atau ship calls secara global. apalagi pelabuhan tanjung priok menjadi pelabuhan internasional, bukan sekedar pelabuhan pengumpan. dari daftar peserta kualifikasi terminal kalibaru memang muncul nama perusahaan-perusahaan dunia seperti maersk line yaitu perusahaan pelayaran yang berkantor pusat di denmark dan mengoperasikan minimal 500 kapal. lalu evergreen line, perusahaan yang kini mengoperasikan sekitar 180 unit kapal yang dibagi dalam lima kantor operasi. ada juga hutchison port indonesia yang memegang saham di jakarta international container terminal (jict) dan terminal peti kemas (tpk) koja di pelabuhan tanjung priok dan port authority of singapore. selain itu, juga ada international container terminal services (ictsi) filipina juga pernah mengakuisisi terminal peti kemas di makassar (kompas, 12 agustus 2011). kementerian perhubungan (kemenhub) mengumumkan hasil evaluasi prakualifikasi di proyek terminal kalibaru bahwa dua konsursium tidak lulus yakni pt pelayaran bintang putih-a.p.moller-maersk terminal (apm) dan pt pelabuhan indonesia iv sedangkan lima perusahaan atau konsorsium lain yang lulus adalah pt pelindo ii, pt pelabuhan socah madura-psa pe asia, pt pelindo i international container terminal services-pt sinar rajawali cemerlang, 4848 global system-mitsuievergreen-nusantara infrastruktur, dan pt hutchison port indonesia-pt brialiant permata negara-pt salam pacific indonesia lines-cosco pacific limited. hasil evaluasi itu telah diumumkan secara transparan oleh kementerian perhubungan dan selanjutnya para konsorsium memasuki tahapan dokumen tender yakni membuat studi kelayakan, rencana pembiayaan, pemasaran, standar operasi dan rencana bisnis. lima konsorsium itu masih harus bersaing ketat dalam tender untuk memperebutkan proyek terminal kalibaru tahap i sebesar rp 11,70 triliun, di antaranya untuk terminal peti kemas rp 5,20 triliun, jalan dan jembatan rp 2,15 triliun, pemecah gelombang rp 1,97 triliun, serta alur rp 1,07 triliun (kompas, 12 agustus 2011). proyek terminal kalibaru adalah proyek unggulan kerja sama pemerintah dan swasta sehingga proyek ini benar-benar harus dilakukan melalui tender berskala internasional. total dana pemerintah hanya dapat menutupi 35% dari keseluruhan biaya yang dibutuhkan, dan sisanya sebesar 65% harus menggandeng pihak swasta. bagi pihak swasta, terminal kalibaru sangat menarik dengan program pendanaan yang tepat, rencana bisnis dan pemasaran yang baik melalui jaringan dengan shipping line atau perusahaan pelayaran sehingga terminal kalibaru ini dapat menguntungkan (kompas, 12 agustus 2011). indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 74-85 © 2019 terminal kalibaru sebagai solusi mengatasi kemacetan bongkar muat peti kemas di pelabuhan tanjung priok | 78 konsesi terminal kalibaru jakarta pada tahun 2011 tingkat pengembalian investasi dari proyek pembangunan terminal kalibaru mencapai 14,3%. masa konsesi (pemberian hak izin dari pemerintah dan swasta) yang ditawarkan dari 50 tahun hingga 70 tahun. pemerintah menginginkan ketertarikan investor supaya pelabuhan tersebut lebih cepat terbangun sebab pelabuhan tanjung priok hanya mampu bertahan hingga tahun 2013 karena volume peti kemas yang mampu ditampung hanya mencapai 6.200.000 teu. jika membuat perbandingan dengan proyek pelabuhan lain di asia maka tak terlalu jauh tingkat pengembalian investasinya. bahkan tingkat pengembalian investasi (internal rate of return on equity/irr) cukup tinggi. pra-penjajakan pasar (premarket sounding) telah dilakukan terutama untuk mengetahui animo dan persepsi pasar karena memasukkan nilai investasi jembatan dan alur timur sebagai bagian dari porsi investor (kompas, 19 mei 2011). pada awalnya kementerian perhubungan memberikan kompensasi bagi pt pelindo ii dalam tender terminal kalibaru. kompensasi berupa pemberian tambahan nilai atau pemberian hak untuk menawar atau penawaran terbaik saat tender. kompensasi tersebut dituangkan dalam surat menteri perhubungan nomor 4l106/2/14phb-2011 tanggal, 13 juni 2011. kompensasi diberikan ke pt pelindo ii karena statusnya sebagai pemrakarsa pembangunan terminal kalibaru. kompensasi tersebut diatur dalam pasal 12 dan pasal 13 peraturan presiden nomor 67 tahun 2005 tentang kerja sama pemerintah dengan badan usaha dalam penyediaan infrastruktur sebagaimana telah diubah dengan peraturan presiden nomor 13 tahun 2010. dalam kompensasi tersebut pt pelindo ii diberi hak preferen sebesar 10%, hak untuk menawar atas penawaran terbaik (right to match) yakni pt pelindo ii dapat menetapkan harga yang sama dengan usul harga terbaik yang diberikan oleh peserta tender lainnya untuk memenangi tender (kompas, 15 juni 2011). pada 2012 pt pelindo ii secara resmi mendapatkan hak konsesi untuk mengoperasikan terminal kalibaru selama 70 tahun sehingga dengan adanya konsesi tersebut maka pt pelindo ii berkewajiban membayar biaya konsesi setiap tahunnya kepada pemerintah sebesar 0,5% dari pendapatan kotor terminal kalibaru sebagai penerimaan negara bukan pajak (pnbp). dalam perjanjian konsesi antara otoritas pelabuhan tanjung priok dan pt pelindo ii telah disepakati ruang lingkup pembangunan serta pengoperasian terminal kalibaru berada di area reklamasi seluas 272 hektare yang terdiri atas dermaga 1a seluas 36 hektare, dermaga 1b seluas 180 hektare dan lokasi pembuangan seluas 56 hektare sehingga di area itu dibangun tiga unit terminal kontainer dan dua unit terminal product dengan kedalaman kolam hingga mencapai 16 m.lws yang mampu menampung kapal berukuran 150.000 dwt (https://www.viva.co.id/arsip/347928-pelindo-ii-raih-konsesi-70-tahun-terminalkalibaru, diakses pada 29 juni 2019). implementasi pembangunan terminal kalibaru pt pelindo ii telah mengembangkan strategi jangka panjang untuk merespon peluang menjadi perusahaan pelabuhan internasional di indonesia. pt pelindo ii saat ini masih indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 74-85 © 2019 terminal kalibaru sebagai solusi mengatasi kemacetan bongkar muat peti kemas di pelabuhan tanjung priok | 79 menjadi pemain utama dalam industri kepelabuhanan dengan kontrol manajemen serta portofolio bisnis yang baik, disertai pertumbuhan perusahaan yang stabil dengan finansial yang sangat baik. meskipun menghadapi sejumlah tantangan baik dari sisi regulasi, dinamika ekonomi, politik, dan budaya namun pt pelindo ii tetap teguh untuk membangun rencana strategis demi skemajuan perusahaan. pada tahun 2014 pt pelindo ii telah mengembangkan rencana strategis jangka panjang untuk menjawab tantangan-tantangan tersebut. di antara rencana dimaksud yaitu membangun terminal kalibaru (laporan tahunan pt pelabuhan indonesia ii, 2014, p. 59). tabel 1. rencana pembangunan terminal kalibaru no. tahap terminal jenis kapasitas kedalaman panjang 1 tahap satu terminal container 1 container 1.500.000 teu/tahun 16m20m.lws 850m terminal container 2 container 1.500.000 teu/tahun 16m20m.lws 800m terminal container 3 container 1.500.000 teu/tahun 16m20m.lws 800m terminal produk 1 produk petroleum 5.000.000m/tahun 16m20m.lws 800m terminal produk 2 produk petroleum 5.000.000m/tahun 16m20m.lws 800m 2 tahap dua terminal container 4 container 2.000.000 teu/tahun 16m20m.lws 1.000m 3 dan tahap terminal container 5 container 2.000.000 teu/tahun 16m20m.lws 1.000m tiga terminal container 6 container 2.000.000 teu/tahun 16m20m.lws 1.000m terminal container 7 container 2.000.000 teu/tahun 16m20m.lws 1.000m sumber: pt. pelabuhan indonesia ii tahun 2014. pembangunan terminal kalibaru ini sekaligus merupakan bentuk komitmen pt pelindo ii untuk mendukung kemajuan bangsa indonesia dan berkontribusi terhadap pertumbuhan nasional atau “committed to progress”. terminal kalibaru akan menjadi jaringan logistik nasional yang lebih efisien dan lebih mutakhir untuk menarik lebih banyak investasi ke indonesia. hal ini dapat meningkatkan produktivitas dibandingkan dengan pelabuhan-pelabuhan besar lainnya di seluruh dunia dan akhirnya mampu memenuhi janji pt pelindo ii untuk meningkatkan perdagangan dan mempercepat pertumbuhan ekonomi indonesia melalui pengembangan terminal kalibaru (laporan tahunan pt pelabuhan indonesia ii, 2014, p. 43). terminal kalibaru juga akan meningkatkan kapasitas dan efisiensi dari jaringan logistik nasional indonesia dengan produktivitas yang sebanding dengan pelabuhanpelabuhan besar di dunia. pelabuhan ini juga akan meningkatkan kemampuan dalam indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 74-85 © 2019 terminal kalibaru sebagai solusi mengatasi kemacetan bongkar muat peti kemas di pelabuhan tanjung priok | 80 melayani kapal peti kemas yang lebih besar. terminal kalibaru memungkinkan kapal peti kemas kelas triple e melewati indonesia tanpa perlu transshipment di pelabuhan lain. hingga saat ini, kapal triple e merupakan kelas terbesar dari kapal peti kemas dengan kemampuan membawa hingga 12.000–15.000 teu (laporan tahunan pt pelabuhan indonesia ii, 2014, p. 44). pembangunan terminal kalibaru dibagi menjadi tiga tahapan yaitu: jangka pendek (2013-2016), jangka menengah (2017-2023), dan jangka panjang (2023-2032). namun dalam jurnal ini hanya akan dibahas pembangunan jangka pendek saja, sesuai dengan lingkup temporal, yaitu tahun 2011-2016. pada tahapan jangka pendek pembangunan terminal kalibaru meliputi pembangunan terminal peti kemas yang terdiri dari dermaga peti kemas sepanjang 900 m dengan kedalaman kolam 16 m dan dapat dikembangkan hingga kedalaman 20 m. terminal peti kemas ini mempunyai luas area 32 ha dengan akses jalan sepanjang 2.803 m. (departemen perhubungan republik indonesia, 2012, p. 9). berikut ini adalah konstruksi pembangunan terminal kalibaru tahap i yang terbagi menjadi lima langkah-langkah sebagai berikut: (laporan tahunan pt pelabuhan indonesia ii, 2014, p. 64). pekerjaan pemancangan tiang pancang merupakan struktur pondasi dari proyek pembangunan container terminal 1, terminal peti kemas kalibaru. total jumlah tiang pancang 12.571 titik yang terbagi dalam 3 varian diameter yakni: diameter 1000 mm, 800 mm dan 500 mm, dengan panjang antara 22-35 m tanpa sambungan dengan tipe tiang pancang beton (concrete spun pile). penggunaan sistem tiang pancang (deck on pile) pada konstruksi container terminal 1 ini bertujuan untuk menjaga sistem sirkulasi air di sekitar kolam pelabuhan tanjung priok dan kecepatan dalam penyelesaian pembangunan container terminal 1. pekerjaan pemancangan (piling work) sampai akhir tahun 2014 sudah mencapai 9.286 titik untuk container yard dan 2.106 titik untuk dermaga 1a yang telah selesai 100%. untuk container terminal ii dan iii dilakukan reklamasi perairan di sisi utara pelabuhan tajung priok yang membutuhkan 50.000.000 m3 material untuk reklamasi yang nantinya digunakan untuk lapangan penumpukan seluas 184 ha dan 2.736 tiang pancang untuk dermaga (jetty). pekerjaan struktur atas pekerjaan struktur atas dilakukan melalui tiga langkah sebagai berikut; (a) pekerjaan dermaga 1a yang didesain untuk menampung kapal dengan kapasitas 220.000 dwt. kolam dermaga 1a didesain dengan kedalaman sampai 20 m dan memiliki dimensi 57,5 m x 850,3 m dengan struktur deck on pile dan menggunakan beton pracetak (precast concrete). dermaga 1a sepanjang 450 m ditargetkan selesai di triwulan iii 2015 dan akan selesai secara keseluruhan pada triwulan iv 2015. (b) container yard 1 a merupakan struktur deck on pile dengan sistem operasional area menggunakan crane yang bergerak di atas ban sehingga mobilitasnya tinggi, yang disebut dengan rubber tyred gantry crane (rtgc). konstruksi atas container yard 1a menggunakan precast concrete yang didirikan di atas tiang-tiang pancang. target penyelesaian container yard indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 74-85 © 2019 terminal kalibaru sebagai solusi mengatasi kemacetan bongkar muat peti kemas di pelabuhan tanjung priok | 81 1a seluas 16 ha di triwulan iii 2015 dan selesai secara keseluruhan pada triwulan iv 2015 dengan total area 32 ha. sampai dengan akhir desember 2014 telah terpasang sebanyak 9.286 titik tiang pancang sedangkan untuk pekerjaan atas sampai akhir desember 2015 sudah mencapai 53,678 m3 concrete in-situ dan 27,285 unit precast concrete terpasang. (c) pekerjaan dermaga 1b memiliki desain ukuran kapal yang sama dengan dermaga 1a dengan kedalaman mencapai 20 m dan memiliki dimensi 50,0 m x 1658,4 m. pekerjaan upper structure jetty 1a sampai akhir 2014 sudah mencapai 65.097 m3 dan 26.613 beton yang belum terpasang. pekerjaan pengerukan pekerjaan pengerukan dilakukan untuk mendapatkan kedalaman sesuai dengan rencana yang diinginkan agar dapat dilewati oleh jenis kapal yang direncanakan. untuk dermaga 1a dan dermaga 1b dilakukan pengerukan sampai kedalaman 20.00 m dengan menggunakan kapal keruk (grab dredger). kolam pelabuhan dan alur pelayaran dikeruk sampai 16.00 m menggunakan kapal keruk pemotong dan pengisap (cutter suction dredger). volume total pengerukan sebesar 25,180,595 m3. hasil pengerukan akan digunakan sebagai material reklamasi pada tahap 1b. pekerjaan reklamasi container yard 1b container yard 1b miliki dimensi 2.000 m x 850 m yang merupakan lahan reklamasi. area reklamasi adalah area daratan baru yang akan difungsikan sebagai lapangan penumpukan peti kemas di masa yang akan datang dan material reklamasi menggunakan material hasil pengerukan ditambah material pasir. pasir yang dibutuhkan untuk reklamasi ini adalah sebanyak 9.793.679 m3 dan pasir untuk reklamasi diangkut menggunakan jenis kapal keruk yang dilengkapi dengan propeller (untuk berlayar) dan ruang muatan material (hopper) atau yang disebut trailing suction hopper dredger (tshd) dengan kapasitas 30.000 m3 untuk disebar di area reklamasi. metode perbaikan tanah menggunakan lembaran plastik untuk drainase vertikal yang panjang dengan berkekuatan mekanik tinggi atau yang disebut pre-fabricated vertical drain (pvd) dan preloading sampai dengan ketinggian 10,5 m. pvd yang digunakan sepanjang 19.162.680 m3. pekerjaan pemasangan dinding kanal (silt curtain) telah diselesaikan pada akhir 2014 untuk meminimalkan lumpur akibat reklamasi. pekerjaan pembangunan breakwater breakwater merupakan pelindung luar area reklamasi dan keseluruhan sistem pelabuhan. breakwater menggunakan struktur pondasi berupa material bambu (cluster dan matras) dan struktur atas berupa tumpukan batu. pekerjaan breakwater pada proyek ini membutuhkan 2,1 juta m batu-batuan dengan berbagai berat antara 50-400 kg dan 5.600.000 batang bambu yang digunakan untuk matras dan cluster bamboo. struktur bambu dengan volume 5.600.000 batang tidak hanya berfungsi sebagai pondasi tetapi juga sebagai struktur penahan gaya lateral terhadap longsor. ukuran batu yang digunakan bervariasi mulai dari 50-75 kg untuk core, dari 400 kg untuk cover. jumlah total batu yang dibutuhkan adalah sebesar 2.182.613 buah. material baja indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 74-85 © 2019 terminal kalibaru sebagai solusi mengatasi kemacetan bongkar muat peti kemas di pelabuhan tanjung priok | 82 (armor) yang digunakan adalah beton yang dibuat untuk memecahkan ombak atau gelombang dan mengendalikan abrasi yang menggerus garis pantai (jenis a-jack) untuk memecah gelombang dari laut lepas. peresmian terminal kalibaru tahap i tahun 2016 pengoperasian terminal kalibaru pada tahun 2016 presiden joko widodo didampingi oleh menteri perhubungan budi karya sumadi, menteri koordinator bidang maritim luhut b. pandjaitan, serta wakil gubernur dki jakarta djarot saiful hidayat meresmikan pengoperasian terminal peti kemas kalibaru pelabuhan utama tanjung priok pada selasa, 13 september 2016. terminal kalibaru yang memiliki kapasitas 4.500.000 teu telah dioperasikan secara komersial pada tanggal 18 agustus 2016 oleh join venture company, ipc tpk dan konsorsium mitsui-psa-nyk line. pembangunan terminal kalibaru didasarkan pada peraturan presiden ri nomor 36 tahun 2012 tentang penugasan kepada pt. pelindo ii untuk membangun dan mengoperasikan terminal kalibaru. peran pelabuhan laut memiliki arti yang sangat penting dalam mobilitas barang dan jasa serta keberadaan pelabuhan yang layak dan modern sangat diperlukan oleh sebuah negara terlebih pada negara maritim seperti indonesia. maka pelabuhan bukan hanya sekedar infrastruktur semata melainkan pelabuhan harus juga memiliki keunggulan komplementer yang dikelola dengan baik, profesional serta efisien. selain itu terkait pentingnya konektivitas yang memadai baik dari prasarana dan sarana transportasi laut guna mendukung pertumbuhan ekonomi nasional (http://dephub.go.id/2017). pengoperasian terminal kalibaru diharapkan dapat meningkatkan daya saing dalam era kompetisi yang semakin ketat dengan meningkatkan kapasitas dan produktifitas pelabuhan, melakukan modernisasi, penguatan kapasitas dan sinergi yang kuat dengan swasta dan bumn dengan memanfaatkan pendekatan public private partnership atau kerjasama pemerintah dan swasta (susantono dan berawi, 2012, p. 93). dengan demikian peningkatan efisiensi logistik nasional benar-benar terwujud serta terciptanya kemandirian dalam hal infrastruktur penunjang ekonomi (http://dephub.go.id/2017, diakses 30 maret 2018). uji coba terminal kalibaru jakarta terminal kalibaru mulai diuji coba pada jumat, 27 mei 2016. kehadiran terminal kalibaru ini dapat menguntungkan semua pihak dan menurunkan biaya logistik. volume arus peti kemas di pelabuhan tanjung priok hingga tahun 2016 adalah sekitar 7.000.000 teu setiap tahun. dengan adanya terminal kalibaru maka kapasitas pelabuhan tanjung priok naik dari 7.000.000 teu per tahun menjadi 11.500.000 teu per tahun (kompas, 26 mei 2016). keberadaan terminal kalibaru ini menguntungkan pemerintah karena arus barang lancar dan dwelling time (waktu inap barang) juga menurun. namun bagi pt pelindo ii keuntungan itu belum akan dirasakan sekarang mengingat peti kemas terminal kalibaru masih sama saja. investasi infrastruktur memang membutuhkan indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 74-85 © 2019 terminal kalibaru sebagai solusi mengatasi kemacetan bongkar muat peti kemas di pelabuhan tanjung priok | 83 waktu lama untuk balik modal (anita dan asmadewa, 2017, p. 74). oleh karena itu pemerintah memberi konsesi 70 tahun kepada pt pelindo ii untuk mengelola terminal kalibaru ini. keberadaan terminal kalibaru ini juga akan sangat membantu pelayaran karena kapal tak perlu menunggu lama untuk antre masuk ke pelabuhan sehingga lebih efesiensi. keberadaan terminal kalibaru juga menekan biaya logistik yang mencapai 30% (kompas, 26 mei 2016). terminal kalibaru yang lebih modern dan efesien akan membuat proses pemeriksaan barang lebih cepat. selain itu barang ekspor-impor tidak perlu singgah ke singapura karena kapal-kapal besar sudah bisa langsung menuju ke terminal kalibaru yang mempunyai kedalaman laut 14 meter dan masih akan diperdalam hingga 20 meter. terminal kalibaru akan memiliki lima terminal yakni terminal peti kemas 1, 2, 3, dan terminal produk 1 dan 2. sampai tahun 2016 dibangun terminal 1 sedangkan pembangunan empat terminal lainnya menyusul. untuk tahap ii pembangunan baru diizinkan pemerintah jika utilisasi tahap i mencapai 70 %. terminal kalibaru memiliki luas sekitar 32 hektar dan memiliki kapasitas 4.500.000 teu, dilengkapi dermaga sepanjang 850 meter sehingga bisa menampung dua kapal mother vessel dan satu kapal feeder (pengumpan). dermaga ini bisa melayani kapal peti kemas berkapasitas 13.000-15.000 teu dengan bobot di atas 150.000 dwt (kompas, 26 mei 2016). terminal kalibaru melakukan uji coba pertama dengan melayani kapal mv selat mas dengan grt 14.000 ton dilaksanakan pada tahun 2016 untuk pelayaran domestik yang mampu membongkar 500 boks peti kemas sedangkan pada uji coba yang kedua melalui kapal sinar sumba dengan grt 18 ribu ton sandar di terminal kalibaru dan melaksanakan kegiatan bongkar 398 boks impor dan 385 boks ekspor. terminal kalibaru sudah dipasang peralatan bongkar muat quay container crane sebanyak 8 buah dengan tipe super post-panamax crane dengan produktivitas 27 s/d 30 boks/crane/jam dan rubber tyred gantry crane (rtgc) telah terpasang sebanyak 20 unit, 60 unit mobil truk dan 2 unit penanganan peti kemas kosong. terminal ini juga dilengkapi dengan information communication technology (ict) dengan cosmos system. ict yang diterapkan di terminal ini merupakan ict yang tercanggih dan termodern pada saat itu (https://www.npct1.co.id/introduction, diakses pada 30 maret 2018). terminal kalibaru diproyeksikan untuk dapat melayani kapal peti kemas dengan kapasitas 13.000-15.000 teu dengan bobot di atas 150.000 dwt. terminal ini dioperasikan oleh salah satu perusahaan lpc group yaitu new priok container terminal one (npct1). npct1 merupakan terminal peti kemas pertama dalam pembangunan tahap 1 terminal kalibaru yang terdiri atas tiga terminal peti kemas dan dua terminal produk. pembangunan tahap 2 terminal kalibaru akan dilaksanakan setelah pengoperasian tahap 1 terminal kalibaru. ketika proyek terminal kalibaru telah selesai akan ada total tujuh terminal peti kemas dan dua terminal produk dengan area pendukungnya yang memiliki total area 411 hektare (https://www.npct1.co.id/introduction, diakses pada 30 maret 2018). indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 74-85 © 2019 terminal kalibaru sebagai solusi mengatasi kemacetan bongkar muat peti kemas di pelabuhan tanjung priok | 84 manfaat pembangunan terminal kalibaru adapun manfaat dari pengoperasian terminal kalibaru berdasar laporan tahunan pt pelabuhan indonesia ii adalah sebagai berikut. (1) peningkatan kapasitas pelabuhan tanjung priok yang semula 7.000.000-8.000.000 teu per tahun menjadi 12.000.000 teu per tahun (tahap i tahun 2016) sehingga dapat menghindari risiko kongesti akibat pertumbuhan peti kemas di pelabuhan yang tinggi; (2) pelabuhan tanjung priok mampu melayani kapal-kapal di atas 10.000-15.000 teu dengan draft 16 m.lws di terminal. terminal ini akan memberikan pelayanan cepat dan tepat dengan fasilitas modern sehingga akan menjadi “port of choice” (pelabuhan pilihan) bagi kapal liner internasional dan regional dan pada akhirnya terminal akan menjadi hub port di indonesia; (3) tersedianya dedicated terminal untuk product terminal (oil and gas) dengan kapasitas 10.000.000 kubik meter dan terminal ini sekaligus dapat dijadikan sebagai “buffer stock” nasional untuk persediaan minyak bumi dan gas untuk wilayah barat indonesia; (4) tercipta lapangan pekerjaan selama pembangunan maupun setelah terminal dioperasikan, tidak hanya di dalam operasi pelabuhan tetapi juga di seluruh sektor kepelabuhanan dan yang berhubungan dengan jaringan distribusi logistik barang; (5) peningkatan aktivitas dan operasional pelabuhan yang diimbangi dengan produktivitas dan standar pelayanan internasional yang berdampak pada peningkatan penghematan biaya operasional kepelabuhanan dan penghematan nilai waktu (value of time); (6) peningkatan nilai lahan (land value) hasil reklamasi dan di sekitar koridor pelabuhan dan memberikan citra positif bagi kegiatan operasional di pelabuhan tanjung priok, karena adanya akses jalan yang memadai antara pelabuhan dengan kawasan industri karena terminal kalibaru diproyeksikan untuk lebih mampu memenuhi kebutuhan dan keinginan pelanggan di masa mendatang. simpulan pada akhir 2011 pelabuhan tanjung priok telah mampu menampung peti kemas sebesar 5.930.000 teu sedangkan kapasitasnya hanya sebesar 5.000.000 teu akibat dari peningkatan peti kemas tersebut pemerintah telah menyurvei tujuh lokasi calon pelabuhan atau terminal pendukung pelabuhan tanjung priok yang diprediksi jenuh pada tahun 2013 dan salah satu di antaranya yaitu kalibaru. pembangunan terminal kalibaru tahap i dilakukan dengan mereklamasi laut yang dimulai dari breakwater di pelabuhan tanjung priok. pembangunan terminal tersebut sebagai upaya pemerintah mengantisipasi perkembangan pelabuhan tanjung priok yang setiap tahun semakin padat melayani kedatangan kapal dan muatan dengan berbagai jenis barang yang termasuk barang dalam peti kemas hingga mencapai 6.500.000 teu pada tahun 2016. sebelum terminal kalibaru beroperasi, direktorat jenderal perhubungan laut, melalui unit pelaksana teknis (upt), kantor otoritas pelabuhan tanjung priok mendorong pihak operator pelabuhan agar mengoptimalkan kapasitas lahan dan meningkatkan kinerja layanan di pelabuhan dengan cara membuat lahan penumpukan peti kemas baru di dalam pelabuhan dan menetapkan tarif pinalti pada peti kemas impor yang sudah mendapatkan surat penyelesaian pembongkaran indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 74-85 © 2019 terminal kalibaru sebagai solusi mengatasi kemacetan bongkar muat peti kemas di pelabuhan tanjung priok | 85 barang (sp2b) dari bea cukai. dengan begitu pelabuhan tanjung priok mampu melayani peti kemas yang lebih besar dan menghindari stagnan. dasar pembangunan terminal kalibaru adalah hasil kajian dari japan international cooperation agency (jica) dan direktorat jenderal perhubungan laut terkait pengembangan pelabuhan tanjung priok. referensi abdullah, t. dan surjomihardjo, a. (1985). ilmu sejarah dan historiografi: arah dan perspektif. jakarta: pt. gramedia. anita, sherly l. asmadewa, i. (2017). analisis dwelling time impor pada pelabuhan tanjung priok melalui penerapan theory of constraints. jurnal perspektif bea dan cukai, 1 (1): 73-87. departemen perhubungan republik indonesia, laporan rencana induk pt pelabuhan tanjung priok provinsi dki jakarta, tahun 2012. frederick, w. h. s. (1984). pemahaman sejarah indonesia: sebelum dan sesudah reformasi. jakarta: lp3es. hamid, a. r. dan majid, m. (2011) pengantar ilmu sejarah. yogyakarta: ombak. http://dephub.go.id/beta2017/post/read/pengoperasian-terminal-kalibarudiharapkan-dapat-meningkatkan-daya-saing-dalam-era-kompetisi-yangsemakin-ketat, (diunduh pada jumat, 30 maret 2018, pukul, 11.00 wib). https://www.npct1.co.id/introduction/, diunduh 30 maret 2018. https://www.viva.co.id/arsip/347928-pelindo-ii-raih-konsesi-70-tahun-terminalkalibaru, diunduh pada jumat, 30 maret 2018. laporan tahunan pt pelabuhan indonesia ii tahun 2014, 2015. susantono, b. dan berawi, mohammed a. (2012). perkembangan kebijakan pembiayaan infrastruktur transportasi berbasis kerjasama pemerintah swasta di indonesia. jurnal transportasi, 12 (2): 93-102. “pelabuhan baru mendesak dibangun: pelabuhan tanjung priok sudah stagnan”, dalam kompas, jumat, 25 maret 2011. “pengembangan tanjung priok: lima konsorsium lulus di kalibaru”, dalam kompas, jumat, 26 agustus 2011. “tender terminal kalibaru dimulai mei: bumn boleh bersinergi untuk kalibaru, tetapi tetap harus tender” dalam kompas, sabtu, 25 maret 2011. “terminal kalibaru diperebutkan: tujuh konsorsium bertarung di pelabuhan kalibaru”, dalam kompas, jumat, 12 agustus 2011. “terminal kalibaru diuji coba: biaya logistik diharapkan segera turun” dalam kompas, sabtu 26 mei 2016. “terminal kalibaru sebagai magnet pertumbuhan”, dalam kompas, jumat, 1 februari 2013. microsoft word 2. niken wirasanti.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 19-33 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 local cultural identity markers in bagelen during the ancient java | 19 received: january 15, 2022 revised: may 30, 2022 accepted: june 4, 2022 the remnants of ancient java as a sign system in bagelen central java niken wirasanti department of archeology, faculty of cultural sciences, universitas gadjah mada jl. sosio humaniora, bulaksumur, sleman, yogyakarta indonesia *corresponding author: wirasanti@ugm.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v6i1.13425 introduction in ix-x century ad, south kedu region (central java) of bagelen area was part of the ancient mataram kingdom civilization. the palace of ancient mataram kingdom moved several times as written in the inscription medang ri bhumi mataram, medang ri poh pitu, and medang ri mamratipura (boechari,1976/2018, p. 178; wuryantoro, 2012, p. 128; poesponegoro, 2009, p. 149). the glory of the ancient mataram kingdom has been revealed in a number of inscriptions and temples concentrated in the fertile plains on the axis of borobudur temple towards prambanan temple. this means that in these two areas, the intensity of temple findings with magnificent and monumental architectures are very high, which is known as “the royal temples”, and the palace is estimated to be close to the location of the “royal temples”. inscription data show that in the ix-x century ad in java, there was no abstract this research explored the cultural traces of the ancient mataram community in south kedu, bagelen region, central java. there are abundant archaeological data to study these traces – hindu and buddhist statues, lingga-yoni, lingga pathok, rings, lamps, and five inscriptions, namely the watukura (902 ad, kayu ara hiwang (911 ad), sipater (circa 900 ad), ayam têas (901 ad), and pendem (881 ad). in addition, there are more than 26 archaeological sites in bagelen region. statues, lingga-yoni, lamps, and rings are correlated with the contents of the inscriptions, all of which show how the system and social structure of the residents worked and functioned in bagelen region. these artifacts are a system of sign that describes the religious activities during the rakai watukura dyah balitung period of the ancient mataram. the research was aimed to obtain an overview of how material culture as a sign system is interpreted by the community. the research method used was a structural approach by analyzing signs and meanings of artifact data and inscriptions. the findings showed how the manifested culture in bagelan region reflected a certain spirituality concept with local and cultural identification. keywords: inscription; statue; bagelen; ancient mataram; local cultural identity. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 19-33 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 local cultural identity markers in bagelen during the ancient java | 20 centralized administration (sedyawati, 1985, p. 264), while kulke (1991 in wirasanti, 2015, p. 103) made an interpretation based on the canggal inscription (773 ad) that the traditional structure of old javanese was a kingdom surrounded by several communities (watak). furthermore, the kingdom is a palace and the king ruled in a capital called medang, surrounded by rural areas which at that time was probably not an actual urban center, but a large village. an area describing a center surrounded by villages is called as bhumi. one of the ancient mataram village known as watak watukura, is currently located close to the estuary of the bogowonto river, part of purwodadi district, purworejo, central java (poesponegoro, 2009, p.123, munoz, 2009, p. 326). toponym watukara connects to rakai watukura dyah balitung, who was based mantyasih inscription (902 ad), became one of the kings of ancient mataram. the title rakai bore by balitung showed that before crowned as the king of mataram (899-911 ad), he was a ruler in (watak) watukura (boechari, 2018, p. 74 ; wibowo, 1964, p. 148). based from this fact, an assumption emerges that watak watukura (bagelen) was once an ancient mataram palace. in addition, the work of penadi (1993, p. 6), which refers to van der meulen's opinion from parahiyangan script and babad tanah jawi script about the name of bagelen which is equated with ho-ling or haling that is the short name of bhagahalin (bagelen), suggests that there was a kingdom located in the valley of the bogowonto river. moreover, still referring to the writing of penadi, bagelen is similar to pagelen as contained in babad tanah jawa (the history of javanese land), a kingdom that was originally ruled by king kahulun. regardless of whether or not it was true, it is interesting to study that in bagelen region, there is a fairly large spread of artifacts in the forms of statues of ganesha, siva-parvati, agastya, lingga-yoni, lingga pathok, stupa, and pipisan-gandik, all of which are currently kept in the tosan aji purworejo museum. in 1915, the dutch (inventaris der hindoeoudheden) (1914, p. 357) recorded the findings of hindu or buddhist statues namely saraswati, shiva, ratnasambawa, maitreya, padmapani, a number of gold rings, silver rings, and bronze lamps. it was stated that these objects were brought to the batavia museum (jakarta), and some were kept in the leiden museum. these artifacts which are presented in tosan aji museum each has certain meanings in accordance with their functions, either in religious activities or daily activities. the relations among these objects can be traced from five inscriptions found in the bagelen area, namely kayu ara hiwang inscription (911 ad) found in central boro, and watukura inscription (902 ad) found in watukuro, sipater inscription (approx. 900 ad) found in jenar kidul, and pendem inscription (881 ad) found in tawangsari. another inscription, which is ayam têas 1 (901 ad), was found in purworejo region of central java, but the location of the finding is unknown. archaeological data findings widespread in the bagelen region with five inscriptions from ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 19-33 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 local cultural identity markers in bagelen during the ancient java | 21 the ancient javanese period illustrate that the watukura bagalen region had an important role in the period. watukura is a lungguh area of balitung before he become a king of ancient mataram. as a watak area, watukura had a vast territory with a number of villages as mentioned in the watukura inscription. however, the bagelen region as part of the ancient mataram region with quite complete archaeological data has not attracted much attention from researchers. it means that, so far, the many writings and discussions are mainly about the important role of bagelen during the islamic mataram period until the independence of indonesia. in fact, artifacts and inscriptions of the ancient javanese period found in the bagelen region are part of the historical journey of bagelen. therefore, the study of bagelen in ix-x century ad is important to be conducted since it will complete the series of historical descriptions and cultural processes of pre-islamic bagelen period. this paper is expected to begin as well as complete the overview of the community activities in the pre-islamic bagelen period. artifacts and inscriptions of the hindu-buddhist period became markers of religious activities as well as showing the role of ritual ceremonies in the daily life of the bagelen people at that time (geertz, 1973, in magetsari, 1980, p. 438). this is interesting to study, and questions arise on how to "read" the markers of the local and cultural products of bagelen people at that time and what elements and kinds of socio-cultural interactions are maintained to preserve the local and cultural identity of bagelen in ix-x century ad. methods this research was synchronic and conducted by studying the artifacts of the x century ad in the south kedu area of bagelen, which is currently a district in purworejo regency. the research locations consisted of purwodadi district, bagelen district, banyuurip district, and ngrombol district. these regions are concentrated with archaeological sites, a number of artifacts and five inscriptions, three inscriptions (watukura inscription, kayu ara hiwang inscription, and sipater inscription) with known locations of their discoveries, and two inscriptions were found in purworejo without mentioning the place of discovery (pendem inscription was found in kaligesing district, and ayam têas 1 inscription was found in purworejo). at the research locations, there are 26 archaeological sites with artifacts that are partially kept in the tosan aji museum and some are still at their original locations. the data, which are artifacts and inscriptions, were studied by means of a structural analysis (fredinan de saussure semiotics) which was an attempt to identify the structure of various thoughts, expressions, and behaviors of the community based on the five inscriptions found in bagelen region. it means that the structural analysis did not take account of the causal relationship of a phenomenon, but a concept was viewed as complex and a set of elements that were related to one another (piliang, 2012, p. 152). statues, lingga-yoni, and ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 19-33 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 local cultural identity markers in bagelen during the ancient java | 22 lingga pathok can be meaningful when these artifacts are in relation to the elements on the inscriptions that arre structured stages in the ceremony of establishing a region as a sīma. to determine its structure, the data were analyzed and the result was a syntagmatic-paradigmatic axis describing religious practices that served to maintain the sustainability of socio-cultural relations. furthermore, the discussion section shows the relations between the components that form the concept of religious communities. from the discussion, it can be interpreted that the artifacts are associated with the contents of the inscriptions, and therefore a series of markers of a magico-religious concept is intertwined. this means that an overview of the pattern of socio-cultural relations that is continuously integrated forms a local cultural identity. results and discussion bagelen is an area that is now administratively the bagelen district of purworejo regency, located between the cicingguling river in the west, to the menoreh mountains in the east, and the southern slopes of mount sumbing in the north, to the indian ocean in the south. this region has several rivers, namely bebang, bedono, and bogowonto. in its history, bagelen has been a fairly large and fertile area. in 1901, bagelen region was administratively removed, and since then bagelen has been a part of the purworejo regency (setyawati, sudibyo, ibrahim, 2018, p. 20). in the ix-x century ad, bagelen was a part of the ancient mataram kingdom whose territory was comprised of central java and parts of east java. ancient mataram kingdom was a kingdom that emerged during the reign of king sanjaya who was given the title rakai mataram sang ratu sanjaya, enthroned in medang, and the palace built by sanjaya was located in poh pitu (boechari 1976/2018, p. 159; poeponegoro, 2009, p. 123; wirasanti, 2020, p. 131). the location of poh pitu is estimated around the kedu region (magelang), and during the reign of dyah kayuwangi the center of the ancient mataram kingdom was moved to the southeast of kedu and centered in medang ri mamrati (çiwagrha =856 ad), estimated around prambanan area (darmosoetopo, 2003, p. 37). interpreting the contents of the inscriptions one of the kings who ruled in ancient mataram was balitung with the title sri mahārāja rakai watukura dyah balitung sri dharmmodayana mahasambu ruling in 898912 ad. as many as 45 inscriptions of stone and bronze created during his reign were discovered. the title rakai shows that balitung was once a ruler with the lungguh area in watukura, and the location of watukura is estimated in central java which currently contains the toponym of watukuro village in purwarejo district. this title indicates the position of ruler in a watak (poesponegoro, 2009, p.123; boechari, 2018, p.91). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 19-33 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 local cultural identity markers in bagelen during the ancient java | 23 inscriptions from the reign of the king balitung found in bagelen region are watukura i inscription, kayu ara hiwang inscription, sipater inscription, ayam têas, and pendem inscription. the inscriptions record the establishment ceremony of sīma for religious buildings, that is dharma pangastulan building (watukura inscription), religious buildings in kayuarahirang (kayu ara hiwang inscription), and religious buildings in ayam têas. the sipater inscription (900 ad) explains the maintenance of the dam. the word sīma is derived from the sanskrit word sīman which means boundary or edge (zoetmulder, 1982, p. 1092). the word boundary in a broader sense is a plot of land that is reserved (darmosoetopo, 2003, p. 93). through manusuk sīma ceremony, it means that the land is exempted from taxes and other obligations by the government with the aim that the locals are responsible for the sustainability of maintaining and preserving religious buildings. furthermore, this means that the tax which used to be submitted to the government through the tax collector (manilaladrawhaji) now is handed over to the caretaker of sīma to be utilized for various purposes of the implementation of religious rituals, such as preparing offerings, and paying for the cost of building maintenance. sīma for the purposes of maintaining religious buildings is known as sīma punpunan. darmosoetopo (2003) distinguished various sīma land giving: 1) sīma makudur (religious ceremony leader) given to makudur who has given contribution to the king, 2) sīma kapatihan that is given to patih/vice-regent who has given contribution to the king, 3) sīma kajurugusalyan that is sīma land for areas in which metalsmith are managed; this consisted of blacksmith, goldsmith, coppersmith, and brass smith. according to darmosoetopo, the term sīma punpunan is always related to bathāra or religious buildings and refers to boechari (in darmosoetopo, 2003, p.109); punpunan is an area adjacent to the center of the kingdom. boechari’s opinion on the term punpunan when associated with watukura inscription, which became the lungguh land (watak) of balitung, has attracted the attention of many parties to suggest that the lungguh area of balitung in watukura was close to the center of the kingdom. based on the inscriptions in bagelen region there are a number of villages designated as sīma lands. some of the names of the villages can still be traced to the toponyms today. in watukura inscription, the watukura region is comprised of the villages of babadan, matapanas, payaman, buhara suwul, buhara unduh, buhara hoya, buhara tengah, buhara panganten, bareng, and antulan. the name buhara tengah is estimated to be the toponym of what is now known as boro tengah village, in which kayu ara hiwang inscription was discovered (atmojo, 1991, p. 21). still according to atmojo (1984), the name of the villages stated in sipater inscription with the current toponym are wlahan village (bragolan village, purwodadi district), parowutan (palutan village, ngombol district) bordering with candi village, ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 19-33 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 local cultural identity markers in bagelen during the ancient java | 24 and sipater (kapiteran village, kemiri district). the villages written in the inscription describe a village (wanua) which was a settlement that merged with gardens, rice fields, dry lands, rivers, valleys, meadows, and forests. gardens, rice fields, or forests are selected to be used as sīma lands for religious buildings. in his writing, pradana (2017) interprets the contents of kaladi inscription (909 ad); forests were selected as sīma lands and then used as gardens planted with flowers, and these flowers became an important part of the means of religious ceremonies called the pancopacara. there are two kinds of offerings that must be prepared in religious ceremonies, namely fire offerings (for sang hyang brahma) and offering of goods for sang hyang kulumpang in the form of cloth, gold coins, and other equipment (darmoseoetopo, 2003, p. 114). more specifically, these can consist of agricultural equipment prepared for sīma ceremony, such as wadung (a tool for splitting wood), patuk or betel (for splitting stones), rimbas or pêtèl (a tool for cutting or shaping), lukai or kudi (a weapon), têwêk punukan (a machete with sharp protrusion on its back), gulumi (fork-shaped tool), kurumbhagi (knife), kris (keris), linggis (crowbar), wungkyul or wungkil (a tool for raking soil or grass), dom (needle), and tatah (a carpenter's tool). other sets of equipment are tableware and lighting equipment that consist of pandyusan (a metal bowl for washing hands), tabas or talam (an offering tray), saragi panganan (cutlery), saragi minuman (drinking utensils), kampil (rice container,) kawab (pan to cook dishes), pangliwetan (a tool for cooking rice), padamaran (small lamp of bronze), and papanjuan (lamp). the next equipment sets are betel container and pancopacana. equipment belonging to pancopacana are kamwang (flowers), gandalepha (boreh), dhupa (frankincense), dipa (duplak lamp for the ceremony), and kawitta (?). sometimes offerings for sang hyang kulumpang can also include chicken, goat, and buffalo head. agricultural equipment for sīma ceremony was the equipment used daily in the paddy fields, in other fields, or in the forest. the rural environment around sīma was comprised of a forest area, rice fields, and dry lands, and this illustrated a fertile environment with abundant water sources. the watukura inscription, kayu ara hiwang inscription, ayam têas 1 inscription, and pendem inscription implicitly mention that the fertile lands for sīma were designated for religious buildings close to the countryside. other inscriptions, which are linggasutan inscription (924 ad), sugih manek inscription (915 ad), and muncang inscription (944 ad), explicitly state that there were rice fields and dry lands in rural environment (wanua). the people were obliged to maintain religious buildings located near their residence. to maintain and preserve religious buildings, a number of caretakers were responsible for this maintenance (setianingsih,1991, p. 3; wirasanti 2015, p. 39). setianingsih's study mentions that poh inscription (905 ad) provides complete information about the obligations of religious building caretakers in wanua villages in poh, rumasan village, and nyu village, all of which were sīma for sang hyang caitya while the village officials were ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 19-33 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 local cultural identity markers in bagelen during the ancient java | 25 responsible for maintaining, preserving, decorating, and organizing offerings ceremonies (mahaywa for a king who were “didharmakan” in pastika. watukura inscription (902 ad) mentions that religious buildings caretakers namely sang karmma consist of mamuju, upakada, and dewakarma. mamuju was the person in charge of organizing religious ceremonies and offerings during the performing of the ritual to bhatāra. upakalpa was the person in charge of preparing the ceremony offerings to bhatāra. the task of dewakarmma was cleaning the courtyard of religious buildings. the person in charge of caring for and cleaning the religious buildings called byapāra (darmosoetopo, 2003, p. 161; wuryantara, 2012, p. 132; pradana, 2017, p. 51). kayu ara hiwang inscription mentions people who are known as parhyangan who were in charge of praying to call the gods. ayam têas inscription mentions that wadihati is a religious caretaker who assisted in performing ceremonies in villages. in another inscription, the panggumulan inscription, four people are mentioned that they were in charge of preparing lights at the time of sīma ceremony. there is also a caretaker called mulawuai as a person in charge of providing water during the ceremony (setianingsih, 1991, p. 3). the sīma (religious building) caretaker or custodian showed that there was an organizational structure of persons in charge who were responsible for the sustainability of sīma lands for religious buildings. these persons in charge received gifts from the king, such as money and cloth (wdihan). preparation of designating a region for sīma was started with defining the boundaries of the village. kayu ara hiwang inscription (901 ad) mentions a number of villages that became the boundary of the sīma land in kayu ara hiwang. in addition, the king awarded the persons in charge who had contributed to the maintenance of religious buildings in parhyangan (sīma ni paryan) in a number of villages (padamuan, mantyasih, asampanjang, pupur, taji, kasugihan, lamwar, panggumulan, lamwar, langkyang, sru ayun, poh, kolungan) with cloth (wdihan), one kati (0.625kg) of silver coins (pirak kati 1). some persons in charge received gold coins as much as one suwarna and two masa (mas su 2 mā), and a ring of prāsāda type (simsim prāsāda) (pradana, 2017, p. 52; wuryantoro, 2012, p. 138). in addition to the inauguration of sīma, sipater inscription (900 ad – estimated), tells about the expansion (maintenance) of a dam (dawuhan) to improve crops in a number of villages, namely wlahan, pariwutan, kayuara, kayuantan, haluh and sipater (atmojo, 1985, p. 233). the existence of this dam can be associated with efforts to increase agricultural products. agricultural products, in addition to being daily needs and traded goods, they are also used for the purposes of religious ceremonies on the sīma land. darmosoetopo (2003) mentions that the cost of sīma establishment ceremony spent in taji village that was attended by 592 people was 57 kadut rice of, six buffalos, and 100 chickens (taji inscription, 904 ad). many kinds of rices and side dishes were ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 19-33 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 local cultural identity markers in bagelen during the ancient java | 26 served, and there were skul matiman (rice cooked with steamer), skul dinyun (rice cooked with jun (pot), and skul liwet (rice cooked with pangliwetan). the watukura inscription (902 ad) mentions a festive dish including a side dish of fish (haryono, 1997; wurjantoro, 2012, p. 133). the menus at the banquet for the establishment event of sīma were prepared from farming products obtained from rice fields, dry land, and fish ponds from local villages. the surrounding villages of sīma land (wanua tpi siring) and villages that utilize water from dams gave an overview of the bagelen area at that time that was fairly densely populated and had fertile land and water resources. interpreting the artifacts from the structure of the regional or territorial planning of the ancient mataram kingdom, it can be reconstructed that the center of kingdom with the palace of sri maharaja (kadatwan) consisted of watak led by a rakai, and the smallest unit of area was wanua consisting of residential sub-units called duku. the regional layout describes the conception of a space in which there was a center as a core of power that radiates energy outward towards the periphery (raharjo, 2011, p. 26; wirasanti, 2015, p. 104). furthermore, the terms center and periphery are developed. a center is located in the middle of the culture that illustrates the great tradition while group of farmers develop the small traditions (rahardjo, 2011, p. 430; sadyawati, 2012, p. 282; bhattacharjee, 2016, p. 5). mostly, small traditions do not develop through reflective ideas. these traditions would develop by themselves in a village whose residents cannot write, or these are only obtained without full awareness of doing the refining. on the other hand, great traditions are developes by a small group of elites (thinkers, religious experts, and poets) with full awareness that these should be passed down to the next generation (rahardjo, 2011, p. 249). the concepts of great traditions and small tradition are used to describe artifacts (especially statues) found in the bagelen region. its regional structure, the palace and the surrounding areas that consisted of villages (wanua or thani and hamlets anak wanua or anak thani) along with the lungguh land, is a negaragung or the core area. outside the negaragung, there were areas ruled by the hajj or a vassal king. balitung, before marrying the crown princess and taking the royal throne, was a hajj from the watukura area with the title rakai (boechari, 2018, p. 90; darmosoetopo, 2003, p. 49). bagelen region in the ix-x century ad as a part of the ancient mataram civilization is marked by cultural products in the form of statues of sivaparvati, ganesha, agastya, lingga-yoni, lingga pathok (watu sīma), and pipisangandik in a variety of shapes and sizes. the artifacts are now stored in the tosan aji purworejo museum. iconographically, the statues can be recognized through the features of their attributes. however, it can be said that the workmanship and creativity of the locals are of high quality. it means these ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 19-33 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 local cultural identity markers in bagelen during the ancient java | 27 locals had the ability to combine various elements to produce a distinctive form in the bagelen region. workmanship and expression of statues create a different binary opposition, such as statues from prambanan temple and statues from the kedu area (borobudur) which are iconographically and icononomically similar to the rules of the silpasastra script (figure 1). figure 1. from left to right depiction and workmanship of statues bagelen (tosan aji museum), statues from prambanan (candi prambanan), and statues from banon temple (kedu). source: suroto, 2020; https://candi.perpusnas.go.id/temples/deskripsi-yogyakarta candi_prambanan_8 (retrieved in 2020); bernet-kempers, 1959. according to soekmono (1986, p. 236), as an art enshrined in religion, the prevailing benchmark is not the splendor or the beauty that is generally considered to be the core of quality assessment, but its function whether or not the work fulfills its function as a religious object according to the views of the community. in this case, sedyawati (1986) adds that there is a power of transformation given by the local identity. another opinion is stated by raharjo (2011) that to understand a civilization as a whole, a society should not be seen separately. in fact, small and great traditions always relate to each other dynamically. statues, lingga-yoni, and lingga pathok currently displayed in the museum seem meaningless. however, they will be meaningful if these artifacts are associated in a network context with the content of the inscriptions to form a sign system describing the concept of religious ceremonies. denotatively, the content of the inscriptions with their artifacts shows the life of the people at the hindu and buddhist period. in this case, there was no indianization process which meant that the local culture adapted to the foreign culture, but what happens was that the local culture was able to process foreign culture according to the characteristics or in accordance with the interests of the supporting communities (magetsari, 2016, p. 14). one of the peculiarities of the local culture can be observed from the statues discovered in the bagelen region (some of the statues are kept in the tosan aji purworejo museum), all of which iconographically also have a distinctive workmanship, different from the statues discovered in prambanan region and kedu region (borobudur). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 19-33 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 local cultural identity markers in bagelen during the ancient java | 28 interpreting the space of sīma the inauguration ceremony of sīma for religious buildings brought consequences that were changes to the status of the land and its supporters. this meant that sīma had a legal power; there were fines for those who violate or damage sīma; there were no tax levies on sīma land which must be handed over to the kingdom. sīma land designation process is written in the inscription attended by royal officials, village officials residing around the area designated to be the sīma (tpi siring or siringan), and witnesses from the four villages (panyatur desa) or the eight villages (pangasta desa), and these villages would be located in the four directions of the wind or the eight directions of wind (darmosoetopo, 2003, p. 94). the process of classifying the universe into five and nine groups describes a space as a sign because it has a meaning and is conventionally assigned certain functions. sīma land inauguration with witnesses from officials/residents from villages located in the four or eight directions of wind was a signifier. the markers of the layout are a concentric concept that is an opposition of one village in the middle surrounded by other villages in a circular manner. koentjaraningrat (1984) argues that the dualism of the center facing the outer circle can become a chain structure of category three when the center is considered as category one, and the outer circle as category two, three, four, and five. from this description, it can be concluded that the ritual practice of religious ceremonies revolves around the center world that connects or bridges the human world and the upper world. the purpose is to obtain blessing (slamet), prosperity, and harmony (setyobudi, 2013, p. 88). structurally, a space is seen as a structure (hoed, 2014, p. 113). in the designation of sīma whether based on the watukura inscription or kayu ara hiwang inscription or ayam têas 1 inscription, there were village boundaries that formed a space. a more complete explanation is obtained from panggumulan inscription (902 ad) and kuramwitan inscription (869 ad) which mention the description of the village boundaries marked with installations of peg markers pathok (lingga pathok/watu sīma) which is often called as sang hyang. as for sang hyang watu sīma and sang hyang watu kulumpang, they are the middle of witana and precisely at the midpoint of sīma land (darmosoetopo, 2003, p. 136; soekmono, 1974, p. 319). kancana inscription (860 ad) mentions that sīma stones (sang hyang) were planted in the eight directions of wind and overlooking religious buildings and statues of buddha (suhadi, 1983, p. 152; darmosoetopo, 2003, p. 121). ..sira paduka mpungku i boddhimimba an panusuk dharmma sīma lpas irikang i bungur lor mwang ikang ing asana tanêmana wungkul asthadeçanya maka don pangadêgana sang hyang prāsāda sthana nira sang hyang arca bodha… [….paduka mpungku di boddhimimba who determines sīma for buildings in bungur lor and in asana, so that the peg stone pathok are ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 19-33 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 local cultural identity markers in bagelen during the ancient java | 29 planted in the eight directions, the purpose is to establish prāsāda of the statue of buddha..] mamali inscription (878 ad) provides a more detailed information about the installation of the sīma boundaries in all four directions (darmosoetopo, 2003,p. 122) …swasti çakawarsitita 800, marggasira māsa daçami kr sna paksa wurukung kaliwuan aditya wara tatkāla nikanang lmah ning kbuan karāman i mamali watak mamali winli rakarayan i sirikan…sāma ni kanang prāsāda nira i gunug hyang…i sampun ika umadeg ikang rāma makabaiban ing pahing mesuk dwadaçi krsna…sinusukanya ya watu sīma srang dū…. [...happy year saka 800 marggasira month date 10th of the dark moon wurukung kliwon ahad when the garden land in mamali watak mamali was bought by rakarayan i sirikan. made as sīma for prāsāda on mount hyang after the rāma standing attending the ceremony in the morning (pasaran) pahing date 12th part of the dark moon planted peg stones pathok at every corner point of the sīma …] paradah inscription (943 ad) also mentions sang makudur put sīma stones at the boundaries (corners) of sīma land in pradah and tagi [i tlas sang wahuta hyang kudur umaratistha sang hyang wungkal susuk ing sahinga i pasaga i tagi]. tajigunung inscription (901 ad) mentions that these stones (sīma) were planted precisely at the corners of the village designated as sīma (haryono, 1999, p. 18). the term sanghyang kulumpang according to bochari (1977) is a stone mortar that has similar shape to yoni. in the sīma ceremonial process, sanghyang kulumpang is paired with sang hyang watu têas or sanghyang watu sīma, a small monument similar to lingga. both artifacts became a central marker of ritual in the enactment of a sīma ceremony with the sign of the magico-religious concept that became the official symbol of the sīma land inauguration. in the inscriptions, it is mentioned that all village leaders paid obeisance to the sang hyang watu sīma (manamwah ikanang rama kabaih ri sang hyang watu sīma) (kartakusuma, 1996, p. 405). from the description, it can be interpreted that sang hyang watu sīma and sanghyang watu kulumpang and the statue were placed at the central point of orientation in the sīma land inauguration ceremony. the audience were sitting in groups encircling watu sīma and kulumpang. in the center of the yard during the ceremony implementation, sang makudur cast a spell, cursed those who disturbed the sīma land while slaughtering a chicken on sanghyang kulumpang, and finally threw a chicken egg on sanghyag watu sīma. based on inscriptions (darmokusoetopo, 2003; kartakusuma, 1982), there were sanctions for those who violated sīma provisions, and these were in the forme of fines and curses symbolized by the act of cutting the neck of a chicken on watu kulumpang, and breaking a chicken egg on watu sīma. the ceremony ended with a banquet accompanied by dance performances (arawan hasta), mask dance (atapukan, matapêl), drum music (mapadahi), singing (menmen, manidun), and a comedy show (ma-banol). from this description, it appeared that the party supplies that must be prepared ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 19-33 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 local cultural identity markers in bagelen during the ancient java | 30 were quite a lot, especially the dish at the end of the event. the panggumulan inscription (902 ad) mentions a feast of various types of foods, namely matiman rice with a variety of salted fishes such as snapper, kadiwas, layar-layar, shrimp, and hala-hala as well as eggs. as for the vegetable dishes, two cows and a goat were slaughtered and cooked provided (haryono, 1997, p. 5). the inauguration ceremony of taji village sīma was attended by 592 people, required 57 kadut of rice, six buffalos, and 100 chickens (taji inscription 901 ad) (darmosoetopo, 2003, p.133). to ensure food availability, agricultural yields through a good irrigation had been increased. sipater inscription mentions the maintenance of a dam (dawuhan) to increase food production in wlahan village, priwutan village, kayuara village, haluh village, and sipater village (atmojo, 1985, p. 233). an inauguration ceremony of sīma was a ritual activity marked by the order of the ceremony (haryono, 1999, p. 16; darmosoetopo, 2003, p. 113; kartakusuma, 1996, p. 408) starting from the selection of sīma land followed by: 1) giving pasek-pasek (gifts that can be in the forms of money, cloth (wdihan), a ring (simsim), 2) offerings equipment; 3) a priest or ceremonial leader sang makudur cutting a chicken’s neck and breaking chicken eggs; 4) sang makudur worshiped sang hyang watu têas, 4) cast curses to those who violated sīma, and 6) the sīma inauguration ceremony was ended with a banquet accompanied by dance-music performance. the phases of a sīma inauguration ceremony carried out one by one in the same space and time formed a system of markers that explained religious behaviors related to a magico-religious concept. stage-by-stage sīma inauguration was an important ceremony because there is a change from a common space to a sacred space related to constructing temples and placing statues. these stages are presented in table 1. table 1. the details of sīma inauguration ceremony preparation implementation closing designating sīma land gift hand-over (ring, cloth) banquet magico-religious concept preparing statues, lingga yoni, lingga pathok watu sīma), rings sitting around watu sīma, statue and or linggayoni preparing items for gifts sang makudur conducting rituals dance and music performances preparing offerings installation of lingga patkok (watu sīma at the four/eight directions of sīma boundaries the theory of sacred space explains rules and orders that must be obeyed. the order of behavior situated in a space that is interpreted as having ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 19-33 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 local cultural identity markers in bagelen during the ancient java | 31 mystical and spiritual values (danesi, 2020, p. 324-328). in terms of space, there is a sacred space and non-scared space. sīma land as a sacred space is marked by the peak of the event when sang makudur cast spells and was witnessed by the audience from the villages around the sīma land. the peak of the sīma event is a sign of presenting the cosmic force that allows men to build a sacred space. the order of sīma designation obtained from the inscriptions for religious buildings shows similarities from the preparation, implementation, and closing of the event with the concept of inaugurating the sacred space. the connotative meaning of the solemn atmosphere was then developed characterized by the power awaken by sang makudur when casting curses and oath spells followed by the slaughtering of chickens and throwing eggs, all of which were able to give a certain meaning that was transcendent. the phenomenon of sīma inauguration ceremony was then continuously held in different spaces and times, and eventually the meaning of this religious ceremony (sīma) becomes part of culture and a "myth". conclusion bagelen region with the toponym of watukuro village became part of the cultural history of ancient mataram (ix-x ad). the watukuro village is associated with watukura inscription and is always associated with the lungguh land (watak) of rakai watukura dyah balitung before crowned a king. the evidence of the glory of preislamic bagelen preiod is marked by five inscriptions and artifacts displayed in the tosan aji museum, and some artifacts are still located in the historical sites of bagelen region. the artifacts and inscriptions appear to be of no value, but if they are deciphered and identified one by one, they become markers of the life of ancient javanese communities during the hindu-buddhist period. furthermore, these artifacts become meaningful when strung with inscriptions arranged in order (syntagmaticparadigmatic) forming a network of relations into a system of markers a with magico-religious concept. in this context, the series becomes a unity of meaning that describes the practice of sīma land inauguration ceremony for religious buildings. several inscriptions from different dimensions of space and time explain the inauguration of sīma land as characterized by the pattern and structure of formal order in maintaining its sacredness. the peak of the event is the casting of curses followed by prohibitions that must be obeyed and giving sanctions for those who violate the sacred land. the sīma land inauguration ceremony involved royal officials, village officials, and all local residents; it was witnessed by residents from the surrounding villages showing how the community maintained its identity as a religious society. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 19-33 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 local cultural identity markers in bagelen during the ancient java | 32 acknowledgement we would like to express our gratitude to the faculty of cultural sciences of universitas gadjah mada which funded this research, which was conducted in the bagelen region, and the publication of this article. we would also like to thank the department of archeology of faculty of cultural sciences of universitas gadjah mada that facilitated and supported the undertaking of this research. references atmojo, s. k. 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(pp. 183-197) jakarta: gramedia. darmosoetopo, r. (2003). hubungan tanah sīma dengan bangunan keagamaan di jawa pada abad ix-x tu. yogyakarta: prana pena. geertz, c. (1973). the interpretation of culture. new york: basic group. haryono, t. (1997). ). makanan tradisional dari kajian pustaka jawa, makanan tradisional dalam pandangan budaya dan keamanannya. dies ugm ke -47, yogyakarta: unpublished. haryono, t. (1999). sang hyang watu têas dan sang hyang kulumpang: perlengkapan ritual upacara penetapan si ̄ma pada masa kerajaan mataram kuna. humaniora, 11(3), 14-21. kartakusuma, r. (1996). obyek upacara sīma pada masyarakat jawa kuna abad ixxmasehi (kajian awal tentang lumpang batu berdasarkan prasasti panggumulan dan prasasti rukam). yogyakarta: api. 412-413 koentjaraningrat (1984). kebudayaan jawa. jakarta: balai pustaka. kulke, h. 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(2020). reconstruction of a javanese civilization cultural landscape in 8 ad based on canggal inscription in gendol hill complex, magelang, central java. indonesian journal of geography, 52(1), 128-134. wurjantoro, e. (2012). prasasti berbahasa jawa kuna abad viii-x masehi koleksi museum nasional jakarta (alih aksara dan terjemahan). jakarta: museum nasional. zoetmulder p. j. (1982). old javanese english dictionary. gravenhage: martinus nijhoff. microsoft word 2. layouted, putri et al 2021 [apa-n].docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 9-22 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the policies of balai pustaka as the dutch colonial government’s publishing agency in 1917-1942 | 9 received: february 23, 2021 revised: june 4, 2021 accepted: june 5, 2021 the policies of balai pustaka as the dutch colonial government’s publishing agency in 1917-1942 sulistya putri*, dewi yuliati, dhanang respati puguh master program of history, faculty of humanities, universitas diponegoro, semarang, central java indonesia *corresponding author: 123456789sulis@gmail.com doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v5i1.10451 introduction this article discusses the policies issued by balai pustaka as the official agency of the dutch colonial government. the policies issued by balai pustaka emerged in response to the implementation of ethical policy in dutch east indies, which produced educated generation who distributed their critical ideas through their publication to the colonial government. the educational aspect development as the result of the ethical policy implementation created new educated elites or group with mastery of basic skills of reading, writing and math. at that time, the ethical policy was not only aimed at educating native indonesians, but also meeting the need for cheap and educated labors, especially for private companies (supardan, 2008). in addition, the colonial government also expected that the ethical policy application would make the people abstract the ethical policy (1901) generated many intellectuals who were able to express their ideas and opinion of nationalism and opposition through written media. the colonial government felt restless and needed a sensor agency for the intellectual’s works. in 1908 the colonial government started to establish the commission for people’s reading which in 1917 changed to balai pustaka. this was the dutch colonial government’s first publishing agency with privileged rights in the monopoly on the publishing and printing industries. balai pustaka also created a policy supporting a sensor function. this study aims at analyzing the implementation of balai pustaka’s function as the sensor agency for literary works in ensuring the colonial government’s social-political stability in dutch east indies. the critical historical method of political approach was employed in this research, especially in the scope of colonialism and political policy. the policy issued by balai pustaka consists of three forms, namely: preproduction, production and postproduction policies. the preproduction policy was in the form of nota rinkes containing rules of the content of script to be issued, corporate management policy, and recruitment. production policy covers editing (modification and hyphenation) and control over scripts received by balai pustaka. meanwhile, postproduction policy was in the form of distribution of script by establishing more taman pustaka, expanding sales agents, and performing mobile library program. other than these, balai pustaka also actively sued publication which were not published by it and by idea and notion opposing the colonial government. keywords: balai pustaka; policy; colonial stability; sensor agency. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 9-22 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the policies of balai pustaka as the dutch colonial government’s publishing agency in 1917-1942 | 10 sympathetic and grateful to the dutch colonial government. in line with the development of education in the dutch east indies, the demand for reading also increased. on the other hand, the expansion of foreign investment program after the ethical policy application made large foreign capital enter the dutch east indies, including the investment in printing and publishing, such as chinese publisher (soekaboemische snelpersdrukkerij and firma sie dhian ho) and indo-european and dutch publishers (albrecht, bruining, van drop, carsseboom, grivel). meanwhile, the native indonesians also had some publishers which were established by the movement group such as medan prijaji by tirto adhi soerjo and h. samanhoedi and sinar djawa belonging to the sarekat islam (si) organization, and others (farid, 1991). kahin (2013) states that in 1928-1929 in urban area there were less than two percent of native indonesians with independent western education and more than 83 percent were hired by local elites. the number showed no significant change to the economy for the education’s indirect impact on the prosperity and competitiveness of the native indonesians. this issue incited the native indonesians’ opposition through movement organizations such as budi utomo. initially, budi utomo aimed at developing the traditional and western educations, promoting agriculture, industry, and trade among javanese and madurese people. in addition, this organization also ensured them of living in dignity. budi utomo’s aspiration later developed politically (kahin, 2013, p. 92.). besides budi utomo, there were other movement organizations such as sarekat islam (si) which at the time of its opening in 1912 had 360,000 members. si’s programs were militant in realizing a sovereign freedom (kahin, 2013, p. 93). some of the organizations and educated elites had publishers, such as medan prijaji, doenia bergerak, and sinar djawa which accommodated native indonesian intellectuals’ publication regarding criticism of the government. in addition, the intellectuals with journalist and author professions produced many literary works, such as max havelaar by douwes dekker, syair sama rata sama rasa by mas marco kartodikromo and hikayat kadiroen by semaoen. these publications were about the social reality and worried the dutch colonial government, that it then applied regulations on press criminal act (kurniawan, 2016). in such a condition, the dutch colonial government established an agency to investigate the scripts distributed all over the dutch east indies land. the agency was commisie voor de volkslectuur (commission for people’s reading), established in 1908, which was changed to balai pustaka in 1917. in line with the change, balai pustaka kept developing politically since balai pustaka’s objective was to preserve the colonial government’s power. in realizing this objective, some policies had many wild reading authors sued for press criminal act. based on the background above, the problem in this study is originated from the implementation of folk education development policy in dutch east indies as one of the ethical policy programs. as the result of the policy, more and more native intellectuals had the ability to write and publish their publication which contained nationalism and criticism of the dutch colonial government. the publications were ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 9-22 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the policies of balai pustaka as the dutch colonial government’s publishing agency in 1917-1942 | 11 often called wild readings. the development of wild readings deemed worrying, as proven with the persdelic case. therefore, the dutch colonial government through balai pustaka made efforts to restrain the narration of those wild readings. on this base, three important problems are presented: formation of publishing agency balai pustaka, formation and development process and policies issued to control the colonial government’s image. many studies have been conducted on the policies of publisher balai pustaka by researchers such as teeuw (1972), jedamski (1992), fitzpatrick (2000), and yuliati (2018). teeuw (1972) reveals the importance of balai pustaka for the development of indonesian modern literature. teeuw also states that the birth of indonesian modern literature was initiated by balai pustaka. furthermore, jedamski (1992) emphasizes the function of balai pustaka of not only as a publishing agency, but also as the agency of the government power hegemony. fitzpatrick (2000) also attempts to show that balai pustaka, under disguise of developing literature in the dutch east indies, manipulated and disrupted the development of local literature for the government’s sake by promoting western values and maintaining the dutch power. meanwhile, in the context of press policy, yuliati (2018) also discusses the dutch colonial government’s press regulations which were used as reference to formulate the publishing and control policies. based on the existing study, the literary publishing and control policies during the colonial era and its application have not been discussed much specifically with regard to its institutional profile and social-political control function. before further discussion on balai pustaka’s policies in the dutch east indies, it is necessary to understand the concepts of colonialism and policy. loomba (2016, p. 3) defines colonialism as a conquest of a territory belonging to other nation. colonial conquests of its colony develop further in some aspects to obtain full control. colonialism is not only intended only to be territorial control, but also control over its territory along with anything therein. according to gramsci, every social group coming to an area influences the economic system, and at the same time emerges a class of intellectuals giving knowledge. the knowledge given is not only regarding economy, but also politics, social and culture (wahid, 2011, p. 170). based on this explanation, colonialism is complete territorial control over the aspects therein, including economic, political and social-cultural aspects. during the dutch colonial era, the commission for people’s reading was formed from the restlessness of the development of wild reading and movements in the dutch east indies, especially after the emergence of the ethical policy. therefore, the commission for people’s reading, which was later changed into balai pustaka, had certain policies to participate in maintaining the colonial stability. besides preserving the colonialism, policies were also made. aminullah in anggara (2018, p. 37) states that policy is an effort or act to influence the system of achieving the desired objective. therefore, the policies applied by balai pustaka were used to achieve the objective of preserving the colonial practice in the dutch east indies. policy is made based on the sequence of script publishing process, namely preproduction, production, and postproduction policies. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 9-22 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the policies of balai pustaka as the dutch colonial government’s publishing agency in 1917-1942 | 12 method this research employed historical methods, from heuristicprocess, source criticism, and interpretation to historiography. this research on balai pustaka’s policies used sources of digital and non-digital forms in the form of law (staatsblad) stored in the national archives of republic of indonesia (anri), national library of republic of indonesia, and digital platform. furthermore, the researcher also used sources of newspapers and magazines containing publication on balai pustaka, including doenia bergerak, mingguan pelita, het niews van den dag, de preanger-bode, and panji poestaka magazine obtained from delper krantern (https://www.delpher.nl), literature documentation center h.b. jassin, national library, and archive of pt balai pustaka as well as publications by balai pustaka. this research also used information from formulators of balai pustaka’s policies contained in related literatures. some of the resources were then criticized internally, interpreted and analyzed using political and cultural approaches. the results of interpretation and analysis were then arranged into a historiographical work using prevailing principles. colonialism in the dutch east indies colonialism in the dutch east indies did not only influence strategic sectors such as economy and politics, but also cultural and intellectual sectors. literature, which is part of culture and intellectual, also draw the government’s attention, since literature greatly influenced awareness of colonialism, especially for those educated. some of the literatures included max havelaar, nyai dasima, het leven in nederlands-indie, continues story in press media, medan prijaji and others. this development could not be separated from the print culture in the dutch east indies. printing press first emerged in 1668. meanwhile, newspaper emerged first in the dutch east indies one or two centuries later, namely batavia nouvelles (habib f, 2017). afterwards, many newspapers and publishers emerged in the dutch east indies. the dutch colonial government’s publisher emerging in the 19th century was landsdrukkerij. in addition, there were also printing company belonging to missionary, printing company belonging to indo-european private sectors, and printing company belonging to native indonesians. in fact, however, the print culture had not completely reached every line of the native indonesians since few people were literate. later, entering the 20th century, especially after the ethical policy, many native indonesian and private publishers developed in the dutch east indies, since the native indonesian intellectuals kept appearing during the ethical policy period (moriyama, 2015, p. 113). the ethical policy indirectly made the native indonesian modern group more active in reading and writing cultures. the ethical policy was officially constituted in september 1901 in queen wihelmina’s speech on the 17th date in the netherlands on the attempts to deal with the declining prosperity of the native indonesians. in addition, the ethical policy also encouraged education, producing professionals, including journalists who increasingly distributed the anticolonial spirit (van niel, 1984, pp.11-12). observing ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 9-22 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the policies of balai pustaka as the dutch colonial government’s publishing agency in 1917-1942 | 13 the phenomena, the dutch colonial government worried that the occurrence in india would also occur in the dutch east indies land. as commonly known, the united kingdom was overwhelmed by the freedom fighters’ demand in india whose nationalism was awaken after receiving western education given by the british government (rosidi, 2013, p.24). habib f. (2017) explained that in the early 20th century printing agencies started to massively emerge, such as bintang hindia, established from 1903-1907, and medan prijaji, established from 1907-1912. with the press development in the dutch east indies, the dutch colonial government created press related regulations. the regulations were expected to reduce the development of readings which opposed or may endanger the colonial stability in the dutch east indies. furthermore, the regulations caused cases of press criminal act to be sued against some of the native indonesians who wrote the people’s social conditions or protests, such as tirto adhi seoerjo and mas marco kartodikromo. in general, they were also influenced by the publication style of western and eastern socialists and liberalists. in line with press development, emerged rules on press in the dutch east indies for the first time in 1856 through staatsdblad no. 74, containing articles aiming at restricting press freedom (“staatsblad van nederlandsch-indie 1856, no. 74”). in response to the protests through newspapers by dutch socialists and liberalists against the rules, new rule was stipulated in 1906 in the form of staatsblad no.270. furthermore, it was known that the articles in staatsblad no.270 still restrained press freedom (“staatsblad van nederlandsch-indie 1906, no. 270”). yuliati (2018) explains that later the dutch colonial government made new more repressive rules in the form of staatsblad no. 206 with serious threat, referred to as hanzai artikelen (articles on instilling seeds of hatred). meanwhile, with hanzai artikelen still effective until 1918, the government even added new rules, strafwetboek, containing rules on fine and imprisonment for press violation. besides rules on press to suppress distribution of readings which might worry the colonial government, the dutch colonial government further formed a commission serving to review readings distributed in the dutch east indies, referred to as commisie voor de volkslectuur. formation and development of the publishing agency balai pustaka the commission for people’s reading was the origion of balai pustaka, established in 1908. the commission was under the command of adviseur voor inlandsche zaken (bureau of advisor for native indonesian affairs), part of departemen van onderwijs en eredients (department of teaching and worship) (swantoro, 2002). the members enlisted in the commissions were g.a.j. hazeu (advisor of native indonesian affairs) as the leader, g.j.f. biegman (inspector of education), d.van hinloopen labbertn (lecturer of javanese language, batavia), ph. s. van ronkel (lecturer of malay language), and h.c.h bie (vice inspector of agriculture) (jedamski, 1992). jedamski (1997) explains that this agency served to investigate scripts distributing in the dutch east indies. in the first two years of establishment, the commission for people’s reading only served to collect scripts deemed inappropriate for publishing. later in 1910 after assignment of rinkes as secretary, the commission advanced rapidly. the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 9-22 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the policies of balai pustaka as the dutch colonial government’s publishing agency in 1917-1942 | 14 commission started to recruit a number of experts of javanese and sundanese languages to translate many foreign works into the two local languages (jedamski, 1997, p.10). in 1911 rinkes was assigned as taalambtenaar adjunct-adviseur (vice official language advisor) in native indonesian case, which at that time was led by dr. hazeu as directeur onderwijs en ereedienst. then, rinkes replaced hazeu as adviseur voor inlandesche zaken (1912) (“balai poestaka”, 1927, p. 343). in 1917, the commission for people’s reading was renamed balai pustaka. balai pustaka kept spreading its wings by expanding the distribution and making new business lines such as panji poestaka, sri poestaka, and volksmanak magazines. in addition, balai pustaka also implemented new, sensor function over readings received by publisher of balai pustaka or publishers other than balai pustaka. this can be observed from the new policies stipulated by balai pustaka. at this time, balai pustaka was also more political, as proven with the sensor function it performed over the scripts of reading it produced. hasil pengadjaran itoe boleh djoega mendatangkan bahaja, kalaoe orang jang telah tahoe membatja itu mendapat kitab2 batjaan jang berbahaja dari saoedagar kita jang koerang soetji dan dari orang2 jang bermaksoed hendak mengatjaoe. oleh sebab itu ber-sama2 dengan pengajaran itoe maka haroeslah diadakan kitab2 batjaan jang memenoehi kegemaran orang kepada pembatja tertib doenia sekarang. dalam oesahanja itu haroes didjaoehkan segala jang dapat merosakkan kekoeasaan pemerintah dan ketentraman negeri (harahab,1997, p. 19). [education may lead to harm, if the literate people obtain harmful reading book from publisher that is unholy and has the purpose of disrupt the situation. therefore, along with education, books that are fulfilling current readers’ interest must be made. in this effort, reading must be kept away from anything which may damage the government’s power and the national peace]. the statement was written by d.a. rinkes in the commemoration of 25 years of queen wihelmina reigning in 1923. the statement was the basic principle that d.a. rinkes base on in performance of his tasks in balai pustaka. from the statement, it is obvious that rinkes had political mission in operating balai pustaka. rinkes’s perspective could not be separated from his background. based on his background, d.a. rinkes (as pictured in figure 1) had a tropical agriculturalist education, and continued his study on language and literature. he was an islamologist, that besides having islamic knowledge, he also knew the character of javanese muslim people. with his education and knowledge, he successfully advanced balai pustaka, that in 1930 he was called the “father of balai pusaka”. during rinkes leadership, balai pustaka had a rapid and repressive advancement against the development of literatures beyond balai pustaka. during rinkes leadership, the main mission successfully developed by balai pustaka was the development of the national language and culture of the dutch east indies as desired by the dutch colonial government. therefore, under rinkes leadership, balai pustaka developed strategic sectors such as organization management, business, and politics. he created some programs to promote balai pustaka advancement. the programs made by rinkes focused on reading distribution. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 9-22 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the policies of balai pustaka as the dutch colonial government’s publishing agency in 1917-1942 | 15 the programs were establishment of libraries, sales agents, and advertisement agents. in addition, there were programs used for control function. in 1926 rinkes decided to retire and his position was taken over by lekkerkerker in march 1927. lekkerkerker had no concentration on cultural sector like rinkes. however, he adopted rinkes’s idea in operating balai pustaka. he divided balai pustaka into two, namely linguistics and administration. figure 1 da rinkes. (book 80 tahun balai pustaka menjelajah nusantara [80 years of balai pustaka exploring the archipelago], p. 17) on 23 december 1929 lekkerkerker suddenly died and his position was taken over by drewes. drewes had good academic career and was a doctor of orientalism. in the last few years under the colonial government, drewes took the position of the chairman of balai pustaka for five years and was finally assigned as a professor at the faculty of law in 1935. during his leadership, drewes encourage marginalization of scripts published by other than balai pustaka, as proven with an article published in de gids magazine in 1932 on the contemporary development of literature. it will be difficult to underestimate the government’s important role in controlling the development of good taste of literature in this transitional period. there is clear danger for those who seek for something that they expect very much, but end up with bad reading with doubtful quality. less accurate publishers successfully make use of this tendency of realism (because of desiring better term) and with the cheap products produced by volkslectuur are able to give beneficial influence. that has successfully pushed back expensive literature (trash literature) sold by chinese publishers (maier, 1991, p. 79). in the article, it is obvious that drewes started to show that balai pustaka’ authority in dominating the literature in the dutch east indies was relatively successful. he also ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 9-22 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the policies of balai pustaka as the dutch colonial government’s publishing agency in 1917-1942 | 16 started to discredit chinese people’s role in the development of literature in the dutch east indies in general. drewes indirectly stated that chinese literature had immoral, sensual, and harmful content according to the dutch standards. the reason is that the scripts old by chinese literature show their identity more in the dutch east indies. a year after drewes issued unreasonable disqualification of chinese malay literature, pujangga baru emerged. majority of the founders of pujangga baru had dutch education and were employees of balai pustaka. therefore, pujangga baru also adopted the language used by balai pustaka more and also discredited chinese malay language. after 1935 drewes resigned and was replaced by jf vos. j.f. vos had serious illness and thus retired later. the next leadership was handed over to k.a.h. hidding. he had the same principle as rinkes of strengthening the knowledge of colonial power structure (jedamski, 1992, pp. 31-32). the said knowledge was not only traditional culture, but also modern culture. hidding once said: stimulating the cultural development of the native indonesians and advancing their education do not only involve new findings, but is also also made by maintaining anything bearing meaning to their culture and when giving new breath therein. culture is not something isolated; every cultural case is bound to the past and future. in this context, the institution balai pustaka works to collect and reprint old literatures, which are the cultural heritage and will remain real for certain environment. only by keeping relationship with the past can we expect something in the future (farid, 1991). this statement is the evidence that balai pustaka has cultural politics by publishing good scriptures which are not detrimental to the government. later, in the period 19331942 balai pustaka showed a significant change, especially from the perspective of the native indonesians’ interest. employees of balai pustaka also formed saving and loan cooperative, bank of balai poestaka, and other activities which might strengthen relationship between employees (“bank balai poestaka”, 1937). in addition, they also opened new lines in the form of sri poestaka and panji poestaka magazines. balai pustaka’s policies balai pustaka as a government agency aimed at maintaining colonial stability. therefore, policies arose to support that function. by publishing process, balai pustaka’s policies are divided into three, namely preproduction, production, and post production policies that will be discussed further below. preproduction policy the preproduction policy defined by balai pustaka started from employee selection to scrip selection process. balai pustaka employees (figure 2) were initially dominated by european people, and the number of native indonesians increased later. the reason was that native indonesian employees were paid cheap. native indonesian employees were specially deployed in translation and press divisions. balai pustaka had strict rules regarding language mastery for its employees. the said language mastery was ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 9-22 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the policies of balai pustaka as the dutch colonial government’s publishing agency in 1917-1942 | 17 not only dutch language, but also malay language, english, and local languages thoroughly. the rules of becoming employee of balai pustaka specifically for editor of balai pustaka included: proficient in malay, dutch and english languages; graduate of hogere burgerschool (hbs) of five year or algemene middelbare school (ams), able to work independently, and having working experience; and having journalistic knowledge (panji poestaka, 7 juli 1929). these rules imply that language mastery is important in order to understand various texts inspected and published by balai pustaka. in addition, only graduates of dutch schools were accepted. this was also related to the language politics that would be applied in balai pustaka’s publications. the said language politics means the use of high malay language as the main language of publishing. the reason was that high malay language might reduce the use of rude, lewd, vulgar, and straightforward words, which might be triggered the spirit of opposition and nationalism which were many found in wild reading scripts in low malay language. the examples may be found in chinese descent literature or native indonesian literature. figure 2. employees of balai pustaka in batavia in 1925. (collection of kitlv no. 116893) in addition to employee acceptance policy, balai pustaka also created script acceptance policy. the policy was formulated by rinkes in the form of nota rinkes. nota rinkes was the policy made by rinkes to regulate script acceptance by balai pustaka. nota rinkes consisted of three points of script acceptance, namely: (1) publication cannot contain political element; (2) it must shape character and lead to intelligence; (3) it must be religiously neutral (mahayana 2010). nota rinkes was used to restrict author’s ideas and notions so as not to create narrations which might worry the dutch colonial government. authors with high idealism preferred publishing their works with private publishers. however, certain ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 9-22 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the policies of balai pustaka as the dutch colonial government’s publishing agency in 1917-1942 | 18 authors preferred publishing their works with balai pustaka. they had certain price of having their scripts published by balai pustaka. the reason was that balai pustaka had distribution network and market, thus there was an assumption that when their works were published by balai pustaka, they would have more readers. in addition, balai pustaka offered relatively high royalty to authors compared to private publishers. the royalty offered was about 250 gulden. the value was tempting even if after entering the publisher, the script would likely to be edited by balai pustaka (balai pustaka, 1992, p. 22). this rule was also used to select script entering into balai pustaka. because of such policy, some scripts were rejected by balai pustaka since they did not conform to the standard policy. rejection of script by balai pustaka was once experienced by soewarsih djojopoespito with a work entitled manusia bebas. many assumed that this novel was not accepted by balai pustaka since it used sundanese language. observed further, however, this novel contained nationalism with desire to escape colonial confinement. finally, this novel was published in the netherlands with assistance of du peron who both opposed colonialism with title in dutch language, buiten het gareel (djojopoespito, 1946). besides giving support, du peron also wrote a preface on this publication (sadim, 2018). this showed that the script selection process by balai pustaka was adjusted to balai pustaka’s objective of preserving the dutch colonial government’s power, while scripts which did not conform to the policy would not be accepted. rinkes did not only designate nota rinkes to restrict the movement of the native indonesians, he was getting more famous after searching for and suing some of si members. this was because si’s movements were deemed overly frontally attacking he government through press media or their publisher. therefore, some si members were convicted persdelict, just like what was experienced by mas marco kartodikromo and others. production policy the policy of production stage created by balai pustaka was script editing. its intention was that the scripts published conformed to the moral standard and did not contain any opposing elements and degrade the image of the dutch colonial government and dutch and indo people. the realization of the rule can be observed from the statement of an author who sent his/her script to balai pustaka as follows. meskipoen bahasanja (kalimat and kata-kata) boekoe itu ada bagoes tetapi berapa %kah dari kebagoesan itoe hak pengarang, berapa % poela hak pegawai balai poestaka dari pangkat jang rendah sampai jang tinggi jang memperbaikinya? diseboet demikian karena memang ada boekoe b.p. jang 90% dari isinja ialah boeah tangan si pemperbaiki. nah orang jang membatja timbangan ini tentoe akan menjaga bahasa boekoe. kalau ta’ oentoeng paling koerang 89% boekan hak pengarangnya. (“kaoem iboe dalam mengarang”, 1937). [although some of the book’s language (sentences and words) of are good, but how many % of correction is the author’s right, and how many % is the right of balai pustaka employees, from low to high positions who corrected it? it is so since there are indeed books of balai pustaka whose 90% of ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 9-22 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the policies of balai pustaka as the dutch colonial government’s publishing agency in 1917-1942 | 19 the content is the result of editing. well, those reading this consideration will certainly maintain a book’s language. in case of out of luck, at least 89% is not the author’s right.] from the statement, we may observe that balai pustaka did not only edit language, but also content. besides the author, this matter was also stated by nur st. iskandar who was an editor of balai pustaka. djangan kata mengubah djalan bahasa itu, agak mirip kepada bahasa djawa and sunda umpamanja, hal itu lebih sulit lagi. kepada direktur jang sengadja agak menjeleweng boleh dikenakan tjap: ongeschik! [sic!] tidak tjakap! ja, akan memakai kata bias sadja, yang berarti dapat dan kata bikin jang bermakna perbuat, bukanlah perkara jang mudah. apalagi kata-kata jang dipandang belanda berbau politik, seperti kata indonesia, adalah tabu (pantangan) bagi mereka (farid, 2018). [not to mention changing the way of language, just slightly similar to javanese or sundanese language, for example, it will be more difficult. to director who intentionally deviates will be marked: ongeschik! [sic!] incompetent! yes, will use bias words instead, which means it is okay and words, make them having meaning of what is done, is not something easy. moreover, words which the dutch people deem political related, such as the word indonesia, is taboo (prohibition) for them.] she revealed that editing was important not only regarding language, but also the content of the script. balai pustaka’s publications must use language of high morality of balai pustaka version and could not contain any nationalist language. this shows that script editing policy is a political strategy conducted by balai pustaka. an example of script editing by balai pustaka can be observed in the novel salah asoehan by abdoel moeis (moeis, 2009). not only the script’s language, its content was also changed by balai pustaka. in the original script, a dutch female character, corrie, was described to be extravagant. besides becoming hanafi’s wife, she also cheated with other man. then, hanafi felt he could not stand it, leading to their divorce. corrie fell into obscenity and sold herself to pay her debt to an arab and had a regular of ship captain and became common prostitute (mahayana, 1994). however, the script edited and published by balai pustaka told a good image of corrie, in which she was a good woman, and died because of cholera in her service in semarang. in the publication by balai pustaka, the story of “batavia doctor” was also removed (moeis, 2009). the strict control applied by balai pustaka caused emergence of some private publishers. balai pustaka called the result of production of the private publishers as wild readings. most of wild readings had content contradictory to balai pustaka’s political view and language principle and other rules applied by balai pustaka. the government opposing readings were mostly socialist realism, such as the verse sama rata dan sama rasa and hikayat kadiroen by semaoen. most of narrations built by the literary works published by balai pustaka contained customs. generally, the main characters in the works were dutch people or government officials who were familiar with dutch education. in the narrations, dutch people were the protagonists with good character, were forgiving and so on. meanwhile, in the narrations built by wild readings, dutch people were commonly ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 9-22 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the policies of balai pustaka as the dutch colonial government’s publishing agency in 1917-1942 | 20 depicted as those who love to get drunk, gambling, polygamy, and others, thus balai pustaka’s sensor function were focused more on the effort to show that western people were the representation of colonial culture with good image and high morality, by making counter discourse against the wild reading narrations. postproduction policy after production process is done, the next policy conducted by balai pustaka in the postproduction stage was expanding the distribution of the books by establishing libraries, using sales agents, and using advertisement agents. when it was still the commission for people’s reading, as the means of book distribution, rinkes asked the government to open libraries. the government granted the request with decition to establish taman pustaka on 13 october 1910. based on the decision, some taman pustaka were built in java, sunda, and malay. the libraries were specifically for the native indonesians (harahab et al., 1977). besides libraries for the native indonesians, the government also built libraries for dutch people at 170 locations. on 1912 there were 700 locations of taman pustaka, which were distributed only in java and sunda. after the commission changed to balai pustaka in 1917, 75 taman pustaka were opened in madura, and in 1918, 371 taman pustaka were established in sumatera (harahab et al., 1977, p.11). taman pustaka were located in villages and schools. taman pustaka were made available by balai pustaka. from 1916 and henceforward, in holandsch inlandsche scholen taman pustaka was provided with readings in dutch language issued by balai pustaka. in addition, there were also readings in malay, javanese and sudnanese languages. jedamski (1992, p.27) also explained that the development and arrangement of taman pustaka were conducted by schools. the books produced by balai pustaka were also distributed using sales agents. balai pustaka had 10 sales agents in 1917 and 58 agents in in 1925 including five european and four chinese people. in that year, cars were operating to sell books in sumatra, sulawesi, and kalimantan (balai pustaka, 1948). the book distribution could not be separated from the low price offered by balai pustaka, thanks to the subsidy from the government and balai pustaka having its own printing press and paper bought in a large number (“balai poestaka”, 1927, p. 342). in 1930 balai pustaka expanded its distribution overseas. this was realized since as the government’s organ, balai pustaka was not subject to tax and other regulations. in addition, balai pustaka also sued some authors who opposed the government, like what rinkes did to marco kartodikromo. sarotomo’s newspaper on 10 november no.142 contained mas marco’s publications which was deemed wrong and as an opposition against the colonial government, thus haji samanhoedi as si leader received a letter from d.a. rinkes which was released in doenia bergerak newspaper entitled “marco pro of contra dr. rinkes!?” the letter written by rinkes showed the mistake written by marco kartodikromo regarding welvaart commissie (w.c.), that those made w.c. were people of dutch nationality with no proficient knowledge of java land. rinkes also mentioned that marco kartodikromo blamed the native ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (1), 9-22 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the policies of balai pustaka as the dutch colonial government’s publishing agency in 1917-1942 | 21 indonesians trusted by gouvernement, and the native indonesians were deemed as blood sucker (kartodikromo, 1914, pp. 2-8). the publications of socialist realism which promoted justice and equality were deemed harful to the european capitalists. conclusions based on the result of discussion above, we may conclude that the dutch colonial government needed balai pustaka with its function to maintain the stability of intellectuals’ politics in the dutch east indies. therefore, balai pustaka as a publishing agency also had policies to operate that function. the policies made by balai pustaka and its implementation were 1) preproduction policy, script acceptance rules as contained in nota rinkes and the policy of employee selection with balai pustaka’s standard, the policy implementation can be observed from the script selection process and rejection of some scripts sent to balai pustaka, 2) production policy, that is the editing policy. the editing made by balai pustaka did not only cover language editing, but also content editing. this can be observed in the novel salah asoehan in which the character corrie was changed to one with high morality as western representation, 3) postproduction policy, in the form of distribution policy. to widen western moral values, balai pustaka extend the book distribution network, both using agent and schools. references “staatsblad van nederlandsch-indie 1856, no.74 reglement op de drukwerken in nederlandsch-indie”, arsip nasional republik indonesia. “staatsblad van nederlandsch-indie 1906, no. 270 wijziging van het reglement op de drukwerken in nederlandsch-indie”, arsip nasional republik indonesia. anggara, s. (2018). kebijakan publik. bandung: pustaka setia. balai poestaka. (15 maret 1927). panji poestaka. balai pustaka. (1922). bunga rampai kenangan pada balai pustaka. jakarta: balai pustaka. balai pustaka. (1948). balai pustaka sewadjarnya 1908-1942. jakarta: balai pustaka. bank balai poestaka. (26 februari 1937). panji poestaka. farid, h. (1991). kolonialisme dan budaya di hindia belanda. retrieved november 09, 2020, from http://hilmarfarid.id/kolonialisme-dan-budaya-balai-poestaka-dihindia-belanda/ fitzpatrick, e. (2000). balai pustaka in the dutch east indies: colonizing a literature. in simon s. & st-pierre p. (eds.), changing the terms: translating in the postcolonial era,113-126. ottawa: university of ottawa press. retrieved february 26, 2021, from http://jstor.proxy.undip.ac.id:2048/stable/j.ctt1ckpcz7.9 habib f, miftahul. 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(1991). forms of censorship in the dutch indies: the marginalization of chinese-malay literature. indonesia, 67-81. doi:10.2307/3351255 moeis, a. (2009). salah asuhan. balai pustaka: jakarta. rosidi, a. (2013). ikhtisar sejarah satera indonesia. jakarta: pustaka jaya. sadim, p. (24 juli 2018.). pejuang naratif yang hampir dliupakan. retrieved from https://koransulindo.com/soewarsih-djojopoespito-pejuang-naratifyanghampir-dilupakan/4/ sjojopoespito, s. (1946). buiten het gareel. dbnl: netherland. supardan, d. (2018). menyingkap perkembangan pendidikan sejak masa kolonial hingga sekarang: perspektif pendidikan kritis. jurnal generasi kampus 1(2), 96106. retrieved from https://jurnal.unimed.ac.id/2012/index.php/gk/ swantoro, p. (2002). dari buku ke buku: sambung menyambung menjadi satu. gramedia: jakarta. teeuw, a. (1972). the impact of balai pustaka on modern indonesian literature. bulletin of the school of oriental and african studies 35(1), 111-127. retrieved from http://jstor.proxy.undip.ac.id:2048/stable/612797. van niel, r. (1984). munculnya elit modern indonesia. jakarta: pustaka jaya. wahid, azhar hj. (2011) hegemoni intelektual kolonialisme dalam novel melayu. jurnal melayu 6, 169-185. retrieved from https://ejournal.ukm.my/jmelayu /article/view/ 4994/2545 yuliati, d. (2018). pers, peraturan negara dan nasionalisme indonesia. anuva 2(3), 253272. doi: 10.14710/anuva.2.3.253-272 microsoft word 5. akbar & handayani.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 115-133 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 science technology development in dutch east indies | 115 received: january 21, 2022 revised: march 9, 2022 accepted: march 9, 2022 science and technology development in dutch east indies maulana akbar* & tri handayani the national agency for research and innovation of the republic of indonesia, jl. m. h. thamrin no. 8, jakarta indonesia *corresponding author: maulana.akbar@live.com doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v5i2.13475 introduction the development of science and technology (s&t) in indonesia cannot be separated from the influence of dutch colonialism which established the initial foundation for the s&t ecosystem under the administration of dutch east indies. during the governance period until 1941, s&t infrastructure was made, especially educational and research and development (r&d) centers that supported the affairs of the colonial government. the development of human resources and its policies on the development of educational institutions is carried out where after ethical politics that allows more extensive education at all levels of society, including indonesian groups. the number of studies that describe the long history of the development of indonesian s&t during the dutch colonial period is still scarce. some scholars focus on the development of s&t from the point of view of education, especially post-ethical politics. fakhriansyah & patoni (2019) studies the access of indigenous society to the dutch education system that they argue there were the barrier of indigenous society to abstract this article describes the long history of the development of science and technology in indonesia under dutch east indies administration. this study views at how education and science and technology policies in together create the development of the contributions of researcher in research institutions. the study uses a convergent model triangulation which is a mixed method in which the qualitative use the archive to find comprehensive traces taken through written sources, quantitative method and bibliometric to show how research networks are formed in producing research from 1849 until 1940, especially on research topics. this study collects data from 201 scientific articles from scopus database to obtain information about the trends of dutch east indies scientific publication. the findings of this study are after ethical politics in the beginning of 21 century, colonial government failed to provide more inclusive education system for all groups. therefore, the scientist who contributed are mainly from european group and small contribution of indonesian in the medical field. in the national context, there were an incline number of scientific publications after 1920s that is contributed from the established a wide range of government research and development institutions the decades before. after the colonial government ended in 1941, these advantages became the initial foundation of science and technolgy ecosystem in republic of indonesian government. keywords: science and technology; educational policy; colonial system. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 115-133 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 science technology development in dutch east indies | 116 access freedomly. this is caused by the political system in dutch east indies that produce ‘elite’ education. laely (2018) describe the elite education provides education with dutch as intermediate language so that there were no well education that is provided in indigenous language. while other opinion, suratminto (2013) argues that education policy is tend to be discriminated to indigenous society because the dutch government set the indigenous society to contribute in low-skilled labour in the country development. meanwhile, some studies describe the role of researchers and their organizations to develop and advance knowledge under the dutch east indies government. gross (2011) writes how the natural researcher in dutch east indies was diverted by colonialism interest. the researcher that should brings the advance of s&t as main principle changed to how s&t can contribute to colonial advantage. even though, hesselink (2019) argues that in the period after 1900s, there were the signifficant number of journal articles in the medical area that directly support both the advantage of colonial interest and the development of s&t. however, research that discusses the relationship between both the education system and its contribution to the development of s&t is still new, especially the role of indonesian researchers. therefore, this study will fill the gap through answer several important questions which are 1) how were the dutch east indies education policy produce an inclusive education system 2) how was the dynamics of the role of researchers in developing s&t under the government of dutch east indies 3) what was the role universities and r&d in creating the advance of national s&t development. at first, this research will specifically examine how the social and economic factors of the dutch east indies community influenced policies in building an education system for its people. this education system will produce human resources that can become scientists to create knowledge. this supply will meet the demands of s&t and become the mainstay of the government to steer national knowledge development. at this point, this paper will also focus on the role of indonesian researchers in producing a research product. in the end, this research will answer the role and trend of science and technology development through the mapping of scientific publications from research organizations both under the government and independent scientific organizations. method as part of historical research, a basic process is carried out to achieve an accurate point of view of the phenomenon from the process of collecting historical facts (heuristics), source of criticism, interpretation, and historiography (alian, 2012; garraghan, 1957; sukmana, 2021; wasino & hartatik, 2018). the heuristic process that demands the construction of events in the past based on a constructivist point of view that views a historical event as influenced by various backgrounds allows this research to expand the boundaries of sources and types of data. this will minimize the bias on historical constructions, which often occur due to different authors' points of view, usually ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 115-133 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 science technology development in dutch east indies | 117 coming from a different group of countries, religions, races, classes, political views, and belief systems (buckley, 2016). this study uses a convergent model triangulation which is a mixed-method in which the quantitative and qualitative data processing is simultaneously conducted (bandur, 2019, p. 31). the process of convergent triangulation is also a way to be able to juxtapose quantitative facts and qualitative interpretations as critical media and validate a historical event before historiography is formed because of the construction of the two sources. qualitative sources use the archive to find comprehensive traces that can be taken through written sources (gottschalk, 1975; herlina, 2020). one of the abundant sources of writing is the digital archives of newspapers. for historical research, the use of newspaper databases is a new way to get further analysis and richer exploratory results to look at phenomena in a single subject and time (bingham, 2010). in addition, a database that has a large number of data sources provides an opportunity for researchers to see a complete chronological sequence, accompanied by points of view and assessment of certain phenomena in the past (bowie, 2019). therefore, this research considers using retrieving newspaper content from the family planning database which archives various dutch news sources, including the dutch east indies. in addition, the study will analyze with the quantitative descriptive from scopus database was used to obtain information about the trends of dutch east indies scientific publications. the search for articles in the scopus database was carried out on july 13, 2021, using the keyword affilcountry (indonesia), and we took articles only from 1849 until 1940. from these search results, we obtained 201 articles. the facts of processing the scopus database will also be compared with several similar studies, such as the hesselink (2019) studies which uses the geneeskundig tijdschrift voor nederlandsch-indië (gtni) journal database. meanwhile, the addition of numerical facts that were taken to explain the condition of indonesia at that time used a national survey and census by the bureau of statistics. this data is very important to describe the historical context based on social, economic, and other conditions which of course will be different from the current context. dutch east indies policy system in general, the monarchical countries in europe do not give a niche to the democratization of society in providing two-way interaction with social and political problems for a country. as stated by nugroho (2014, p. 81) that public policy in these countries, including the kingdom of the netherlands, sees public policy as a legal product that has centralized power on one side without any interaction between society and the state. thus, a common problem that is considered important to be resolved by public policy is not seen from the perspective of the community holistically that is from all groups and layers of society, but from a small group of authority. however, it does not mean that the policy system of a monarchy is not better than a form of democracy that upholds the values of freedom of speech in public policy ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 115-133 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 science technology development in dutch east indies | 118 making. what nugroho concludes is that on the one hand, countries such as the dutch east indies could have an efficient policy system because a law which is the product of a more concise policy with the loss of public participation, but it required to be considered is the availability of a professional political elite. this needs to be a critical part of the policy system in the dutch east indies that the reality is that the policies issued are very strict for the benefit of the government and colonial activities without looking at the welfare of society for all groups which should be the main goal. furthermore, the political system adopted by the kingdom of the netherlands is the trias politica system which was first introduced by the french philosopher and political theorist, charles montesquieu (1689-1755) in his publication entitled l'esprit des lois in 1748. exactly one century then, in 1848, during the spring revolution in europe, king william ii decided to change the political system in the netherlands in the era of parliamentary democracy by appointing johan rudolph thorbecke to revise the constitution. in the same year, thorbecke wrote a new constitution based on charles montesquieu's trias politica in which the political system has three functions, namely (1) the legislative function is the government (the queen and the ministers) (2) the executive function is the provincial, city, and regional government. colonies (3) the judicial function is in the state justice system. one of the hallmarks of the these states system is the existence of a policy layer based on macro, meso, and micro levels values (hill & hupe, 2002; miller & demir, 2007; nugroho, 2014). macro, such as laws are made to make legal products in general that are published and are in a strategic position. the main basis for carrying out the activities of the kingdom of the netherlands is de grondwet (constitution or basic law) which was first made in 1814 and continues to be updated until now. in the 1922 constitution, the concept of colonialism was abolished and replaced colonial countries such as the dutch east indies, suriname, and curacao as part of the kingdom. thus, the political position of the region is in the legal status of the dutch kingdom which functions as the executor of the constitution through technical regulations at both the meso and micro levels. the policy is bureaucratically implemented by the governor general in a hierarchical manner down to the resident, regent, to lurah. considering the role of the dutch east indies government as the executive, implementing meso, micro levels policies would weaken the function of the “volksraad” (people's council), which was created for the first time in 1918 and is the only institution that should be at the legislative level and have representation in certain groups, including indonesian and other minority groups. this people's council was only used as an adviser to the governorgeneral of the dutch east indies without having the right to question the control of the government budget. therefore, in the end, there are few problems and demands from non-european groups to get attention due to restrictions to participate in the policymaking. educational policy after ethical politics to develop a more inclusive education, the colonial government took a long time to create policies to realize the goal. de angelino, 1931 (p. 1994) ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 115-133 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 science technology development in dutch east indies | 119 assesses education as a social force in the dutch east indies, facing complex problems, especially the very different social structure, especially from the indonesian group, the chinese and arab middle classes, and european groups, to fulfil the values of justice, need to adapt to the social environment in which these groups stand. in fact, the european education system is difficult to impose directly on the indonesian community, especially in the outermost regions, which do not speak dutch. on the other hand, differentiating education classes could mean that the policies of the dutch east indies government were discriminatory and did not respect the value of education for all groups. this became a dilemma for the dutch east indies government to face a double-edged sword situation. as in table 1, it took almost a decade for the government to provide education other than the eurospeesch lagere school (els) for the european community, namely hollandsch inlandsche school (his) which was created for the indonesian group. although in practice, his was created for the nobles and elite indonesian and still closed learning opportunities for the marginalized indonesians. for those who did not have the opportunity to receive an education at his, the people's school (volkschool), commonly known as sekolah rakyat in indonesian, was the only option for the lowmiddle indonesian group to receive elementary education in the colonial government's official education program. table 1. stratafication education system of dutch east indies administration education level school duration (years) est. years prerequisite target students elementary school eurospeesch lagere school (els) 7 1817 european hollandsch inlandsche school (his) 7 1914 nobles and elite indonesian holandsch chineesche school (hcs) 7 1908 chinese volkschool (people`s school) 3 1906 all indonesian schakel school/ vervolgschool 5 1915 volkschool gate education from volkschool to mulo junior high school meer uitgebreid lager onderwijs (mulo) 3 for els, 4 for others 1914 his, hcs, schakel school non-european senior high school algemeene middelbare school (ams) 3 1919 mulo non-european hogereburgerschool (hbs) 5 1860 els european ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 115-133 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 science technology development in dutch east indies | 120 educational opportunities were still considered arbitrary for the entire community under the dutch east indies government. this can be seen from the education time and the number of educations which that can be 2-3 years adrift between the indonesians and the europeans. for the european community, they can get an els (7 years) and hbs (5 years) with a total of 12 years to graduate senior high school level. as for the indonesian upper class, they usually finish through his (7 years), mulo (4 years), and ams (3 years) with a total of 14 years. for the lucky marginalized indonesian people, they can get education through volkschool (3 years), schakel school (5 years), mulo (4 years), and ams (3 years) for a total of 15 years. in those days, completing secondary education was a high achievement, thus it was not a difficult effort for secondary education graduates to find a job, even in a government position. in addition, for those who are interested in continuing their education in higher and vocational education, there are several educational options such as medical school (stovia), law school (rhs), assistive teacher school (hik), institute of technology (ths), agricultural school (landbouw school), trade school (phs), and many other colleges and vocational schools. on the other hand, the provision of education for the marginalized indonesian community is provided by the intellectuals of the indonesian movement that is independence from government's education scheme. several movements created their own educational organizations, such as the people's college or volksuniversiteit (1928), taman siswa (1922), ksatrian institute (1923), and the indonesisch nederlandsch school (1926). this shows that at the beginning of the 20th century, there were more and more national movements that prioritized education as a means of fight for the welfare of the indigenous groups who had long been trapped in the circle of life without modern education. in the 1922 constitution article 195 emphasize that education is the main duty of the kingdom to provide free public education that respects every background of faith. the government is obliged to provide a sufficient number of public elementary schools for each region, all of which are borne by the government. however, the ethical political momentum as the basis for expanding educational opportunities for all groups was not in line with the economic policies of the dutch east indies administration. as in table 2 shows that the total government spending on education shrank sharply from 1932-1940. one of the components that was most reduced was the expenditure on education funds for the people's school which in 1932 was 20 million gulden, and the remaining 3.6 million gulden in 1940. while other education categories, including western elementary schools (els and his), secondary schools, vocational, and higher education experienced a slight decline but not extreme. however, the expansion of government policies to provide wider education for all people groups and the efforts of the intellectual movement of the indonesians to organize their own education have not been able to release them from the ignorance trap. it can be seen that the literacy level of the dutch east indies community, especially the indonesian, is at an alarming number. from the 1930 statistics as shown in table 3, it shows that the indonesian has the lowest proportion of literacy compared ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 115-133 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 science technology development in dutch east indies | 121 to other ethnic groups. where only 10.8% of men and 2.2% of women can read. the gap was very wide when compared to european community where both men and women have literacy rates above 70%. table 2. government expenditures on education, 1932-1940 year education expenditures based on facilities other expend itures total general education vocational education higher educat ion volksc hool european elementary schools secondary education total 1932 20369,6 15490,1 8049,6 43909,3 7889,4 7889,4 2381,6 55623,9 1933 19027,9 14191,9 7158,1 40377,9 6689,0 6689,0 2161,4 50197,2 1934 14440,5 11979,7 5845,7 32262,9 4666,1 4666,1 1727,6 39467,2 1935 11493,4 9668,7 4656,7 25817,7 4008,6 4008,6 1822,7 32373,2 1936 10714,7 9360,0 4719,2 24793,9 3488,8 3488,8 1716,0 30717,1 1937 4113,0 9624,7 4888,9 18626,6 3059,3 3059,3 2034,9 24467,9 1938 4230,9 11410,4 6352,4 21983,9 3765,5 3795,5 2882,7 29527,4 1939 3791,9 11920,1 7156,9 22838,9 4360,3 4360,3 3950,2 23125,3 1940 3655,9 12348,2 7690,8 23649,9 5097,8 5097,8 3880,2 33728,0 source: central berau of statistics, 1940. table 3. literacy level based on ethnic group of dutch east indies in 1930 gender european indonesian chinese other asians total men 78,6 % 10,8 % 39,5 % 37,5 % 11,9 % women 71,2 % 2,2 % 12,4 % 3,9 % 2,6 % total 75,2 % 6,4 % 28,9 % 22,4 % 7,2% source: central bureau of statistics, 1947, p. 26. the population of the dutch east indies in 1930 (central berau of statistics, 1940), for instance, indonesians had 59.138 million people or 97% of the total population of the dutch east indies. while other nations such as europe only amounted to 240 thousand people or 0.4% of the total population. and other nations no more than 3% of the total population. this caused the number of illiteracy rates in the dutch east indies to be very large. in total in the same year, 92.8% of the population of the dutch east indies could not read and write. whereas in that year, the age of ethical politics has almost entered its third decade. furthermore, of those who can read and write that is 7.2% 0f total population, there is a only 9.3% of them can write and read in dutch. in detail by nationality are europe (95.3%), indonesia (5%), china (11.7%), and other asia (3.8%). this figure also shows that a proportion of indonesians group cannot have the ability to write dutch. though, in the lower education system, except for the people's school, the official language of instruction is dutch. dutch is also very commonly used in newspapers that are often circulated in dutch east indies which is one of the effective media for ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 115-133 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 science technology development in dutch east indies | 122 the development of general knowledge, especially the latest and essential information from europe and overseas. this shows that ethical politics vision to create prosperity for the indonesian community cannot be achieved yet. fakhriansyah & patoni (2019) argue that the educational policies issued by the dutch east indies colonial government were in fact only directed at their political and economic interests. moreover, according to marwati and doenod (2008, in fakhriansyah & patoni, 2019) the existence of the indonesian group in universities is very minimal where in the 1920-1929 period, at most only 44 indonesian were in college. even until the end of colonialism and the beginning of independence, indonesia only had about 400 scholars to drive the wheels of government (gross, 2011). however, another opinion from hesselink (2019, p. 142) considers that in particular, the large number of investments in stovia by the dutch east indies government has a positive impact on the increasing number of indonesian doctors who directly increase the number of medical scientific publications. in short, it can be illustrated that the role of s&t is still contributed by european communities who can easily get exclusive opportunities to get better educational opportunities and easier networking positions with s&t centers in europe. on the other hand, the indonesian people are not in an ideal position to play a role in the development of s&t in the dutch east indies because even though they already have the opportunity to get a better education, there is still an educational stratification that distinguishes the natives and other classes of the nation. the role of researcher the beginning of modern research activities in the land of indonesia was started by jacob bontius (1592-1631). he conducted research in the fields of tropical medicine, plants, and diseases in batavia during the critical times of the vereenigde oostindische compagnie (voc) which was trying to occupy batavia and in opposition to sultan agung, the prince of mataram. jacob bontius actively published books in this field, and several semi-finished books were published after his death. this is considered to be the starting point for the development of modern s&t in indonesia. however, it would be difficult to determine that this meant that prior to these times no scientific activity was conducted. according to dittrich (1997) who considered that the dutch painter, phillips angel (1616-1683) had already painted the javanese rhino for the first time and spread it to europe around 1630. this can be seen from philips' painting which is identical to the illustrations in the book entitled historia naturalis et medicae indiae orientalis by jacob bontius in 1658. in addition, jacob's assumption as the first researcher in the dutch east indies could minimize the role of the development of s&t through research by the earlier nations in the archipelago. as mentioned by boomgaard (2008) that there is a misperception that is commonly considered that western nations are always the ones who transfer technology and knowledge to eastern nations. whereas for a long time there has been a transfer of knowledge among asian nations, even from east to west. therefore, it is very natural that gross (2014, p. 48) considers that until the end of colonialism, most of the dutch ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 115-133 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 science technology development in dutch east indies | 123 elite 'arrogantly' regarded the natives as those who had 'backward' knowledge and highly respected the high degree of european knowledge. however, in practice, it would be justified to assume that modern research will be mostly carried out by european researchers. from the results of searching the scopus database, there are 133 authors who produced 201 scientific articles in indonesia in 1849-1940. dr d. r. koolhaas is the scientist who produces the most scientific articles related to research in indonesia. he produced 11 scientific articles in 1930-1940. koolhaas is a dutch expert in chemistry, chemical engineering, biochemistry, genetics and molecular biology, pharmacology, toxicology and pharmaceutics. in 1930-1932 koolhaas conducted research on essential oils at the phytochemisch laboratory within the botanical science center and the r&d that was part of the algemeen proefstation voor de landbouw [balai besar agricultural research] merged into the analytisch laboratory, and the joint group named itself the laboratory of voor scheikundig onderzoek in 1934. koolhaas served as head of laboratory voor scheikundig onderzoek in 1933 – 1939 (ministry of industry, 2021). most of the research conducted by koolhaas concerns the discovery of essential oils from plants such as eryngium foetidum, hydnocarpus heterophylla, litsea cubeba (lour.) pers., and aleurites trisperma. table 4. the 10 highest researchers that produce articles in dutch east indies, 1849-1950. authors subject areas number of articles koolhaas, d. r. chemistry, chemical engineering, biochemistry, genetics and molecular biology, pharmacology, toxicology and pharmaceutics 11 gorter, k. pharmacology, toxicology and pharmaceutics, chemistry, biochemistry, genetics and molecular biology 10 krijgsman, b. j. neuroscience, medicine, agricultural and biological sciences, biochemistry, genetics and molecular biology, immunology and microbiology 8 posthumus, k. chemistry 7 bonne, c. chemistry 6 meijer, th. m. chemistry, chemical engineering, biochemistry, genetics and molecular biology, pharmacology, toxicology and pharmaceutics 5 koumans, a. k. j. medicine, pharmacology, toxicology and pharmaceutics, environmental science, immunology and microbiology 5 kreiken, e. a. physics and astronomy, earth and planetary sciences 5 sitsen, a. e. medicine, biochemistry, genetics and molecular biology 4 van veen, a. g. chemistry, biochemistry, genetics and molecular biology 4 source: scopus database, july 2021. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 115-133 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 science technology development in dutch east indies | 124 in addition to the prolific researchers above, this paper assesses that the role of prof. melchior treub became essential in the development of s&t in indonesia, especially in promoting the buitenzorg scientific center (bsc) or commonly known as buitenzorg botanic gardens/bogor botanical gardens, to the international arena. he is a dutch botanist who graduated from the university of leiden with a doctorate. treub discovered several new types of lycopods and cultivated them in hopes that all aspects of their embryology would be revealed. treub was trusted to be the director of the bsc in 1880-1910 which immediately built an image as a tropical natural science r&d to scientists in europe. through his important position, he builds physical spaces for conducting tropical natural science research such as libraries, workspaces, grants, guest research residencies, and infrastructures such as microscopes, chemicals, and cataloguing. before treub, some assets owned by bsc were not managed. all herbarium collections prior to 1844 were brought to the netherlands, including several examples of species in java discovered and named by carl ledwig blume in the early 19th century. through his leadership, bsc developed into a professional scientific institution with knowledge of tropical nature with various types of species in it. according to gross (2014, p. 119) that the success of the botanical gardens is the envy of the world's botanists with institutions that are the centre of the circle of botanical science. but unfortunately, this achievement was never achieved again until the era of the dutch east indies government ended, even today under the government of the republic of indonesia. although they were not dominant actors, several names of indonesian scientists appeared in scientific articles published in 1849-1940, including raden soehadi koesoemohadipoetro who was a medical researcher at the niederlandisch-indischen arzteschule in soerabaja (nias). the purpose of establishing nias is to educate doctors who can directly work to serve public health. nias then changed its name to faculty of medicine universitas airlangga in 1950 (unair, 2018). in addition, sutomo tjokronegoro was the first professor of pathology at the faculty of medicine, universitas indonesia in 1950. he is known as the father of pathology in indonesia who researches cancer. sutomo received his medical degree at the batavia medical school in 1935. he taught pathology, forensic medicine, and internal medicine. sutomo published an article in the journal geneeskundig tijdschrift voor nederlandsch indië [dutch indies medical journal] which was the most important medical journal in indonesia during the dutch colonial period. sutomo publishes articles on forensic medicine, cancer, ulcers, and tuberculosis. in 1942, he became the editor of the journal (pols, 2017). sutomo also wrote a book entitled "are you able to build our unity language?", "a few things about doctor of justice". in addition, m. soewarno is an indonesian scientist who produced a scientific article in 1930 regarding lead poisoning. he graduated stovia in 1920 then joined the nias. during his studies at stovia, he was active in the movement with indigenous medical school students and was one of the founders of the boedi oetomo association (dahlan, 2017). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 115-133 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 science technology development in dutch east indies | 125 the fact that indonesian researchers are commonly contributed to the medical field is in line with the gtni publication, the role of the indonesian writer in special journal articles for medical problems can be seen more. hesselink (2019, p. 120) calculated that of the 4500 articles published in 80 scientific editions, there were 12% of the writings written by indonesian doctors, totalling 195 authors. from the 195 indonesian authors, there are authors who have published more than 10 articles including raden mas sardjito (29 articles), mochtar (25 articles), raden soesilo (23 articles), mohamad amir (22 articles), mas soetopo (11 articles). in addition, there are two writers of chinese descent including sie boen lian (15 articles) and loe ping kian (14 articles). most indonesian researchers are doctors who carry out medical research. this is inseparable from the policies of the dutch east indies administration and the war effort against various kinds of epidemics such as cholera, leprosy, hernia, spanish flu and tropical yaws. investments and developments in broader educational institutions for indonesian groups such as stovia and nias allow more non-european doctors to be produced. in addition, the urgent need for research resources cannot be met considering that special research and development centers for the disease are still very minimal in indonesia and the mastery of medical knowledge is still limited. the role of research organization in general, r&d institutions in dutch east indies that have a long history can be mapped from various perspectives. the initiation of r&d institutions cannot be separated from the enlightenment apostles who have a mission to educate the colonial community. as stated by gross (2011, p. 214) that since the mid-19th century the s&t community has been divided into two camps which are amateur researchers and the government researcher. according to this distinguished, this study divides research organizations into two parts, namely based on organizational ownership which can be seen as independent and technocratic r&d. independent r&d, which usually consisted of amateur researchers, had spread before the government officially established r&d institutions. the quantity of independent r&d entities is often small and short-lived. most of these organizations are non-permanent science, technology, and arts communities initiated by a handful of people. the initiation of an independent r&d institution for the first time was established by the spirit of j.m. it was mohr who set up an observatory to observe venus in 1761. although he did not receive official approval from the voc, his enthusiasm led j.c.m. radermacher to create the first research organization called the batavian society of arts and sciences (bataviaasch genootschap voor kunsten en wetenschappen) in 1778 which was established for eleven years. in the early 20th century one of the largest scientific communities was established and survived, such as the association for natural history of the dutch east indies (nederlandsch-indische natuurhistorische vereeniging) which regularly published the tropical nature journal (de tropische natuur) until the end of the dutch east indies era. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 115-133 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 science technology development in dutch east indies | 126 in addition, the organization of the indonesian movement is often driven by intellectual groups even though its main goal is not to produce knowledge and technology. for example, boedi oetomo believes that bringing western knowledge and practices to indonesian society can help their goal of escaping from the grip of dutch colonialism (gross, 2011, p. 10). this organization later grew and inspired other intellectual movements to contribute to introducing science and technology to the indonesian community as an agent of the indigenous enlightenment apostles, especially in creating educational activities and discussion groups, such as the general study club (algemeene studieclub), the indonesian study club (indonesische studieclub), the indonesian women's student association (indonesische vrouwelijke studenten vereeniging), and the indonesian association (indische vereeniging). the goals of these organizations have in common as a medium of an intellectual struggle for the educated indonesian, which cumulatively became an important position as a tool for the struggle for indonesian independence. on the other hand, the r&d institution belonging to the dutch east indies government began in 1820 when c.g.c reinwardt created the natural history commission (natuurkundige commissie) at the behest of king willem i to investigate the potential development of the agricultural sector in the colonies. at that time, the bsc named lands plantentuin te buitenzorg was already three years old but had not yet carried out a research function. in the decades that followed, part of bsc's activity was collecting plant species and developing catalogues. in 1852, bsc initiated cibodas botanical gardens as a laboratory and experimental center that has an influence on research in the development of economic plant research (ariati & widyatmoko, 2017, p. 11). in the not so distant period, several institutions related to agriculture in the buitenzorg area were established such as a chemical research laboratory, a forestry test station, bibliotheca biogenesis (library center), and the treub laboratory (kementan, 2021). meanwhile, r&d organizations in the medical and pharmaceutical fields actively carry out r&d functions, in 1890 the state vaccine development institute, parc vaccinogen instituut pasteur or better known as the pasteur institute, was established as one of the institutions belonging to the government of the netherlands indies and in collaboration with public institutions belonging to lois pasteur focused on biological research, microorganisms, disease, and vaccine development. this institution and its pasteur institute subsidiaries in various countries have made hundreds of thousands of vaccines in the first world war needed to protect soldiers to protect against typhoid fever. in addition, in 1888, the central laboratory for public health laboratory services (geneeskundig laboratory) was established, changing its name to the eijkman institute which focuses on disease and medical research. in addition, universities and educational institutions have a research function to produce and develop knowledge. universities are one of the important actors in the research ecosystem which can produce research through educators and students (pandey & pattnaik, 2015, p. 174). in the period after 1900s, the education institutions play an essential role to produce knowledge in several areas, especially medical field. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 115-133 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 science technology development in dutch east indies | 127 started with java medical school in january 1851 in weltevreden, now known as gatot subroto military hospital. the javanese doctors at that time only hoped to overcome smallpox. then, in 1901, the medical training of javanese doctors was separated from the weltevreden military hospital in hospitaalweg, now known as jalan dr. abdul rahman saleh. finally, in 1919, the school tot opleiding van indische artsen (stovia) was moved to burgelijke ziekeninrichting centrale (cbz) or now the national center for public hospital (ncph) cipto mangunkusumo. this step occurs because medical education in indonesia is advanced and requires a wider space. on july 5, 1920, all teaching activities were transferred to salemba 6 which was the forerunner to the establishment of the faculty of medicine, universitas indonesia (fmui). fmui is the oldest medical faculty in southeast asia (ui, 2010). the central function of educational institutions, especially in the field of medicine, indirectly affects the function of research in the field of health services. some researchers at hospitals in indonesia, for example, have an active research function, even in this field there are many indonesian researchers who have contributed to the development of indonesian s&t and still actively to lead the advance of medical field after independence. meanwhile, the forerunner of the research organization that overshadowed many r&d organizations in the dutch east indies started with the formation of the dutch east indies research council (natuurwetenschappelijk raad voor nederlandsch indie) which was established in 1927. in a government announcement published by de locomotief (1927) the reasons for the establishment of this research council were: “the government has repeatedly felt the lack of a central body in the natural sciences, which was broadly constituted in terms of fields of activity, so scientific in composition and official position that it could act as the highest representation of the natural scientific world in the dutch east indies vis--vis holland and abroad.” the purpose of the dutch east indies research council was as a government advisory body in the field of natural sciences, a center for collaboration of natural science practitioners in the dutch east indies, associations between researchers in the dutch east indies and other countries, and an institution that determines the direction of progress in scientific investigations and endeavors that can only be achieved through the collaboration of natural science researchers and the government. this council consists of representatives of existing research organizations and covers as much of the natural sciences as possible as appointed by the governor general. all costs were borne by the dutch east indies government in the amount of nlg 2,500 a year for office supplies, publishing and labor expenses. from the number of these organizations that contribute to research productivity, one of popular and measurable activities is through published scientific articles. in the scopus database (figure 1), publications produced by authors with affiliations to the dutch east indies show a fluctuating upward trend. in 201 articles, it shows that since 1922, the trend of publications has tended to increase, although at some point there has been a decline in publications. the peak of publications produced was in 1930, and again rose and fell until 1940. this shows that writing publications have gained a popular place for scientists in the dutch east indies, especially since the early 20th. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 115-133 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 science technology development in dutch east indies | 128 figure 1. scientific articles indexed by scopus from dutch east indies affiliation during 1849-1940. source: scopus database, july 2021. likewise, trends based on its field are experiencing interesting dynamic changes. as shown in figure 2, before 1900 almost no disciplines were dominant, only industry and chemistry and medicine were slightly superior. in the period 1901-1920 publications with pharmaceutical concentrations experienced a significant increase despite industry and chemistry remained the dominant science concentration. until the period 1921-1940, the field of science in scientific publications experienced heterogeneity in which biology, industry and chemistry, and medicine contributed more than 60% of all total dutch indies publications in the scopus database. in addition, other fields such as social humanities, psychology, astronomy, and engineering sciences experienced a significant increase in the number of publications. both european and indonesian writers have basically no striking differences from the resulting medical publications. of the 195 indonesian authors in the gtni journal, it shows that almost all authors write topics on modern medical science, and only a few discuss traditional medicine. in a few examples, mas azhari wrote about the tools used by the circumcised dukun and s. wiroreno wrote about the spleen case which came from traditional massage practices. (hesselink, 2019, p. 123). whereas, in the beginning of research activities in the indonesian archipelago, jacob bontius (15921631) initiating the research in traditional medicine, especially tropical medicine. this may be caused by the increasing number of diseases, and advances in s&t in diagnosis and treatment, as well as medical education can cause the diversion of the interest of dutch indies medical scientists from medical traditional studies. 0 5 10 15 20 25 1849 1876 1881 1884 1891 1896 1898 1906 1908 1910 1912 1916 1920 1922 1924 1926 1928 1930 1932 1934 1936 1938 1940 ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 115-133 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 science technology development in dutch east indies | 129 figure 2. the development of scientific publication by the subjects in 1849-1940 meanwhile, the production of scientific publications based on r&d organizations has various portions. however, most of them are government-owned r&d institutions. as in figure 3, the bsc is the institution that produces the most scientific articles with 51 articles. in addition to bsc, pasteur institute and eijkman institute generally produce scientific articles with a total of 19 articles. educational institutions such as stovia and nias, produced 26 articles. other r&d such as butenzorg rubber research center, tobacco research center klaten, pathological laboratory east coast of sumatra, and government laboratory for pest research have cumulatively produced 17 articles. the number of research institutions involved in these articles consisted of 33 organizations. figure 3. the best nine institution that produced scientific publication in 1849-1940 source: scopus database, july 2021. 1 2 4 3 2 2 6 11 1 6 3 7 48 56 3 1 4 59 10 4 7 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 as tr on om y bi ol og y ch em ic al m ed ic al s ci en ce ph ar m ac y so cia l h um an iti es bi ol og y ch em ic al m ed ic al s ci en ce ph ar m ac y so cia l h um an iti es as tr on om y bi ol og y ch em ic al el ec tr ic al e ng in ee rin g ge ol og y in du st ria l a nd e ng in ee rin g ch em ist ry m ed ic al s ci en ce ph ar m ac y ps yc ho lo gy so cia l h um an iti es before 1900 1901-1920 1921-1940 3 3 5 5 6 11 14 29 51 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 government laboratory for pest research pathological laboratory east coast of sumatra tobacco research center klaten eijkman-institute buitenzorg rubber research center surabaya medical school/nias pasteur institute batavia medical school/stovia buitenzorg scientific centre ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 115-133 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 science technology development in dutch east indies | 130 in details, from the results of the analysis of titles and abstracts on scientific articles in this period of scopus database, 315 keywords were captured regarding s&t research in dutch east indies in 1849-1940 (figure 4). the visualization shows that research object in that period was still concentrated on the islands of java and sumatra. research conducted on the island of java focuses on the fields of biology, medical science, pharmacy, and social humanities. this is indicated by the existence of bsc which has many laboratories for botanical, plantation, agricultural, chemical and zoological research. scientists at that time were very interested in conducting research mostly on coffee, essential oils, tea leaf, tea pests, lycophods, trypanosoma evansi, bloodsucking arthropods, castilla elastica, and chlorogenic acid. figure 1. keywords on research publication of dutch east indies association 1849-1940 source: scopus database, july 2021. in addition, the island of java has a wide range of medical school such as stovia in batavia and nias surabaya, which is a medical school that does a lot of research in the fields of biology, chemical, medical science, and pharmacy. some of the research keywords carried out in these two places include gastric cancer, lung cancer, stomach cancer, pathology, beriberi disease, gastric tumor, malaria, antineurotic vitamin, ligation of the coronary arteries, javanese monkeys, and graves' disease. conclusions this research answers the long history of the development of indonesian s&t under the dutch east indies government. the dynamics of education policy affect the creation of quality science and technology resources and develop diverse research trends. in general, this study answered in four focusses. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 115-133 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 science technology development in dutch east indies | 131 first, the development of indonesian s&t cannot be separated from the influence of the dutch east indies education policy as one of the producing the supply of human resources on s&t. although there are ethical-political policies that make education more inclusive for allpeople, the dutch east indies government still has a dilemma to provide equal education services for all ethnic groups. as a result, the supply of human resources on s&t is dominated by europeans and some parts of the nobles and indonesian elites. these people will be the determinants in the development of s&t in indonesia until the era of the dutch east indies administration. second, in accordance with an education system that is not truly inclusive, the most scientists are europeans. they have a better advantage in getting better education and access to information on s&t sources in europe. the most productive ranks of researchers at that time were europeans, and only a few indonesians. indonesian scientists take a role in the development of s&t in the medical fields that is contributed by medical schools for indonesian such as stovia and nias. third, the government-owned research organization is the biggest force in the development of s&t in dutch east indies. s&t was stirred based on the needs and desires of the dutch east indies government alone. authors from government research organizations are the authors who produce the most scientific articles. meanwhile, the independent s&t community played a smaller role in the early 20th century. the striking thing in this period was the emergence of indonesian intellectual organizations and groups in the mission of enlightening the lives of marginalized communities through european knowledge to be used as tools for the approach for the independence of the republic of indonesia. fourth, research trends are getting richer after the 1920s. in addition, the fields of science are increasingly diverse which previously focused on basic science, in that year there have been many applicable research, such as pharmacy and medicine. the development of s&t reached its peak in the 1920s-1940s when the s&t ecosystem in indonesia began to form. until the end of the dutch east indies government, at least it had bequeathed the institutions, research facilities, and indonesian resources as the initial foundation of the s&t ecosystem for the government of the republic of indonesia. however, there are some limitations that need to be riched up on other studies. the advantage of development of s&t is not solely answered by the results of research publications, some are in the form of patents, product innovations, ang other outputs. this research still limits a product of s&t on research results in the form of scientific publications. in addition, scientific publications in that period were mostly local publications that were not indexed in nowadays publication databases such as scopus. an overview in this study is a representation with scopus as a sample whose population size is difficult to measure. so, it is necessary to conduct deeper quantitative research to focus on measuring the population size of publications. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 115-133 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 science technology development in dutch east indies | 132 references alian. 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(2018). metode penelitian sejarah dari riset hingga penulisan. magnum pustaka utama. 62 received: may 20, 2023 revised: june 15, 2023 accepted: june 19, 2023 the development and competition of cinemas in jakarta, 1950-1966 ghesa ririan mitalia* master program of history, faculty of cultural sciences, universitas gadjah mada jl. nusantara 1, bulaksumur, yogyakarta-indonesia *corresponding author: ghesaririan20@gmail.com doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v7i1.18125 introduction jakarta is a city with a long history. starting from a port area known as sunda kalapa in the 14th century ad, until then changing its name to jayakarta after the forces led by fatahillah (falatehan) managed to expel the portuguese and reign in the area in 1527 (noviyanti, 2017, p. 55). after the voc successfully took control of those areas in, they changed the name jayakarta to batavia (noviyanti, 2017, p. 58). batavia developed into a central city of government and an economic center during the colonial era. jakarta (batavia) then become one of the oldest of the colonial cities established as a result of european incursion into south east asia (cobban, 1971, p. 108). during the japanese occupation, batavia changed its name abstract the return of jakarta as the capital of the republic of indonesia was followed by significant developments. the development of jakarta cannot be separated from the massive increase population. jakarta is also going through numerous infrastructure developments as well as the resurgence of its entertainment industry, particularly cinemas. this article questions, why cinemas in jakarta experienced their ups and downs during 1956-1966 and how could be it survived through the difficult times? the period 1950-1966 become a unique period for indonesia because of the influx of pop-cultures and trends from the west amidst the euphoria of nationalism. in the mid of the surging nationalism after the revolutionary, the western culture had entered and become trend among young people. the cinemas in jakarta were gaining popularity with the large number of western films (hollywood). however those paradoxical situation then developed into a political problem. imported films were deemed not in accordance with the nation’s character and contradicted to the revolution’s spirit so they needed to be banned. it was actually connected to the nation’s situation at that time, which was currently in conflict with malaysia and the united states of america. this political conflict escalated in the early 1960s and subsided after the coup attempt of 30 september movement. those conflicts made jakarta’s cinemas suffered a difficult time. the absence of imported films, especially from india, malaysia and hollywood, had an effect on the declining number of spectators. however, it was surprisingly emerged another entertainment genre such as sandiwara which gaining popularity. during 1960s, cinemas in jakarta not only had to deal with the political issues but also had to compete with sandiwara. keywords: cinemas; movies; jakarta; sandiwara; political conflict. 63 to jakarta, the name that continues to this day. the shift of power from the dutch colonial government to the japanese occupation government did not change the existence of jakarta as a central city. until the return of jakarta as the capital of the republic of indonesia in 1949. the return of jakarta as the capital of the republic of indonesia, makes jakarta the center of all affairs, both political-administration and economic matters (candiwidoro, 2017, p. 58). jakarta has experienced various growths, starting with population growth, infrastructure development and the growth in the entertainment sector. the cinema was one of the most enjoyable entertainment activities in jakarta during the 1950s and 1960s, as it was also affordable and also easy to reach. the increase in the number of cinemas in jakarta is also quite impressive. the new cinemas in jakarta are built to be as grand as possible with the capacity of over 1000 spectators, as well as equipped with facilities that provide increasing comfort for the audience. the growth of cinema in jakarta in the 1950s period itself was not apart from the conditions of the national film production that also experienced development. the development of cinema in jakarta and national film production reached its peak in 1955. unfortunately, entering 1956 indonesian film production experienced a decline that later impacted the conditions of the cinemas in jakarta. indonesian films suffered a decline in production due to the inability to compete with imported films that are increasingly flooding the cinemas in jakarta. various forms of action were then launched to protect the national films, but those actions too focused on bring the better condition of the national film and forgot the fate of the cinema in jakarta itself. cinema in jakarta not only had to face the various issues that arose when entering 1956, but also had to compete with sandiwara, as another form of entertainment. the political problem that heated up in the early 1960s had d distinct impact on the sustainability of cinemas in jakarta. this condition then makes it an interesting phenomenon to explore further. research on the development of cinema in jakarta itself, especially when the 1950s1960s have not been done extensively. previous research mostly focused on discussions about the development of national film production, and rarely paid special attention to the development in cinema. for example, misbach yusa biran (2009), sejarah film 1900-1950: bikin film di jawa, discussed the history of indonesian film in 1900-1950. the discussion of the indonesia film production is also being the part of the research of m. abduh aziz (2019), dari layar perak: film di hindia belanda 1926-1942. m. abduh aziz focused on the indonesia film production during colonial era. handrini ardiyanti’s research (2017), perfilman indonesia: perkembangan dan kebijakan, sebuah telaah dari perspektif industri budaya, also focused on indonesian’s film industry. handrini ardiyanti discussed the impact of the development of film policy on the growth of indonesian’s films industry. on these research, handrini ardiyanti also discussed about the cinema but has not yet focused on the cinemas in jakarta. the focus of discussion about the cinemas all over indonesia was made on a group of writings compiled by haris jauhari et al, layar perak: 90 tahun bioskop di indonesia, also research of h. m. johan tjasmadi (2008), 100 tahun bioskop di indonesia. unfortunately, those books have not been focused on the cinema in jakarta area. the latest study that focuses on the development of cinemas in jakarta is the research of dwi deani danishya (2021), pasang surut bioskop di jakarta (1950-1986). dwi deani danishya narrated the history of cinema in jakarta from 1950 to 1986. dwi deani danishya’s research has a longer period, until 1986 and that research has not discussed the struggles of cinemas in jakarta during 1950s-1960s to compete with sandiwara. this study try to complete the previous studies which focused on the development of cinemas in jakarta and also attempts to analyze things that have had an impact on the development of cinema in jakarta in the period 1950-1966. 64 according to antariksa, cinema is not just a form of entertainment but also a representation of movement and development (antariksa, 2005, p. 127). johan tjasmadi (2008) showed on his study that the growth of the cinemas all over indonesia is strongly influenced by the political issued that occurred. this study want prove that the growth of cinemas in jakarta is strongly influenced not only by the political issued but also by the conditions of the national film industry, and the presence of the other forms of entertainment. this study used the historical methods on four stages: heuristics, sources criticism, interpretation, and historiography. those stages are used to answer three main questions 1) how is the development of cinemas in jakarta? 2) what are the factors that affect to the development of cinema in jakarta? 3) why is cinemas in jakarta experienced their ups and downs during 19561966? method this article uses social historical research method, which uses qualitative-descriptive analysis. literature study is used to focus the analysis on the dynamics of cinema development in jakarta during the 1950s-1960s. this study is uses a social approach to analyze the social conditions in jakarta in relation to the development of cinema. the analytical descriptive method is carried out through the following steps, the first that is done is the heuristic stage that is to find and find the necessary sources, both primary and secondary sources (colby, 2020, p. 358). the author uses primary sources such as archives from the national archive of the republic of indonesia and also some articles or image from newspapars and magazines from the national library of the republic indonesia. archives that related to cinema and film industry all over indonesia can be found on the collection of inventaris arsip sekretariat menteri koordinator kompartemen perhubungan dengan rakyat (menko hubra) 1963-1966. for newspapars and magazines that used as the sources on this study are published newspapars and magazines during 1950-1966 such as abadi, aneka, antara, berita yudha sport & film (1966), indonesia raya, sin po, sunday courier. the secondary sources are also used to complete the information or the facts that has been collected from the primary sources. the secondary sources used are reference books that have related to the topic of this research. those reference books are collections of the national library of the republic indonesia, film and photograph library (sinematek indonesia). after those sources have been collected at the heuristic stage, source criticism is carried out (milligan, 1979, p. 178). at this stage, external and internal criticism are carried out to test the authenticity and reliability of historical sources based on their physical condition and their content. based on the source criticism (external and internal), the authenticity of those primary sources has been guaranteed since they are obtained from the institutions that are authorized to conserve them. the credibility of those sources is also guaranteed since they used the spelling of indonesian republic, and occasionally some terms or words in dutch could also be found. this corresponds to the period in which the sources were published. on these stage, there is also a distinction between primary and secondary sources. after doing the critical analysis of sources, the next step is to do the interpretation of historical facts based on previously collected and selected sources. the final stage of the process is writing the synthesis result obtained from the heuristic stage, sources critisim, and interpretation to produce a chronological historical work, or historiography. 65 the emergence of cinemas in jakarta, 1950-1955 a fairly massive development of jakarta began when it returned to being the capital in 1949. the massive construction to establish jakarta as a capital was becoming increasingly cluttered especially after 1958, with the enactment of the indonesian-japan war compensation treaty. during the 1950s, modernity became a mandatory element to represent, and jakarta was formed into a city with a variety of new buildings. (fakih, 2005, p. 126). the symbols of the colonial era that existed in jakarta sought to be replaced with new forms that more represent indonesian nationalism. the direction of jakarta's development seeks to present a completely new urban city, not as a continuation of batavia by rejecting the existence of the old city (fakih, 2005, p. 129). one of the elements of modernity that lives in jakarta society is the existence of a cinema. the 1950s became an important period for the development of cinema in jakarta. cinemas in jakarta experienced rapid development and increased in number (danishya, 2021, p. 5). it began with the inauguration of the most luxurious cinema at that time, the metropole cinema in 1951 (aneka, 1951). the metropole cinema will add the number of cinemas in jakarta to 60 cinemas. (abadi, 11 april 1951). this number seems to include not only cinemas that have buildings but also cinemas without buildings such as luxor and luna (jauhari (ed.), 1992, p. 60). this number makes jakarta one of the cities in indonesia with a considerable number of cinemas. the total number of cinemas in indonesia until 1953 was 513 cinemas (jauhari (ed.), 1992, p. 53). cinemas become more popular than the folk entertainment, especially among the young, because their location is in the center of the city and their security and facilities are guaranteed (batubara, 2020, p. 17). the most striking characters of the cinemas in the 1950s and 1960s were the cinema class system and the audience class. the cinemas in jakarta are divided into i, ii, and iii classes, while the audience class is divided into classes balkon, loge, and stalles. the division of this class system is a characteristic feature of colonial societies that actually survived postindependence. the distinction, then, is that the class arrangement is no longer politically discriminatory (based on race). after independence, the people of jakarta had the freedom to choose the cinema they wanted. the division of the cinema class and the audience class after independence was more to distinguish the cinemas in jakarta based on the facilities of the movie theater and also the film played, which of course further implied the size of the ticket price (htm) charged. class i cinemas have the best facilities such as a bench used in the form of a comfortable sofa, vigilant hygiene, and good ventilation with the presence of an exhauster or blower that makes the air in the room cool. this is definitely not going to be found in the class ii and iii cinemas. class ii and class iii cinemas are not equipped with room coolers, or the existing ventilation is not good enough. the seats are rotan seats, even in some cinemas, those rotan chairs become a nest of bedbug (kutubusuk). this division of the cinema classes then affects the film characters played on each cinema classes. as can be seen in the table 1. the differences in film characters played in each cinema class are also not exempt from the influence of the two major groups that dominated most of the cinemas in jakarta in the 1950s, united cinema's combination and independent cinema's (kristanto, 2004, p. 373). the two groups are closely tied to the distributor of imported american films, ampai (american motion picture association in indonesia). they are required to show a specified number of films over a certain period of time. films that have been screened in one of the cinemas in the group will be shown in other cinemas that are members of the same group (kristanto, 2004, p. 374). this method is then used to carry out monopolies. 66 table 1. characteristics of cinema classes in jakarta in the 1950s no. cinema class character film spectator class spectacle tax film access 1 i prefer highquality films that are categorized in grade a films balkon 33.3% of the entrance ticket price obtaining the right as the first runner theater (cinemas that have their turn supplying class a films in the first round for weekend days), have the first turn supplying class b films for midweek. loge stalles 2 ii prefer quality films that are categorized in class a films, and also films with class b quality loge 25% of the entrance ticket price obtaining the right as second runner theater (cinema that gets supply of class a films in the second round for weekend days, the first supply of class b films for weekend days and supply of class c films for midweek). stalles 3 iii prefer almost all classes of film, whether class a films, class b films or class c films 12.5% of the entrance ticket price get the last shift for class a supply, the second turn for class b film supply and the first turn for class c film supply. source: compiled from tjasmadi, 2008, pp. 5-6. the monopoly on the arrangement of film screenings by those two groups of cinema rulers in jakarta did not have much impact on national cinema. indonesian film production was able to cope with pressure and continued to experience an increase from 23 titles in 1950 to a peak in 1955 with 65 titles (kristanto, 2007). film studios also experienced an increase in numbers. jakarta is home to most film studios, including pfn, perfini, persari, golden arrow, bintang surabaja, tan & wong bross, studio garuda, and jakarta film co. (sunday courier, no. 30, 1952). in 1953, the film by usmar ismail entitled krisis was the first indonesian film to be screened in jakarta’s elite cinema, the metropole cinema. the film lasted 35 days in metropolis. it is not that easy for indonesian films to be played in the elite cinemas of jakarta given that most of the class i cinemas are dominated by united cinema’s combination and independent cinema’s, where the two groups are strongly bound to distributors, especially distributors of imported films (the advertisement of united cinema’s combination and independent cinema can be seen in figure 1). the success of the krisis was then continued by tiga dara, rodrigo de villa, and djanjiku. the flood of imported films in the 1950s was a rather unique phenomenon. as a newly independent nation free from physical revolution, the sense of nationalism and love for national culture and art are still so strong. being an indonesian in the 1950s meant being modern. (lindsay, 2011, p. 18). but on the other hand, films and pop culture from abroad 67 (especially from hollywood) gain more popularity among young people in jakarta than indonesian films. they often watch western films and try to follow trends from abroad (blackburn, 2011, p. 262). however, the healthy competition between imported films and indonesian films in the early half of the 1950s created a good atmosphere in support of the development of cinema in jakarta. figure 1. united cinema's combination and independent cinema's groups in an advertisement source: abadi (1951, 19 may). the popularity of the cinema as entertainment for the people of jakarta is also driven by the entrance ticket price (htm), which is still considered affordable. the highest htm is for the balkon class 1 cinema, which is about rp 3,-, while for the loge class in class 1 cinema it is rp 2,and rp 1,in class ii cinema. the stalls cost rp 1,in class i cinema and rp 0.5,in class ii cinema. the class iii cinema class does not apply classes for seats; its cost is around rp 0.25 (inventaris arsip sekretariat menteri koordinator kompartemen perhubungan dengan rakyat).the affordability of the cinema's htm can be seen by comparing the lowest ticket prices, which are in class iii cinemas, with the price of rice, which is the main food of the people of jakarta. if compared with the cheapest rice price (tc quality) in 1950, it cost between rp 68 and rp 85 per quintal, which means rp 0.68 up to rp 0.85 per kilogram (antara, 1950). the lowest cinema's htm is still cheaper than the price of 1 kilogram of tc-quality rice. this makes cinema a popular form of entertainment among the jakarta community. the popularity of cinema that continued to rise during the 1950–1955 period among the people of jakarta was also seen in the increase in the amount of spectacle taxes deposited on the government of the kotapraja jakarta raya. in 1952, the government of the kotapraja jakarta raya received revenues from the cinema tax of rp. 4.615.988. n 1954, the amount received by 68 the government of the kotapraja jakarta raya jumped dramatically to rp. 13.000.000, which is between rp. 10.000.000 and rp. 11.000.000 and comes from the cinema (indonesia raya, 1954). unfortunately, the period of growth of cinemas in jakarta began to experience turmoil in 1956. national films are not able to compete with imported films in terms of quality, technology, or entertainment, especially hollywood, indian, and malay (malaysia) films. the main competitor for indonesian films actually are indian and malay (malaysia) films (ardiyanti, 2017, p. 169). the indian and malay (malaysia) films dominate jakarta’s cinema in the middle and lower classes, which are the market share of indonesian films and also have the largest audience numbers. however, the dominance of hollywood films is also worrying because it has become a barrier for indonesian films to be screened in elite cinemas. the ampai’s dominance on the share of imported films distribution in indonesia, especially on the network of the elite cinema in jakarta, caused jakarta’s class i cinemas to be dominated by western films (hollywood). indonesian films have become difficult to penetrate the elite cinemas because they are seen as not having good stories and cinematographic quality. reviews about indonesian films that are published in newspapers or magazines are often also in the form of sharp criticism, and not a few are also insults. several newspapers then became reluctant to publish news about indonesian films (biran, 1990, p. 42). this then leds more and more people to come to the conclusion that indonesian films are ndeed low quality, due to the lack of information in it (biran, 1990, p. 42). indonesian film entrepreneurs themselves are too fixated on being able to penetrate high-class cinemas and forget that the indonesian film market share is in class ii and class iii cinemas.the films produced became versatile, incapable of reaching the quality of the films played in elite cinemas, and incomprehensible to the audience in lower-class cinemas.this situation makes it difficult for indonesian films to maintain their market share. the poor atmosphere in the national film industry has more or less influenced the course of the development of cinema in jakarta. the struggles of cinemas in jakarta, 1956-1966 cinemas in jakarta had a difficult time during 1956-1966 because of the domestic political situation and the emergence of sandiwara. in the early to mid-1950s period, it can be said that the cinemas in jakarta are in their brightest era. this era is also supported by the development of the national film industry, whereas the national film industry, which at that time had just started. the success of the film krisis penetrated the elite cinema of jakarta and attracted audiences from elite groups in a remarkable number, as well as the number of film productions that continue to increase, in fact, it is not able to maintain the good conditions of national film. the national film industry began to decline in 1956 after reaching its peak of production in 1955. the number of indonesian films that were produced from 1950 until 1966 can be seen in the table 2. it can be seen that in 1956, the amount of national film production was only half the amount produced in 1955. the production then continued to decrease until 1966, and it made a huge impact to the cinemas. the decline in the amount of production is not despite the difficulties of indonesian films gaining market share. facing these conditions, the government then issued a mandatory policy to screen indonesian films. the mayor of jakarta at that time, soediro, issued a regulation that requiring elite cinemas in jakarta to show indonesian films (ardiyanti, 2017, p. 169). however, those policies were in fact ineffective in resolving the problems of imported films. 69 table 2. total production of indonesian films 1950-1966 year amount year amount year amount 1950 23 titles 1956 35 titles 1962 12 titles 1951 40 titles 1957 21 titles 1963 19 titles 1952 37 titles 1958 19 titles 1964 20 titles 1953 49 titles 1959 16 titles 1965 14 titles 1954 60 titles 1960 38 titles 1966 13 titles 1955 65 titles 1961 38 titles source: compiled from kristanto, 2007. the issue of imported films was also warming up and even growing, which was originally only an industrial issue that became a political issue when it entered 1964 (irawanto, 2017, p. 97). indonesian films find it difficult to compete with western films that dominate the top-class cinemas in jakarta. it must be acknowledged that, in terms of quality and technology, hollywood films far outweigh indonesian films. the surprising thing is that indonesian films also did not lose their place in the lower-class cinemas because of the presence of indian and melayu (malaysian) films that were actually preferred by the lower-class cinema's audience. the reason why melayu (malaysian) films are being populer is because of their strong entertainment elements that suit the lower-class audiences. melayu (malaysian) films are easy to understand compared to idealistic indonesian films, and they also contain many songs that are easy to enjoy for the audience. several indonesian films at that time also had songs, but the songs used the jakarta studio orchestra style, which could not suit the taste of lower-class audiences (biran, 2009, p. 151). this later made the presence of melayu (malaysian) films considered a problem because melayu (malaysian) films were considered to seize the share of the indonesian film market by dominating the lower-class cinemas in jakarta. the government then attempted to restrict the import of malaysian films by imposing a 3:1 system: for every 1 (one) malaysian film title that enters indonesia, it is mandatory to import 3 (three) indonesian film titles. this rule led malaysian entrepreneurs to retreat because they refused to play indonesian films there. they are worried if the audience in malaysia turns to prefer indonesian films, which are actually much better than malaysian films (biran, 2009, p. 115). the condition automatically decreased the number of films imported from malaysia in indonesia but increased the number of films imported from india. the decline in malaysian films has made indian films dominate the market share of jakarta's lower-class cinemas. the number of indian films increased dramatically during the 1950s. the comparison of numbers imported films is in table 3. table 3. comparative number of imported films in indonesia country 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 america 660 660 675 531 352 423 india 12 ? ? 15 74 184 philippines 3 7 23 20 11 3 malaya 3 3 27 22 8 6 source: “referat bachtiar siagian: kebudajaan”, harian rakyat, 13 april 1957. table 3 shows that the number of indian films has continued to increase since 1952. according to budi irawanto, in 1952, the number of indian films had only 7 titles but rose 70 sharply to 74 titles in 1954 and 184 titles in 1955 (irawanto, 2017, p. 97). table 3 also shows that when malaysian films dominate the lower-class cinemas in jakarta, indian films are unable to compete with them. this is because the composition and musical instruments in indian films still sound strange to the audience compared to malay songs. the drastic increase in the number of indian imported films in 1954, although overall still below the amount of hollywood films, remains worrying because the market share of indian films is in the lowerclass cinemas of jakarta. their audience is much larger when compared to the elite cinema audiences. this concern is also due to the fact that since 1956, the number of indonesian films produced has declined. this is what prompted a number of indonesian film artists who joined the indonesian film artists association (parfi) to come to president sukarno and deliver a resolution related to the import of film (sin po, 14 maret 1956). in 1956, indian films became the main target to be limited in number. this is because indian films dominate the middle and lower-class cinemas that have a larger audience when compared to the audience in the upper-class cinemas. protests against the many indian films that flooded the cinemas in jakarta were also carried out by ppfi (persatuan pengusaha film indonesia). the government approved ppfi’s request. they restricted imports of films from india. the government also issued regulations on screentime quotas, obligatory weekend screenings, and minimum hold-over figures for indonesian films (inventaris arsip sekretariat menteri koordinator kompartemen perhubungan dengan rakyat). the cinemas in jakarta are obliged to play at least one indonesian film title every two months, while in other cities, one indonesian film title is played each month. in fact, these rules have not yet become a solution to the difficulties faced by indonesian films. problems in the indonesian film industry were even worse because, in 1957, ppfi members closed all their studios as a form of protest against indian films, which still dominate, as well as the rising prices of goods, which led to an increase in the amount of money required for a film production (indonesia raya, 1957). in 1958, it was the turn of american films to be targeted for restrictions on imports. these actions were initiated by sarbufis (sarekat buruh film dan seni drama). american films were accused of taking up the void left by indian films after they were restricted (fahmi, 2022, p. 7). the issue of imported films became more serious. it became a political issue in 1964 with the formation of papfias (panitia aksi pemboikotan film imperialis amerika serikat). this papfias action of boycotting imported films, especially from hollywood, then succeeded in dissolving ampai on 17th august 1964, by the ministry of trade (kementerian perdagangan). since the boycott action on imported film from america was launched, none of the cinemas in jakarta have dared to show american films, although there are several cinemas that still have american films in circulation (have been approved by the film censorship committee for public showing). they do not want to take the risk by showing american films. riots often occur in cinemas that still show american films (irawanto, 2017, p. 105). people are becoming reluctant to come to the cinema. cinemas in jakarta have also had to experience a shortage of film’s stock since the suspension of ampai activities. indonesian film production is unable to meet the needs of the cinemas in jakarta, so they import films from russia, west germany, and china to cover the shortage of stocks (ardanareswari, 2012, p. 48). unfortunately, people don’t really like these substitute imported films. the quality of those films could not compete with hollywood films, and the economic conditions have worsened since the early 1960s. people do not want to spend money watching films. all of these became the factors that made cinemas in jakarta face even worse conditions and struggle to maintain 71 their existence. the declining interest of the jakarta public in watching films in cinemas can also be seen from the reduced amount of spectacle tax paid by cinema entrepreneurs in jakarta to the the government of the kotapraja jakarta raya. it is estimated that the deposited spectacle tax was reduced by up to 50% (duta masyarakat, 22 juni 1964). various actions that took place from 1956 until the dissolution of ampai in 1964, influenced on the condition of the cinemas in jakarta. jakarta's cinemas were taken to the dark times. the reduction in imported films caused cinemas to lack of audience. the lack of audience forced many cinemas in jakarta to close their businesses because they could no longer afford operational costs. the striking conditions experienced by the cinemas in jakarta have been worsening because of the coup attempt of 30 september movement. at a meeting held by the ministry of information (kementerian penerangan), the representatives of ops (organisasi perusahaan sejenis) bioskop said that the condition of cinemas in jakarta after the coup attempt of 30 september movement was getting worse. jakarta previously had 45 cinemas, but at that time there were only 20 of them, the remaining 25 have had to go out of business or change their function to become puppet theaters (news yudha sport & film, 28 april 1966). the competition between cinema and the sandiwara performance the other form of entertainment available for the people of jakarta besides cinemas is sandiwara. sandiwara is a form of performing arts as well as entertainment that was first known and popular before the introduction of gambar ideop to indonesia. the layout design of the sandiwara building, which has a balcony area, was then adapted to the concept of building a cinema hall from the beginning of the emergence of cinema buildings until the end of the 1960s. some cinema buildings in jakarta even have double functions as cinemas as well as theaters for stamboel plays and comedies by removing the screen (jauhari (ed.), 1992, p. 10). sandiwara experienced its golden times during the reign of the japanese occupation because it functioned as a propaganda medium. the popularity of the sandiwara continued into the early 1950s. just like cinema, sandiwara is considered to have a certain quality as entertainment and is still accessible to the people of jakarta (berita indonesia, 20 februari 1954). jakarta, as the capital city of the republic of indonesia, has always been a favorable destination for several sandiwara’s troupes from other regions to hold performances. such as the visit of a quite well-known sandiwara’s troupe from west sumatra, ratu asia, in 1951. jakarta also has a legendary sandiwara’s troupes which is an permanent troupes, miss tjitjih. miss tjitjih is still loved by their audience since they always presents a story that is easy to understand, their story tend to be light and emphasizes the story-telling process. the titles of miss tjitjih's plays are often made full of sensations to attract the interest of the audience, such as “mati beranak diliang kubur”, “setan djembatan antjol”, “sarinah mati dua kali”. miss tjitjih performance hall is in kramat-senen, next to the rex cinema. with the cinema gradually gaining their popularity among the people of jakarta, miss tjitjih lost their audience. one of the reason is that their play was performed in sundanese. automatically, the audience for miss tjitjih was limited to those who understood sundanese. the youngest generation in jakarta is not interested in traditional sandiwara like miss tjitjih. this urgency that has been faced by miss tjitjih also experienced by other troupes in the mid1950s. sandiwara lost much of a nationalistic impetus when compared during the early part of century and during the japanese occupation (asmara, 1995, p. 166). the number of sandiwara performances in jakarta is no longer as high as before. sandiwara only held at certain times, 72 such as at a theater week or at a celebration or for a charity event (the advertisement of sandiwara can be seen in figure 2). this condition cannot be separated from the increase in the number of cinemas in jakarta and their popularity, which is increasingly overtaking sandiwara’s performance. cinemas in jakarta not only more numerous but also available in almost all areas of city, making it easy for the audiences to reach them. its conditions are different from the sandiwara, not all groups of people in jakarta can reach where the plays are shown. sandiwara’s performance usually takes placeion the art building (gedung kesenian) and gelanggang samudara, which are both not easy to reach at that time (due to lack of public transportation). ticket prices for sandiwara’s performances are also more expensive compared to cinemas. cinema ticket prices are much cheaper. watching sandiwara’s performances can cost up to rp 10,and the lowest price is rp 5,-. even though the price being reduced by the government up to rp. 5, and the lowest price is rp. 3, it’s still more expensive compared to cinemas. in the cinema, people can afford the cheapest tickets in class iii cinemas for only rp. 1,. ticket prices for sandiwara’s performances are difficult to make as cheap as cinemas because the operational costs of a sandiwara troupe that can reach 100 members are quite expensive. figure 2. the advertisement of a sandiwara’s performance for charity was held at the jakarta arts building (gedung kesenian jakarta) presented by persafi. source: berita indonesia, (1951, 28 december). the conditions of sandiwara were as terrible as those in indonesian film industry in the mid of 1950s. both of them are pressured by the presence of imported films that dominate cinemas in jakarta. various attempts were then made by many stakeholders to improve the conditions of sandiwara, such as establishing atni (akademi teater nasional) in 1956 (biran, 2009, p. 172). the association of indonesian film artists (and sandiwara), also known as persafi, also made great efforts to maintain the viability of sandiwara’s troupes by holding 73 regular performances for charity purposes at the art building (gedung kesenian), (aneka, 1952). the government of the kotapraja jakarta raya is also taking part in supporting sandiwara’s performances by lowering taxes on their plays and other spectacles such as sports and native people's shows, which are considered weaker than cinemas. the tax was lowered from 40% to 33.5% of gross revenue (berita indonesia, 12 september 1952). the government of the kotapraja jakarta raya also organizes traveling sandiwara’s performances to provide entertainment for residents who are unable to go to the cinemas to find some refreshment for themselves after daily routines. the sandiwara’s performance, which is held by the government of the kotapraja jakarta raya, is also used as a channel for the government tp spread any information. unfortunately, these efforts are not enough to make a better conditions for sandiwara’s performance in the mid of 1950s. the people of jakarta are more interested in watching films at the cinemas. for most of them, watching films at the cinema is not only a way to get the refreshment but also a way to show their existence. it is because the cinema was a symbol of modernity. for the youngest generation in jakarta, sandiwara’s performance is less prestigious compared to the cinema. some people also find that sandiwara’s performances not that entertaining since their plays are too strange to understand or too spectating because they contain informational interests for the government. this conditions surprisingly changed in the 1960s. sandiwara’s performance was in a better situation while the cinema in jakarta was facing some struggles. as we know, cinemas in jakarta have to try hard to survive in the absence of imported films from hollywood, and also from india and malaysia. the audiences of cinemas in jakarta already prefer imported films from hollywood, and also from india and malaysia, but due to political and ideological struggles, they were forced to watch the imported films for other country that were not considered not contrary to indonesia’s ideology. the sandiwara’s performances revived with the attention of the leftists, especially lekra. informally affiliated with indonesia communist party (pki), lekra encouraged artist to show social commitment in their works (jurriens, 2013, p.11). lekra sponsored many sandiwara, which incorporate socialist propaganda into their perfomances (asmara, 1995, p. 166). even though the sandiwara’s performances are loaded with propaganda purposes aimed at the peasants, laborers, and fishermen, the presence of lekra has successfully revived sandiwara’s performances which had been sluggish due to competition with the cinema. unfortunately, this situation did not last long because of the coup attempt of 30 september movement. once again, sandiwara’s performance suffered difficult times. many of sandiwara’s troupes were then froced to disband because they were considered or accused of being affiliated with the lekra. lekra itself accused of being part of pki, the mastermind behind the coup attempt of 30 september movement. this accusation was made by the new order government under president suharto. conclusions this study focused on discussing the transformation on the cinemas in jakarta especially during the 1950-1966. based on the previous explanation, there are 3 (three) things that can be obtained from this study. first, during the period 1950–1966, the cinemas in jakarta experienced remarkable dynamics. the period 1950–1955 was a golden year for the development of cinema in jakarta. it began with the inauguration of the most magnificent cinema that later became the pride of the jakarta community in 1951, the metropole cinema. the development of cinemas in jakarta couldn’t be separated from the development of the 74 national film industries, which also continued to experience development until it reached its peak in 1955 with the successful production of 65 films. the 1950s were also a time when imported films flooded the cinemas in jakarta. the upper-class cinemas are dominated by western films (hollywood), while the lower-class cinemas are dominated by malaysian and indian films. second, the development of cinemas in jakarta did not last long, until 1956. the dominance of imported films in various cinema classes in jakarta has taken indonesian film market share, thus becoming an obstacle to the development of national cinema. this then led to a number of actions to limit the number of imported films circulating in order to protect the national film indsutries. these actions later developed into political acts in 1964–1965. imported films, especially american and indian films, were successfully boycotted from the cinemas of jakarta, but that action had a great impact on cinemas in jakarta. they must face the threat of a shortage of film stocks. lack of film stocks and unattractive import-replacement films make the cinemas in jakarta increasingly secluded from the audience. the situation even became more difficult after the coup attempt of 30 september movement. the imposition of nighttime treatment on the people of jakarta has made it difficult for the cinemas in jakarta to stay open at the night. these conditions have caused several cinemas in jakarta to end their operations or change their functions. third, the up and down cinema in jakarta happened in the opposite direction of the sandiwara. when the cinemas in jakarta are in a growing era, they are able to urge sandiwara performances. cinema is considered to be more entertaining than sandiwara performances. but, when the cinemas in jakarta faced a difficult time in 1956–1966, the sandiwara performances, on the contrary, showed their gains in popularity. this cannot be separated from the existence 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(2008). 100 tahun bioskop di indonesia. jakarta: pt megaindo tunggal sejahtera. microsoft word 1. imam h. sutrisno.doc indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 1-12 © 2018 konflik etnisitas di aceh masa reformasi, 1998-2005 | 1 konflik etnisitas di aceh masa reformasi, 1998-2005 imam h. sutrisno program studi pendidikan sejarah, fakultas ilmu keguruan dan pendidikan, universitas langsa corresponding author: imamhadisutrisno@yahoo.co.id abstract sejarah aceh selalu lekat dengan konflik dengan latar politik baik pada masa kolonial maupun indonesia kontemporer seperti perang aceh, darul islam/tentara islam indonesia (di/tii), dan gerakan aceh merdeka (gam), tetapi tulisan ini lebih memfokuskan pada konflik dengan latar etnisitas yang muncul pada masa reformasi 1998-2005. dengan metode sejarah kritis dapat diketahui, bahwa konflik etnisitas di aceh masa reformasi itu lebih dipengaruhi oleh euphoria reformasi dan menguatnya semangat otonomi daerah yang direpresentasi sebagai ‘kekuasaan’ yang harus ditangan orang daerah-etnik local dan merupakan konflik harisontal sesama warga bangsa dengan latar etnik yang berbeda. dalam konflik horisontal ini yang cukup menonjol terjadi antara etnik lokal dengan etnik pendatang terutama etnik jawa yang dianggap telah menguasai etnik local terutama secara ekonomi dan sosiokultural. sebagai etnik pendatang, orang-orang jawa di aceh secara ekonomi lebih maju dibandingkan penduduk local yang notabene berasal dari etnik setempat. selain itu, secara sosiokultural orang jawa di aceh juga menempati posisi social yang penting dan lebih baik dibandingkan dengan penduduk aceh. konflik dengan latar etnik di aceh tentu berbeda dengan konflik dengan latar dan tujuan politik seperti tengku daud beureureh yang memimpin di/tii, tengku hasan tiro yang memimpin gerakan aceh merdeka/gam. kata kunci: etnisitas; konflik aceh; reformasi pendahuluan melacak jejak sejarahnya, sejak kasultanan iskandar muda aceh telah mampu memberikan peluang bagi pedagang asing untuk melaksanakan aktivitas ekonomi bahkan hingga diberikan izin untuk tinggal tetap sementara. oleh karena itu, dalam received: 27 juni 2018 accepted: 2 july 2018 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 1-12 © 2018 konflik etnisitas di aceh masa reformasi, 1998-2005 | 2 tata kota kerajaan aceh sudah ter-mapping-kan bahwa daerah seperti kampong kedah itu merupakan wilayah pemukiman orang asing yang menetap sementara di sekitar istana. demikian juga kehadiran pedagang etnik jawa, mereka diberikan tempat sesuai dengan nama asal etnik yakni dikenal dengan nama kampong jawa yang hingga sekarang masih bisa terlihat di wilayah banda aceh. sejalan dengan dinamika ekonomi di aceh tersebut, aceh juga sarat dengan konflik sebagaimana yang dikemukakan reid (2007) bahwa aceh sarat dengan konflik dan konflik itu terjadi setelah mangkatnya sultan iskandar muda terjadi perebutan kekuasaan. dalam perkembangannya kemudian pada masa transisi seperti saat ini, dengan adanya kebijakan pemerintah yang mengarah pada desentralisasi, isu etnisitas mencuat yang berpotensi terjadinya konflik sosial berbasis agama dan etnis (haryanto, 2012: 302). pelaksanaan otonomi daerah ditengarai justru menguatkan identitas primordial (khususnya etnis). dalam konteks perebutan kekuasaan tersebut, konflik selalu terjadi dari generasi ke generasi hingga masa aceh kontemporer yang mengusung isu aceh merdeka melalui gam (reid, 2004: 309). sejarah konflik di aceh memang lebih didominasi berlatar politik. namun demikian fakta terkini justru muncul konflik yang berlatar etniksitas yang terjadi masa reformasi. etsinitas adalah perubahan kata dari kata etnik yang berarti kesukuan atau kelompok kesukuan (ethnic group). ada banyak kebingungan dengan istilah-istilah khusus seperti ‘kelompok etnis’, ‘kelompok rasial’, ‘kasta’ dan ‘stratum sosial’ (burger, et.al., 1990: 42). secara umum sosiologi menolak gagasan bahwa kelompok manusia dapat didefinisikan dalam pengertian genetic mereka. kelompok sosial dalam teori sosiologi didefinisikan secara lebih umum dengan mengacu pada kesamaan budaya seperti bahasa, adat dan lembaga. ada perbedaan kelompok yang karakternya dipaksakan atasnya oleh kelompok politik yang superior dalam konteks pertarungan politik. oleh karena itu, etnisitas mungkin menjadi landasan baik untuk separatism nasional atau subordinasi politik. ambiguitas ‘kelompok etnis’ dengan demikian mencerminkan pertarungan politik untuk keanggotaan kelompok ekskutif dan inklusif (aberrcrombie, 2010: 191). menurut eriksen (1993), etnisitas berasal dari bahasa yunani, ethnos (ethnikos) yang berarti tidak beragama. ethnic digunakan oleh orang-orang eropa untuk menyebutkan suku aborigin barat sebagai masyarakat yang belum beradab dan beragama (eriksen, 1993: 10). namun pernyataan sosiolog dan antropolog mempunyai sudut pandang yang berbeda, perbedaan tersebut terdapat pada pengkatagorian fungsi, ciri, dan syarat kemunculan etnisitas. kajian aspek sosial politik tentang etnik disebut dengan etnisitas. dalam pandangan herowitz (1985) bahwa hal tersebut bisa dilihat dari faktor darah dan kelahiran, di mana berdasarkan faktor tersebut seorang dapat dibedakan atas dasar warna kulit, bahasa dan kepercayaan (herowitz, 1985: 52-53). sementara manger (1994) dalam identitas kelompok etnik mempunyai dua pandangan, yaitu (1) sebagai sebuah unit yang obyektif yang dapat diartikan oleh perbedaan budaya seseorang, atau (2) hanya sekedar produk pemikiran sebagai suatu kelompok etnik (manger, 1994: 13). indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 1-12 © 2018 konflik etnisitas di aceh masa reformasi, 1998-2005 | 3 dalam kajian antropologi, barth menyebutkan bahwa umumnya kelompok etnik sebagai suatu komunitas memiliki kharateristik sebagai berikut: (1) secara biologis mampu berkembang biak dan bertahan, (2) mempunyai nilai-nilai budaya yang sama dan sadar akan kebersamaan dalam satu bentuk budaya, (3) membentuk jaringan komunikasi dan interaksi sendiri, dan (4) menentukan ciri kelompoknya sendiri yang diterima oleh kelompok lain dan dapat dibedakan dari kelompok komunitas yang lain (barth, 1988: 11). berdasarkan uraian tersebut, maka penulis dapat memberikan makna atas etnisitas. makna tersebut dapat ditelusuri dari dua hal. pertama, etnisitas adalah rangkaian penanda dalam hubungan sosial. kedua, etnisitas merupakan sumber politik identitas. oleh karena itu, tulisan ini membahas beberapa permasalahan lebih lanjut, yaitu bagaimana isu etnisitas mewarnai konflik harisontal di aceh masa reformasi selama periode 1998-2005, faktor-faktor apa saja yang mempengaruhi dan bagaimana hal itu berlangsung. etnik apa saja yang terlibat dalam konflik tersebut dan bagaimana penyelesaiannya serta dampak yang ditimbulkan dari terjadinya konflik tersebut? etnisitas masyarakat aceh perselisihan etnik dalam warna identitas sering dikaitkan dengan aspek kesejarahan. apadurai dalam baso (2002) mengatakan bahwa sebagai production of nativies, yaitu produksi “pribumi”(baso, 2002: 41). seiring dengan hal tersebut maka fiscer (1986), menegaskan bahwa etnisitas pada dasarnya merupakan sesuatu yang dalam setiap generasi harus ditemukan kembali (reinvented) dan diinterpresentasikan kembali (reinterpreted) oleh setiap individu dan bukan sesuatu yang sederhana yang diwariskan dari generasi ke generasi dan perlu dilestarikan (kambo, 2007: 45). dari kajian denys lombard (2008) dapat diketahui bahwa pada abad xvii nama ‘aceh’ lebih tepat disebut ‘aceh dar us-salam (artinya “tanah damai”). pada saat itu aceh masih berwujud kota itu sendiri yang kemudian diperluas, sampai seluruh pulau dinamakan dengan sebutan yang sama sebagaimana tercermin pada ungkapan berikut “semua orang yang berada di hindia dan di tempat-tempat lain di balik tanjung harapan, pergi ke achen (maksudnya aceh), sebab dalam kota dan pelabuhan itu terkandung nama dan keagungan seluruh pulau, seperti halnya dengan banten di jawa besar” (lombard, 2008: 29). dengan demikian, merujuk pada pandangan barth (1998), bahwa yang dimaksudkan etnik aceh adalah (1) masyarakat yang berkembang biak dan bertahan di wilayah aceh; (2) mempunyai nilai-nilai budaya yang sama yaitu budaya aceh pada umumnya dan sadar akan kebersamaannya dalam budaya tersebut serta dalam satu bentuk budaya, yakni budaya yang mereka istilahkan dengan budaya aceh; (3) membentuk jaringan komunikasi dengan bahasa ibu atau bahasa lokal yang mereka namakan bahasa aceh, dan berinteraksi dengan lingkungan etnik sendiri (suku aceh), dan ; (4) menentukan ciri kelompoknya sendiri, seperti bentuk fisik yang diterima oleh kelompok lain sebagai etnis aceh yang berbeda dengan etnis lainnya seperti etnis jawa, etnis batak, etnis minang, etnis indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 1-12 © 2018 konflik etnisitas di aceh masa reformasi, 1998-2005 | 4 melayu dan dapat dibedakan dari kelompok komunitas yang lain dalam arti tingkah laku dan perlakuannya. dalam buku tamaddun aceh disebutkan bahwa yang termasuk etnis aceh terdapat enam kelompok yaitu gayo, aceh, tamiang, jamik, gayo alas, dan simelue. berdasarkan uraian di atas dapat dikemukakan bahwa yang dimaksudkan etnis aceh adalah secara universal mereka berkembang biak dan bertahan pada wilayah atau daerah yang disebut daratan aceh. melaksanakan nilai-nilai budaya dan adat yang mereka percayai dan yakini bahwa bahwa hal tersebut merupakan budaya warisan dari indatu (nenek moyang mereka). mereka selalu berinteraksi dan berbaur dengan kelompoknya dan terikat dengan keluarga besarnya (extended of family) dengan bahasa yang saling mengerti dan khusus (dalam arti hanya kelompoknya) yang memahami bahasa tersebut yakni dengan bahasa aceh. disamping itu, mereka mempunyai ciri-ciri anatomi dari fisik (tenotifik) yang berbeda dengan etnis lain yang berada di sekeliling mereka, seperti etnis melayu, etnis gayo, etnis karo, batak atau etnis pendatang dari luar sumatra seperti etnis jawa. dalam melihat bentuk aneka warna suatu bangsa ilmu antropologi yang berkaitan dengan ilmu anatomi akan menjawab bentuk aneka warna manusia berdasarkan garis keturunan dan golongan darah. asal usul etnisitas di aceh dari beberapa sumber belum ditemukan dengan pasti kapan mulai penyebaran etnis aceh serta asal-usul yang sebenarnya. namun ada cerita dari mulut ke mulut bahwa asal nama aceh adalah dari singkatan bangsa-bangsa yang terdiri dari 4 huruf dan 4 bangsa. pertama a yang dimaksud singkatan dari kata arab yang berarti bangsa arab. memang pada kenyataannya bahwa ada sebagian etnis aceh yang merupakan keturunan dari bangsa arab. seperti tampak dari gelar bangsawan said atau habib (untuk sebutan di jawa) atau dari bentuk fisik dan dari segi kepercayaan serta aktivitas dagang dari turunan arab. masalah kepercayaan dan banyak para turunan arab mendirikan pesantern atau dayah seperti di pasantren seulimem, bahwa tengku (ustad) yang membuka pesantren tersebut adalah keturunan arab (acehbala cossa.com). kedua c (tj) adalah singkatan dari kata cina (tjina), artinya bahwa ada sebagian dari etnis aceh merupakan keturunan dari bangsa cina dan ahli di bidang perdagangan dan pandai membuat mie, yang merupakan ciri khas makanan orang cina. ketiga huruf e adalah singkatan dari kata eropa, artinya ada sebagian orang aceh yang mirip dengan turunan bangsa eropa. hal ini bisa diamati dari bentuk fisik berupa mata biru, hidung mancung dan kulit putih, yakni orang-orang yang tinggal di daerah lamno aceh barat. orang aceh juga memiliki hobby yang sama seperti orang-orang eropa yang gemar berperang. keempat, huruf h adalah singkatan dari kata hindia/india, artinya ada sebagian orang aceh yang merupakan keturunan india. hal ini bisa kita buktikan dari segi makanan roti cane, masakan kare dan gemar memakan sirih yang digemari orang india, juga digemari orangorang aceh. bentuk fisik tinggi besar namun warna kulit hitam seperti orang srilangka. orang-orang ini bisa dijumpai pada masyarakat di daerah pidie. indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 1-12 © 2018 konflik etnisitas di aceh masa reformasi, 1998-2005 | 5 sudirman (2009) mengemukakan, bahwa semenjak jaman neolitikum, selat malaka merupakan terusan penting dalam gerak migrasi sebagai jalan niaga dunia serta jalan penghubung utama dua kebudayaan besar, cina dan india. muncul dan berkembangnya negara-negara sekitar selat malaka tidak dapat dipisahkan dari letak geografis yang sangat strategis. kutaraja (banda aceh) muncul sebagai pusat politik dan pemerintahan disebutkan diantaranya oleh karena faktor letak tersebut (sudirman, 2009: 7). burger (1962) dalam “sejarah ekonomi sosiologis indonesia, mengemukakan, bahwa aceh sudah dikenal semenjak permulaan terbentuknya jaringan-jaringan lalu-lintas internasional sejak abad i masehi (burger, 1962: 14). adapun penyebaran etnis aceh sudah tersebar ke seluruh daratan wilayah aceh sejak wilayah ini ada, mulai pantai bagian timur yang berbatasan dengan wilayah sumatra utara terus membentang ke pantai barat, kemudian di pedalaman dan pegunungan serta di dataran tinggi gayo. pada awalnya sekitar abad vii, bahwa etnik aceh masih mempunyai kepercayaan hindu, hal ini bisa dibuktikan dengan hadirnya dua kerajaan hindu indrapuri dan indrapurba (lamuri) di kawasan aceh besar, dan diyakini bahwa kerajaan lamuri merupakan cikal bakal kerajaan aceh darussalam yang kemudian berkembang menjadi kerajaan islam setelah kedatangan pedagang-pedagang islam yang diterima dan bekerjasama dengan penguasa-penguasa lokal. penyebaran etnis dan potensi konflik aceh penyebaran etnis aceh di wilayahnya tidak terlepas dari perkembangan penduduk aceh saat itu. sudirman (2009) menyampaikan perkembangan penduduk aceh dimulai pada tahun 1570-an, yakni pada kegiatan ekonomi dan militer yang melibatkan sekitar 80.000 penduduk. anthony ried menambahkan bahwa sekitar tahun 1570-1580 m, banda aceh merupakan sebuah kota pelabuhan yany berciri khas melayu. lahan pemukiman begitu luas, tetapi hanya pusat perdagangan dan politik saja yang berpenduduk padat, sekitar 20.000 orang penduduk per km. dari hal itu dapat diketahui perkembangan penduduk cukup padat pada wilayah yang menjadi pusat kegiatan ekonomi dan perdagangan. sementara itu, daerah-daerah aceh yang lain terutama di bagian pantai timur, hanya wilayah perlak yang mampu menompang perekonomian penduduk dari hasil jasa dan perdagangan. namun kapan pastinya penyebaran penduduk ke wilayah pantai timur itu dimulai, belum ditemukan data yang pasti. dalam kajian konflik aceh khususnya di wilayah pantai timur aceh (aceh timur, langsa dan sekitarnya), penulis mengunakan pendekatan sosiologi sejarah agar dapat diketahui proses-proses dan persoalan structural yang membingkai terjadinya konflik tersebut(ank ersmit, 1987: 267). w.j. cahnmann dan a. boskoff, menegaskan bahwa dengan pendekatan sosiologi sejarah, dapat ditemukan pola interaksi antar komunitas yang diwujudkan suatu pola jaringan masyarakat, bagimana itu dilembagakan dan mengalami perubahan. komunitas yang terdiri dari individu tidak dilihat sebagai pencipta, melainkan sebagai hasil daya-daya masyarakat. sejalan dengan pandangan tersebut pernah dikemukakan oleh donald indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 1-12 © 2018 konflik etnisitas di aceh masa reformasi, 1998-2005 | 6 macrae bahwa “sociology is history with the hard work left out”, sedangkan “history is sociology with the brains left out”. demikian juga leopold von ranke dalam kuntowijoyo (2008: 267) mengeluarkan dictum bahwa sejarawan hendaknya menulis wie es eigentlich gewesen (yang sebenarnya terjadi). artinya, sejarawan harus tunduk kepada fakta, sejarawan harus mempunyai integritas, dan sejarawan harus objektif (imparsial, tak boleh memihak). konflik aceh terjadi dalam waktu yang sangat panjang, yakni jauh sebelum indonesia didirikan hingga indonesia kontemporer dan merebak lagi pasca reformasi tahun 1998 sampai tahun 2005. konflik pada periode ini cukup menarik karena beberapa hal antara lain; (1) dalam konflik aceh ini berpengaruh dalam struktur sosial masyarakat (2) konflik yang terjadi sarat dengan kepentingan para elite di aceh, yang meyeret dalam konflik antar etnik (konflik horisontal) (3) objek konflik adalah entik pendatang khususnya etnik jawa yang direpresentasikan sebagai perpanjangan tangan pemerintah pusat. konflik aceh tempo dulu hingga era orde baru tidak pernah melibatkan posisi etnik (jawa). posisi etnik jawa pada waktu itu bukan sebagai objek dari konflik itu sendiri. namun posisi itu berbeda dalam konflik tahun 1998, etnik jawa justru yang menjadi objek dalam konflik tersebut. posisi yang sangat terjepit bahwa seolah-olah etnik jawa menjadi kambing hitam dalam menghalalkan sebuah tindakan dan dalam urusan politik. dalam kasus ini, penting diungkap kausalitas dalam hubungan antaretnik. hubungan antaretnik di aceh sudah berlangsung sejak lama bahkan sepanjang perjalanan sejarah aceh itu sendiri. sebagai bukti adanya beberapa gamponggampong (artinya wilayah kelurahan) yang berisi para saudagar baik dari wilayah nusantara sendiri dan wilayah di luar nusantara. terdapat nama kampong jawa, kampong cina, kampong kedah, kampong melayu, yang hingga dewasa ini masih tetap eksis di kutaraja banda aceh. hal ini tentu merupakan bukti kuat bagaimana hubungan dan ikatan persaudaraan antar etnik selama ini tidak pernah luntur. khusus aceh dan jawa, juga memiliki akar sejarah yang panjang. pada saat pasukan jawa (demak) mengusir portugis dari malaka (1521), pasukan demak mendapat bantuan dari pasukan pase (aceh), dan dari ikatan tersebut adanya niat seorang bangsawan dari pase yang ikut hijrah ke jawa (demak) yang akhirnya dipersuntingkan putri sultan demak dengan salah satu bangsawan dari pase tersebut, dan akhirnya diberi tugas sultan demak dalam rangka menghalau portuhgis di batavia dan misi penyebaran islam di jawa barat. struktur masyarakat majemuk terdistorsi sebagaimana struktur masyarakat indonesia, aceh juga memiliki struktur masyarakat yang majemuk atau plural. pluralitas masyarakat ini merupakan fakta sejarah yang menjadi modal dasar bagi terciptanya integrasi, tetapi pada sisi yang lain juga dapat menjadi ancaman terjadinya segregasi bahkan disintegrasi. sebagaimana yang dikemukakan oleh van den berghe bahwa: (1) terjadi segmentasi ke dalam bentuk kelompok-kelompok yang seringkali memiliki kebudayaan, atau lebih tepat sub-kebudayaan, yang berbeda satu satu sama lain (2) memiliki struktur indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 1-12 © 2018 konflik etnisitas di aceh masa reformasi, 1998-2005 | 7 sosial yang terbagi-bagi ke dalam lembaga-lembaga yang bersifat non komplementer (3) kurang mengembangkan konsensus di antara para anggota masyarakat tentang nilai-nilai sosial yang bersifat dasar (4) secara relatif sering terjadi konflik diantara kelompok yang satu dengan kelompok yang lainnya (5) secara relatif integrasi sosial tumbuh di atas paksaan (coercion) dan saling ketergantungan di dalam bidang ekonomi, serta (6) adanya dominasi politik oleh suatu kelompok atas kelompokkelompok yang lain. parsons (1951) menyatakan bahwa sistem budaya dan sistem kepribadian dianggap bersinggungan langsung dengan sistem sosial sehingga pengaruh sistem tersebut dapat dibagi hanya dalam konseptualtualisasi subjektif. parsons melihat integrasi sebagai fungsi utama dalam sistem sosial. secara spesifik, parsons mengkonseptualisasi suatu masyarakat tipe ideal yang di dalamnya nilai-nilai budaya diinstitusionalisasikan dalam sistem sosial dan norma-norma diinternalisasikan ke dalam sistem kepribadian. lalu, dengan demikian menurut pandangan ini bahwa individu akan menuruti ekspektasi-ekspektasi sosial, karena mereka menganggap peraturan itu sah (menginggat sumbernya) dan karena peraturan itu konskuen dengan nilai-nilai mereka yang diinternalisasikan itu. selain itu, karena dihasilkan dari orientasi nilai bersama, norma mempunyai satu “karakter selaras”, sehingga ekspektasi-ekspektasi yang saling bersaing tidak menjerumuskan orang ke dalam konflik. konflik aceh dalam pandangan teori parsons konflik sebagai manifestasi dari adanya suatu kondisi yang bertentangan atau ketidakselarasan/disharmoni dapat dijelaskan dengan teori structural fungsional talcott parsons dalam bingkai skema adaptation, goal atainment, integration, latency (agil). suatu harmoni terbangun manakala tindakan social masyarakat sebagai sistem social memeninuhi empat kriteria dalam agil tersebut. dalam karya berikutnya yang berjudul the social system, parson melihat aktor sebagai orientasi pada situasi dalam istilah motivasi dan nilai-nilai. terdapat berberapa macam motivasi, antara lain kognitif, chatectic, dan evaluative. terdapat juga nilai-nilai yang bertanggungjawab terhadap sistem sosial ini, antara lain nilai kognisi, apresiasi, dan moral. parsons sendiri menyebutnya sebagai modes of orientation. unit tindakan oleh karenanya melibatkan motivasi dan orientasi nilai dan memiliki tujuan umum sebagai konsekuensi kombinasi dari nilai dan motivasi-motivasi tersebut terhadap seorang aktor. sementara itu, merton (murid talcott parsons) mengembangkan lebih lanjut teori structural fungsional dengan mengawali kritikan terhadap beberapa aspek ekstrem dan keteguhan structural fungsionalisme sebagai basis membangun harmoni sosial dan dalam konteks ini merton mendorong fungsionalisme kearah marxisme. hal ini berbeda dari sang guru, talcott parsons mengemukakan bahwa teorisi structural fungsional sangatlah penting. parsons mendukung terciptanya teori yang besar dan mencakup seluruhnya sedangkan merton lebih terbatas dan menengah, tetapi lebih operasional dan kontekstual. merton mengkritik apa yang indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 1-12 © 2018 konflik etnisitas di aceh masa reformasi, 1998-2005 | 8 dilihatnya sebagai tiga postulat dasar analisis fungsional, seperti yang pernah dikembangkan oleh malinowski dan radcliffe brown. beberapa postulat yang dikritisi merton tersebut antara lain: (1) kesatuan fungsi masyarakat, seluruh kepercayaan dan praktik sosial budaya standar bersifat fungsional bagi masyarakat secara keseluruhan maupun bagi individu dalam masyarakat, hal ini berarti sistem sosial yang ada pasti menunjukan tingginya level integrasi. hal yang demikian tidak hanya berlaku pada masyarakat kecil tetapi dapat generalisasikan pada masyarakat yang lebih besar (2) fungsionalisme universal, seluruh bentuk dan stuktur sosial memiliki fungsi positif. hal ini di tentang oleh merton, bahwa dalam dunia nyata tidak seluruh struktur, adat istiadat, gagasan dan keyakinan, serta sebagainya memiliki fungsi positif. dicontohkan pula dengan stuktur sosial dengan adat istiadat yang mengatur individu bertingkah laku kadangkadang membuat individu tersebut depresi hingga bunuh diri. dengan demikian postulat structural fungsional menjadi bertentangan (3) indispensability, aspek standar masyarakat tidak hanya memiliki fungsi positif, namun juga merespresentasikan bagian-bagian yang tidak terpisahkan dari keseluruhan yang adakalanya negatif. hal ini berarti fungsi secara fungsional diperlukan oleh masyarakat. dalam hal ini merton sama dengan parsons bahwa ada berbagai alternative structural dan fungsional yang ada di dalam masyarakat yang tidak dapat dihindari. dalam bagian terakhirnya parsons (1951), berasumsi bahwa setiap subsistem normalnya memiliki sarana untuk perubahan, dan sebagian besar dalam tulisannya menganggap perubahan itu menyusahkan karena bisa membahayakan imperatifimperatif sistem. lebih lanjut, parsons khawatir bahwa akibat dari perubahan yang tampaknya remeh boleh jadi jangkauannya luas (dan lebih buruk) daripada yang mungkin diperhitungkan orang. analisis perubahan yang secara eksplisif itu dilakukan dalam perspektif evolusioner yang tertib. jadi masyarakat digambarkan bergerak melewati tahap-tahap equilibrium temporer, tetapi perubahan yang berlangsung mengikuti suatu urutan yang tertib dan selalu dipolakan sesuai dengan kebutuhankebutuhan sistem tersebut. sejalan dengan pemikiran parsons dan merton tersebut, konflik aceh dapat dipahami sebagai bagian dari proses bagi terjadinya perubahan masyarakat yang berlangsung equilibrium. perubahan tersebut dilakukan boleh jadi secara sengaja, maka terjadi hubungan kausalitas dengan dinamika dan konflik di masyarakat. pertama, adanya kecenderungan pola-pola tradisional yang berfungsi pada pemerintahan provinsi aceh. melalui perjanjian dalam mou helsinki tanggal 15 agustus 2005, menstimulan lahirnya undang undang negara ri no.11 th. 2006 tentang undang undang pemerintahan aceh (uupa). di dalam undang-undang tersebut telah disebutkan tentang lembaga-lembaga adat yang mempunyai fungsi dalam struktur pemerintahan aceh. kedua, melibatkan tendensi untuk tidak mempertimbangkan kemungkinan bahwa praktek-praktek tradisional memberi manfaat secara berbeda kepada beberapa bagian dalam suatu masyarakat. dalam bagian ini tampak praktek-praktek tradisional suatu daerah sangatlah berbeda indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 1-12 © 2018 konflik etnisitas di aceh masa reformasi, 1998-2005 | 9 dengan daerah lain. maksudnya bahwa peraturan-peraturan adat terakomodir menjadi peraturan yang tertulis yang menjadi ketetapan adat yang harus dijalankan bagi seluruh warga aceh. meskipun dalam kenyataannya masih adanya ketimpangan dalam menjalankan syariat islam dan masih adanya pro dan kontra. ketiga, yang menompang kekonservatifan fungsionalisme struktural. parsonsian menunjukkan adanya keengganan untuk memberikan tempat utama bagi kajiannya atas isu tentang konflik, pertentangan, atau kekerasan. sejalan dengan pemikiran parsonian, dalam struktur masyarakat tradisional aceh, selalu berpandangan bahwa konflik adalah suatu hal yang tabu yang tidak baik untuk dilakukan, walaupun faktualnya konflik belum tentu mempunyai dampak yang negatif. akan tetapi dalam kenyataan bahwa konflik aceh yang sangat keras bahkan adakalanya berdarah itu terselesaikan secara damai dan pasca konflik masyarakat merasakan lebih tenang serta muncul pembangunan di segala bidang. hal itu tentu tidak terlepas dari mulai berjalannya system social yang menekankan pada proses agil sebagaimana pemikiran yang dikembangkan oleh parsonian. selain itu, dikarenakan subsistem-subsistem itu saling bersinggungan, parsons dalam teorinya tidak harus saling memaksa satu sama lain untuk menuruti ekspektasi-ekspektasi yang logis, mereka ingin untuk patuh. menurut pandangan gouldner (1970), bahkan tendensi sebagian besar fungsional tidak memberikan banyak ruang terhadap analisis konflik dan hal itu sekaligus menjadi bukti dari adanya keengganan mereka untuk melihat konflik. adapun ketiga pandangan parsons tersebut antara lain: (1) preferensi kepada inferensi-inferensi orang luar, karena parsons berpendapat bahwa individu menginternalisasi nilai-nilai inti yang sama, refleksi mereka mungkin memberikan indikator-indikator sosial yang sah, (2) perbedaan antara individu dan kolektivitas. parsons tentu saja menegaskan pemisahan antara individu dan kolektivitas, dan tidak dapat direduksinya lagi sistem sosial, dan dia pun memandang sistem sosial bersinggungan atau merembesi sistem kepribadian, (3) integrasi sosial, tanpa ‘campur tangan’ menjadi ide utama dalam skema parsons. menurut pandangannya, bagian yang sesuai, dan setelah tercapai equilibrium, kelanjutannya tidak memerlukan syarat mekanisme khusus apapun, karena kondisi equilibrium dalam system social sendiri menjadi penciri pemikiran parsons. dalam orientasi umum parsons (1966) untuk studi tentang perubahan sosial dibentuk oleh factor yang bersifat biologi. untuk menerangkan proses ini parsons mengembangkan apa yang disebut ”paradigma perubahan evolusioner”. komponen pertama dalam paradigma itu adalah proses diferensiasi. parsons berasumsi bahwa setiap masyarakat tersusun dari sekumpulan subsistem yang berbeda berdasarkan struktur maupun berdasarkan makna fungsionalnya bagi masyarakat yang lebih luas. ketika masyarakat berubah, subsistem baru terdiferensiasi. akan tetapi hal ini belum lah cukup, subsistem baru ini juga harus lebih mempunyai kemampuan dalam menyesuaikan diri ketimbang subsistem yang terdahulu. jadi, aspek esensial paradigma evolusioner parsons adalah kemampuan menyesuaikan diri yang meningkat (parsons, 1966: 222, ritzer, 2011:133). indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 1-12 © 2018 konflik etnisitas di aceh masa reformasi, 1998-2005 | 10 dalam kasus di aceh, perubahan ini disebabkan oleh terjadinya konflik, atau perubahan yang dipaksakan. perubahan ini terjadi karena adanya gejolak masyarakat, baik masyarakat pendatang maupun lokal. gejolak masyarakat pendatang, mereka merasa bahwa dirinya juga sudah tinggal lama dan menetap tinggal di aceh, bahkan ada yang sudah lebih dari dua gerenasi. bagaimanapun juga mereka akan mempertahankan tempat tinggalnya, bagi warga yang tidak suka akan keributan, mereka akan memilih pergi, merantau ke luar aceh dengan pilihan daerah yang masih alamiah seperti pekanbaru atau pulang ke daerah asal pulau jawa bagi yang masih mempunyai ikatan saudara di jawa. pada sisi lain, terjadi keterikatan sosial, rasa penderitaan, rasa memiliki dan rasa ingin mempertahankan bersama dalam bingkai ke-etnikan. ketika terjadi gejolak dan gesekan dengan etnik aceh, maka mereka akan terintegrasi dengan masyarakat yang sama dalam bingkai etnik yang sama. konflik ideologis memang lebih mudah disimak dalam kasus-kasus hubungan dan perbedaan-perbedaan agama. akan tetapi karena perbedaan agama yang seringkali bertemu juga dengan perbedaan suku bangsa, maka konflik yang demikian sedikit banyak terdapat juga di antara suku-suku bangsa yang lain. apalagi jika diingat bahwa perbedaan tradisi adat bukan sedikit terjadi di antara berbagai suku bangsa, dalam keadaan konflik yang terbuka benar-benar terjadi, maka sentimen keagamaan seringkali bertemu dengan sentimen kesukuan. konflik ideologis bisa terjadi juga pada kasus konflik antaretnik di kalimantan, papua, poso, tetapi untuk kasus konflik di aceh tidak menutup kemungkinan konflik ideologis juga konflik politis. nasikun (1984), mengemukakan perbedaan yang sangat mendasar diantara berbagai kelompok di masyarakat, seperti masalah yang berkaitan dengan nilai-nilai dasar (nasikun, 1984: 88-98). bagian akhir dari proses konflik untuk mewujudkan harmoni social adalah integrasi. suatu sistem sosial yang senantiasa mengintegrasi di atas landasan dua hal berikut. pertama, suatu masyarakat senantiasa terintegrasi di atas tumbuhnya konsensus di antara sebagaian besar anggota masyarakat akan nilai-nalai kemasyarakat yang bersifat fundamental. kedua, suatu masyarakat yang senatiasa terintegrasi juga oleh karena berbagi anggota masyarakat sekaligus menjadi anggota berbagai kesatuan sosial (cross cutting affiliations). dengan demikian setiap konflik yang terjadi di antara suatu kesatuan sosial yang lain segera akan dinetralisir oleh adanya loyalitas ganda (cros cutting loyalities) dari para anggota masyarakat terhadap berbagai kesatuan sosial yang ada. pada tingkat tertentu keduanya akan mendasari terjadinya integrasi sosial di dalam masyarakat yang bersifat majemuk, oleh karena tanpa keduanya suatu masyarakat bagaimana pun tidak mungkin terjadi. akan tetapi sifat-sifat masyarakat majemuk sebagaimana yang telah disebutkan di atas, telah menyebabkan landasan terjadinya integrasi sosial seperti yang dikemukakan oleh para penganut fungsionalisme struktural hanya dapat berlaku di dalam derajat yang terbatas. segmentasi dalam bentuk terjadinya kesatuan-kesatuan sosial yang terikat ke dalam ikatan-ikatan primodial dengan sub-kebudayaan yang berbeda satu sama lain, akan indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 1-12 © 2018 konflik etnisitas di aceh masa reformasi, 1998-2005 | 11 mudah sekali menumbulkan konflik di antara kesatuan-kesatuan sosial tersebut, seperti kasus baik di aceh, kalimantan dan irian barat (papua). oleh karena itu ada dua macam tingkatan konflik yang mungkin terjadi, yakni: (1) konflik di dalam tingkatnya yang bersifat ideologis, dan (2) konflik di dalam tingkatnya yang bersifat politis. pada tingkatnya yang bersifat ideologis, konflik tersebut terwujud di dalam bentuk konflik antara sistem nilai yang dianut dan menjadi ideologi dari berbagai kesatuan sosial. adapun pada tingkatan yang bersifat politis, konflik tersebut terjadi di dalam bentuk pertentangan di dalam pembagian status kekuasaan, dan sumbersumber ekonomi yang terbatas adanya di dalam masyarakat. di dalam situasi konflik, maka sadar atau tidak sadar bahwa setiap pihak yang berselisih akan berusaha mengabadikan diri dengan cara perlakuan memperkokoh solidaritas ke dalam di antara sesama anggotanya, membentuk organisasai-organisasi kemasyarakatan untuk keperluan kesehjahteraan dan pertahanan bersama, seperti memperkuat identitas kultural. penutup dari pembahasan yang telah dilakukan tersebut, maka dapat dibuat simpulan bahwa konflik pada dasarnya inheren dalam kehidupan masyarakat apalagi pada masyarakat yang majemuk atau pluralistic potensi konflik yang berlatar etnik dapat dikatakan selalu ada menyertai. kasus konflik di aceh terutama pada masa reformasi 1998-2005 menjadi bukti otentik terjadinya konflik yang berlatar etniksitas khususnya antara etnik lokal dengan etnik pendatang yang dalam hal ini adalah etnik jawa. dengan demikian, konflik selalu menjadi sesuatu yang potensial di dalam masyarakat yang bersifat majemuk, dan apabila konsensus hanya dapat tumbuh dalam derajat yang terbatas, maka bagaimana mungkin suatu masyarakat majemuk dapat bertahan dalam waktu yang panjang. disamping itu, suatu masyarakat majemuk dapat juga terintegrasi oleh karena adanya saling ketergantungan dan saling membutuhkan di antara berbagai kelompok atau kesatuan baik dibidang sosial tersebut maupun di dalam lapangan ekonomi. konflik etnisitas di aceh pada masa reformasi dalam pandangan teori structural fungsional dapat dipahami sebagai media untuk membangun dan memperkuat kohesi sosial bahkan integrasi social ketika system social dalam masyarakat fungsional dalam formasi equilibrium. hal ini dibuktikan dari adanya respon dan tindaklanjut dari unsur-unsur social potensial masyarakat untuk melakukan komunikasi dan tindakan-tindakan yang menunjukkan adanya proses adaptasi, penyelarasan tujuan bersama dan penyatuan serta integrasi sebagai komunitas yang tinggal dikawasan tempat tinggal yang sama, yaitu aceh. bukti otentik yang bersifat legal formal adalah proses-proses social dan politik yang menyertai dan menghasilkan kesepakatan dalam mou helsinki tanggal 15 agustus 2005 di mana masyarakat aceh menjadi memiliki media untuk melakukan proses adaptasi social hingga integrasi sosial dalam kehidupan masyarakat aceh yang secara factual majemuk. bertitik tolak dari hal itu, maka konflik aceh dapat menjadi indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 1-12 © 2018 konflik etnisitas di aceh masa reformasi, 1998-2005 | 12 jembatan untuk menuju pada terjadinya perubahan masyarakat sebagaimana yang dipikirkan pengikut fungsionalis struktural di mana perubahan sosial akan terjadi pada masyarakat majemuk, tetapi perubahan yang secara evolusi, atau perubahan yang secara alami. masyarakat akan mengalami perubahan dari masyarakat yang kurang baik menjadi masyarakat yang tertata dengan baik, teratur dan damai. artinya perubahan yang dikehendaki tetapi tidak dipaksakan dan cenderung berlangsung dalam kondisi damai. references baso, ahmad (2002). plesetan lokalitas politik pribumi islam. jakarta: desantara. barth, fredrik (1988). kelompok etnis dan batasannya. jakarta: universitas indonesia press. burger, d.h. (1962). sejarah ekonomi sosiologis indonesia jilid i. jakarta: pradnja paramita. burger, p.l., parera, f. m. and luckman (1990). tafsir sosial atas kenyataan risalah tentang sosiologi pengetahuan. jakarta: lp3es. eriksen, thomas h. (1993). ethnicity & nationalism, anthopological perspectives. london: pluto press. haryanto, sindung (2012) “konflik sosial di era reformasi”, masyarakat, kebudayaan dan politik, vol. 25 (4): 299-308. herowitz, donald (1985). ethnic group in conflict. los angeles: university of california press. kambo, gustiana (2007). politik identitas: studi kualitatif tentang konstruksi identitas politik etnik mandar. disertasi universitas airlangga. kuntowijoyo (2008). penjelasan sejarah [historical explanation]. yogyakarta: tiara wacana. lombard, denys (2008). kerajaan aceh zaman sultan iskandar muda (1607-1636). jakarta: kpg. manger, martin (1994). elite and masses. california, wadsworth publishing company: belmort. nasikun (1984). sistem sosial indonesia. yogyakarta: universitas gadjah mada press. parsons (1951) social system. oxon: routledge & kegal paul ltd. parsons (1966) societies: evolutionary and comparative perspectives. new jersey: prentice-hall. reid, anthony (2004) “war, peace, and the burdern of history in aceh”, asian ethnicity, vol. 5 (3): 301-314. reid, anthony (2007). asal mula konflik aceh-dari perebutan pantai timur sumatra hingga akhir kerajaan aceh abad xix. jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia. ritzer, georg (2011). teori sosiologi modern. jakarta: kencana prenada media group. sudirman (2009). banda aceh dalam siklus perdagangan internasional 1500-1873, banda aceh: balai pelestarian sejarah dan nilai tradisional. indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 89-95 © 2018 papua: sejarah integrasi yang diingat dan ingatan kolektif ester yambeyapdi program studi pendidikan sejarah, fakultas keguruan dan ilmu pendidikan, universitas cenderawasih *alamat korespondensi: e.yyapdi@gmail.com abstract national integration issue is inherently dynamic and tends to follow the social changes. it is because the problem cannot be taken for granted. this situation is also very dependent on the way and the tendency of a political regime to understand and treat the aspirations of the people in a particular space and time. based on this matter, this paper analyzes the government's efforts to create national integration in papua (social, economic, political conditions) and how papuans interpret the post-new york 1962 integration process, the 1969 act until the first four years after the act. based on the structuralist approach and the theory of political integration, it was found that since papuans began to adapt to indonesians, they experienced a new atmosphere, such as the indonesian government system which is different from the dutch colonial government. the social, political, and economic life must undergo a period of quarantine which is primarily determined by the interests of the authorities. this situation encourages groups that have certain interests in society. there are indonesian pro-integration groups, and there are anti-integration groups that manifest themselves in the free papua organization (opm), and some other social protest movements to date. keywords: papua; national integration; collective memory. abstrak persoalan integrasi nasional pada hakikatnya bersifat dinamis dan cenderung mengikuti arus perubahan sosial. hal ini disebabkan persoalan tersebut tidak dapat dipandang secara taken for granted. kondisi tersebut juga sangat bergantung pada cara dan kecenderungan suatu rezim politik memahami dan memperlakukan aspirasi masyarakat pada ruang dan waktu tertentu. berdasar hal tersebut, tulisan ini bermaksud mendeskripsikan upaya pemerintah dalam menciptakan integrasi nasional di papua (kondisi sosial, ekonomi, politik) dan bagaimana orang papua memaknai proses integrasi pasca-new york agrement 1962, penentuan pendapat rakyat (pepera) 1969 sampai dengan empat tahun pertama pasca-pepera. berdasar pada pendekatan strukturis serta teori integrasi politik, ditemukan bahwa sejak masyarakat papua mulai beradaptasi dengan orang indonesia, mereka mengalami suasana serba baru, seperti model pemerintahan yang dipraktikkan oleh pemerintah indonesia yang sangat berbeda dari pemerintah kolonial belanda. kehidupan sosial, politik, dan ekonomi mengalami masa karantina sangat ditentukan oleh kepentingan penguasa. kondisi ini mendorong lahirnya kelompok-kelompok yang memiliki kepentingan tertentu di masyarakat. ada kelompok prointegrasi indonesia dan ada kelompok anti-integrasi yang mengejawantah dalam organisasi papua merdeka (opm), dan sejumlah gerakan protes sosial lainnya hingga kini. kata kunci: papua; integrasi; ingatan kolektif. pendahuluan apa yang menjadi motivasi sekelompok orang papua melakukan demostrasi di berbagai daerah (papua, jakarta, yogayakarta, surabaya) dan sering kali mengucapkan yel-yel “papua merdeka” setelah reformasi 1998 di indonesia? apakah kelampauan papua “membelenggu” dalam bingkai negara kesatuan papua: sejarah integrasi yang diingat dan ingatan kolektif | 89 diterima/ received: 25 november 2018 disetujui/ accepted: 2 desember 2018 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 89-95 © 2018 republik indonesia? apakah sejarah integrasi papua ke dalam nkri diragukan kebenarannya? bukankah orang papua telah dibebaskan dari penjajah belanda? proses integrasi, khususnya integrasi nasional merupakan proses politik yang sangat kompleks karena terkait erat dengan aspek-aspek kehidupan lainnya, seperti sosial budaya dan sistem ekonomi. kondisi tersebut akan semakin kompleks apabila rakyat berasal dari multietnik dan mendiami berbagai kepulauan seperti masyarakat indonesia. hal ini berarti bahwa menguat dan melemahnya integrasi nasional di indonesia sangat ditentukan oleh perkembangan politik, pertahanan keamanan, ekonomi, dan sosial budaya di dalam negeri (bahar dan tangdililing, 1996, pp. 143-144, pekey, 2018, p. 77). provinsi papua sebagai bagian dari republik indonesia, merupakan salah satu wilayah yang rentan terhadap masalah integrasi nasional. jika diingat sejarah integrasi papua ke indonesia, maka wilayah ini berbeda dari wilayah lain di indonesia yang dalam periode lima tahun sesudah proklamasi 17 agustus 1945 dapat dibebaskan dari cengkeraman penjajah. sejarah integrasi papua mencatat suatu perjuangan yang relatif panjang, yaitu selama lebih kurang 14 tahun, berawal dari konferensi meja bundar 1949 hingga perjanjian new york 1962 (pamungkas, 2015, p. 89). dengan demikian, dapat dipahami bahwa papua adalah satu-satunya provinsi yang “kembali ke pangkuan ibu pertiwi” melalui perjanjian new york yang ditandatangani oleh belanda dan indonesia pada 15 agustus 1962. berdasar isi perjanjian tersebut, pada 1 oktober 1962, dilakukan penyerahan kekuasaan dari pemerintah belanda kepada pemerintah indonesia. integrasi papua ke indonesia juga diperkuat dengan pengakuan perwakilan perserikatan bangsa-bangsa (pbb), yaitu united nations temporary executive authority (untea) yang menyerahkan kekuasaan administrasi tersebut kepada pemerintah indonesia pada 1 mei 1963 (huydecoper, 1990, pp. 74-85; leirissa, 1992, pp. xi, 50-54; yambeyapdi, 2016, pp. 3945; united nations, 1963, pp. 273–313) pemerintah indonesia berupaya menanamkan nilai-nilai kehidupan baru yang belum dikenal masyarakat papua melalui berbagai pendekatan. agenda terpenting “mengambil hati rakyat” mulai digiatkan dalam masa transisi (1963-1969) di papua untuk mempermudah pelaksanaan penentuan pendapat rakyat (pepera) pada 1969. bersamaan dengan upaya pemerintah ri menanamkan nilai-nilai keindonesiaan, ditemukan pula berbagai penyimpangan sosial yang menimbulkan kekecewaan di hati rakyat. kekecewaan tersebut semakin terlihat setelah pepera berlangsung dengan bergabungnya papua ke dalam negara kesatuan ri (hendrowinoto, 1998, pp. 68–135; pemda irian barat, 1972, pp. 498–508). pada dasarnya, perubahan sosial diakibatkan oleh adanya potensi dari individu atau kelompok untuk mengadakan perubahan atau menentukan nasibnya sendiri. oleh sebab itu, penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan strukturis (lioyd, 1993, pp. 91–100) untuk mengungkap perilaku manusia yang berakar pada struktur sosial individu/kelompok tersebut. realitas individu (agent) dan struktur sosial (peran, peraturan, interaksi, dan mentalite) yang diperoleh dari sumber sejarah tersebut diharapkan dapat mengukap “causal factor” dalam fenomena integrasi nasional di papua pada fase peralihan hingga empat tahun pertama pascaperistiwa penentuan pendapat rakyat. pendekatan strukturis berguna untuk mengungkapkan faktor utama penyebab integrasi nasional di papua pada masa itu. kemudian langkah penelitian sejarah dimulai dengan pengumpulan sumber, kritik sumber, analisis sumber, dan eksplanasi kausalitas (bloch, 1989, pp. 22-25). coleman dan rosberg dalam (bahar dan tandililing, 1996, p. 4) menyatakan bahwa proses persatuan bangsa di suatu negara terdiri atas dua dimensi, yaitu: vertikal (elite–massa) dan horisontal (teritorial). integrasi vertikal mencakup masalah-masalah yang ada dalam bidang vertikal dan bertujuan untuk menjembatani celah perbedaan yang mungkin ada antara kaum elite dan massa papua: sejarah integrasi yang diingat dan ingatan kolektif | 90 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 89-95 © 2018 dalam rangka mengembangkan proses politik terpadu dan masyarakat politik yang berpartisipasi. integrasi teritorial adalah integrasi dalam bidang horizontal dengan tujuan untuk mengurangi diskontinuitas dan ketegangan kultur kedaerahan dalam rangka proses penciptaan suatu masyarakat politik yang homogen. sjamsuddin dalam (bahar dan tandililing, 1996, pp. 3–7) pendapat coleman dan rosberg tersebut hanya berfokus pada faktor apa yang diintegrasikan. padahal, terdapat banyak unsur lain yang memengaruhi dan mungkin menentukan adanya celah elit–massa dan perbedaan teritorial. unsur lain tersebut adalah segi kehidupan manusia yang tidak mengenal batas ruang dan waktu serta batasan lainnya, yakni unsur politik, ekonomi, sosial dan budaya. dengan demikian, yang terpenting adalah bagaimana faktor-faktor yang ada dalam masyarakat itu menentukan proses tersebut. berdasar hal tersebut, tulisan ini mencoba mendeskripsikan sejarah integrasi nasional papua yang diingat dan menjadi memori kolektif orang papua. sebagaimana dikonsepkan oleh lewis (2014), sejarah tersebut dinamakan “remembered history”atau “sejarah yang diingat”. namun demikian, sejarah dalam arti yang diingat menurut lewis tidak sepenuhnya dapat dipercaya karena ingatan manusia memiliki keterbatasan. hal ini turut diperkuat oleh kepentingan tertentu dalam diri manusia. selain itu, manusia juga memiliki hak untuk mengingat atau melupakan suatu peristiwa (zuhdi, 2018). oleh karena itu, tulisan ini menyajikan tiga bagian penting dalam sejarah papua yaitu situasi papuas sebelum integrasi irian barat, respon masyarakat terhadap upaya integrasi tersebut, serta pelaksanaan pepera sebagai upaya membangun kepercayaan masyarakat terhadap pemeriintah. metode penelitian ini menggunakan metode sejarah untuk menganalisis perkembangan kehidupan sosial politik yang terjadi di papua pada periode integrasi ke republik. proses heuristik dilakukan dengan mengumpulkan sumber primer yang berupa surat kabar (koran), majalah, brosur, laporan-laporan pemerintah, dan laporan gereja serta sumber sekunder yang berupa hasil penelitian yang diterbitkan (buku maupun jurnal) tentang kondisi sosial politik dan ekonomi di papua pada masa itu. pencarian data melalui teknik tersebut dilaksanakan di jayapura. sementara itu, sumber kajian ini juga didasarkan pada hasil kesepakatan perjanjaian serta kumpulan perundangundangan tentang papua sebagai daerah otonotmi khusus. setelah data terkumpul, selanjutnya dilakukan kritik sumber baik secara internal maupun eksternal untuk mendapatkan kredibilitas dan otentisitas. kemudian data tersebut diinterpretasikan dan siap untuk ditulis sehingga menjadi tulisan utuh dan kronologis. kondisi papua sebelum 1 mei 1963 papua merupakan salah satu daerah di indonesia yang kembali ke dalam negara kesatuan republik indonesia atas intervensi perserikatan bangsa-bangsa. realitas penjajahan yang dilakukan belanda di daerah papua amat berbeda dari daerah lain di indonesia. sebagai contoh, di jawa rakyat menjalani praktik kerja-paksa, penyiksaan, dan kematian akibat ulah penjajah belanda di hindia belanda, maka di papua tidaklah demikian. bagi masyarakat, belanda bukanlah penjajah. kehadiran belanda di papua bertujuan untuk misi penyebaran injil dan misi kemanusiaan lainnya (mashad & ikrar, 2001; ikrar, 1996, pp. 219-224). pengalaman rakyat papua ketika beradaptasi dengan orang indonesia, sesuai kesepakatan new york 1962, relatif amat berbeda. sejak awal, orang papua menyaksikan bagaimana perilaku yang ditunjukkan oleh para aparat militer dan sipil indonesia ketika itu (pemda irian barat, 1972, pp. 498–508; yambeyapdi, 2016). papua: sejarah integrasi yang diingat dan ingatan kolektif | 91 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 89-95 © 2018 masa pemerintahan badan perwalian perserikatan bangsa-bangsa, united nations temporary executivr authority (untea) yang relatif singkat (oktober 1962 s.d. april 1963) mengakibatkan untea belum dapat merealisasikan kebijakan pembangunan yang telah diagendakan. untea lebih menekankan kebijakan pada menjaga keamanan di papua. akibat demonstrasi massa, untea melalui dr djalal abdoh, kemudian menyerahkan kekuasaan pada pemerintah indonesia pada 1 mei 1963 (the liang gie dan soegeng, 1968, pp. 57-60; drooglever, 2010, pp. 613-630). reaksi masyarakat memaknai integrasi nasional pemberontakan organisasi papua merdeka (opm) yang meletus sejak 26 juli 1965 merupakan cerminan nyata masalah integrasi nasional. gerakan yang dimulai dari manokwari ini dipimpin oleh serma permenas ferry awom, mantan anggota batalyon sukarelawan papua (papua vrijwillegers korps) bentukan belanda (sjamsuddin, 1989, pp. 90–100; rianda, 2017, pp. 92-93). jika dicermati, meletusnya gerakan separatis opm disebabkan oleh keterbatasan komunikasi, khususnya dalam arti politik. padahal, komunikasi merupakan hal pokok yang diharapkan dapat memberi efek terhadap pengalaman politik atau proses sosialisasi politik bagi masyarakat papua. hal tersebut karena kala itu (masa kolonial belanda), pendidikan masyarakat papua sangat terbatas, sehingga berpengaruh pada minimnya kualitas proses komunikasi dengan gerakan nasionalis di luar papua. perlu dicatat bahwa masyarakat papua tidak pernah mengenal adanya semangat sumpah pemuda 1928 (djopari, 1993, pp. 100-151; ikrar, 1996, pp. 224-226). kemelut ekonomi dan politik indonesia di era 1960an juga memiliki andil dalam memahami kondisi sosial-ekonomi papua pada masa itu. keadaan ekonomi indonesia sendiri kala itu mengalami kemunduran, sehingga sektor pertama yang diperhatikan adalah pembangunan administrasi daerah, pendidikan formal, dan pelayanan kesehatan. untuk melakukan ketiga hal itu, terlebih dahulu dilakukan penyesuaian nilai mata uang dan harga barang di masyarakat. meski pada 1962-1968 ekonomi di indonesia pimpinan soekarno mundur drastis ditandai dengan gejala hiperinflasi tidak terkendali, nilai uang papua (sisa pengelolaan ekonomi belanda yang jauh lebih tinggi) masih dapat bertahan sampai dengan lima tahun setelah bergabung dengan indonesia. proses penyesuaian itu terhambat sampai tujuh tahun karena alasan situasi politik pemerintah dengan malaysia. namun demikian, pada 1971, proses penyesuaian nilai uang rupiah papua dan indonesia selesai, sehingga pembangunan secara nyata baru dapat dimulai (hendrowinoto, 1998). sementara pada saat yang sama, pegawai pemerintah dan orang indonesia lain yang ditempatkan di papua atau bermigrasi swakarsa bertingkah laku sangat kurang baik dengan memanfaatkan perbedaan nilai mata uang serta persediaan barang impor di papua demi keuntungan pribadi. hal ini justru terjadi ketika penduduk asli papua mulai belajar mengenal saudaranya yang baru setanah air. persoalan lain muncul terutama berkaitan dengan materi yang didogmakan pada masyarakat bahwa indonesia termasuk papua karena dijajah belanda selama 350 tahun yang membawa implikasi kemiskinan dan ketertindasan. padahal, konsep miskin dan tertindas bagi rakyat papua dalam kaitan dengan kolonial belanda jelas tidak tepat, mengingat belanda saat di papua telah mengubah sistem penjajahannya, sehingga papua tidak mengalami kondisi seperti yang dialami daerah lain (mashad dan ikrar, 2001; yambeyapdi, 2016). akibat kebijakan indonesia yang terkesan kurang peduli terhadap papua, sebagian masyarakat diam-diam atau pun terang-terangan akhirnya mendukung opm. pemerintah indonesia mulai dipandang sebagai penjajah baru, yang merefleksikan dari tindakan kesewenangan oknum aparat pemerintah sipil atau militer, seperti pengambilan paksa barang yang ditinggalkan belanda atau papua: sejarah integrasi yang diingat dan ingatan kolektif | 92 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 89-95 © 2018 memanfaatkan isu tuduhan terlibat opm untuk membenarkan tindakan tidak terpuji aparat (ikrar, 1996, pp. 223; rianda, 2017; elisabet, 2006, pp. 44-45). pelaksanaan pepera 1969 dan upaya membangun kepercayaan masyarakat sebagai realisasi terakhir dari persetujuan new york, selain masalah untea, serta peralihan papua ke tangan ri 1963, ditetapkan bahwa selambat-lambatnya pada 1969 sudah harus melaksanakan act of free choice. hal ini menunjukkan bahwa masalah papua secara normatif (hukum international) berakhir sejak akhir 1969. kondisi ini menjadi gambaran suasana penentuan pendapat rakyat (amirmahmud, 1987, pp. 333-339; saltford, 2003, pp. 158–177). episode terakhir pertikaian papua terjadi di majelis umum pbb pada 19 november 1969, ketika rancangan resolusi gabungan dari ri dan belanda diterima dengan 84 suara mendukung, tidak ada yang menolak, sedangkan 30 abstain. besarnya jumlah yang abstain tentu sangat mengherankan, karena sebagian besar berasal dari negara-negara afrika. mereka yang meski secara umum mendukung kembalinya wilayah itu ke ri, tetap keberatan pada fakta bahwa prinsip “satu orang, satu suara” tidak tercakup di dalam “tindakan pilihan bebas”. sebagai gantinya, pemerintah indonesia memutuskan untuk memberikan pilihan itu di tangan delapan dewan konsultatif, yang para anggotanya dipilih lewat musyawarah. ini berarti bahwa para kepala suku dan para pemuka masyarakat lainnya, yang mayoritas masih buta huruf memiliki keputusan. hasilnya dapat diperkirakan, seperti dilaporkan sekjen, jawaban dewan-dewan konsultatif seragam, yaitu papua tetap bergabung dengan ri. (amirmahmud, 1987; drooglever, 2010, pp. 744-750; pekey, 2018, pp. 92-93) sehubungan dengan tindakan pemilihan bebas tersebut, menteri luar negeri indonesia, adam malik, mengatakan bahwa “mudah mengkritik penerapan suatu ujian politik yang sulit bahkan kontroversial dan itu memang kasus mengenai pengaturan untuk mengadakan pilihan bebas, khususnya jika hendak memakai tindakan yang disebut standar internasional, yang biasanya berarti penerapan standar-standar barat pada kondisi dan situasi di asia. standar itu tidak sesuai diterapkan di daerah ini. apalagi bagi papua yang dikenal sebagai salah satu wilayah terbelakang, seseorang harus memiliki pertimbangan-pertimbangan tertentu bagi keadaan-keadaan di papua” (amirmahmud, 1987; saltford, 2003). terciptanya pernyataan penduduk papua untuk tetap bergabung dengan indonesia merupakan hasil usaha amirmahmud, selaku wakil indonesia yang melaksanakan tugas pepera. usaha tersebut telah ditulis dalam otobiografinya, bahwa ketika ia menerima tugas tersebut ia tidak pernah mempertanyakan status papua. baginya, wilayah itu telah menjadi bagian dari indonesia dan akan tetap demikian. saat menyusun programnya, ia selalu dihantui oleh kemungkinan, bagaimana dan tindakan apa yang akan dilakukan kalau mayoritas rakyat papua memilih melepaskan diri dari republik indonesia. bagi pemerintah indonesia, papua barat harus tetap dalam wilayah kekuasaan indonesia sehingga dalam praktikpraktik pepera menurutnya, cara-cara yang ia gunakan dianggap kurang sesuai dengan hukum internasional. selain itu, saat perjalanan peninjauan daerah-daerah di papua, sebelum pepera, amirmahmud juga menyaksikan bahwa bagian terbesar dari penduduk di wilayah itu memang belum sadar politik, sehingga dalam pepera wakil-wakil penduduk cukup mengatakan kata seperti, “suharto”, “merah putih”, atau “republik indonesia.” meskipun demikian, dalam laporannya setelah kembali dari peninjauan pepera, dikatakan bahwa “kenyataan menunjukkan sebagian terbesar dari penduduk tidak simpati kepada ri” (amirmahmud, 1987). setelah papua resmi menjadi bagian dari negara kesatuan republik indonesia melalui pepera, maka pemerintah segera melakukan pembenahan pembangunan di papua. menurut hendrowinoto (1998), penulis biografi acub papua: sejarah integrasi yang diingat dan ingatan kolektif | 93 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 89-95 © 2018 zainal, ketika acub zainal menjadi pangdam xii cenderawasih, ia menerapkan sejumlah kebijakan, di antaranya “operasi koteka” dan pembangunan infrasruktur. upaya pembangunan lebih giat dilakukan ketika ia diangkat sebagai gubernur papua (1973). segala upaya itu dilakukan dengan tujuan untuk membangkitkan kepercayaan masyarakat terhadap pemerintah indonesia serta aparat bersenjata. namun akibat kebijakan yang telah dilakukan, ia diberhentikan dari jabatan sebagai gubernur dan sekaligus mengakhiri karier militernya (hendrowinoto, 1998). dengan demikian, dapat dipahami bahwa pembangunan di papua secara nyata baru dinikmati rakyat pascaintegrasi 1969. sebelumnya, rakyat diperintah dalam kondisi seolah dikarantina. artinya, setelah new york agreement diratifikasi pada 1962, seluruh kehidupan sosial, politik, dan ekonomi rakyat papua sangat ditentukan oleh pemerintah indonesia. kondisi itu tentu saja turut berdampak terhadap persoalan integrasi politik papua yang mengejawantah dalam organisasi papua merdeka dan sejumlah gerakan perlawanannya. simpulan sejak united nations temporary executive authority (untea) menyerahkan papua kepada pemerintah negara kesatuan republik indonesia pada 1 mei 1963, sampai saat ini, daerah papua tetap menyimpan segudang masalah yang rumit, khususnya berkaitan dengan keamanan. pemerintah indonesia mulai menerapkan berbagai kebijakan pembangunan dalam berbagai sektor sebagai upaya menumbuhkan kesadaran nasional. namun akibat keterbatasan ekonomi dalam negeri indonesia, maka kebijakan pembangunan yang dilakukan hanya pada bidang sosial, keamanan, dan politik. situasi sosial, ekonomi, dan politik papua antara 1963 sampai dengan 1969 menjadi kondisi yang sangat memilukan bagi masyarakat. karena di saat mereka mengalami status karantina, mereka menyaksikan pegawai pemerintah dan orang indonesia lain yang ditempatkan di papua berperilaku sangat kurang terpuji. mereka melakukan “perampokan terbuka”. selain itu, ada pula yang memanfaatkan perbedaan nilai mata uang serta persediaan barang impor di papua demi keuntungan pribadi. hal ini justru terjadi ketika penduduk asli papua perlu belajar mengenal saudara yang baru, saudara setanah air. ekspresi kekecewaan masyarakat ini secara ekstrim muncul dalam organisasi papua merdeka (opm) yang meletus sejak 26 juli 1965. referensi amirmahmud. (1987). h. amirmahmud, prajurit pejuang, otobiografi. jakarta: panitia penerbitan otobiografi bapak h. amirmahmud. bahar, s., & a.b. tandililing. (ed.). (1996). integrasi nasional: teori, masalah dan strategi. jakarta: ghalia indonesia. bloch, m. (1989). pledooi voor de geschiedenis of geschiedenis als ambach, nederlandse vertaling. nijmegen: sun. djopari, j. rg. (1992). pemberontakan organisasi papua merdeka. jakarta: pt gramedia. drooglever, p.j. (2010). tindakan pilihan bebas orang papua dan penentuan nasib sendiri. yogyakarta: kanisius. elisabet, a. (2006). “dimensi internasional kasus papua. jurnal penelitian politik. vol. 3. no. 1. jakarta: lipi. pp. 44-45. hendrowinoto, n. k. s. (1998). acub zainal: i love the army. jakarta: pustaka sinar harapan. ikrar n. b. (1996). “tinjauan empiris integrasi nasional irian jaya: aspek internasional”, dalam bahar, s., & a.b. tandililing. (ed.). integrasi nasional: teori, masalah dan strategi. jakarta: ghalia indonesia. papua: sejarah integrasi yang diingat dan ingatan kolektif | 94 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 89-95 © 2018 leirissa, r.z. ( ed.). (1992), sejarah proses integrasi irian jaya. jakarta: depdikbuddisjara projek inventaris dan dokumen sejarah nasional. lewis, b. (2014). sejarah diingat, digali, ditemuciptakan (terjemahan). yogyakarta: ombak. lioyd, c. (1993). the structures of history. british: blackwell oxford. mashad, d. & ikrar n. b. (2001). berbagai faktor separatisme di irian jaya”, dalam indonesia di ambang perpecahan?: kasus aceh, riau, irian jaya, dan timor-timur. jakarta: erlangga. nigtevecht, jhr.mr.jlr. h. van. (1990). nieuw guinea, her einde van een koloniaal beleid. sgravenhage,: sdu uitgeverij. pamungkas, c. (2015). sejarah lisan integrasi papua ke indonesia: pengalaman orang kaimana pada masa trikora dan pepera, paramita historical studies 25, 1, 88108. https://doi.org/10.15294/paramita.v25i1.3423. pekey, f. (2018). papua mencari jalan perdamaian, telaah konflik dan resolusi di bumi cenderawasih. jakarta: penerbit buku kompas. pemda propinsi irian barat. (1972). penentuan pendapat pakyat (pepera) di irian barat 1969. djajapura. rianda, b. yuswari o. d. dan angga n.r. (2017). “kebijakan luar negeri indonesia terhadap dukungan republik vanuatu atas kemerdekaan papua barat tahun 2015-2016”. dinamika global. vol. 02, no. 01. juni 2017. pp. 82–113. cimahi: fakultas ilmu sosial dan ilmu politik unjani. saltford, j. (2003). the united nations and the indonesian takeover of west papua, 19621969. london and new york: routledgecurzon, taylor & francis group. sjamsuddin, n. (1989). integrasi politik di indonesia. jakarta: pt. gramedia. the liang gie & f. soegeng istanto. (1968). pertumbuhan pemerintahan propinsi irian barat dan kemungkinan-kemungkinan perkembangan otonominya di hari kemudian, jilid i. yogyakarta: seksi penerbitan fakultas sosial dan politik universitas gadjah mada. united nations (1963). treaty series, treaties and international agreements registered or filed and recorded with the secretariat of the united nations. vol. 437. new york. yambeyapdi, e. (2016). ten years of papua integration with the republic of indonesia from 1963 to 1973. australian journal of basic and applied sciences, 10, 9, 39-45. zuhdi, s. (2018). “kesultanan bacaan, ingatan kolektif, dan rekonstrksi sejarah kontemporer indonesia”, dalam rahayu surtiati hidayat (ed.) hakikat ilmu pengetahuan budaya. jakarta: yayasan pustaka obor indonesia. papua: sejarah integrasi yang diingat dan ingatan kolektif | 95 kondisi papua sebelum 1 mei 1963 papua merupakan salah satu daerah di indonesia yang kembali ke dalam negara kesatuan republik indonesia atas intervensi perserikatan bangsa-bangsa. realitas penjajahan yang dilakukan belanda di daerah papua amat berbeda dari daerah lain di indonesia. sebagai contoh, di jawa rakyat menjalani praktik kerja-paksa, penyiksaan, dan kematian akibat ulah penjajah belanda di hindia belanda, maka di papua tidaklah demikian. bagi masyarakat, belanda bukanlah penjajah. kehadiran belanda di papua bertujuan untuk misi penyebaran injil dan misi kemanusiaan lainnya (mashad & ikrar, 2001; ikrar, 1996, pp. 219-224). microsoft word 9. ratna endang layout.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 109-127 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the formation of ethnically distinct villages in jember during the colonial period (1870-1942) | 109 received: september 21, 2022 revised: august 20, 2024 accepted: august 23, 2024 the formation of ethnically distinct villages in jember during the colonial period (1870-1942) ratna endang widuatie*, retno winarni universitas jember, jember, east java indonesia *corresponding author: ratnaendang.sastra@unej.ac.id doi: https://10.14710/ihis.v8i1.15926 introduction the jember regency was formally established on january 1, 1929, based on the decision of the governor-general of the dutch east indies through the staatblad van nederlandsch-indië no. 322 1928. through this decision, the government in the jember region, which previously only covered one district, developed into a regency. this meant that the jember region became wider and encompassed a complex government. the designation of an area as a regency in the 20th century was a very important increase in administrative status. referring to colonial records in the 18th century, the area called jember was still a kabekelan or a village-level unit under the authority of the blambangan kingdom (bosch, 1857, pp. 469-508). one of the reasons the colonial government formed the jember regency was the rapid development of the region since the seventh decade of the 19th century thanks to the operation of many private plantations, in addition to the administrative policies of the dutch east indies government which implemented the principle of decentralization at the beginning of the 20th century. if examined further, the abstract the development of the plantation economy in jember at the end of the 19th century required a large workforce, something that could not be met by the local population. the colonial government responded by bringing in workers from western east java, the vorstenlanden, and madura island. these migrants eventually settled in jember and became pioneers for subsequent waves of migration until the second world war. the entry of javanese and madurese people into jember shaped the physical characteristics of settlements that have survived to this day. the settlement arrangements made by the colonial government were based on ecological and cultural considerations of migrants, and plantationoriented resulted in a unique pattern of segregation. after indonesia's independence, villages in jember became more fluid in terms of demographic composition, however, the physical and cultural characteristics that indicate a village has javanese or madurese cultural roots are still clearly visible. this article describes the process of the formation of villages in jember with a comparison of “javanese villages” and “madurese villages” to find out how far the colonial government's intervention influenced the formation of villages, and how the villagers concerned maintain their cultural identity as migrant newcomers. keywords: village; jember; java; madura; plantation; colonial. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 109-127 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the formation of ethnically distinct villages in jember during the colonial period (1870-1942) | 110 development of the jember region and its surroundings started from the countryside, where the plantations were located. the pioneer of private plantations in jember, george birnie, in the early years of his business or around 1859-1875 spent a lot of his time in the village, in the midst of the population settlements in the jember district (arifin, 1989, pp. 32-38). the countryside in jember became a supporter of economic resilience in the 19th century until the end of the japanese occupation. apart from plantations located in rural areas, community agrarian activities were also predominantly carried out in villages. agriculture in jember is generally in the form of food crops such as rice and secondary crops. the process is supported by adequate irrigation both due to the presence of natural rivers and irrigation facilities built by the colonial government (nawiyanto, 2003, pp. 94-120; nawiyanto, 2018, pp. 17-18). the uniqueness of the villages in jember is the physical characteristics that show the ethnicity of the residents. it is common knowledge that jember, as part of the cultural melting pot region in east java, is inhabited by many javanese and madurese people. the distinctive characteristics of villages in jember can help identify whether a village is predominantly javanese with javanese culture or madurese with its culture. in the era of independence and especially after the reformation, there were indeed no rigid boundaries regarding the socio-cultural reality in the jember countryside, both because of the many mixed marriages between javanese and madurese and the movement of people in the local context (widuatie & sasmita, 2016, pp. 14-16). however, distinctive features, especially from the physical aspects of the village, can still be identified and are part of the history of the jember countryside which is often missed from the analysis of academics. this article presents an analysis of the formation of villages in jember which shows socio-cultural characteristics as an influence of population migration from java and madura island, as well as colonial government intervention in settlement arrangements in the late 19th century to the end of the colonial period. when the colonial government issued the agrarian law in 1870 (agrarische wet), the economy of the dutch east indies underwent a change towards a capitalist economy. java and east sumatra became investment destinations for european entrepreneurs, especially in the plantation sector, which also brought in workers from outside the region. in the jember district, plantation entrepreneurs (ondernemer) for the cultivation of perennial crops experienced a shortage of labor so they had to bring in seasonal workers from madura. at the same time, tobacco and sugarcane plantations in the puger district and other areas on the south side required labor that was experienced with irrigation systems. entrepreneurs prefer to bring in javanese people as workers because they are considered more skilled for rice field ecosystems with technical irrigation. in addition, javanese people who come with the hope of being able to own land are used to open new land which they can later own and will be rented by the plantation. this is because ownership of agricultural land by foreigners is not permitted in the 1870 agrarische wet. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 109-127 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the formation of ethnically distinct villages in jember during the colonial period (1870-1942) | 111 the presence of migrant workers from java and madura, both those who later became laborers and settled in the jember district, the puger district, and its surroundings, then also influenced the development of the area where they lived. in 1883, the dutch east indies government formed the jember division as a division of the bondowoso division. the jember division area includes the jember district and other districts around it. the influence of plantation activities which increased the export-oriented economy, as well as population growth due to the migration of workers from java and madura, was a driving force for the division of the bondowoso division, or from another perspective can be seen as an increase in administrative status for the jember district. in 1929 the administrative status of the jember division was upgraded to a regency. with the presence of 67 plantations in the jember regency, this region can be called a plantation city. however, from the perspective of rural history studies, the existence of plantations outside the city area is the main area of work, because the existence of economic activities in the form of export commodity production and the social activities of its residents determine the development of the region in general (brinkman’s, 1937, pp. xix-xx). in this study, it is formulated that the growth of villages under the colonial plantation system which displays ethnic characteristics, namely javanese and madurese, is a "segregation" system influenced by economic interests. the concept of residential segregation in jember is unique and will be explained further in the discussion section. this study is guided by research questions to answer the following problems. first, how is the process of forming ethnically distinct villages in jember? this is important to explain that the presence of private plantation companies plays an important role because they have brought in javanese and madurese migrants. second, how did the colonial administration contribute to shaping the pattern of ethnically distinct settlements in jember? studies on village settlements in jember have not yet received attention and there are more oral stories developing in the community. it is hoped that this study can provide a historical explanation of the social phenomena that unfold in the community as part of strengthening cultural identity. method according to suryabrata, historical research aims to reconstruct the past systematically and objectively (suryabrata, 1983, p. 16). to achieve this goal, historical research uses a historical method which includes the following steps: determining the topic, collecting sources (heuristics), verifying sources, interpretation, and historiography (kuntowijoyo, 2013, p. 69). in writing this article, a combination of library studies was used, namely an analysis of published documents and relevant previous works, guided by observations of certain villages. the criteria for selecting sample villages are the physical appearance of the village which shows the characteristics of javanese and madurese culture. then, testing of available references is carried out to ensure that a village is a village that has existed since the colonial era and is in accordance with the objectives ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 109-127 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the formation of ethnically distinct villages in jember during the colonial period (1870-1942) | 112 of this research. in this article, the author takes a sample of several villages based on the sociocultural stereotypes of cultural areas in jember, namely the northern region is inhabited by madurese people and the southern region is inhabited by javanese people. the villages in this study were not randomly selected, but based on physical characteristics that showed their cultural characteristics. the selection of villages also takes into account the administrative age of the village, in the sense that villages formed after independence are not included as samples because they are feared to contain bias. in this study, linguistic parameters were not used as cultural characteristics because the flexible ethnic mix in jember allows people to master both javanese and madurese, even though they are not fluent in one of them which is not their mother tongue. this causes the use of regional languages to be not very relevant to identify cultural characteristics. not a few villages have residents who speak javanese kromo inggil who are neighbors with speakers of madurese who only understand a little colloquial ngoko. instead of regional languages, physical characteristics in the form of settlement layout and the existence of old houses become parameters for determining the cultural characteristics of a village. in the process of collecting data in the field, the author found that there is a tendency for villagers in jember who in their daily lives use javanese to call “meduroan” which mans more or less “madurese settlements” to refer to villages inhabited by madurese speakers. likewise, the madurese community will call “jowo” or “blok jowoan” to settlements whose residents use javanese. however, when residents from different ethnic communities communicate, for example in the market, javanese-speaking buyers are still understood by madurese-speaking sellers, and vice versa. this means that with intensive social interaction for some time, the use of regional languages is no longer relevant to map the distribution of ethnicities. however, the physical characteristics of javanese and madurese community settlements can always be distinguished. the identification of javanese people with the madurese community is not always based on language, but also on the physical characteristics of the settlement. environments inhabited by madurese generally have several distinctive markers, such as the presence of prayer rooms and houses facing each other inhabited by families who are still related. meanwhile, neighborhoods inhabited by javanese communities tend to have large yards so that there is a fairly wide distance between the road and the house. this pattern can be found in several villages in different sub-districts and quite far from each other. this is considered to indicate a pattern of segregation against population settlements in the past. although in the 21st century these characteristics are increasingly blurred due to different designs and settlement layouts, they can still be found in some areas. in javanese villages, the settlement pattern is generally divided into a rectangular formation with village roads limiting one group of settlements from another, as well as serving as a connecting access. in addition, in the background of the settlement there are rice fields owned by local residents and at the same time limiting the village with ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 109-127 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the formation of ethnically distinct villages in jember during the colonial period (1870-1942) | 113 other javanese villages. to get a picture of the shape of a javanese village, screenshots from the google maps satellite imagery service are used. the physical characteristics that mark a madurese village are the existence of taneyan lanjhang settlements, which are a formation of a number of houses in the form of an angkare or a "u" shape and have a prayer room as a place to pray and learn to recite the koran. the houses in the taneyan lanjhang are inhabited by families who are still related by family, so the taneyan lanjhang shows the existence of a large family. however, not all madurese people in jember form taneyan lanjhang house formations for various reasons, especially land availability. so here we will specifically discuss settlements that still show the characteristics of tanyean lanjhang even though the design or construction of the house already displays a modern style rural areas in jember until the 19th century villages in jember have been established for centuries, long before the arrival of westerners. several villages can be traced back to the majapahit era, when king hayam wuruk visited villages in the eastern region and recorded them in the kakawin desawarnana or nagarakertagama. in pupuh 22, hayam wuruk is mentioned visiting a number of places identified as locations in the present-day jember region. it is estimated that this trip was made during the month of bhadra (full moon) in the year 1281 saka or 1359 ad, so that many toponyms have changed. however, basini and sadeng are still used by residents to refer to certain locations in the puger sub-district, and balung is still used as the name of the balung sub-district. another record about the jember countryside was obtained from the bujangga manik manuscript, a priest who traveled from the sunda-pakuan region or western java to balambangan in the eastern tip of java. noorduyn estimates that bujangga manik's journey took place between the last quarter of the 15th century and the beginning of the 16th century ad because he crossed demak but also still encountered lurah (administrative units) in eastern java which indicated the majapahit region. when returning from balambangan, bujangga manik crossed padangalun, then mount watangan which faced nusa (island) barong. his journey continued to sarampon then headed to cakru. padangalun is still debated by scholars, but sarampon is agreed to be the same as sarampwan in nagarakertagama, a village that hayam wuruk also visited almost two centuries earlier. meanwhile, mount watangan and nusa barong have not changed their names, and cakru is currently a village under the administrative kencong sub-district, but is often mistaken as the lumajang area (noorduyn, 2019, pp. 6-7). up to the 18th century, there was not much satisfactory information about the development of villages in the jember region. even though between 1665-1669 the capital of blambangan was estimated to have been in kedawung (now the umbulsari sub-district) but the information in traditional historiography is more of a record of political dynamics at the elite level than notes on local conditions (margana, 2012, p. 35). towards the vereenigde oost indische compagnie (voc) military campaign against blambangan (1768-1773), it was reported that a mataram regent who ruled the puger ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 109-127 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the formation of ethnically distinct villages in jember during the colonial period (1870-1942) | 114 regency named raden ario wiriodiningrat was killed in a conflict in 1757. the puger regency was then controlled by blambangan and four kabekelan (village-level units) were formed, namely puger, jember, sentong, and prajekan (bosch, 1857, pp. 469-508). when blambangan collapsed, three of the four kabekelan were reorganized by the voc into four districts, namely jember, sentong, prajekan, and sabrang in 1774. meanwhile, puger was considered more special so it was designated as a regency in 1775 (margana, 2012, pp. 212-213). however, now puger is only a sub-district under the jember regency. the ancient puger regency area is estimated to cover the southern part of jember regency. the first regent of puger was tumenggung prawiradiningrat, and as the regional head he was burdened with taxes in kind in the form of candles, cardamom, long pepper, red pepper, and silk thread. prawiradiningrat also still has to fulfill mandatory deliveries in the form of coarse yarn, coffee, and rope. because many of these items were not available in puger, taxes and mandatory deliveries had to be purchased from outside the region. the cost of the purchase was borne by the people of puger. interestingly, there are differences in taxes based on the location of the population settlements. for those who live south of the getem river, a tax of f 1 per family is imposed, while those who live north of the getem river are taxed f 3 per family. residents' mandatory contributions also include 1/5 of the rice field harvest and 1/10 for the dry land harvest (wijayati, 2001, pp. 55-56). taxation in puger regency is interesting because there are natural factors that also play a role. seeing that the population north of the getem river is taxed three times higher than the population living south of the river, it can be estimated that the land north of the getem river is more fertile or at least the people's livelihood is better. unfortunately, it is difficult to estimate the river in question in modern topography. in addition, it can also be seen that rice cultivation in puger regency relies on irrigation and dry land at the same time. the puger regency was liquidated in 1806 along with the transfer of the center of government to besuki, on the coast of the madura strait on the east java side. when the british occupied java (1811-1816), lieutenant governor raffles formed the besuki residency and the administrative status of puger and jember became districts under the bondowoso division. this condition lasted until the end of the 19th century (winarni, 2018, pp. 51-58). the influence of colonial economic policy on jember's demographics the in 1830 the governor-general of the dutch east indies, johannes van den bosch introduced an export crop cultivation system called the cultuuur stelsel or cultivation system (cultivation system), especially on the island of java. the main goal is to increase the production of export crops which was not satisfactorily achieved in the first quarter of the 19th century for various reasons, one of which was the java war (1825-1830). the cultuur stelsel system or also known as the forced planting system involves residents as providers of land for "compulsory plants" as well as labor for cultivation to harvest. thus, the cultuur stelsel made the javanese people familiar with ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 109-127 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the formation of ethnically distinct villages in jember during the colonial period (1870-1942) | 115 the types of export crops and how to cultivate them even though they did not enjoy the results. cultuur stelsel also requires residents who do not own land to participate in heerendiensten or "forced labor" for jobs related to plantation supporting facilities and infrastructure. not only involving residents, the cultuur stelsel also involved native officials from the village head to the regent as supervisors and also dutch entrepreneurs to accommodate and process plantation products before being exported to europe (kartodirdjo and suryo, 1991, pp. 56-61). in short, the cultuur stelsel was the beginning of a change in agrarian management in javanese villages from what was originally a subsistence economy to a capital economy. in the midst of the cultuur stelsel program which was a "government project", in a number of areas private plantations also began to emerge, especially in the second half of the 19th century. the emergence of this private plantation is the fruit of the establishment of the regering reglement 1854 which is a breakthrough in the conservative colonial economy (kartodirdjo, 1992, pp. 17-19). the colonial economy is no longer solely a government monopoly, but the private sector has the flexibility to do business. because export crop plantations in the style of the cultuur stelsel turned out to show bright prospects, it is not surprising that private entrepreneurs then joined in to build their own plantations. although jember was not directly a zone for the implementation of the cultivation system, the besuki residency as its administrative parent was included in the compulsory planting, especially coffee, sugarcane, and indigo (kartodirdjo and suryo, 1991, pp. 58-62). entering the 1850s, private entrepreneurs such as ch doup, jc berkholst, fransen van de putte, and lj uhlenbeck began to pioneer renting land from residents for tobacco cultivation in the bondowoso division which was the second largest administrative unit in besuki (arifin, 1989, pp. 29-31). although tobacco plants were abolished from compulsory planting, in the besuki residency tobacco actually became a prima donna for private entrepreneurs. meanwhile, in the jember district, the first private plantation was opened in 1859 by the partnership of george birnie, c. sandberg matthiassen, and ad van gennep. they formed a tobacco plantation company called nv landbouw maatschappij oud djember (lmod). until 1875 this company was still a small-scale plantation because the jember district was isolated in the interior, while plantation products had to be transported by cart to the port of panarukan on the coast of the madura strait. the plantation sector only started to move in jember and the surrounding districts after the cultivation system was abolished in 1870, or after the enactment of the 1870 agrarische wet. through this regulation, the dutch east indies economy became more liberal so that private entrepreneurs could more freely invest their capital. from 1870 to 1929, it was recorded that around 50 private plantations sprung up in the jember area (ismet, 1970, pp. 188-193). the commodities cultivated include na-oogst tobacco, coffee, rubber, cocoa, and a small amount of tea. this fairly rapid development of plantations is inseparable from the problem of labor availability. this happened because in the 1870s the population in the jember district and its ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 109-127 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the formation of ethnically distinct villages in jember during the colonial period (1870-1942) | 116 surroundings was relatively small compared to the nearest residency area, for example pasuruan (elson, 1984 in nawiyanto, 2009, pp. 174-187). the death rate in this area is low, but so is the birth rate which is also low. in fact, population growth in the jember region in the late 19th century to the early 20th century in the 1930s (census year) was contributed by migration. in the case of jember in the period from the 1870s to the 1930s, migration needs to be seen as an implication of the massive development of plantations and its impact on the development of villages in the jember district and its surroundings. profile of “javanese village” and “madurese village” in jember on one occasion, the author had a conversation with a high school student in jember. when asked about several villages, the student responded, “wow, that’s the meduroan area, ma'am!”. when asked what he meant, this student replied that the villages we were asking about were inhabited by madurese people. how could she conclude that? the answer concerned was that the characteristics of the environment showed that madurese people lived there. when the author tried to ask about a village that was generally known as the base of the javanese ethnic area, the person concerned also agreed on the grounds that “the house looks like (belongs to) javanese people”. the experience of the short chat was repeated when the author asked the same thing to kkn students and acquaintances in jember. they replied that they could estimate area “a” as a javanese settlement, and area “b” was inhabited by madurese people just by passing through it without having to talk to the residents. but on average they can't explain why they can conclude that. the separation of settlements shows symptoms of segregation in the past. the fact that jember became one of the centers of colonial economic activity since the second half of the 19th century strengthens the existence of a segregation policy carried out by the dutch east indies government. in his study of settlements in batavia during the voc era, raben stated that colonial segregation was centered on issues of status, security, and economic mobilization. raben also emphasized that the dominance of europeans created a colonial city, and this colonial city was basically a “migrant community” (raben, 2020, pp. 177-193). in the colonial social structure, segregation aims to “keep a distance” between their community and the local population to strengthen social prestige. the most basic basis for segregation is the regering reglement 1854 which regulates the social stratification of the population of the dutch east indies (hartono et al., 2015, pp. 13-14). demographically, the population of jember is dominated by migrants or newcomers. this can be seen from population statistics which show a surge in the number of residents in the period 1870-1930. population migration to jember is quite interesting because it is dominated by two large groups based on ethnicity, namely javanese and madurese. the presence of javanese and madurese migrants in the same period as the beginning of plantation development shows the relationship between the emergence of the plantation economic system and the development of the region's demographics. private plantations that have sprung up in jember cultivate ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 109-127 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the formation of ethnically distinct villages in jember during the colonial period (1870-1942) | 117 commodities that require different handling. for example, na-oogst tobacco is planted in rice fields, as is sugarcane which requires rice fields with sufficient irrigation. these two types of plants clearly need different handling from coffee and cocoa which are perennial plants, whose cultivation patterns are on non-irrigated land and need a certain height above sea level to get optimal results. differences in handling plantation crops ultimately require different skills for each type of plant. plants that require irrigation must be handled by workers who understand wetland ecology, as well as perennial plants need to be cared for by those who are familiar with upland ecology. so private plantations choose to bring in workers from outside jember, especially because the local population cannot meet the labor needs of plantations which are still labor intensive. for this reason, plantations and facilitated by the government chose to bring in javanese people from the vorstenlanden and mataraman (western east java) and placed them on irrigated land in southern jember. meanwhile, for coffee and cocoa plantations which were widely opened in the highlands on the north side, madurese people were brought in. this concept is in accordance with the thesis of scholars that the javanese are experts in wetland agriculture, while the madurese are experienced in farming on dry land (kuntowijoyo, 1980, pp. 302-304 and geertz, 1963, pp. 28-37 in nawiyanto, 2009, pp. 174-187). the dislocation of these migrant plantation workers eventually influenced their settlement patterns. javanese people tended to be concentrated in the lowlands in the southern part of jember, while the madurese inhabited the northern side, which was close to the plantations of perennial crops. migration continued until the 1930s, even during the great depression, because the growth of jember as a city not only provided jobs in the plantation sector but also promised a better economic life. analysis of migration in general always pays attention to the pull factors from the destination area and the push factors from the area of origin which are the reasons for a group of people to migrate. in the case of jember, the pull factor that applies to both javanese and madurese migrants is the availability of jobs in the plantation sector. so indirectly, the colonial government's economic policy package after the cultuurstelsel has become a factor that cannot be denied in discussing regional development in the eastern tip of java. in addition, it should also be noted that with the condition of a minimal population, there was still a lot of land that had not been opened, thus allowing newcomers to form new settlements. the opportunity to own their own land is believed to be one of the pull factors for javanese and madurese migrants to come to jember (van gelderen, 1961, p. 127; boomgard and gooszen, 1991, p. 53 in nawiyanto, 2009, pp. 174-187). the opportunity to own land and build settlements was the initial motivation which ultimately influenced the physical form of the countryside in jember. ownership of private land is a matter of prestige, but more than that it also reflects individual independence from the hegemony of the rulers. both madura and java in the 19th century were still ruled by traditional powers that were feudal in ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 109-127 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the formation of ethnically distinct villages in jember during the colonial period (1870-1942) | 118 nature, so that the principle of land control was in the hands of the king or local ruler. farmers, in principle, managed land that they did not fully own. it seems that the colonial government was quite negligent with these land tenure values when implementing the cultuurstelsel, so that this cultivation system did not benefit the people who de facto managed the land, but in fact did not fully control it. the push factors from the migrants' areas of origin include madura island which needs to be seen as an infertile area. in addition, the madurese people were still burdened with compulsory labor to the authorities and military service as the backbone of the koninklijk nederlandsche indische leger or knil legion (nawiyanto, 2009, pp. 174-187). migration can be seen as an effort to liberate oneself from the pressure of the authorities and the limitations of natural resources in the area of origin. for migrants from java, there are several reasons that can be identified as push factors for them to migrate to jember. first, the pressure due to the cultuurstelsel. the javanese, especially from the vorstenlanden and mataraman, had a bad precedent in their relationship with the dutch. through classic prophecies such as jangka jayabaya, they believed that the arrival of the white people was a period in which they would live in misery. so, resistance like that carried out by r.m. said alias prince sambernyawa and r.m. ontowiryo alias ngabdulkhamid alias prince diponegoro tended to get the support of the common people. when the dutch finally succeeded in quelling the resistance of these patriotic nobles and even intervened in the palace which was supposed to be a patron for javanese cultural life, the pressure on the javanese people increased. cultuurstelsel made their lives even more miserable because traditional rulers also pressured the people in order to get a bigger cultuur procenten. the opportunity to migrate with the hope of getting a better life was finally responded to enthusiastically. second, java was hit by a deadly epidemic in the 19th century. from 1825 to 1880 various epidemics broke out in java, claiming a large number of deaths. these epidemics included cholera, smallpox, fever, typhus, and malaria (boomgard, 1987 in priyatmoko and kurniawan, 2020, pp. 125-137). the impact of the epidemic was even more severe because at the same time the population had to deal with crop failure due to agricultural land being confiscated for forced planting. the migration of javanese and madurese people to jember was also supported by the opening of access to east java. in 1897 a railway line was opened from surabaya to jember via probolinggo. the existence of railways allows people to travel faster, and especially for plantation entrepreneurs, they can bring in more workers and also make it easier for migrants who aim to get a more decent living (aprianto, 2011, pp. 55-56). so indeed, the population growth of jember increased more rapidly at the end of the 19th century, contributed by migration. distribution of migrants and cultural characteristics of the village the influx of migrants to jember must be seen as an effort by the colonial government and plantation entrepreneurs to succeed in the liberal economy. the migrants need to be regulated in such a way that the colonial economic goals are achieved. as has been ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 109-127 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the formation of ethnically distinct villages in jember during the colonial period (1870-1942) | 119 mentioned, both javanese and madurese people were brought in with certain aims and objectives, so their presence in jember finally had to follow the wishes of the government which was supported by entrepreneurs. the javanese were arranged to live on the south side of jember, where there were many plantations with technical irrigation, especially sugarcane and tobacco. meanwhile, the madurese were arranged to live on the north side, close to the plantations of perennial crops. this pattern can be seen based on the results of the 1930 census which are presented simply in table 1 and for comparison purposes, figure 1 is presented. table 1 percentage distribution of jember population by ethnicity (1930) district javanese ethnicity madurese ethnicity osing ethnicity other ethnicities total (%) tanggul 34.5 63.1 2.4 100 puger 75.1 24.3 0.6 100 wuluhan 73.5 22.8 2.8 0.9 100 rambipuji 36.6 61.1 1.6 0.7 100 jember 11.4 80.3 8.1 0.2 100 mayang 4.7 93.2 1.7 0.4 100 kalisat 2.4 95.7 1.6 0.3 100 source of data: volkstelling 1930 vol. iii (batavia: landsdrukkerij, 1934), p. 22. figure 1 map of jember before 1930. source: koninklijk instituut voor de tropen (kit), 1900. from table 1, it can be seen that the javanese people are the majority in the puger and wuluhan districts which are located on the south side. these two districts are now the areas of several sub-districts including puger, wuluhan, ambulu, gumukmas, umbulsari, kencong, and jombang. in this area, it is indeed dominated ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 109-127 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the formation of ethnically distinct villages in jember during the colonial period (1870-1942) | 120 by javanese people. meanwhile, districts in the northern part such as tanggul, mayang, and kalisat are very much dominated by madurese people. in this northern district area, coffee and cocoa plots are scattered in areas which are topographically highlands and hilly. while the jember district itself can be called the forerunner of the current city of jember, it is also dominated by madurese people. the rambipuji district, located slightly south of the jember district, shows the dominance of the madurese people which is not too extreme because the javanese population is still quite large. from the data presented in table 1 and compared with figure 1, the composition of the jember population in terms of ethnicity does show a pattern that southern jember is mostly inhabited by javanese ethnicity and northern jember is inhabited by madurese ethnicity. this pattern refers to the segregation of newcomers. however, instead of being guided by the goal of ethnic separation or the implementation of social stratification, the dislocation of migrants is more about the function of mobilizing labor in accordance with land ecology. the madurese people were employed in plantations of perennial crops in the northern region which is close to the mountain slopes, and they had to live near the plots to facilitate their work. likewise, the javanese people who were in charge of caring for tobacco plants occupied the lowlands in the southern part. in addition, the rice fields that were opened in the southern region were located close to irrigation channels, so javanese migrants tended to choose to occupy the southern region. in further developments, the migrants who inhabited the designated areas finally formed settlements in accordance with the traditions they held. this is a general tendency that people who adhere to a certain culture will continue to maintain their original culture as an effort to survive as well as maintain cultural ties with their area of origin. it was mentioned earlier that villages in jember had been formed since the majapahit era. however, the arrival of migrants, both javanese and madurese, from the late 19th century to the eve of the japanese occupation changed the face of jember from a sparsely populated area to a relatively crowded area, in the sense that the presence of migrants was sufficient reason for the colonial government to issue policies in the administrative field. in addition, the arrival of migrants also changed the physical appearance of the jember region according to the area of origin of the migrants. this phenomenon is a historical process that determines the socio-cultural reality of jember in the 20th century and even now towards the first quarter of the 21st century. there are two patterns of development of villages in jember, especially at the end of the 19th century. first, villages already existed before the plantation was opened. examples of villages like this are the villages in puger which have existed since the majapahit era. second, villages that were formed after the existence of plantations, either in the form of opening new areas or expanding from existing villages. for example, jenggawah village which was expanded into jenggawah and mangaran, as well as tegalwaru and sempolan villages (arifin, 1989, p. 117). both villages that existed before the plantation and villages that developed ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 109-127 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the formation of ethnically distinct villages in jember during the colonial period (1870-1942) | 121 following the plantation were also influenced by the activities of the migrants who occupied them. villages inhabited by javanese migrants will display physical characteristics in the form of settlements bounded by village roads which tend to be straight so as to form a square or rectangular area. for some migrants who believe that their ancestors fought alongside diponegoro, they will plant sapodilla trees in their yards. sapodilla kecik was chosen because it grows a lot in tegalrejo, the base of the diponegoro troop resistance in the java war (1825-1830). after diponegoro was arrested, his followers withdrew and marked their identities through sapodilla trees in their yards. thus, sapodilla kecik has the meaning of strengthening identity as a follower of the prince, besides that according to javanese kerata basa, sawo kecik is expanded to mean sarwa becik or all good (aryono, 2015). in addition, the physical characteristic that marks a village inhabited by many javanese migrants is the presence of a house with a limasan roof typical of the mataraman area (western east java). unlike the slender joglo, the javanese limasan has a roof peak that widens to the side. houses with limasan roofs can be found, among others, in tembokrejo village, gumukmas district. in this village, you can also find settlements in the form of squares and connected by straight village roads. apart from the form of settlement, villages inhabited by javanese migrants are also characterized by rice fields located in the background of the settlement. in some villages, the boundary between one village and another lies in the rice fields because each village “backs against each other”. for example, bagorejo and tembokrejo villages in gumukmas district which are located close to each other and are separated by a river that divides the rice fields which become the "background" of the settlements in each village. both villages also have a square or rectangular settlement pattern which is bounded by village roads. the existence of quite extensive rice fields in javanese villages confirms the thesis that javanese culture is agrarian, and this is still carried even though they migrate hundreds of kilometers from their place of origin. such physical features of javanese villages provide a number of clues about the historical processes experienced by these villages in the past, especially when javanese migrants began arriving in jember in the late 19th century until the collapse of the dutch east indies. javanese villages have a uniform settlement pattern because the residents, or the migrants who inhabit them, come from the same cultural area. in addition, when the javanese migrants arrived, the area they occupied still had a lot of vacant land so that the opening of rice fields and settlements could be carried out with a focus on certain patterns. no less important is that javanese villages are in the lowlands, thus allowing for a more orderly arrangement of settlements because they are not obstructed by extreme topographical contours. land ownership law at the end of the 19th century still did not explicitly regulate government control over newly opened lands, or from forest clearing. according to the onteigenings ordonantie 1874, rights to newly opened land were given only to the party who opened the land, not to the village government as the authority. as a result, private ownership of land, especially agricultural land, has expanded in newly opened areas (burger, 1957, p. 215). “babat alas” or forest clearing is part of the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 109-127 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the formation of ethnically distinct villages in jember during the colonial period (1870-1942) | 122 oral tradition of javanese village communities in jember, and is associated with pioneers who opened forests to become villages (widuatie, 2020, pp. 519-528). if javanese migrants form settlements that characterize an agrarian society, then it is different from migrants from madura. at the beginning of the 19th century, not many madurese people inhabited the jember area, even though madurese migrants had begun to spread to other divisions in the besuki residency. jember has not yet become a migration destination, because even though the land is fertile, there is no economic attraction. in addition, the jember district is located far inland and transportation access is also difficult. it was only when private plantations recruited labor on a large scale and the colonial government built better road infrastructure that a wave of madurese migration flowed rapidly to jember (arifin, 1989, pp. 95-96). in relation to the ecological aspect, madurese migrants inhabit many of the northern and central parts of the jember region. at the beginning of the plantation period or around the 1970s, a large number of madurese migrants came and dominated the population in jember. the comparison of the number of madurese and javanese ethnicities in jember is presented in table 2. table 2 comparison of the number of javanese and madurese residents in jember (1870) distrik etnis madura etnis jawa kalisat 9570 244 mayang 9318 473 jember 8025 1134 rambipuji 6107 3664 tanggul 6307 3451 puger 2434 7500 wuluhan 2200 7350 jumlah 44401 23822 source: tennekes, “de bevolkingspreiding der residentie besoeki” (1963). since the beginning of the 20th century, the flow of madurese migrants has been more organized because the besoekisch immigratie bureau (bib) was formed in 1901. as the name implies, the task of this institution is to take care of the movement of people in besuki, including in jember, especially those relating to the labor needs of plantations. in 1902, a total of 4,000 migrants were recorded departing from sumenep using a ship belonging to kpm (koninklijk paketvaart maatscahhpij), a maritime transportation company owned by the kingdom of the netherlands (broersma, 1912, pp. 89-90). thus, these migrants come with a clearer status and their goals are directed, so that when they form settlements in their destination it can be seen that the culture from madura is still maintained. madurese migrants who work on plantation plots in the highlands do not have the "luxury" of forming classic settlement patterns like the javanese in the south. however, the distinctive characteristics of madurese culture appear in the taneyan lanjhang settlement pattern. literally, taneyan lanjhang means “long yard”, because the formation of houses in ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 109-127 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the formation of ethnically distinct villages in jember during the colonial period (1870-1942) | 123 traditional madurese architecture surrounds an elongated courtyard. according to maningtyas and gunawan (2017), taneyan lanjhang consists of building and spatial elements which include roma (house), consists of the main house and a house for girls; langghar (surau), functions as a place of worship as well as socializing. in accordance with the geographical position of indonesia in relation to the kaaba at the grand mosque, the position of the langghar is always in the west. dapor and kandhang (kitchen and barn). the kitchen, as usual, functions as a place for cooking, while the barn is a place to keep livestock, especially cows; taneyan (yard), in the form of a rectangular open field. the main house is at the end of the taneyan, while other houses are on the right and left of the taneyan. meanwhile, langghar is always on the west side; live plant fences, both bamboo and shade plants (figure 2). figure 2: formation of houses in taneyan lanjhang. source: kurnia & nugroho, 2015, pp. 10-21. even though taneyan lanjhang is the physical element that most shows the madurese cultural characteristics of a village, because madurese migrant settlements in jember are scattered in the highlands, not all madurese families build this traditional housing formation because it depends on the topography of the land. some villages that have houses with a taneyan lanjhang pattern include sukowono village, manggisan village, and pringgowirawan village. most of the taneyan lanjhang have undergone adjustments in both design and building composition, so that the characteristics that are still visible are the taneyan or elongated yard (figure . this page is often used as a floor to dry unhulled rice and as an access road for local residents. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 109-127 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the formation of ethnically distinct villages in jember during the colonial period (1870-1942) | 124 figure 3 tanean lanjhang pattern in pringgowirawan village, sumberbaru district source: google street view the development of villages in jember inhabited by migrants, both javanese and madurese, was indirectly influenced by changes in colonial politics. since the 1860s the colonial government began to promote efforts to erode feudalism, and this was supported by the entry of the money system into the household of villagers. the economic climate is increasingly not in favor of feudalism along with the payment of regional heads, especially regents, and thus their feudal rights are increasingly lost (burger, 1957, pp. 209-214). the enactment of the agrarische wet 1870 made the role of the private sector significant in the colonial economy, especially in sectors related to the production of export commodities, so that the money system expanded in people's lives. entering the 20th century, the colonial government increasingly abolished the compulsory labor system, except for road and irrigation construction. even in 1912 compulsory labor was officially abolished completely (burger, 1957, p. 214). thus, the javanese and madurese migrants who came to jember were relatively free from various obligations that took up their time and energy, so they could focus more on arranging settlements by referring to their traditions and culture of origin. thus, the development of villages in jember is basically very complex because it is related to political policies, economic policies, and the culture brought by migrant newcomers. the arrival of migrants gives a unique socio-cultural touch to a sparsely populated area so that it develops into a more modern form. conclusion villages in jember underwent a development process during the late 19th century to the early 20th century as an impact of the plantation economy in this region. the presence of migrants, both javanese and madurese, which was originally intended to fill the shortage of labor on plantations, turned out to bring a strong cultural character from their area of origin. the arrival of migrants increased the population so that demographically jember experienced significant growth, not contributed by birth or death rates, but by migration. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 109-127 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the formation of ethnically distinct villages in jember during the colonial period (1870-1942) | 125 the pattern of distribution of migrants in jember is greatly influenced by the private plantation system. plantations need skilled workers according to the commodities cultivated, meaning that there will be a relationship between natural conditions, types of plants, and the presence of migrants. the different agricultural skills of the javanese and madurese people eventually made them placed in different locations, in accordance with the cultivation of plantation crops. on the other hand, the colonial government, which wanted to create a stable economic climate, regulated migrants in such a way that javanese-style villages tended to be found in the southern part of jember and madurese-style villages were mostly located in the northern part of jember. this means that the residential segregation that has occurred in jember since the late 19th century or since the 1870s until the collapse of the dutch east indies in 1942 was more of an economic effort for the benefit of plantations, rather than an ethnic separation for political purposes. even though plantations are no longer the driving force of the regional economy, understanding the socio-cultural life of the people of jember, especially in rural areas, is still relevant as an academic study, especially as input in improving the quality of human development. understanding the culture of the community both in real terms and the process of its formation can help stakeholders to formulate appropriate programs and policies. referrences aprianto, t. c (2011). dekolonisasi perkebunan di jember tahun 1930an -1960an (master’s thesis). universitas indonesia, depok. arifin, e. b. (1989). emas hijau di jember: asal-usul, pertumbuhan, pengaruhnya dalam ekonomi masyarakat, 1860-1970. (master’s thesis). universitas gadjah mada, indonesia. aryono. “riwayat sawo kecik pengikut diponegoro” in historia. retrieved 9 august 2022 from https://historia.id/kultur/articles/riwayat-sawo-kecik-pengikutdiponegoro-p0mzo boomgard, p. (1987). “morbidity and mortality in java, 1820-1880: chaning pattern if disease and death.” in norman owen (eds .), death and disease in southeast asia: explorations in social, medical, and demographic history. singapore: oxford university press. boomgard, p. & gooszen a. j. (1991). changing economy in indonesia, population trends 1795-1942. amsterdam: royal tropical institute, 1991. bosch, c. j. (1857). aantkeeningen over de afdeeling bondowoso (reidentie bezoeki). tijdschrift voor indische taal-, land-, en volkenkunde, deel vi. batavia: lange and co. broersma, r. (1912). besoeki: een gewest in opkomst. amsterdam: scheltema & holkemas boekhandel. burger, d. h. (1957). sedjarah ekonomis sosiologis indonesia. jakarta: j. b. wolters. elson, r. e. (1984). javanese peasants and colonial sugar industry: impact and change in east java residency, 1830-1840. singapore: oxford university press. geertz, c. (1963). agricultural involution: the process of ecological change in indonesia. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 109-127 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the formation of ethnically distinct villages in jember during the colonial period (1870-1942) | 126 berkeley: university of california press. ismet (1970). daftar tanah perkebunan di indonesia. bandung: biro sinar. kartodirdjo, s. (1992). pengantar sejarah indonesia baru: sejarah pergerakan nasional, dari kolonialisme sampai nasionalisme. jakarta: gramedia pustaka utama. kartodirdjo, s. & suryo, d. (1991). sejarah perkebunan di indonesia, kajian sosial ekonomi. yogyakarta: aditya media. koninklijk instituut voor de tropen (kit) (1900). “overzichtskaart en bladwijzer van de afdeelingen besoeki, bandawasa, djember, en panaroekan der residentie besoeki.” retrieved from http://hdl.handle.net/1887.1/item:2010799 kuntowijoyo (1980). “social change in agrarian society: madura, 1850-1940 (doctoral dissertation, columbia university). kuntowijoyo (2013). pengantar ilmu sejarah. yogyakarta: tiara wacana. kurnia, w. a. & nugroho, a. m. (2015). karakteristik ruang pada rumah tradisional tanean lanjhang desa bandang laok, kecamatan kokop, kabupaten bangkalan, madura. langkau betang 2(1), 10-21. maningtyas, r.t. & gunawan, a. (2017). taneyan lanjhang, study of home garden design based local culture of madura. 2nd international symposium for sustainable landscape development, iop conf. series: earth and environmental science 91 012022. margana, s. (2012). ujung timur jawa, 1763-1813: perebutan hegemoni blambangan. yogyakarta: pustaka ifada. nawiyanto (2003). agricultural development in a frontier region of java: besuki, 1870-early 1990s. yogyakarta: galang press. nawiyanto (2009). pertumbuhan penduduk besuki: kajian demografi historis. humaniora 21(2), 174-187. nawiyanto (2018). terbentuknya ekonomi perkebunan di kawasan jember. yogyakarta: laksbang pressindo. noorduyn, j. (2019). perjalanan bujangga manik menyusuri tanah jawa. jakarta dan yogyakarta: kitlv-jakarta dan ombak. priyatmoko, h. & kurniawan, h. (2020). pageblug dan perilaku irasional di vorstenlanden abad xix. masyarakat indonesia 46(2), 125-137. suryabrata, s. (1991). metodologi penelitian. jakarta: rajawali press. tennekes, j. (1963). bevolkingspreiding der residentie bezoeki in 1930. tijdschirft van het koninklijk nederlandsche aardrijkunding genootschaap. van gelderen, j. (1961). “the economics of the tropical colony” in wertheim, w.f. et. al. (eds.). indonesian economics: the concept of dualism in theory and policy. amsterdam: royal tropical institute, 1961. volkstelling 1930, vol. iii: inheemsche bevolking van oost java. batavia: lands-drukkerij. 1934. widuatie, r. e. (2020). tradisi lisan sebagai penguat identitas kebangsaan: studi terhadap tradisi lisan terbentuknya desa di kabupaten jember. e-prosiding seminar nasional pekan chairil anwar, 519-528. widuatie, r. e. & sasmita, n. (2016). proses asimilasi budaya pendhalungan jawa-madura di jember. yogyakarta: laksbang pressindo. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 109-127 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 the formation of ethnically distinct villages in jember during the colonial period (1870-1942) | 127 wijayati, p. a. (2001). tanah dan sistem perpajakan masa kolonial inggris. yogyakarta: tarawang press. winarni, r. (2018). modernisasi birokrasi di karesidenan besuki abad xix. yogyakarta: laksbang pressindo. microsoft word 1. mariadi & syahrun.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 1-21 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 karandu (gong): history, functions, and symbols in the life of the tolaki people in 17th -20th | 1 received: january 9, 2023 revised: june 1, 2023 accepted: june 6, 2023 karandu (gong): history, functions, and symbols in the life of the tolaki people in 17th -20th century southeast sulawesi akhmad marhadi,*1 syahrun2 , basrin melamba3, marwati4, hayari5 1study program of anthropology, faculty of humanities, universitas halu oleo 2study program of archaeology, faculty of humanities, universitas halu oleo 3study program of history, faculty of humanities, universitas halu oleo 4study program of indonesian language education, faculty of teacher training and education, universitas halu oleo 5study program of history education, faculty of teacher training and education, universitas halu oleo jl. h. e. a. mokodompit, kampus hijau bumi tridharma, kendari, indonesia, *corresponding author: akhmadmarhadi@uho.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v7i1.17090 introduction in the past, the tolaki people, who inhabit the mainland of southeast sulawesi, settled the former kingdoms of konawe and mekongga, which consist of konawe, south konawe, north konawe, kendari city, konawe islands, kolaka, north kolaka and east kolaka. they recognized various kinds of heirlooms, including ta'awu (traditional machetes), karandu (gong), oleko (keris), karada (spear), taniromu, and so on. gong was a cultural heritage object in the archipelago, known not only in java but also to the people of southeast sulawesi, especially the tolaki ethnic group. gong was full of functions, values, meanings and symbols. abstract by applying the historical method, this study aims to explain the history of the development of the gong (karandu) in southeast sulawesi and how the gong changes its function and symbol. the karandu entry into tolaki estimated about the 13th century ad, originated from java (majapahit) and then experienced development during the wolio kingdom. furthermore, the acquisition of karandu occurred between the 16th and 20th centuries from outside traders as well as through shipping and trade with the natives. gongs at that time were used as royal and confidential treasures of high value, art, ceremonies, social status, and many more. the gong evolved to communicate in particular situations, such as codes or signs of danger, meetings, grief, etc. the function of adat as a customary object in the moruhu owuku/ mooli anakia custom (buying nobility). the traditional object in marriage was called tawa-tawa sara (traditional gong), then replaced with money (nililima/ nilungga). the religious function was used when the mokowea death ceremony was beaten when death occurs until the body was delivered to the cemetery. this function remained limited to the descendants of the nobility, the rich, or those with positions. in the past, gongs had an economic role with high prices and values as a criterion of prosperity. several symbols were contained in the gong: social status, classic, unity, religious, and communication. nowadays, they are no longer considered valuable objects. keywords: gong; continuity changes; function; symbol and tolaki. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 1-21 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 karandu (gong): history, functions, and symbols in the life of the tolaki people in 17th -20th | 2 from the 13th to the 20th century, the gong was essential for the tolaki community in konawe and mekongga. the existence of the gong was still considered a central function in daily life. even though this gong or karandu tradition was not the original creation of tolaki, it remains used and maintained in the present time. the use of gongs in various aspects of tolaki life has shifted and changed. for instance, in marriage, the gong was not present like a gong but was replaced with an amount of money which was considered to have the same value as the original gong (called karandu sara or gong adat). in addition, in the arts, the lulo dance accompaniment used in the past has shifted or transformed using orjen accompaniment or modern music. the importance of the karandu or gong for the tolaki people can be seen from the function of this karandu as a traditional object or pu'uno osara (al ashur, 2003; pingak, 1978; suud, 2006; tarimana, 1993) even in marriage or sara perapua gong or karandu was considered as one of the pu'uno osara or customary core as karandu sara or commonly called tawa-tawa sara. for the tolaki people, gong has a specificity or uniqueness regarding history, use, function, and symbol (syahrun and melamba, 2022). karandu or gong was not only seen as a traditional dance instrument, but for the tolaki people, it was more than that. for example, lulo, lariangi, umoara, mondotambe, and so on were known to the public. the use of gongs has experienced a shift along with the development of technological systems. even so, some gong uses are still maintained in tolaki society. as a result of the absence of gongs, some uses of gongs are changed according to society's consensus; even their partial use is only an introduction. for example, the lulo dance, in reality in the past, the use and function of the gong were significant and massively used by all levels of tolaki society. the discourse on the existence of karandu or gong in the spectrum of tolaki people still needs to be enhanced. prominent scholars were investigating the gong, which includes djohan mekuo et al. (mekuo & proyek penelitian dan pencatatan kebudayaan daerah, 1979), describes the gong (karandu) as an accompaniment to several types of dance for the tolaki ethnic group, including the molulo dance, lariangi, umoara, umahu, osara, and so on. furthermore, sulaiman ((sulaiman, 1990) explains that the lulo dance is a gong, one of the accompaniment tools. according to the name of the accompaniment instrument, it consists of: lulo ganda (lulo using a drum), lulo dimba (using a drum), lulo ore-ore (traditional wind instrument), lulo tawa-tawa (accompanisting a gong), and lulo gambusu (lulo accompanying a gong, traditional plucked harp). tarimana (1993) explains the gong as a means of accompaniment for various types of tolaki dance, such as lulo, lariangi, umoara, and so on. likewise, the gong is used during tolaki ceremonies. third, the gong is used at tolaki people's weddings. however, a more comprehensive explanation regarding these cultural aspects of gong is limited. a technological object has a function and a symbol for the tolaki people, who have experienced a process of shifting. (melamba et al., 2015) explains several aspects of the lulo dance. regarding the gong, he stated that the gong or karandu is a ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 1-21 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 karandu (gong): history, functions, and symbols in the life of the tolaki people in 17th -20th | 3 tool or instrument to accompany the lulo dance; the gong instrument consists of several types of sounds. the studies of karandu or gong as a problem for the tolaki people have not been discovered at all, even though their position and function are very central to the tolaki people's life in konawe and mekongga. therefore, this study explains the critical role of karandu in the life of the tolaki people from the 17th century until the mid-1990s. there are several research questions. first, what is the history of introducing karandu to the tolaki people? second, what is the function of the gong for the tolaki people? third, what symbols are contained in the gong according to the tolaki people? method the method used in this study is the historical method, which includes the heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and historiography (garraghan, 1957). this study used primary sources in the form of archives and documents such as memorie van overgave (mvo), dutch magazines, archive sources and documents researchers are looking for sources at national archives of republic of indonesia, jakarta, the national library of indonesia, the archives service and libraries of south sulawesi province in makassar, archives and libraries office of southeast sulawesi province. the secondary sources used are books related to tolaki, especially mongae, research reports and correspondence. moreover, the authors also conducted interviews with informants to explore the collective memory of the tolaki community regarding karandu. history of gong in tanah tolaki, southeast sulawesi before explaining the development and changes in the use of gong or karandu among the tolaki people, the etymological origins of the word karandu consists of two vocabularies, namely kara and ndu. the word kara means to stir or resonate. in addition, kara can also be interpreted as fast or warm. for example, bawo mokara means hot news or mokara means hot and actual. the sound of a karandu or gong can stir the heart and echo the information about an incident or event. the sound of karandu makes people stir their hearts. when the sound of the gong is struck, it is called kumokarandu, so people will gather. in addition, there is the meaning of the word kara, which means essential or fast, and the word mokara is a critical situation. in molulo, a quick movement is needed in swinging the arms (moese) and legs (molakoako and tinuka tuka) to the rhythm of the gong. in addition, there is also a version in which the two words have different meanings. furthermore, the word ndu means sound because if a karandu is hit, it will emit a karandu whirring sound in the form of a whirring and booming sound. for example, peia karandu ndu-ndu means the sound of a gong ringing. to distinguish between karandu and tawa-tawa can be seen from the round size, diameter, thickness and function. several ethnic groups in southeast sulawesi know the gong by different names. for instance, in muna, it is called mbololo, while the moronene people call it randu, which has another function and usage. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 1-21 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 karandu (gong): history, functions, and symbols in the life of the tolaki people in 17th -20th | 4 the tradition of the tolaki people regarding the introduction of gongs in the past was found in the oral tradition and taenango oral literature, namely the heroic epic of the tolaki people. in this epic, it was told that the use of gongs during the departure of the tebaunggu figure explored the land and sea areas. in some tolaki people's folklore, gongs were used or played when there was a war between groups between kingdoms. in addition, the gong can be played if the situation was in a dangerous condition such as natural disasters (floods, landslides), epidemics (oropu), fires (oapi/mohai), situations of the danger of enemy attack, conditions of death, theft, meetings and so on. the distribution of gongs on the mainland of southeast sulawesi correlates with the majapahit kingdom, the sultanate of buton, and the chinese. according to oral tradition, arimatisima’s marriage to the native tolaki people occurred. at the same time, the descendants of the mekongga nobility, especially in rahambuu, have a tradition of kinship with sangia majanpai (baden, 1925) according to local tradition, the first king or mokole in the konawe and mekongga kingdoms, named wekoila and larumbalagi were descended from tolaki, java, luwu, ternate, bone, and wolio (vonk, 1928). santoso and bandem explains that the gamelan gong in renon village is a relic from the majapahit kingdom and is still being used today. based on ancient texts, gamelan gong functions as a war gamelan; today's function is related to ritual and dance. changes occurred during the reign of dalem watu renggong; at that time, the roots of hindu religious beliefs were firmly entrenched. in addition, there was a period of artistic aspects during his time (santosa & bandem, 2002) before being known as the gong or karandu, the lulo dance accompaniment was the kanda-wuta (a drum made of earth perforated on it, equipped with a lid and string). according to oral tradition, karandu objects or gongs were purchased by royalty and individuals in the land of java (wuta i'dawa) through traders (folklore of tepolepo i'dawa). along with the development of technology, karandu already existed in the sultanate of buton and was produced in kadie or lamangga village. thus, ordered and purchases shifted to kadie or lamangga village of the buton sultanate (djaruju & sirajudin, 1990). the skills to make brass materials were obtained from the arrival of four javanese people who each had exceptional skills, namely blacksmiths in baadia, wood and iron craftsmen living in melai and brass craftsmen living in lamangga (djaruju & sirajudin, 1990, p. 127). this reinforces the tolaki people’s tradition of recognizing gongs from ancient times, contemporaries with the majapahit kingdom. during the traditional konawe kingdom, it was estimated that gongs in the 17th and 18th century were obtained through shipping and trade routes in the coastal areas of konawe, lasolo, sampara, tinanggea, and the ancient port areas of the tolaki people. as there was trade contact between konawe or laiwoi and the sultanate of buton, mainly trading in brass instruments in the form of gongs (can be seen in figure 1). gongs were used to accompany the lulo dance so that lulo nggarandu appeared, meaning lulo accompanied by a gong. with the entry of bugis, buton traders in the kendari area brought wares such as ceramics, bronze, gongs, textiles, and jewellery. then they exchanged them for forest ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 1-21 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 karandu (gong): history, functions, and symbols in the life of the tolaki people in 17th -20th | 5 products such as rice, rattan, and agel leaves. thus, it also influenced the lulo accompaniment in the form of a drum made of deer skin (donga), anoa (kadue) and buffalo (kiniku), in the following period, they used a gong (karandu). as a result, molulo dimba (lulo accompanied by a drum) and molulo nggarandu (lulo accompanied by a gong) appear (melamba, 2016, p. 34). as trade contacts took place between konawe or laiwoi and the sultanate of buton, mainly trading in brass tools in the form of gongs, the lulo dance was accompanied by using gongs (melamba, 2016, p. 36). figure 1 gong or karandu type does not have a center (karandu mbuiki puheno) royal heritage of konawe source: collection of sultrawan liambo it was alleged that the tolaki people had already known the gong for a long time. it can be known through folklore in the form of oral traditions about karandu in the konawe east coast community whose area is close to the sea, namely folklore from the people of watunggarandu village, soropia district, konawe regency. the name of this village means stone gong (watu ngarandu). the naming has correlated with a story about the toponym of a village, such as about a rock; why is it called watu nggarandu or batu gong? however, the strong tradition of using the gong became known to the tolaki people around the 16th and 17th centuries, along with shipping and trade relations between several kingdoms in java and the sultanate of buton (mekuo and proyek penelitian dan pencatatan kebudayaan daerah 1979). one of the oldest karandu in the konawe kingdom is in lambuia, an inheritance from inowa asaki lambuya’s descendants. sultrawan liambo keeps the gong. type of karandu is to gong from java. however, this type of karandu is rarely found among the tolaki people. according to the genealogy of the karandu ownership line, the karandu was kept by wehaleka, the daughter of marahadi, who is a descendant of royal officials, namely inea sinumo wuta mbinotiso towu tinorai in abuki who is a descendant of the crown prince of the konawe kingdom. from marahadi, then kept by wehaleka. furthermore, it was kept by his son, jaba hasjid liambo; then, it was passed on to his son sultrawan liambo. the chinese also brought gong. the chinese migration in onderafdeeling kendari dates long before the 19th century. it is the discovery of the remains of items ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 1-21 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 karandu (gong): history, functions, and symbols in the life of the tolaki people in 17th -20th | 6 exchanged, such as; bronze, porcelain (ceramics), gongs, gold, textiles, and jewellery (beads) brought by traders from china, which the people of the konawe kingdom very much needed. this opinion is conceivable because in many places in the former kingdoms of konawe and mekongga many kinds of porcelain (ceramics), beads, gongs (karandu), bronze and various other findings were found. both are used for burial provisions, valuables, decorations, or as merchandise (melamba, 2022). even in the kendari area, chinese money is known as chinese sen (pipisi or paste) (vonk, 1928). figure 2 gong or karandu type with dragon and sun decorations source: collection of museum and cultural park of southeast sulawesi province. karandu was produced in various types and sizes, ranging from large to small, with a central variation (puhe manggandu). within a few generations, there was a significant change in material culture in southeast sulawesi. around 1900, imported goods began to enter the peninsula, which was the most isolated and remote, causing many of the old objects that had been used to be replaced (jong, 2010). in addition, there was information from a dutch official, as explained in a source, that when grubauer visited the old tomb complex in wiwirano in 1911, he found stoneware and ceramics of various types and sizes, also known in central sulawesi, symbols of death which rich in ornaments, olxd paintings, finely made drums and gongs, fuya clothing, objects such as knives, trays and plates as well as many other objects which according to him belong to the tulatambatu culture which has long disappeared and almost been forgotten. the inhabitants then did not know its origins or meaning because their world had since changed (jong 2010). in history, the gong or karandu was used as a traditional object in every tolaki marriage, such as wooing marriage (momboko ndetoro obita) which is considered an honourable type of marriage as well as in molasu or silariang marriages and other abnormal marriages. karandu sara was present during the mowindadhako ceremony or customary settlement. karandu, which means gong is a very popular musical instrument in the tolaki konawe and mekongga (kolaka) areas. there is also a tiny gong called the tawa-tawa. the material is brass and is shaped like a tube with a height of 10 to 20 cm. the shape is terraced, and at the top is a head called puhe karandu (the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 1-21 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 karandu (gong): history, functions, and symbols in the life of the tolaki people in 17th -20th | 7 centre is the gong). the midline of the tube circle is approximately 30-40 cm, with a head circumference of 10 cm. on the head of this karandu, the musical instrument of karandu is beaten. this instrument accompanies the lulo (molulo) dance, lariangi dance, at tumotabua death, the announcement of important information, invitations to gather, and warning of dangers in the past. in further developments in the 1990s, the lulo dance was accompanied by a tape recorder (radio), then replaced by a band; now, the accompaniment uses orjen music. this is caused by the limited number of people who have a gong. even though there are efforts to preserve lulo by the government providing a gong as a driving tool, where each sub-district gets a gong, it still needs to meet these demands. apart from the psychic constraints of the young tolaki generation, obedience when using the gong is considered old-fashioned, backward or out of date. in 2007 the konawe regency government, through the regional revenue and expenditure budget, purchased gongs which were distributed to each sub-district. this attempts to revive the original lulo dance (melamba 2016, 36)/ there are several reasons why the use of karandu or gongs has shifted or is rarely used, namely first, the centre of manufacture and materials have been complicated to find. however, the types of quality and materials are not the same or are much different from past gong products. second, few people are skilled at ordering or making karandu traditionally, and the centre for making brass material for making karandu from the village or village of lamangga is no longer producing it. third, the system of knowledge and appreciation of the values and symbols contained in the gong has shifted. fourth, the level of knowledge regarding the function and position of the gong among the tolaki people could be much higher. fifth, some people consider using the gong (karandu) as old-fashioned or left behind, mainly if it is used as a lulo dance instrument. even so, some people still keep a collection of gongs as family pride, which is considered something valuable. sixth, around the 1970-1990s, their owners massively traded heirlooms, including gongs. nowadays, the charm of karandu or gong has faded. for example, in terms of art, the tolaki people rarely use the gong during molulo and tumotabua due to the increasing scarcity of these objects. seventh, in the past karandu was considered a valuable object, but now it is no longer considered valuable and is only used as a display at home. eighth, special skills are needed in forming or making a karandu-type model. at present, karandu makers are no longer found. the reasons for the reduced population of gongs in the konawe and kolaka areas are that this area was threatened by darul islam/ islamic armed forces of indonesia (di/tii) movement from the 1950s to the 1960s, one of which was massive displacement. this causes valuable items such as gongs to be hidden by their owners. second, the availability of gongs or karandu in southeast sulawesi was still abundant until the 1990s but decreased or faded after this period. this was due to the purchases and trade carried out by collectors who hunted for valuable objects and were traded by the tolaki people. third, some tolaki people lack awareness of the functions, values, and symbols, so they pay less attention to the use of the gong. fourth, there ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 1-21 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 karandu (gong): history, functions, and symbols in the life of the tolaki people in 17th -20th | 8 was an agreement/ consensus in traditional institutions that karandu or tawa-tawa sara or adat gongs can be replaced with an amount of money or a monetary value equivalent to a gong. this opens up opportunities to ignore the existence of the gong as a traditional symbol. as a traditional symbol, karandu is included in the core of tolaki marriage customs called karandu sara or tawa-tawa sara. it is infrequent to find marriages among the tolaki family by presenting a gong or karandu as a traditional subject (karandu sara or sara tawa-tawa). fifth, in the 1990s the orjen or band began to enter as musical accompaniment, shifting the function of the gong as lulo accompaniment. at every tolaki funeral ceremony, the gong is always present, especially at the tumotabua ceremony (consoling the family and giving sad news to tolaki companions. hearing the striking of the gong, one can understand that an event has taken place, especially the mokole (king), anakia (nobles), royal officials, respected people in the past and government officials in the present. in the past, many people were found who were skilled or proficient at hitting the gong, both for hitting the gong for molulo and during death ceremonies called tabua nggowea or tumotabua mateaha. gong beaters were not limited to men but could also be performed by women as long as they knew the types of gong strokes and their purpose. the timing of hitting the gong is not limited to when but according to the activity. for example, if the lulo dance is performed, then when it is completed, the lulo dance usually at night and some are held during the day. in addition, at the time of death, the gong is struck from the moment the body dies to the funeral procession. when summoning a large number of people, the gong is struck according to the delivery time. in subsequent developments in the 1990s, the lulo dance was accompanied by a tape recorder (radio), then it was replaced by a band, now the accompaniment uses orjen music. this was caused by the increasing steps of people who have a gong. even though there were efforts to preserve lulo by the government providing a gong as a driving tool, where each sub-district gets a gong, it still has not met these demands. apart from the psychic constraints of the young tolaki generation, obedience when using the gong is considered old-fashioned, backward or out of date. in 2007 the konawe regency government, through the regional revenue and expenditure budget, purchased gongs which were distributed to each sub-district. this is an attempt to revive the original lulo dance. at present, gongs are used in official occasions, such as opening activities, inauguration ceremonies, and other events. the striking of the gong is a sign or symbol of the start of an event or activity or as a sign of inauguration. structure of gong (karandu) karandu, also known as tawa-tawa, is the name for a gong in the tolaki language. for this reason, in terms of marriage customs, it is called tawa-tawa sara or karandu sara, both of which comprise the same meaning, namely as a traditional object in the form of a traditional gong. the material is made of brass with a decoration of two dragons fighting over food. its social function is to be used or played during ceremonies or ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 1-21 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 karandu (gong): history, functions, and symbols in the life of the tolaki people in 17th -20th | 9 weddings, especially among the nobility. in addition, this gong has a symbolic meaning as a status symbol for its owner. gongs or karandu are usually made of brass (kuninga) and are shaped round to a specific size. in the karandu element there is a gong head or uluno karandu called puheno or the center of the gong (figure 3), which has a prominent shape. the body of the gong is tubular, with two holes for attaching the string to the hanger. finally, the rope as a hanger is made of specially made rope, but nowadays, it uses nylon rope. figure 3 model gong or karandu tolaki as for the type of karandu, the material is made of brass as a tube with a height of 25 to 30 cm. the shape is terraced, and at the top is a head called puheno karandu (the center is the gong). the diameter of the circular tube is approximately 30-40 cm. head circumference of 10 cm. at the head or ulu ngarandu, the musical instrument karandu is beaten, including percussion instruments, a kind of gong music. the material for hitting the gong is made of nileu wood or dried wood. the wood is cut into pieces approximately 30 to 35 cm long, with a large size of 5-7 cm wood, and the number of tools consists of two. there are also models of karandu or gongs made of brass, which are round and have a diameter of between 30 cm and 15 cm. in addition, there is a prominent type of karandu called tawa-tawa, while the medium-sized ones are called karandu. finally, there is a small karandu or gong as well as a medium-sized karandu that does not have a centre which is used to accompany dance (molulo), lariangi dance, umoara dance (war dance), umahu dance, mondotambe dance, tumotabua death, information announcements momentous events, as well as assembly invitations and warnings of past dangers. figure 4 is a sketch of the gong structure's shape according to the tolaki people's knowledge. to use this gong or karandu, a hanging place is usually made by providing two poles and longitudinal wood as a place to hang the gong. to hit the gong or karandu, a wooden bat is provided. for example, resin, maja or obila wood, and several types of wood suitable for striking a gong. it is endeavored that the gong beater is made of wood which does not damage the center of the gong or the karandu puheno. this is to maintain the thickness of the cardboard. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 1-21 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 karandu (gong): history, functions, and symbols in the life of the tolaki people in 17th -20th | 10 the collective memory of gongs or karandu in everyday life is commonly known by the phrase "puhe ngarandu", which means "a person has a centre in the stomach that resembles the centre of a gong karandu or head of a gong," the centre protrudes like the centre of a gong or karandu. figure 4 gong or karandu sketch description of the illustration of the karandu or gong element: (a) head (puheno); (b) tube (tabung); (c) hanging hole (lombano karandu); (d) rope (orongo) source: mekuo, 1978/1979. besides being distinguished by differences in the size of their diameter, centre or stomach, and their use, karandu and tawa-tawa can also be distinguished through their usage habits. tawa-tawa is often used to accompany various tolaki dances such as umoara (war dance), lariangi, mondotambe (welcoming guests), lulo, and so on. among the tolaki people, it is known that someone skilled (mandara mondoni karandu) can beat a gong or karandu. each type of wasp will produce a sound according to the conditions and needs of striking karandu. the function of the karandu (gong) for the life of the tolaki people kojaing (2017) explains several things that gong waning is present during sacred and profane rituals. in addition, as a dance accompaniment, nuanced joy and in death. karandu has not only a function as an object but also a non-object function in the form of a religious function, a customary function, an artistic function, a social function, and a communication function that has been valid from the past to the present. the following is a description of the function of the gong according to the tolaki people. communication function the communication function is no longer used to call for meetings, to report or provide news about situations or conditions in a village or village area as was the case in the past. the function of the gong or karandu was used to call the people or to'ono dadio. in the past period, both the konawe and mekongga kingdoms, in gathering the people or to'ono why always used a gong as a means of communication. according to several informants, the gong was fading in the mid of 20th century due to the entry of the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 1-21 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 karandu (gong): history, functions, and symbols in the life of the tolaki people in 17th -20th | 11 communication technology system and the abolition of the villages, which was marked by the dissolution of the self-governing. the function of the gong as a means of communication in the past was when ships and boats departed or arrived, so the gong was sounded as a sign of the departure and arrival of a ship or boat (baden, 1925) suppose there are issues on government, development, and other social affairs that require the participation of many community members. in that case, the village head beats a wooden "gong" or "bucket", then in a few moments, all the leaders of the family or the head of the household will be gathered except for those who are sick or temporarily absent. they are all present voluntarily without coercion to hear what things need to be done by them. a sign or signal about the purpose of the call is through the sound of a gong or drums tasi can only be heard from the sequence of sounds, the provisions of which are as follows; if the sound is a long string, then it indicates that there is a sudden call because something dangerous or an accident has occurred that requires immediate help; if the sound is twice in a long row, then it indicates that there is distress or death that has occurred; if the sound is made three times in a long row, then it indicates a call to complete a particular work together, and the head of each family must be present bringing work tools; if it sounds like four times in a long row, it indicates a call to gather because government guests need to meet face-to-face with the community or hold important deliberations (su’ud 2010). until the 1950s, the traditional provisions mentioned above were still practised and obeyed in all rural areas of the tolaki people. this gong culture has disappeared in almost all tolaki people's villages except for a few remote villages. in the past, when this gong culture was still being practiced, residents would have obeyed it because if not, then the person concerned would have regretted being ostracized in the daily social order of society. as a function of communication, karandu in the past was a cultural communication tool to convey information or news known as momboko ndunggu obawo. information is conveyed by hitting the gong in a certain number of strokes and rhythm. to distinguish the type of news and its contents, it can be heard from the sound of the gong being struck. when there is news of grief, news of danger, news of gathering or teporombu, the karandu will beat with wasps containing information about an abala (disaster), oropu (deadly epidemic), fire, or an enemy threat. karandu is also used as a universal calling medium for all people in a village or onapo (okambo), for teporombu (deliberation), and metasere (population census for obea/osima or tax data collection). using a carousel is also a means of communication and information regarding urgent issues. custom functions gong or karandu in the past was used as an object in the moruhu custom or mo'oli obeli (buying nobility). in the past, the position status was very concerning, especially a person's origin; they maintained their authenticity. mainly in conducting marriages between royal and government elites, both those who rule and those who do not rule, there is a prohibition or taboo on marriages between nobles and non-nobility, ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 1-21 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 karandu (gong): history, functions, and symbols in the life of the tolaki people in 17th -20th | 12 traditional elites and non-elite. if a person marries a lower status or social structure or is outside the position of his status, he will be subject to customary punishment. in the past, there was a prohibition on marriage between one group and another. still, marrying married to a woman from the anakia aristocratic class meant the man had to pay a certain amount of goods to the woman. this is called moruhu owuku, meaning that with this payment, the man's rank is raised so that he is equal to the woman. there was an osara or custom that developed in the tolaki community at that time that a noble girl could not marry "okino perahino" means "can't eat together", means not being able to sit together or eat together in one place. in fact, according to belief, you should not mix medulus before carrying out the moruhu owuku custom, because this is considered a family disgrace and causes shame. this moruhu owuku custom is the custom of buying and measuring blood or measuring bones as a position of high status with someone of middle status or from the lower class. according to the tolaki people, blood is a symbol of life, and bones are a symbol of human strength. both elements are needed for the human body to be a driving force and support in human life. as a customary function, karandu was present at the wedding ceremony (perapua). in the wedding ceremony, karandu was present as one of the traditional objects or customary requirements. the function of the gong is included in the adat principal or pu'uno osara, which consists of four pu'uno, which are included in the sara niwondahako puuno category. the four pu'uno consist of the first, aso mata okasa or one fis kaci. aso mata kiriku sara in the form of one buffalo (worth idr 250,000), aso mata eno sara in the form of a circle of gold necklace eno wulaa (worth idr 250,000) and aso mata karandu sara which is also called tawa-tawa sara in the form of one gong fruit (worth idr 50,000). the position of karandu sara or tawa sara in implementing the mowindaho ceremony is at the bottom of the traditional apparatus. a gong has a meaning; if a parent/father dies, relatives, neighbours and acquaintances, both near and far away, will be informed about it. there is a knowledge of the tolaki people as a message to their children that karandu nggo ieto tinoni keno nio tumotabua means the gong that will be used or beaten when notification of death. a gong that is struck with a certain rhythm is a means of notification that someone has died. by the consensus of the tolaki traditional leaders, through the tolaki traditional institute (lat), traditional objects (karandu/gong) are replaced by means of nililima or nilungga means to be replaced with something. however, in the past, the existence of karandu and tawa-tawa as offerings or offerings according to the osara custom according to the object type. popolo as dowry included buffalo, sago groves, gongs, white cloth in the form of pis, sarongs, gold coins, household tools and other gold jewellery. in the past, the shape of popolo was; sago groves or puu ndawaro, gong (karandu/ tawa-tawa), gauze wila white cloth (in pis form), osawu or toloa sarongs, gold coins, household tools, gold jewelery and others. as well as popolo, there are other payments called sara peana, sara = adat, peana = having children, raising babies. sara peana, namely a payment based on the reason that the woman who is proposed to has been cared for with great difficulty by the mother until she was small until she was an adult. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 1-21 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 karandu (gong): history, functions, and symbols in the life of the tolaki people in 17th -20th | 13 the function of the traditional gong has shifted in the past. the gong is used as a traditional object in marriage (sara perapua) of the tolaki people in the particular content section of the traditional subject called tawa-tawa sara. the form of tawa-tawa and sara was carried out physically; this can be understood at that time, the acquisition and trade network for gong objects was still easy to obtain and was still being produced. however, since the mid-20th century, the existence of a traditional gong (tawa-tawa sara) can be replaced with some money. the amount of money as a substitute is idr 250,000 as a replacement and is considered equivalent to the value of the gong; this is by the agreement of the traditional leaders, traditional stakeholders and the tolaki traditional institution (lat) at each customary meeting or during training. religious function the function of the gong in the death ceremony of the tolaki people was explained by tarimana that after to'onomotuo or the local government received the pabitara notification, then at the funeral home, the gong was immediately hammered with 2 (two) long sounds. after the gong is sounded, it is a sign that mourning/people are dying in the house. if the person who died was a nobleman, then after the gong was sounded, a buffalo was immediately slaughtered, which had been prepared before the person concerned died. as a sign of respect, referred to as kotu mbenao. afterwards, only the women who are present and who come to the funeral home are allowed to cry over the corpse, which is called meorumate or mombokosalanggomate. to the relatives of the corpse who are far away, someone or several people are immediately sent to convey this grief according to custom. bringing it with the traditional kalosara accompanied by a piece of white cloth is called mekowea (tarimana, 1993). in front of the funeral home, it is also customary to stake a white cloth as a sign of mourning. if the person who died was a nobleman, then at the funeral home, the people hammered a gong called "tumotabua" sequentially and continuously until the body was placed at the grave's edge. if the deceased person is a person of fame (nobility), then in addition to the bier, it must be shaped in such a way as to resemble an ornamental boat, wearing a white conical flag at the four corners. in front of the bier, several people are performing umoara (war dance) and tumotabua (striking a gong to accompany the corpse) after being lifted to the place of burial. judging from the religious function, especially at the death ceremony of the tolaki people, the rhythm of the striking of the karandu or gong tumotabua is divided into several types of sounds of the tumotabua karandu, namely: (1) tabua nggowea, (2) tabua mbekado, (3) tabua mboreetina-mepate pate sapembita, and (4) tabua mborekapu. when in mourning, funeral processions, and announcing the dead, tumotabua will be held using a gong. in tumotabua activities, the maximum number of gongs used is 7 (seven) and a minimum of 2 (two) gongs, and there are rules and procedures for hitting tumotabua (funeral ceremonies). in the tumotabua event, three types of gong blows are known, one of which is the tumotabua punch, where the people (in the past) understood ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 1-21 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 karandu (gong): history, functions, and symbols in the life of the tolaki people in 17th -20th | 14 that this strike indicated that a mokole (king), royal official, anakia, or an important person had died. nowadays, the striking of the gong or karandu suggests that an official, influential person, traditional leader, community leader or descendant of the traditional elite from the past has died. arts function karandu or gong accompanies the tolaki people's dances, including the lulo (molulo) dances, lariangi, umahu, mondau, osara, and so on. mainly to accompany the lulo dance which is usually held regularly. there are several sounds of blows when accompanying the lulo dance, this is explained by the fact that there are several sounds and blows of the gong karandu, namely: mude-mude salaka, tolongi dongi-dongi, tundu watu nggere kere, tunduh watu ngganeko, pundi madi telopo. pukulan saat kematian disebut tumotabua terbagi pukulan kowea dan tina mopate pate (see also mekuo, 1978; melamba, 2016). the reduced function of the gong, such as the function of lulo accompaniment, is less functional and is rarely used in every lulo dance event. until the 1980s, local residents still used these accompaniment tools to accompany lulo. art has a close relationship with worship or accompaniment in calling spirits. sangia (ancestral spirits) as a form of original belief, is considered a source of strength, worship as a form of religious expression can be seen in several kinds of art, such as the poetic verses in mythological songs called tebaununggu songs and isara songs (names of heroes that symbolize the gods of the earth and the gods of the sky); a cult dance called the lariangi dance (dance worshipping a king who is treated as a god on earth); the lulo sangia dance (a dance to pray to the spirits of the ancestors or the gods for healing of a king's illness); and the umoara dance (a war dance that expresses magical power and social power in a hero who is ready to enter the battlefield) (tarimana, 1993). apart from that, karandu is also used to accompany the funeral of a king or bokeo or mokole, royal officials, and the nobility or anakia. the gong is always beaten non-stop while delivering the corpse to the burial place. the function of the gong as an art is to accompany the tolaki traditional dance. karandu or gongs are used to accompany lulo dances and umoara dances (dance of war), mondotambe dance (welcoming dance), lariangi dance (offering dance), umahu dance (dance taking water), and so on. previously, the lulo dance accompaniment was made of kanda-wuta, a hole made of soil to which a rope and material made of animal skin or sago fronds are attached. the rhythm of hitting the gong in the lulo dance has variations, such as the telopo madi purse, tundu watu ganganeko. karandu is a percussion instrument. the musical instruments that are played are karandu (gong), drum (tamburu), and o'dimba (a type of drum). in the tolaki folk song, there is a piece that reads "peia tawa-tawa, molulo sambe gaa" which means the sound of the rhythm of the gong, carrying out the lulo dance until morning. there is also a verse in the song that reads "nopeia karandu tinoni tawa-tawa luwuako toono meambo penaono" meaning that with the sound of the gong and the striking of the gong, everyone has a happy heart. it is a collective memory that gong karandu, or tawa-tawa, is a tool to accompany the lulo dance. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 1-21 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 karandu (gong): history, functions, and symbols in the life of the tolaki people in 17th -20th | 15 the function of accompanying dances such as the molulo dance is dance performed by all elements of society; men and women, young and old, adults and children, community leaders and commoners, the rich and the poor. usually, this dance is performed at weddings and on the last anniversary of death. the sound of a gong accompanies this dance. the middle room of the party house where the dance is held is decorated with decorative tents and decorative cloth curtains. this dance is more satisfying for performers and spectators when performed at night rather than during the day. the way to do this is to hold hands with fellow dancers, where the male's hand is in a position below the female's hand, around the gong that is sounded, which forms a circle, the joined hands are moved up and down, while the legs are swung twice to the left. then step back three times to the right, followed by moving the feet forward and backwards, and so on; the face and gaze are directed forward to the centre of the circle where the gong is hung on the centre pillar of the house, which from time to time glances to the left and the right; all movements of both hands and feet are always adjusted to the rhythm of the sound of the gong. functions as economic or valuable and high-value assets function as a valuable and high-value treasure. in some cases, karandu is used as an inheritance for someone to their child as the heir, so we find many types of karandu or gongs that are hundreds of years old. after being traced is the tiari of their ancestors during the royal period, where karandu became a royal inheritance called hanu manuru. one proof of the root of the karandu culture among the tolaki people is that they made it one of the images in the regional symbols of konawe regency (formerly kendari, 1962-2004). karandu, as an economic and social function, is a symbol of the nobles' wealth. karandu is also a confirmation of position in the social structure. as an inheritance, karandu is considered a symbol of high-value property. there is an expression that reads hapo-hapo tengga ronga tewali tiara, which means that the price is valuable and becomes an inheritance. having a karandu or tawa-tawa is a matter of pride for the family. karandu is a symbol of economic maturity and wealth of social status for some tolaki people and is even used as one of the legacies of hapo-hapo tiari. as objects of economic value, karandu are considered valuable objects. in the past, someone who owned property, such as buffalo (kiniku), walaka (area keeping buffalo and cows), porcelain (obenggi, darawata, jars, pingga mongulo), gold (wulaa), silver (salaka), jewelry gold (wulaa) such as earrings (andi-andi), including gongs or karandu are considered rich people because in the past not everyone could afford gong objects. in the past, gongs had high selling prices and were difficult to obtain. gong ownership in the past was limited to the upper social structure or elite class, such as mokole or kings, royal officials, nobles (anakia), rich people (to'ono ngawasa), and so on. symbols in karandu every cultural object has a value and symbol, including karandu or gong, for the tolaki people have perspectives and knowledge regarding issues of traditional objects. a ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 1-21 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 karandu (gong): history, functions, and symbols in the life of the tolaki people in 17th -20th | 16 black gong is a symbol of stability and maturity. in addition, karandu symbolizes new sources of life in building and proclaiming a sense of unity (the concept of medulu mepokoaso) for the integrity of the wonua or country. tawa-tawa is the name for gong in the tolaki language. the material is made of brass with a decoration of two dragons fighting over food. its social function is to be used or played during ceremonies or weddings, especially among the nobility. in addition, this gong has a symbolic meaning, namely, as a status symbol for its owner. as a symbol of prosperity, they also describe the form of a prosperous society through what is called the atmosphere of ndundu karandu tumotapa rarai (the sound of a gong in the middle of the night, tawa-tawa and loud shouts at a party). meanwhile, prosperous society is described by them through expressions: morini mbu'umbundi monapa mbu'undawaro (a cold atmosphere like the cold of a banana tree and cool like a sago grove), metotoro o loho mesuke ndaliawa (a fertile atmosphere of life like a fruitful kedondong trees and a solid atmosphere of life like a sturdy house supported by living logs). finally, the idea of well-being, for example, is embodied in what is called mombekapona-pona'ako (mutual love), ndundu karandu (an atmosphere of inner calm filled with the melodious strains of the sound of a gong in the middle of the night), and tumotapa rarai (an atmosphere of joy filled with the noisy sound, tawa-tawa and applause) (tarimana, 1993). furthermore, what tolaki people mean by someone wealthy (kawasa) is if someone has: big house; antiques such as gongs, jars, plates, and the like; areas of hardwood plantations such as coconut, durian, mango, langsat, sago plantations and others; plenties of domesticated animals or livestock such as buffaloes, horses, goats, and so on; many wives (kawasa ndile); many followers, such as many workers employed, families, and so on, which is called (kawasa ndoono). based on the aforementioned categories of social stratification, every tolaki person competes to maintain and improve their social status through hard work in the farming and plantation business sector as the main livelihood of the majority of the tolaki ethnic community since ancient times (su’ud 2010). tarimana reveals the religious symbol. suppose it turns out that the sick person has breathed his last. in that case, people immediately slaughter a buffalo as what is called kotumbenao (a sacrifice that kills the soul, a separator between the body and the spirit). meanwhile, people have done tumotabua (ringing the gong as a sign that the accompanying spirits go to their lord). the sad and heartbreaking sound of the gong stirred the hearts of family members and close neighbours to visit the death house. in order to inform distant relatives and especially those who are elders in the village, several people were sent to deliver a kalo called a kowea (in the form of a figure) as a sign of the message of the dead. if this kind of kowea symbolically illustrates that the spirits of the dead come to meet their relatives to say goodbye because they have to go before god (tarimana 1993). the gong as a symbol of the unity of the tolaki people can be seen from the circle of the gong, which signifies the tolaki people's view of life regarding the unified, when they meet each other, they will become one. gong or karandu is a paramount cultural object in arts and cultural activities, especially in dance activities and other ceremonies, ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 1-21 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 karandu (gong): history, functions, and symbols in the life of the tolaki people in 17th -20th | 17 such as welcoming guests. gong or karandu as a traditional symbol, is one of the causes of the emergence of traditional gongs, namely due to the scarcity of gongs both stored in the community and those that are traded, resulting in the main contents of adat (puuno osara) in tolaki marriages agreed to be replaced with a certain amount of money called nililima or nilungga. the replacement was agreed in 1996, at a meeting of the administrators of the tolaki traditional institute (lat), traditional leaders and community leaders agreed that the traditional content in the form of a gong (tawa-tawa sara or karandu sara) would be replaced with an amount of money. initially, it was replaced with an amount of idr 50,000 and is considered equivalent to the value of the gong. the price was idr 150,000 around 2003 and 2006 (al ashur, 2003 and muslimin 2006). furthermore, at a meeting initiated by the central leadership council (dewan pimpinan pusat/ dpp) of the tolaki traditional institute (lembaga adat tolaki/ lat) in 2021 to ratify the customary regulations, it was agreed that the price of tawa-tawa or karandu sara is idr 50,000.00 (see customary regulations (peraturan adat/ perdat marriage or sara perapua). in the past, one of the traditional objects presented in implementing perapua was the gong. at present, the role of the gong, according to the agreement is replaced with money in the amount of idr 250,000, this is called nililima or nilungga, meaning substitute, which is called tawa-tawa sara or karandu sara. as a traditional symbol that the gong as a form of popolo in the past was in the form of sago groves or lalo epe or puu ndawaro, gong (karandu or tawa-tawa), kasa wila white cloth (in pis form), osawu or toloa sarongs, gold coins, household tools, gold jewellery and others, apart from popolo, there are other payments called sara peana, sara = adat, peana = having children, raising babies. here are some traditional objects that are present in the implementation of traditional marriages such as kalo, siwole uwa, white cloth/ balatu/ okasa, obite (betel nut), areca nut (inea), karandu sara (traditional gong), eno sara (traditional necklace), etc. in addition, the gong, as a traditional symbol, is depicted as ceremonial tools, karandu (gong), o eno (gold necklace), kina (rice), lapalapa (apostle rice), kotupa (rhombus rice), paedai (glutinous rice), pongasi (liquor made from leavened rice), o luwi (oil coconut), lowani (headband made of white cloth), ulaula (a scarecrow made of white thread), buleka (a bier), o kolo, o tema (a baby carrier). gong is also a sign or symbol of communication. according to the tolaki people, several values are contained in the gong or karandu. the values contained therein are artistic, technological, religious, and religious values. as an artistic value, the strains of the gong blows are a separate beauty full of meaning. there is a relation between the gong blows and the movements of the lulo dance, umoara dance, moreka punching umoara dance, merare, and so on. in contrast, regarding technological value, karandu includes form, material, size, and model. finally, from an educational point of view, gong strikes are an accompaniment to dance, which requires the dancer to make regular movements (gong strikes in rhythm with leg, hand, and body movements) in a unified circular form. the shift regarding the function and symbol of the gong (karandu) was caused by the social changes that occurred among the tolaki, where previously there was a ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 1-21 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 karandu (gong): history, functions, and symbols in the life of the tolaki people in 17th -20th | 18 division of the social structure into the tolaki aristocrats (anakia), the middle-class common people (to'onoongapa) and the lower class or slaves (oata) based on blood type or traditional division. this changed after independence, followed by the abolition of self-government in indonesia, including in mainland southeast sulawesi, the abolition of the laiwoei swapraja and the neo mekongga swapraja. thus, there is a change in the social structure of a new pattern determined by the economy (wealth), education, position, etc. the orientation in adat has also changed in terms of deciding adat; for example, the tawa-tawa sara or the adat gong can be replaced with some money. in addition, it is also caused by the tolaki generation's need for more knowledge about the existence of the gong, especially regarding its functions and symbols and a lack of understanding of the values contained in this object. some tolaki people consider it not too necessary, but on the one hand, there are also tolaki people who advocate using the actual gong both in marriage as one of the puuno osara (principles of custom) as the tawa-tawa sara (traditional gong), as well as in artistic activities such as molulo accompanied by using the striking of a gong. the influence of technology with the invention and innovation of equipment helps peoples facilitate their affairs and needs. such as orchestras, bands, radio, and the like that can accompany the dance. besides that, it is increasingly difficult to get a gong. people must order it from java (yogyakarta) or lamangga buton. another obstacle to owning a gong is the high price, significantly since the price varies from small to large sizes with different prices. the difficulty of obtaining and buying handicrafts in the form of karandu also made the traditional leaders of the tolaki people and the tolaki traditional institute (lembaga adat tolaki/ lat) agree that the traditional object in the form of tawa-tawa sara can be replaced with an amount of idr 250,000 is considered a symbol of the gong object, and the value is regarded as the same. the use of gongs or karandu at present has transformed, used in images on symbols or logos in the form of district regional symbols, logos of traditional institutions, logos of community organizations, symbols or emblems of traditional mass organizations, in addition to being installed as images inside houses, buildings and border gates. conclusions the development of the gong (karandu/ tawa-tawa) culture underwent several stages, namely: the first stage was called the identification of the process of entering and developing the gong culture into the tolaki cultural area took several stages, namely: the first stage pioneering this period took place between the 13th century to 16th century. the oldest evidence of recognition of gong culture among the tolaki people is that there are stories about the use of gongs during wartime in the taenango (heroic epics) as a source of old tolaki oral literature. besides that, there are several ancient tolaki folklore explaining the gong culture. the history of introducing gong culture in tolaki land according to local traditions and elements around the 13th century ad, originated in java (majapahit). the second stage is called intensification, where the gong culture becomes a habit for the indigenous population, having its function and symbol in their ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 1-21 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 karandu (gong): history, functions, and symbols in the life of the tolaki people in 17th -20th | 19 lives. during this period, they experienced the development and intensity of its use concerning the wolio kingdom or sultanate. furthermore, the acquisition of karandu occurred between the 16th and 20th centuries from traders from outside and through shipping and trade with the natives. at this stage, the functions and symbols of the gong as a culture of the tolaki people experience development and growth in their life practices of the tolaki people. gongs at that time were used as royal and personal treasures of high value, art, ceremonies, social status, and so on. in the 19th century ad, the entry of chinese people who carried out the trade increased the number of gong products traded because gong became one of the trade commodities at that time. during the dutch east indies era, shipping and trading activities developed and continued to influence the gong troops being traded in markets and in the mainland of southeast sulawesi. the crisis stage occurred in the mid-20th century post-independence period when the di/tii movement crisis affected the number and use of gongs in various aspects of life due to chaos, displacement and loss of property. in reviewing the development and growth of gong culture, there is continuity and change related to functions and symbols. there are several functions of the gong: first, the function is as communication as signs of danger, the presence of attacks or particular situations. the customary function of karandu or gong as a traditional object in tolaki marriages. in the past, gong as a dowry in tolaki marriages was called popolo. then in subsequent developments, the dowry (popolo sara) in the form of a gong was added to popolo kinawiako (dowry in marriage) in the form of an amount of real money or rupiah; this was due to the influence of the entry of islam. as a traditional marriage object, namely moruhu owuku/mooli anakia (buying nobility), gong is used as one of the redeemers. traditional objects in the perapua marriage entered as puusara (principle of custom) in the form of aso lawa karandu (a gong) called tawa-tawa sara/ karandu sara (traditional gong) then shifted. still, traditional objects were replaced with money (nililima/ nilungga). the religious function is used when the mokowea death ceremony is beaten when death occurs until the body is delivered to the cemetery (awad and shaleh 2018). this function is still limited to the descendants of the nobility, the rich, or those who have positions/positions. the religious function of the gong is used at death ceremonies called tumotabua, where the gong is beaten or played continuously with the sound of nggowea tabua. furthermore, the gong is also beaten to accompany the corpse to the grave. the function of art as an accompaniment to the lulo, lariangi, mombesara, umahu, mondou dances and so on. in the past, the gong had an economic function where the gong was an inheritance (hanu tiara/ hapo-hapo tiara), as a hanu manure symbol of royal inheritance, and at that time the gong was considered to have a very high price and value. at present it is no longer a symbol of the economy but has shifted into a collection only as well as being a source of pride when it is needed it will be an honour to own this object. in the past, gongs with high prices and values as a measure of wealth are now no longer considered valuable objects. there are several symbols in the gong: in the past social status symbols, customary, unity, and communication. as a symbol of art, ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 1-21 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 karandu (gong): history, functions, and symbols in the life of the tolaki people in 17th -20th | 20 the gong is a tool to accompany the lulo dance with various types of lulo including the kind of sound when hit; besides that, it also accompanies the lariangi dance (offering dance), umahu dance (water fetching dance), mondotambe dance (welcoming dance), umoara dance (dance war), mombesara dance (dance carrying traditional offerings) and so on. the gong is currently experiencing a shift; for instance, it is no longer regularly used to accompany various types of lulo due to technological developments to accompany lulo dances such as orjen, bands, and the like. as a religious symbol, the gong is used in death ceremonies by striking the gong. the shift regarding the function and symbol of the gong (karandu) was caused by the social changes that occurred among the tolaki people, where previously there was a division of the social structure into the noble tolaki people (anakia), the middle-class common people (to'onoongapa) and the lower class or slaves (oata) based on blood type or traditional division. references al ashur, a. (2003). hukum adat perkawinan tolaki. pemda konawe. awad, f. b., & shaleh, m. (2018, july). integrating counseling values in marriage ritual of tolakinese culture society in indonesia. in iop conference series: earth and environmental science (vol. 175, no. 1, p. 012175). iop publishing. https://doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/175/1/012175 baden, p. j. m. (1925). rapport betreffende het vormen hadatgemenschappen in onderafdeeling kolaka. djaruju, & sirajudin, l. o. (1990). seni kerajinan dan prospeknya (kasus seni kerajinan di kecamatan betoambari kabupaten daerah tingkat ii buton. jurnal haluoleo majalah ilmiah universita, 7, 121–139. garraghan, g. j. (1957). a guide to historical method. fordham university press. jong, c. d. (2010). nieuwe meesters, nieuwe goden: geschiedenis van de tolaki en tomoronene, twee volkeren in zuidoost celebes (indonesie) van prehistorische tijden tot ca. 1950. lambert academic publishing. kojaing, k. (2017). makna spiritual musik gong waning dalam ritual adat kematian masyarakat hewokloang kabupaten sikka flores ntt. institut seni indonesia yogyakarta. mekuo, d., & proyek penelitian dan pencatatan kebudayaan daerah. (1979). ensiklopedi musik dan tari daerah sulawesi tenggara. proyek penelitian dan pencatatan kebudayaan daerah sulawesi tenggara. melamba, b. et al. (2016). khazanah budaya tolaki. pustaka larasan. melamba, b., syukur, l. o., & nggawu, l. o. (2015). the lulo dance from traditional to muri record: historical analysis of tolakinese culture in southeast sulawesi indonesia. tawarikh journal international, 7(1): 87-98 https://doi.org/10.2121/tawarikh.v7i1.625 pingak, ch. (1978). mekongga (aneka ragam kebudayaan kabupaten kolaka). stensilan. santosa, h., & bandem, i. m. (2002). gamelan gong beri di renon: sebuah kajian historis dan musikologis. universitas gadjah mada. su’ud, muslimin. (2010). aneka ragam budaya tolaki. multi kreasi satu delapan. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 7 (1), 1-21 © 2023 | e-issn: 2579-4213 karandu (gong): history, functions, and symbols in the life of the tolaki people in 17th -20th | 21 sulaiman, a. r. (1990). ragam hias sulawesi tenggara: suatu studi pada museum sulawesi tenggara. suud, m. (2006). osara; hukum adat tolaki. kendari lppskt. syahrun, s., & melamba, b. (2022). changes in tolaki people burial in southeast sulawesi: from boat-shaped grave coffin (soronga) to boat-shaped islamic tomb (koburu bangga). jurnal sejarah citra lekha, 7(1): 1-12 https://doi.org/10.14710/jscl.v7i1.45319 tarimana, a. (1993). seri etnografi: kebudayaan tolaki. balai pustaka. vonk, h. w. (1928). memorie van het landschap laiwoei’. microsoft word 4. layout ihis orllanda.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 43-58 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 43 heritage preservation of the pulau sawah temple complex in dharmasraya regency, indonesia | received: may 28, 2024 revised: august 21, 2024 accepted: june 21, 2025 heritage preservation of the pulau sawah temple complex in dharmasraya regency, indonesia merlina agustina orllanda1, herwandi1, nopriyasman1 1department of history, faculty of humanities, andalas university, padang, west sumatra – indonesia *corresponding author: pradana.bk@gmail.com doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v9i1.22960 introduction the temple complex in the pulau sawah area was officially recognised by the regent of dharmasraya, sutan riska, on 8 march 2019, as a regency-level cultural heritage site. this action is a form of appreciation by the dharmasraya regional government through regent's decree no. 188.45/kpts-/bud/2019 for the historical value of the red brick configuration hidden among the rubber plantations and siguntur grass. the sense of ownership towards this historical heritage reflects a commitment to fulfilling the government's mandate no. 38 issued in 2007, which focuses on cultural preservation. this aligns with the government's role in shaping a nation's cultural landscape and serving to preserve, promote, and regulate cultural heritage (saputra, 2024, p. 25). moreover, sumatra island boasts numerous cultural heritage sites with similar cultural and historical backgrounds, such as in medan, bukittinggi, and siak. additionally, various archaeological remnants are scattered across west sumatra, including dharmasraya regency (ginting, rahman, nasution, 2020). the minangkabau cultural abstract the study focused on the preservation of the pulau sawah temple complex under the management of batusangkar historical and archaeological heritage conservation agency (spsp) batusangkar to the cultural preservation centre (bpk) iii region west sumatra. the temple site had previously received inadequate attention, both from the community and the local government, even though it marked the heritage of the buddhist malay kingdom. the situation improved when the spsp was established and began operations, leading to increased attention and conservation efforts for the pulau sawah temple complex through various stages. through primary and secondary source research, the study found that the conservation of the pulau sawah temple complex has involved numerous stakeholders. various local stakeholders, supported by the batusangkar spsp as the precursor to the bpk iii, have played a crucial role in the preservation process. preservation efforts are not limited to collection management but are also supported by the management of the organisational structure of the institution responsible for the site complex. therefore, the preservation of the temple structures on pulau sawah, which, when examined closely, can evoke the identity of dharmasraya, is of great value and should be passed on to future generations. keywords: pulau sawah temple site; historical and archaeological heritage site; preservation; collaboration. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 43-58 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 44 heritage preservation of the pulau sawah temple complex in dharmasraya regency, indonesia | heritage, as described by mardatillah (2020), is shaped by various elements, including history, and is an element that should be appreciated by policymakers aiming to develop cities (rashid, 2015, pp. 10-17). one of the cultural heritage sites in dharmasraya regency that is quite important to preserve due to the vulnerability of its structure caused by natural factors is the pulau sawah candra and rahman site (2023, p. 17). the pulau sawah temple area is indicated as one of the relics of the melau dharmasraya kingdom, specifically as a strategic administrative centre around the end of the 12th century. at that time, there was a connection between java and sumatra related to pamalayu, the gift of the amoghapasa statue (1208 s/1286 ce) by king kertanegara of the singasari kingdom to sri maharaja srimat tribhuwanaraja mauliwarmmadewa (istiawan, 2023, p. 46). the emergence of the wangsa mauli dharmasraya dynasty revealed that the dharmasraya malay kingdom was not a continuation of sriwijaya. based on this, it is known that the story buried in the brick fragments in the pulau sawah area highlights dharmasraya as a royal land (marzali, 2023, p. 66-67). it can be stated that several archaeological potentials at the pulau sawah temple complex have been influenced by buddhist elements. at the pulau sawah ii site, a buddha statue with the head and hands missing (1), a buddha gautama statue, another buddha statue in a standing tribangga position on a base (missing), and other remnants were found (taim, 2022, pp. 100-101). considering the relatively young age of the temples, some indicate that the area was formerly used as a place of worship. that is evident from the presence of dormitories or learning spaces and areas for congregants. it is estimated that the designation of pulau sawah as a place of worship was supported by its environmental factors (r. w. oetomo, personal communication, 14 may 2024). the location of sawah island, not far from the riverbank on the north side of the batanghari river, also contributes to the buddhist atmosphere of the area. that location indicates that pulau sawah was previously a religious site, as described in the mānasāra śilpaprakāsa text (taim, 2022, p. 100). additionally, the batanghari river basin in dharmasraya regency, which is indicated as a transportation route for the pamalayu trade, was also utilised for religious activities such as worship, complete with supporting facilities. therefore, the pulau sawah temple complex is significantly important to be preserved, particularly its architectural structures, to ensure that its knowledge, historical, educational, religious, and cultural values are not lost over time and can be passed down to future generations (istiawan and utomo, 2014, p. 28). various traces of hindu-buddhist relics at the pulau sawah temple complex demonstrate the uniqueness of the archaeological remains in dharmasraya regency, prompting numerous experts to conduct various studies on the site. l. c. westenenk visited the pulau sawah complex in 1909 and discovered brick ruins on pulau sawah. he documented his observations in 1921, titled ‘memorie van overgave van den aftredenden resident van benkoelen l.c westenenk.’ this initial research then attracted the attention of other researchers such as schnitger, leading to further studies up until the post-independence period of indonesia (candra and rahman, 2023, pp. 39–40). through the time, the pulau sawah temple complex in dharmasraya regency began to be treated like other heritage sites in the region. the complex was then specifically managed under the new order government, specifically under the management of the director of protection and preservation of ancient heritage. since then, the pulau sawah complex has been managed by the museum of prehistoric history (muskala) of the west sumatra regional ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 43-58 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 45 heritage preservation of the pulau sawah temple complex in dharmasraya regency, indonesia | office of the ministry of education and culture since 1989 and has also been managed by the batusangkar archaeological service (spsp) since 1990 (sugiharta, 2013, p. 60). based on the decree of the minister of education and culture no.0767/o/1989 dated 7 december 1989, spsp batusangkar was established to carry out the tasks of protecting, developing and realising the utilisation and facilitating the preservation of past heritage in the working area. in its implementation, spsp batusangkar collaborates with other agencies within the ministry of education and culture, local governments, and the local community. therefore, in order to extend the lifespan of the brick structures at the pulau sawah temple complex, spsp batusangkar involved the role of the dharmasraya regency government before it separated from the sawahlunto-sijunjung regency and the siguntur community (t. hidayat, personal communication, 14 march 2024). however, the community residing within the temple complex has not yet developed a sense of ownership towards the heritage site, as they are perceived to lack sufficient awareness. as a result, cases of vandalism, theft, and the relocation of collections have occurred at the pulau sawah temple structures, indirectly threatening their preservation (t. a. p. marhasinda, personal communication, 19 april 2024). the preservation of the pulau sawah temple site had not previously been a priority for the government due to a lack of coordination between the central and regional governments. therefore, the involvement of spsp batusangkar has encouraged cooperation with various stakeholders. these consistent efforts were evident in the transformation of spsp batusangkar into the centre for the preservation of historical and archaeological heritage (bp3), which later became the cultural heritage preservation office (bpcb) of west sumatra, and is now known as the cultural heritage preservation office of region iii (bpk iii) of west sumatra province, based on ministry of education, culture, research, and technology regulation number 33 of 2022. based on the above description, this study focuses on the dynamics of spsp batusangkar as the forerunner of bpk iii west sumatra province, which has played an important role in the preservation of the candi pulau sawah site in jorong siguntur ranah, kenagarian siguntur, sitiung district, dharmasraya regency, west sumatra province. method the arguments presented in this paper are based on findings and selection of facts from qualitative historical research. this research is descriptive and analytical in nature, using primary sources such as laws, archives, photographs and reports obtained from archival studies, literature studies and field studies. in addition to literature studies and field research, this study also uses interviews as part of its oral sources. the sources obtained were critically reviewed, both internally and externally, to minimise subjectivity and ensure the authenticity and credibility of the sources (herlina, 2008, pp. 25-55). this study also employs the cultural resource management (crm) and sustainable resource management approaches to conduct a critical-empirical analysis of the effective and sustainable management of the pulau sawah temple complex, involving local stakeholders in dharmasraya regency (smith and clarke, 2004, pp. 10-15). batusangkar historical and archaeological heritage site (spsp): safeguarding west sumatra’s cultural legacy cultural resource management in indonesia is generally better known among archaeologists and is always associated with the conservation of cultural heritage in the form ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 43-58 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 46 heritage preservation of the pulau sawah temple complex in dharmasraya regency, indonesia | of archaeological remains, such as artefacts, monuments, structures, sites and areas. on the other hand, the arrangement of a site area also faces various challenges in the conservation process at sites and monuments, as well as cultural heritage areas. this is because management is not only limited to determining the area to be protected, but also determining the boundaries of the area, which is not easy to do (putranto et al., 2024, pp. 2-3). looking at the history of cultural preservation in indonesia, preservation efforts began with the establishment of the oudheidkundige dienst in nederlandsch-indie in 1913. this archaeological institution was tasked with researching and preserving historical relics in the dutch east indies as an effort to protect historical and archaeological artefacts. following the proclamation of indonesian independence, the oudheidkundige dienst in nederlandschindie was nationalised as the national archaeological and heritage agency (lppn). over time, the lppn evolved into the centre for archaeological and heritage research in 1974, and the directorate of history and archaeology was renamed the directorate of protection and development of historical and archaeological heritage (ditlinbinjarah). in accordance with the decree of the people's consultative assembly no. iv/mpr/1978, the institution is tasked with the restoration, maintenance, preservation, and protection of the nation's cultural heritage. this legal foundation also established the development and promotion of cultural values contained in historical and archaeological heritage to preserve the nation's identity, strengthen national pride and self-esteem, and reinforce the spirit of national unity. additionally, the directorate of historical heritage utilisation (ditlinbinjarah) uses article 32 of the 1945 constitution as its constitutional basis for rescuing, protecting, nurturing, and maintaining all heritage sites throughout the entire territory of the country (t. hidayat, personal communication, 14 march 2024). ditlinbinjarah was officially established in 1980 and began with four technical implementation units (upt) of the directorate of history and antiquities located in yogyakarta, trowulan, gianyar, and makassar. however, the institution faced various challenges following indonesia's independence, prompting the minister of education and culture at the time, fuad hasan, to issue a decision regarding the organisation and operational procedures for historical and archaeological heritage sites on 7 december 1989. this was related to the protection of the nation's cultural heritage, which had been hindered during the japanese occupation of indonesia. the establishment of the four upts was followed by the establishment of five upt branches, including spsp aceh, spsp batusangkar, spsp jambi, spsp west java, and spsp central java. based on the minister of education and culture's decision on 7 december 1989, the borobudur study and conservation centre in magelang, along with the west sumatra spsp, was established to establish these institutions. after being established in 1989, spsp batusangkar began operations in 1990. the choice of location for the office in batusangkar was related to the location of the pagaruyung kingdom, which has many classical relics, such as those of king adityawarman, islam, the colonial era, and the independence era. like other spsp branches established across various regions, spsp batusangkar is tasked with maintaining, protecting, restoring, documenting, guiding, and educating the public about historical and archaeological sites within its area of operation. the batusangkar spsp was initially located in the guardhouse of the adityawarman inscription before moving to the balai adat, which is situated directly in front of the regent's official residence. after receiving a land grant in 1994, the batusangkar spsp office was officially relocated to jalan sultan alam bagagarsyah, nagari pagaruyung, tanjung emas district. however, the spsp batusangkar office was officially established in 1996, as shown in ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 43-58 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 47 heritage preservation of the pulau sawah temple complex in dharmasraya regency, indonesia | figures 1 to 3 (t. hidayat, personal communication, 14 march 2024). figure 1. portrait of the spsp’s office in the 1990s (source: dokumentasi spsp) figure 2. portrait of spsp's second office in the 2000s (source: dokumentasi spsp) figure 3. the location of the bpk iii office on jalan sultan alam bagagarsyah, nagari pagaruyung, has been the same since the 2000s until now. (source: dokumentasi spsp) the inauguration of spsp batusangkar ultimately supported the existence of the museum of history and archaeology (muskala) under the management of the west sumatra regional office of the ministry of education and culture (candra and rahman, 2023). spsp ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 43-58 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 48 heritage preservation of the pulau sawah temple complex in dharmasraya regency, indonesia | batusangkar faces various challenges in managing its archaeological collections, such as limited data. this is because, although the number of objects in west sumatra-riau is quite significant, they must align with local traditions and the vast geographical area with limited transportation infrastructure during the data collection process. additionally, spsp batusangkar still needs to convince local governments and communities about the role and functions of the institution in preserving the collection (a. t. mulyono, personal communication, 28 february 2024). in its development, presidential decree no. 117 was issued to establish the department of tourism and culture. although this policy was temporary because after megawati became president of the republic of indonesia, the status of the department of culture and tourism was changed to the ministry of culture and tourism. in this context, spsp batusangkar played a role in supporting the government, particularly in preserving culture by nurturing, developing, protecting, and utilising culture not only for tourism purposes. to carry out its role within the government structure, in 2002 spsp batusangkar changed its name to bp3. at the same time, its territory was expanded to include the riau islands (r. rusli, personal communication, 19 december 2023). in carrying out its duties, bp3 is responsible to the directorate general of history and archaeology, with implementation managed by the director of archaeological heritage in accordance with permenbudpar 37 of 2006. essentially, there was a vertical bureaucratic restructuring, though this did not significantly impact the tasks and functions of spsp/bp3. this is because the institution's focus remained on the preservation of historical and archaeological heritage. over time, the institution was once again placed under the management of the ministry of education and culture in 2011, resulting in the issuance of ministry of education and culture regulation no. 52/2012 on the organisation and operational procedures of the cultural heritage preservation centre (bpcb). in this context, the term bp3 was changed to bpcb. with the issuance of ministry of education and culture regulation no. 30/2015, the batusangkar cultural heritage preservation centre was renamed the west sumatra cultural heritage preservation centre (bpcb sumbar). the organisational structure of bpcb sumbar consists of a head who oversees section heads and sub-section heads. section heads are responsible for coordinating the maintenance working group, the rescue-security-zoning working group, the documentation-publication working group, the developmentutilisation working group, and the restoration working group (nurmatias, personal communication, 2 april 2024). the regulation was later amended based on regulation of the minister of education, culture, research, and technology no. 33/2022 concerning the organisation and work procedures of cultural preservation centres. therefore, bpk iii employees were reorganised by merging staff from the cultural values preservation centre in padang and the west sumatra cultural heritage preservation centre in batusangkar. in its efforts to preserve and promote cultural heritage and intangible cultural heritage, bpk iii west sumatra focuses solely on the west sumatra region. this agency was officially established on 2 june 2022, and its inauguration took place on 22 december 2022. undri serves as the head of bpk region iii west sumatra province, with fauzan amril as the head of the general affairs section. the agency, located in padang and tanah datar, has 88 staff members and 113 cultural heritage custodians (staff placement decision 2022: 1-5; staff reorganisation decision for bpk region iii, 14 april 2023: 1-6; cultural heritage custodian decision for bpcb west sumatra, 17 ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 43-58 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 49 heritage preservation of the pulau sawah temple complex in dharmasraya regency, indonesia | february 2022). in the field of conservation, from the spsp to the bpk region iii west sumatra, the commitment to preserving the nation's cultural assets remains steadfast. however, since 2022, these efforts have been realised through collaboration between the cultural heritage law no. 11 of 2010 and the cultural advancement law no. 5 of 2017 to preserve and promote cultural heritage that reflects the nation's identity. as one of the nation's cultural treasures, the pulau sawah temple complex is always prioritised to ensure that this distinctive heritage of dharmasraya regency continues to provide benefits in terms of economy, knowledge, religion, and history. tracing the melayu legacy: from sriwijaya’s dominion to dharmasraya’s rise the location of malay is quite a puzzle because there are various versions of its location. in 1993, basyarsyah ii and his colleagues stated that ‘malay’ was located precisely on the coast of the malacca strait, starting from southern thailand, the malay peninsula, the east coast of sumatra, to the south china sea, such as brunei, sabah, and serawak. winstedt (1984) had a broader perspective, linking the malay people to all indigenous groups inhabiting the entire nusantara archipelago, the philippines, parts of indochina, and formosa (taiwan) (hakim, 2017, pp. 101-112). both views do not deny that one of the locations of the malay people is in indonesia (soedewo, 2007, pp. 19-20). regarding the malay people in their homeland, it is interesting to trace the story of the malay people of sumatra. there is a view that the malay people were located in the jambi region at that time, but it was assumed afterward that they were in the malay peninsula (soedewo, 2007, p. 20). in malay mythology, their ancestors are believed to have come from the sky and descended to bukit seguntang maha meru in the upper reaches of palembang. based on a classical perspective, the village at the upper reaches of the merangin river (karang brahi) is estimated to be the original centre of the malay kingdom, with its port at muara jambi (marzali, 2023, p. 76). the fact that this aligns with i-tsing's records, which mention that the malay port served as a stopover point between india and china, is significant. it is stated that from this port, one could sail northward to kwang-tung in approximately fifteen days. based on the above information from the buddhist monk, slametmuljana identified the mouth of the batanghari river (kota jambi) in the 7th century as the location of the malay kingdom. another perspective comes from boechari, who places the malay people on the eastern coast of sumatra (the batang kuantan region or on the western coast of malaysia near port swettenham) (hassan et al., 2021, pp. 45–46). based on i-tsing's expedition reports on the spread of buddhism in the malay region, it can be concluded that the malay kingdom was not actually the sriwijava (sriwijaya) kingdom, but rather a conquered region. according to suzuki, the capital of the sriwijava kingdom was located in chaiya (in ban don bay, southern thailand) (razzaq, 2017, pp. 39-50). sriwijava was never located in palembang, but palembang was one of the territories under sriwijava's control (around 650 ce). in addition to palembang, muara jambi was also under the control of sriwijaya (around 672-687). information indicates that i-tsing was once escorted by the king of sriwijaya to muara jambi in 672, and later in 687 he found that the malay had been conquered by sriwijaya. i-tsing's testimony shows that around 685, sriwijaya had conquered the malay, although not under strict control. therefore, the malay continued to send envoys to china. this was considered by sriwijaya as a form of resistance, so that around 683-686 a warning was issued as stated in the karang brahi inscription (marzali, 2023, pp. 66-67). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 43-58 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 50 heritage preservation of the pulau sawah temple complex in dharmasraya regency, indonesia | the inscription on the karang brahi inscription confirms that merangin was the original location of the malay kingdom. although the kingdom had the muara jambi bay, its location was deep inland along the batanghari river, situated on a hill. it is believed that this malay kingdom established trade relations with china and india, which angered the sriwijaya kingdom (hakim, 2017). field evidence indicates the presence of rectangular brick structures located 200 metres from the banks of the batang merangin river, which are believed to be the site of the kingdom. however, j.l.a. brandes firmly identified dharmasraya (west sumatra) as the centre of the malay kingdom of sumatra. the emergence of dharmasraya coincided with the decline of the sriwijaya kingdom due to the invasion of rajendracola i (1025), marking the end of the sailendra dynasty's rule in sumatra. shortly thereafter, the mauli dynasty emerged in dharmasraya as the rulers of the malacca strait. these facts indicate that the malay kingdom of dharmasraya was not a continuation of sriwijaya, as suggested in figures 4 and 5. figure 4. a portrait of the batanghari river in the area controlled by the malay kingdom of sumatra, believed to be the route of the pamalayu incident. (source: https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11840/22931) figure 5. the dharmasraya region, which was once the domain of the malay kingdom (source: https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11840/2786) the malay kingdom of dharmasraya can be considered the successor to the malay kingdom in sumatra, given that kingdoms in sumatra often moved to avoid attacks from enemies such as srivijaya. hasan djafar divides malay history into three phases: the early period (around the mid-7th century ce), the period of occupation by srivijaya (around 680mid-11th century ce), and the late period (around the 11th to 14th centuries ce) (bahar, 2014, p. 18). the emergence of the malay kingdom in karang brahi hulu sungai merangin, which was later moved to muara jambi for strategic reasons, falls within the early phase. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 43-58 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 51 heritage preservation of the pulau sawah temple complex in dharmasraya regency, indonesia | subsequently, the expansion period of sriwijaya, which included the control of the malay kingdom of jambi, falls within the occupation phase. the final phase is marked by the disappearance of the name sriwijaya in 1365 and the emergence of discussions about the malay kingdom of dharmasraya (marzali, 2023, p. 76). discussions about the malay people highlight the existence of dharmasraya regency as the legacy of the kingdom. this regency, located in the southeastern tip of west sumatra province, was inaugurated on 7 january 2004. dharmasraya is strategically located on the trans-sumatra highway and is directly bordered by bungo regency, jambi province. in addition to land, dharmasraya and jambi province are connected by the batanghari river, which is approximately 1,740 km long (widiatmoko, 2009, p. 1). upon examination, dharmasraya is located precisely at the upstream of the batanghari river, with its downstream reaching muara jambi (access to the malacca strait). in the past, the batanghari river basin in dharmasraya district was used as a means of transportation, supporting agriculture, and producing gold. when linked to dharmasraya as a royal land, the batanghari river sub-basin in dharmasraya was once used as a malay royal port (candra and rahman, 2023, pp. 15-16). regarding the malay kingdom and its relationship with the batanghari river basin, it's a story of affiliation between the kingdom of java and the kingdom of sumatra. such knowledge cannot be mere speculation because it was inscribed on the dharmasraya inscription, which uses old javanese script and a mixture of sanskrit and old malay. additionally, in the pararaton manuscript and the negarakertagama manuscript (stanza xli,5), there is information equivalent to the malay account, namely pamalayu, which was centred in dharmasraya (sadzali, resiyani, and fitrah, 2021). the pararaton mentions that in 1275, the last king of singasari (prabu kertanagara) sent envoys from java to sumatra led by mahisa anabrang or kebo anabrang. then in 1286 ad (1208 s), another force led by four officials from java was sent to deliver the amoghapasa lokeswara statue and 14 accompanying statues to the malay king sri maharaja tribhuwanaraja mauliwarmadewa to be erected in dharmasraya (istiawan, 2023, p. 45). apparently, it is reported that the expedition of the singasari kingdom (led by rakyan adwyabrahma) to the malay kingdom occurred after the centre of the malay kingdom was moved from tebo to dharmasraya (1286), so it is estimated that the arrival of the javanese troops in 1275 took place in tebo (marzali, 2023, p. 76). some versions state that the pamalayu incident had a political objective to maintain political stability in the nusantara region and southeast asia (champa) from the threat of kublai khan (mongol), who had almost conquered the entire asian continent. the statue sent was considered a symbol of alliance between the malay and singasari kingdoms. that is understandable given that the political constellation of singasari is reported to have influenced the malay kingdom of dharmasraya. in fact, amoghapasa is a replica of the statue of wisnuwardhana at candi djago, malang (1284–1269). such a 2.15-metre-tall statue depicts hayagriwa, suddhanakumara, syamatara, and bhrkuti, while the statue in the main temple courtyard is a statue of bhairawa depicted with a skull and a knife in his hand, and aksobhya on his hair ornament (proborini, 2017). these similarities serve as evidence strengthening the political ties between east java and sumatra during the 12th to 14th centuries ce. the relationship between java and sumatra regarding the existence of the malay kingdom of dharmasraya is quite contrasting in one of the contents of the kakanwin negarakertagama manuscript written in 1365, in stanza xiii verse 1, which states that dharmasraya was part of the majapahit empire. that information is further reinforced by reports that adityawarman ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 43-58 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 52 heritage preservation of the pulau sawah temple complex in dharmasraya regency, indonesia | was brought to sumatra in 1339 as an envoy or subordinate king of majapahit, undertaking various expansions, beginning with the conquest of palembang. regarding this, prof. c.c. berg interprets arya damar (in kidung pamancangah and babad arya 16 tabanan) as the regent of palembang who assisted gajah mada in conquering bali in 1343, and his identity is identical to adityawarman (mardiyono, 2023, pp. 154-155). adityawarman was the ruler of the malay kingdom of dharmasraya who moved the centre of power to the interior of saruaso. that origin indicates that the position of the malay kingdom was not fixed but moved according to circumstances. initially, the kingdom was located in karang brahi (merangin) with muara jambi as its port. later, the kingdom was moved to tebo (to avoid attacks from javanese rulers, chinese forces, and the islamic samudera pasai in the 13th century), due to the arrival of javanese forces in 1275, the centre of power was transferred to dharmasraya (padangroco) until it was finally moved to saruaso around 1340 (marzali, 2023, pp. 75-76). based on the history that has been revealed previously, dharmasraya is believed to be one of the important centres in the story of the malay kingdom in sumatra. that belief is supported by various historical discoveries around the batanghari river basin, such as in the pulau sawah site area, padangroco site, awang maombiak site, and padang lawas site. these sites are confirmed to have connections with the existence of the malay kingdom of dharmasraya, which is believed to have been influenced by buddhism from the sriwijaya kingdom as well as from kingdoms in java such as singasari and majapahit (marzali, 2023, pp. 66-67). the existence of the aforementioned historical relics indicates that dharmasraya was once influenced by hindu-buddhist culture. de casparis (1927) stated that hinduism was actually less dominant in sumatra because the kings on the island generally embraced buddhism. one of the famous malay kings of dharmasraya was adityawarman. the king adhered to tantra (buddhism) and considered himself to be the incarnation of lokeswara (buddha referring to bodhisattva). that interpretation is difficult to refute due to the abundance of buddhist-related evidence found at the pulau sawah temple complex in nagari siguntur, such as profane and sacred stoneware structures indicating that the complex was once extensively used as a place of worship for deities (sadzali, 2022, p. 82). buddhist elements at pulau sawah are prominent in the temple structures and various artefacts such as the bronze statue of durga-mahesasuramardini, half-body deity statues, bronze statues resembling people sitting on a raft, bronze artefacts, ceramics, and the amitabha buddha artefact at site pulau sawah viia, a standing buddha statue in the tribangga posture on a pedestal, a buddha gautama statue and a garuda statue known as the vehicle of buddha amoghasidi, fragments of a buddha statue's crown, a pot containing an inscription on gold foil (suwarna-pattra) containing a buddha mantra, a pot containing needles related to the construction of a stupa to house the relics of a buddhist figure, sacred texts, or objects emitting sacred power, and so on (taim, 2021, p. 17). institutional roles and community engagement in the preservation of pulau sawah temple site, dharmasraya the preservation of the pulau sawah temple complex has been carried out in accordance with applicable laws and regulations. during the new order era, law no. 5 of 1992 on cultural heritage was the reference. under the leadership of president susilo bambang yudhoyono, the cultural heritage law no. 11 of 2010 was enacted. currently, the cultural heritage preservation office of region iii, west sumatra province, is actively involved in preserving cultural heritage and promoting cultural objects in accordance with the ministry of education, ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 43-58 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 53 heritage preservation of the pulau sawah temple complex in dharmasraya regency, indonesia | culture, research, and technology regulation no. 33 of 2022. the 1992 cultural heritage law is considered centralised because various aspects such as control, ownership, discovery, search, protection, maintenance, management, utilisation, and supervision are carried out by central government officials, namely the minister responsible for culture and his staff at the central level, as well as the archaeological heritage agency, the regional office of the ministry of education and culture, and the district/city education and culture office at the regional level (sugiharta, 2013, p. 65). in this case, the preservation of the pulau sawah site is ultimately dominated by the central government, so that the manager (institution) acts as an intermediary for the authorities. the indifference of the siguntur community and the inadequate interest of the local government may be due to the principles of the era. on the other hand, archaeologists often employ advanced methods when assessing archaeological heritage. however, they rarely apply the same level of precision in developing methods to understand the meaning of a place, a country, or even the heritage itself for the relevant community (mcnaughton, morrison, and schill, 2016). therefore, it can be said that there is a lack of coordination among the relevant parties in managing the pulau sawah temple site complex. spsp batusangkar is one of the entities responsible for the preservation of integrated cultural heritage in the context of government policy, so its presence plays an important role in determining cultural identity claims based on material culture. its presence in the early 1990s made the siguntur community aware of the importance of pulau sawah as an ancestral heritage that must be preserved. spsp actively seeks to protect, maintain, and develop pulau sawah. data inventory and excavation activities are carried out periodically to enrich the data supporting all forms of preservation efforts (a. t. mulyono, personal communication, 28 february 2024). in the practice of preserving the pulau sawah temple complex, spsp batusangkar has established relationships with relevant stakeholders, such as policy makers and decision makers in the field of cultural preservation, including local and central governments, traditional leaders, and the local community. in this context, the district government and the community have claims over the cultural heritage of their region. to ensure that spsp batusangkar's conservation efforts receive positive support, an approach prioritising ethics is adopted, such as the practice of ‘ngemong,’ which is likened to the proverb ‘a person carried on one's lap will surely die’ (t. hidayat, personal communication, 14 march 2024). the information above aligns with the stance of the community and the dharmasraya district government, which are ready to collaborate with spsp batusangkar (now bpk iii sumbar) to preserve and develop the heritage of the pulau sawah site. the dharmasraya district tourism and culture office has been a loyal partner of bpk iii since the initial activities. as a regency established through administrative restructuring, dharmasraya has definitively maintained its diversity and regional identity, one of its key potentials being the pulau sawah site. to realise this vision, the dharmasraya government has cultivated relationships with all stakeholders. regarding the inventory of cultural heritage assets, as well as the maintenance and preservation of regional cultural assets, the dharmasraya regency government requires intensive coordination with the west sumatra cultural heritage preservation agency (bpcb sumbar) (referred to as bpk iii) (riska, 2023, pp. 53-55). spsp batusangkar serves as one of the main entities in the preservation of integrated cultural heritage, in accordance with government policy. its role is crucial in determining cultural identity claims based on material culture. since the early 1990s, the presence of spsp has raised awareness among the people of siguntur about the importance of pulau sawah as ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 43-58 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 54 heritage preservation of the pulau sawah temple complex in dharmasraya regency, indonesia | an ancestral heritage that must be preserved. spsp is actively involved in the protection, maintenance, and development of pulau sawah. data inventory and excavation activities are conducted regularly to enrich the data supporting various conservation efforts (m. zoehdi, personal communication, 19 april 2024). in preserving the pulau sawah temple complex (figure 6), spsp batusangkar collaborates with relevant stakeholders, including public policymakers in cultural preservation, such as local and central governments, traditional leaders, and local communities. in this context, the district government and the community have claims to the region's cultural heritage. to ensure positive support for spsp batusangkar's preservation efforts, ethical approaches such as the ngemong practice, which is likened to the proverb “orang bila dipangku pasti mati” (if you hold someone in your lap, they will die), are applied (smith & clarke, 2004: 10; interview with teguh hidayat, 14 march 2024 in padang). this information aligns with the stance of the community and the dharmasraya district government, which are ready to collaborate with spsp batusangkar (now bpk iii sumbar) in maintaining and developing the pulau sawah site. the dharmasraya district tourism and culture office has been a loyal partner of bpk iii since the inception of the activities. as a newly established regency, dharmasraya is committed to preserving its diversity and regional identity, with the pulau sawah site as one of its potentials. to achieve this goal, the dharmasraya government has established relationships with various stakeholders. in terms of inventory, maintenance, and preservation of regional cultural assets, the dharmasraya regency government requires intensive coordination with the west sumatra cultural heritage preservation agency (bpcb sumbar) (referred to as bpk iii) (riska, 2023, pp. 53-55). figure 6. results of the 1996 excavation (source: documentation of spsp batusangkar) in 2003, bp3 carried out the restoration of the pulau sawah i and ii temple sites. in addition to bp3 activities, the arkenas research centre also conducted further research. in 2004 and 2005, the restoration of the pulau sawah temple site phase iii was continued. in 2007, bp3 actively conducted excavations at the pulau sawah site, including site cleaning, excavation of the pulau sawah ii temple site, and the discovery of artefacts at the pulau sawah i and ii sites. at that time, ancient remains in the form of pottery shards, ceramics, knife blades, and coins were found near the fence structure on the southeast side. to enrich preservation references, in 2008, bp3 preservation personnel conducted a spatial study to regulate the boundaries and environment of the pulau sawah temple complex. in 2008 and 2009, bp3 ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 43-58 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 55 heritage preservation of the pulau sawah temple complex in dharmasraya regency, indonesia | together with the medan archaeological centre researched sites in hulu das batanghari. the results of these activities uncovered ceramic bowls dating back to the northern song dynasty (960–1127 ce). through inter-institutional collaboration, it was speculated that pulau sawah was indeed influenced by hindu-buddhist culture and existed for a brief period, between the 12th and 14th centuries (candra and rahman, 2023, pp. 54–60). interest in the pulau sawah temple site complex has become more regular during the bpcb sumbar period. in 2012, excavation of the pulau sawah temple site xi structure was conducted. from this activity, fragments of yellowish-brown pottery shaped like a bottle mouth were found (in box u3-b10, spit 7). the excavation results revealed the discovery of a single brick building structure consisting of 25 layers of bricks. additionally, there was a floor structure estimated to consist of two units, each comprising three layers of bricks on the eastern side and two layers on the southern side. this massive preservation effort also uncovered a brick wall structure consisting of two rectangular corners extending from north to south (compilation team, 2012, p. 51). still during the bpcb west sumatra period, in 2014, excavation of the pulau sawah ii structure was carried out (continuation of excavation at the pulau sawah xi temple site). scattered brick fragments indicate that the cultural heritage site is an organic object, thus classified as a non-renewable resource vulnerable to natural factors, necessitating the preservation of its structural integrity. in 2015, a planning study for the conservation and zoning of the excavation area at munggu ix, vi, and v was conducted. following this, in 2016, rescue excavations were carried out at munggu iv, iii, vii, viii, x, and xii. then, in 2018, bpcb sumbar again conducted a rescue excavation at munggu xi. the findings included a three-layer brick structure, a gravel arrangement, and a layer of crushed bricks, as well as several decorated bricks and a few ceramic fragments (sugiharta, 2013, p. 15). the importance of the pulau sawah site prompted the west sumatra cultural heritage preservation agency (bpcb sumbar) to conduct a rescue excavation of the pulau sawah temple site in the munggu xi area in 2019. the results of this activity revealed the presence of brick structures (in boxes s1-t6) and several pottery fragments. in boxes b1-u17, scattered bricks and pottery fragments were found, along with white and blue glazed ceramics. additionally, pottery shards shaped like decorated bowls were found on the northern side of the munggu xi fence. the abundance of findings at the site prompted the implementation of the rescue excavation of the pulau sawah temple site in 2021, which yielded features (temple brick structures) and artefacts (pottery fragments). in 2022, which marked the end of the west sumatra bpcb's management and the beginning of the bpk iii period, a series of activities were carried out in the pulau sawah temple site area, including the munggu xi rescue excavation, which uncovered the ruins of a fence structure and fragmentary pottery artefacts (pots, bowls, kettles, jugs) and porcelain and stoneware ceramics (estimated to be from the ming dynasty xv-xvii ad) (compilation team, 2019, p. 26; p. 34). this activity also included the identification of findings and environmental conditions around the site, mapping of the pulau sawah temple site using lidar (directorate general of culture), and the organisation of a field school and exhibition (during the pamalayu festival and kenduri event). this final activity was a collaboration between the bpcb, the directorate general of culture, the dharmasraya government, and the community (candra and rahman, 2023, pp. 131-147). the facts presented above describe the history of the preservation of the pulau sawah temple complex carried out by preservation actors. since its establishment, the institution has made significant efforts to preserve pulau sawah. despite facing complex challenges in the early stages, activities began with the collection of data. the rugged geographical conditions ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 43-58 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 56 heritage preservation of the pulau sawah temple complex in dharmasraya regency, indonesia | and the local community's resistance to outsiders made it impossible for the upt kemdikbud to carry out activities without the support of the local government and the local community. therefore, efforts to build relationships were made by prioritising a friendly attitude as outsiders (t. hidayat, personal communication, 14 march 2024). spsp's partners during this period were the community and cultural observers in the sub-district under the supervision of the culture office. based on community complaints regarding the discovery of large brick structures around the batanghari river, spsp finally conducted intensive surveys and research. that activity ran smoothly thanks to cooperation with the arkenas research centre (1991-1994) and was supported by positive community response to the findings, as well as government assistance. from spsp to bpk iii, the preservation activities of the pulau sawah temple complex were routinely coordinated with the dharmasraya regency culture, tourism, youth, and sports office. in addition to coordination, assistance was also frequently provided, such as during the cultural canal exhibition via the pamalayu festival in dharmasraya regency on 18–24 august 2022. the collaborative working relationship continues to this day. the dharmasraya regency government acknowledges that by advancing its local cultural heritage collaboratively with bpk iii, specifically the pulau sawah site, it has brought positive benefits such as an increase in the number of tourists and improved income for local residents. bpk iii's conservation activities, which involve the community as local labour, have provided employment that supports well-being. additionally, various activities such as excavations and the pamalayu festival are examples of local tourism development that have social benefits, enhancing social integrity and identity. it is a source of pride for the community, especially the heirs of cultural heritage who feel that their ancestors' identity is valued. therefore, it can be considered a landmark for dharmasraya district (from the spsp era to bpk iii in west sumatra) (t. hidayat, personal communication, 14 march 2024). spsp batusangkar in executing its duties of protection, development, and utilization, as well as facilitating the preservation of cultural heritage within its jurisdiction, cannot independently realize cultural heritage preservation due to adherence to a set of legal norms. in the preservation of the pulau sawah temple complex, spsp and subsequently bpk iii have established cooperation with central/regional government entities and the community to support the preservation of cultural heritage, which upholds the inculcation of noble values and the strengthening of identity amidst global challenges. the dharmasraya regency government and the community are enthusiastic about bpk iii's preservation activities as they contribute to promoting tourism based on local wisdom (pulau sawah temple). in this context, the preservation efforts of spsp/bpk iii receive support from the dharmasraya regional government, which recognizes that cultural affairs are one of the responsibilities delegated by the central government to regional governments. this highlights the contrast between the implementation of law no. 11/2010 and government regulation no. 38/2007 (riska, 2023, pp. 6-7). according to the siguntur community, represented by the siguntur royal family, the transition from spsp batusangkar to bpk iii sumbar has significantly aided the preservation of historical relics in dharmasraya (particularly the pulau sawah temple, which is a heritage for the royal descendants) (t. a. p. marhasnida, personal communication, april 19, 2024). prior to the establishment of this upt, the preservation of the pulau sawah temple complex was considerably threatened due to looting that resulted in vandalism by individuals crossing the batanghari river in search of treasure within the brick structures. this fact illustrates an unfriendly attitude towards appreciating past heritage (m. zoehdi, personal communication, ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 43-58 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 57 heritage preservation of the pulau sawah temple complex in dharmasraya regency, indonesia | april 19, 2024). upon the establishment of spsp, socialization efforts were undertaken to instill a sense of ownership among the community towards pulau sawah. these activities have led to an understanding of the temple's value, fostering a sense of responsibility to protect it. since 1995, regular excavations have been conducted to refine historical data and uncover dharmasraya's identity as a buddhist-influenced malay kingdom heritage. in every physical activity at the pulau sawah site, spsp batusangkar and subsequently bpk iii sumbar consistently involve community participation. these activities broaden the community's horizons regarding history while providing employment opportunities, thus it is unsurprising that each activity receives a positive response (interview with tuan acik putri marhasnida, april 19, 2024, in siguntur). based on its preservation history, several artifacts obtained from the pulau sawah site are stored in the collection room of bpk region iii, west sumatra province. these treasures are not only secured but also maintained and publicized for historical, scientific, educational, religious, and cultural purposes. the array of preservation data presented in the table underscores that spsp batusangkar (now bpk iii) consistently appreciates the pulau sawah site complex as a cultural asset that embodies the identity of the dharmasraya malay kingdom. simpulan the preservation of the pulau sawah temple complex from spsp batusangkar to bpk iii sumbar has had a significant impact on the existence of this cultural heritage site as a legacy of the buddhist-influenced malay kingdom. this site serves as an egalitarian source of history, providing knowledge and education. concretely, the pulau sawah temple complex is frequently used as a research subject and serves as a symbol reflecting the identity and promoting tourism in dharmasraya regency within the context of local wisdom. this reality is closely tied to the role of local stakeholders, particularly spsp batusangkar (now bpk iii), in preserving and promoting pulau sawah as a cultural asset of the nation from dharmasraya regency. in efforts to realise this, since the spsp era until bpk iii, support has been obtained from central government agencies, local governments, and the community. to this day, every agenda for the preservation of the pulau sawah temple complex has been successfully implemented thanks to harmonious collaboration with the relevant stakeholders mentioned earlier. references candra, d. dan rahman, a. 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(2022). pulau sawah: the oldest ancient shrine from hindu buddha periode in upstream batanghari river west sumatra. proceedings of the sixth international conference on language, literature, culture, and education (icollite 2022), 162-171. https://doi.org/10.2991/978-2-494069-91-6_25. atlantis press. microsoft word 5. bambang rakhmanto.docx indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 46-60 © 2018 harian rakjat “mengangkat” suara dari bawah: rubrik asmu menjawab dalam pemberitaan petani | 46 harian rakjat “mengangkat” suara dari bawah: rubrik asmu menjawab dalam pemberitaan suara petani terkait kasus landreform 1961-1965 bambang rakhmanto magister ilmu sejarah, fakultas ilmu budaya, universitas indonesia *penulis korespondensi: bambang.rakhmanto@gmail.com abstract this article discusses the role of harian rakjat to established public opinion via citizen journalists. it aimed to seek sympathy from the peasants when implemented land-reform policies as stipulated in the basic agrarian law (uupa). the discussion was carried out by examining the articles of the resident that reviewed responded the issue of land ownership in the column of asmu menjawab. by using the historical method and applying discourse analysis theory, this study succeeded to find the implementation of land reform policies reaped many pros and cons among the community. the implementation of land reform in java according to the testimonies was then used by the indonesian communist party (pki) as political propaganda in its practical politics. keywords: harian rakjat, landreform, asmu menjawab. abstrak artikel ini membahas tentang peranan harian rakjat dalam membangun opini publik melalui citizen jurnalist guna mencari simpati kaum tani ketika penerapan kebijakan landreform yang diatur dalam undang-undang pokok agraria (uupa). pembahasan dilakukan dengan mencermati tulisan-tulisan dari warga yang mengulas isu pengaturan kepemilikan tanah atau landreform dalam kolom asmu menjawab. dengan menggunakan metode sejarah dan menerapkan teori analisis wacana, kajian ini berhasil menemukan bahwa penerapan kebijakan landreform banyak menuai pro dan kontra di kalangan masyarakat. pelaksanaan landreform di jawa berdasar kesaksian para penulisnya itu kemudian dimanfaatkan oleh partai komunis indonesia (pki) sebagai propaganda politik dalam politik praktisnya. kata kunci: harian rakjat; landreform; asmu menjawab. pendahuluan berbagai konten tersaji dalam sebuah surat kabar di awal demokrasi terpimpin yaitu pada 1959. koran yang saat itu mayoritas milik partai politik menyajikan berita aktual, dan menampilkan kolom untuk tulisan dari warga, atau yang sekarang akrab dengan istilah citizen jurnalis. beberapa media menyediakan kolom itu untuk diterima/ received: 29 juni 2018 disetujui/ accepted: 28 september 2018 indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 46-60 © 2018 harian rakjat “mengangkat” suara dari bawah: rubrik asmu menjawab dalam pemberitaan petani | 47 menampung tulisan dari masyarakat. sekadar sebagai contoh adalah suluh indonesia. koran ini memiliki kolom bernama pembaca menulis (suluh indonesia, 10 oktober 1961). sementara itu, koran duta masjarakat, koran yang dimiliki partai nahdatul ulama ini juga menerima tulisan-tulisan dari warga dalam kolom tanya jawab keagamaan oleh abu macmoun. dalam kolom ini pembaca dipersilakan untuk menanyakan permasalahan yang ada di sekitar mereka dan akan diberikan solusi sesuai dengan ajaran islam (duta masjarakat, 27 juli 1962). salah satu pendorong kemunculan kolom berita dari warga adalah mulai meningkatnya kemampuan membaca dan menulis yang dimiliki warga. data itu terungkap dari sensus yang dilakukan pada 1961 sebagaimana tersaji pada tabel 1. tabel 1. persentase penduduk indonesia melek huruf 1961 umur pria wanita kota pedesaan kota pedesaan 10-14 89,8 73,5 84,7 64,0 15-19 92,3 72,9 79,9 54,3 20-24 89,0 70,2 64,4 40,1 25-34 79,2 58,5 47,8 26,9 35-44 74,3 49,4 37,1 18,2 45-54 65,1 38,2 24,2 9,4 55-64 57,7 29,0 17,5 6,1 65-74 50,6 20,6 12,2 5,0 75+ 40,7 21,3 9,5 6,0 sumber: keyfitz dan nitisastro, 1961: 150. koran lain yang fokus menampilkan kolom untuk tulisan dari warga adalah harian rakjat. harian milik partai komunis indonesia (pki) (donald, 1966: 63; firdaus, 2017: 5) sejak 31 oktober 1953 ini banyak memuat tulisan-tulisan dari masyarakat. dalam rangka menyerap aspirasi kaum buruh, harian rakjat menerjunkan korespondennya. para kader dan aktivis serikat buruh diminta untuk mengirim berita, dan beritanya dimuat di dalam kolom berita daerah. ketua dewan redaksi harian rakjat njoto mengklaim kekuatan dan yang menjadi pembeda harian rakjat dengan koran-koran lainnya adalah adanya tulisan dari citizen journalist. berita yang dikirim oleh koresponden diberi tanda korbu, singkatan dari koresponden buruh. sementara itu, berita-berita yang berasal dari kaum tani diberi tanda korta, kependekan dari koresponden tani (njoto, 1958: 19). salah satu kolom yang memuat tulisan dari para warga di koran nasional ini diberi judul asmu menjawab. kolom ini dibuat untuk menyukseskan kebijakan landrefrom sesuai dengan kepentingan pki (anonim, 1960: 3). tata cara pelaksanaan landreform tertuang dalam undang-undang pokok agraria atau yang dikenal dengan uupa no. 5 tahun 1960. latar belakang presiden soekarno menerbitkan undangundang tersebut untuk pemeratan kepemilikan tanah di masyarakat. hal itu tercantum dalam uupa pasal 7; untuk tidak merugikan kepentingan umum, maka indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 46-60 © 2018 harian rakjat “mengangkat” suara dari bawah: rubrik asmu menjawab dalam pemberitaan petani | 48 pemilikan dan penguasaan tanah yang melampaui batas tidak diperkenankan. dari rubrik ini pki memengaruhi para pembacanya untuk menentang para pemilik lahan. puncaknya adalah pada gerakan aksi sepihak yang berlangsung pada 1964-1965. berdasar uraian di atas, permasalahan utama yang dikaji dalam artikel ini adalah mengenai peranan harian rakjat dalam menyuarakan suara petani dalam permasalahan landreform 1961-1965 melalui rubrik asmu menjawab. adapun pertanyaan penelitian yang diajukan meliputi alasan landreform menjadi isu penting pemberitaan di media cetak masa itu, peranan rubrik asmu menjawab untuk menggambarkan kasus landreform tersebut, dan dampak dari kritik asmu menjawab yang dikirimkan oleh masyarakat. pertanyaan tersebut merupakan satu kesatuan dalam upaya memecahkan permasalahan mengenai peranan harian rakjat dalam menyuarakan sekaligus mencari massa dari kalangan petani melalui kasus-kasus landreform dan pembagian bagi hasil lahan pada masa awal demokrasi terpimpin melalui rubrik asmu menjawab. artikel ini bertujuan untuk memberikan gambaran bagaimana harian rakjat dalam membangun opini publik melalui citizen jurnalis guna mencari simpati kaum tani dengan cara mendukung mereka mendapatkan lahan. selain itu, isu landreform merupakan salah satu peristiwa sejarah yang besar dari peristiwa-peristiwa lainnya yang terjadi di masa lalu. walaupun sudah banyak penelitian yang mengangkat isu kepemilikan lahan yang memicu gerakan sepihak oleh para kaum tani ini, namun belum ada yang mengangkat peranan media dalam memotret dan menyajikan permasalahan landreform dalam pemberitaanya. harian rakjat menjadi salah satu media yang serius dalam mengangkat isu tersebut. untuk membantu memecahkan permasalahan yang diangkat, penulis meggunakan teori sebagai alat bantu untuk menginterpretasikan atau mengolah data yang didapat. dalam hal ini peneliti akan menggunakan metode analisis wacana untuk menganalisis makna tulisan-tulisan yang disampaikan oleh para petani. fairclough (1955) seorang ahli analisis wacana, mendasarkan pada pertanyaan besar, bagaimana menghubungkan teks yang mikro dengan konteks masyarakat yang makro. fairclough berusaha membangun suatu model analisis wacana yang mempunyai kontribusi dalam analaisis sosial dan budaya, sehingga ia mengombinasikan tradisi analisis tekstual yang selalu melihat bahasa dalam ruang tertutup, dengan konteks masyarakat yang lebih luas. titik perhatian besar dari faircolugh adalah melihat bahasa sebagai praktik kekuasaan. fairclough membagi analisis wacana dalam tiga dimensi: teks, discourse practice, dan sociocultural practice (fairclough, 1955: 24). metode metode yang digunakan untuk merekonstruksi sejarah pers tentang peranan harian rakjat dalam menanggapi kasus-kasus undang-undang bagi hasil yang mengatur landreform ini adalah metode sejarah yang terdiri atas empat tahap. pertama adalah tahap heuristik; pada tahap ini penulis mengumpulkan bahan atau sumber-sumber yang relevan. sumber-sumber itu mencakup sumber primer dan sekunder. di antara indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 46-60 © 2018 harian rakjat “mengangkat” suara dari bawah: rubrik asmu menjawab dalam pemberitaan petani | 49 sumber primer yang penulis peroleh adalah berupa koran harian rakjat. dalam penelitian lebih lanjut, penulis mendapatkan bahan-bahan sezaman melalui koleksi perpustakaan nasional republik indonesia di salemba jakarta, bagian surat kabar langka. di samping itu, penulis juga menggunakan sumber primer lainnya, seperti buku-buku yang ditulis oleh pelaku dan saksi sejarah. sementara itu, dalam pencarian sumber sekunder, penulis berusaha mencari tulisan yang membahas tentang harian rakjat. penulis juga menemukan beberapa lembar arsip mengenai pers dalam kurun waktu tersebut, dan undang-undang no. 2 tahun 1960 tentang perjanjian bagi hasil ketika berkunjung untuk melakukan penelitian di arsip nasional republik indonesia (anri) di ampera jakarta selatan. selain menggunakan data tertulis sebagai sumber sejarah penulis juga menggunakan sumber lisan yang diperoleh melalui wawancara terhadap orang-orang yang pernah terlibat di dalam harian rakjat (kuntowijoyo: 1994: 24). setelah data berhasil dikumpulkan, kemudian melangkah ke tahap yang kedua, yaitu kritik. tahap kritik terbagi ke dalam kategori, yaitu kritik eksternal dan internal. oleh karena sumber-sumber diperoleh dari lembaga-lembaga negara yang memiliki otoritas dalam penyimpanan sumber sezaman, maka kritik ditekankan pada kritik internal, yaitu melakukan perbandingan (uji silang) dari beberapa sumber yang ditemukan seperti buku dan karya-karya tulis lainnya. tahap selanjutnya adalah interpretasi, yaitu upaya untuk menganalisis masalah yang menjadi fokus perhatian dengan menerapkan pendekatan sebagai suatu pisau analisis; yang dalam hal ini adalah analisis wacana. tahap yang keempat dan terakhir, yaitu tahap penulisan sejarah atau rekonstruksi. pada tahap ini penulis menyusun fakta-fakta yang telah dianalisis menjadi sebuah tulisan sejarah. rubrik asmu menjawab kolom asmu menjawab mulai diterbitkan pada 17 april 1961 kepada para pembaca harian rakjat. rubrik ini dikeluarkan tujuh bulan setelah uupa yang mengatur kebijakan landrefom diresmikan oleh presiden pada september 1960. asmu menjawab bertujuan untuk melayani pertanyaan dari para pembaca yang ingin menanyakan seputar landrefom dan undang-undang bagi hasil (uubh). asmu menjawab diterbitkan setiap hari senin dan kamis. asmu mengajak para petani untuk tidak menggantungkan diri kepada para penguasa atau tuan tanah. para petani sendiri yang akan mengambil peran serta guna memperoleh hak-hak itu dengan tangan mereka sendiri (harian rakjat, 9 mei 1961). dalam tulisan-tulisan yang dikirimkan ke redaksi harian rakjat untuk kolom asmu menjawab terungkap kemacetan-kemacetan pelaksanaan uupa dan uubh yang terjadi hampir di setiap desa. orang-orang yang melaporkan lewat tulisannya beragam. mereka yang mengirim tulisan di antaranya orang biasa dalam hal ini bukan petani, tetapi mengetahui permasalahan landreform di sekitarnya; petani; dan aktivis. para aktivis atau pun anggota barisan tani indonesia (bti) biasanya agar tulisannya indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 46-60 © 2018 harian rakjat “mengangkat” suara dari bawah: rubrik asmu menjawab dalam pemberitaan petani | 50 dimuat, tulisannya diberi stempel oleh perwakilan bti yang ada di sekitarnya. oleh karena itu, sangat sulit untuk membedakan antara tulisan petani dan aktivis .1 tulisan-tulisan dari warga yang dicetak di asmu menjawab banyak yang menyampaikan hambatan-hambatan dalam pelaksanaan landreform dan uubh. untuk menganalisis makna tulisan-tulisan yang disampaikan warga dapat menggunakan analisis wacana dari fairclough seorang ahli analisis wacana. dia mendasarkan pada pertanyaan besar, bagaimana menghubungkan teks yang mikro dengan konteks masyarakat yang makro. fairclough berusaha membangun suatu model analisis wacana yang mempunyai kontribusi dalam analisis sosial dan budaya, sehingga ia mengkombinasikan tradisi analisis tekstual yang selalu melihat bahasa dalam ruang tertutup, dengan konteks masyarakat yang lebih luas. titik perhatian besar dari faircolugh adalah melihat bahasa sebagai praktik kekuasaan. teks di sini dianalisis secara linguistik, dengan melihat kosakata, semantik, dan tata kalimat ia juga memasukkan koherensi dan kohesivitas, bagaimana antarkata atau kalimat tersebut digabung, sehingga membentuk pengertian. semua elemen yang dianalisis tersebut dipakai untuk melihat tiga masalah berikut: pertama ideasional yang merujuk pada representasi tertentu yang ingin ditampilkan dalam teks, yang umumnya membawa muatan ideologis tertentu. sociocultural practice adalah dimensi yang berhubungan dengan konteks di luar teks. konteks di sini memasukkan banyak hal, seperti kontesks situasi, lebih luas adalah konteks dari praktik institusi dari media sendiri dalam hubungannya dengan masyarakat atau budaya dan politik tertentu. misalnya politik media, ekonomi media, atau budaya media tertentu yang berpengaruh terhadap berita yang dihasilkannya (eriyanto, 2012: 285). berdasar teori tersebut harian rakjat yang merupakan media pki sangat terpengaruh dengan arah kebijakan dan tujuan partai, yang dalam persoalan landreform harian rakjat memposisikan diri berada di belakang kaum tani dan berseteru dengan para tuan tanah. sehubungan dengan itu, tulisan-tulisan yang dimunculkan dalam kolom asmu menjawab adalah tulisan-tulisan yang sesuai dengan kepentingan partai dan kaum tani. tulisan-tulisan para pembaca disesuaikan juga dengan kondisi sosial ekonomi di lingkungan mereka. pengkelasan sosial di pedesaan didasarkan atas seberapa besar ia menguasai tanah. menurut keadaan pertanian di 1wawancara dengan martin aleida (74 tahun), pekerja di harian rakjat dari tahun 19601965, di dewan kesenian jakarta, pada 11 desember 2017 gambar 1. rubrik asmu menjawab sumber: harian rakjat, 11 september 1961. indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 46-60 © 2018 harian rakjat “mengangkat” suara dari bawah: rubrik asmu menjawab dalam pemberitaan petani | 51 jawa, dapat dibedakan kelas-kelas sosial adalah tuna tanah, petani kaya, petani miskin dan buruh tani (rachman, 2004: 125). hambatan landrefom selama penerbitan rubrik asmu menjawab kurang lebih hampir tiga tahun terkumpul sekitar 119 laporan dari pembaca mengenai perkembangan pelaksanaan landreform (anonim, 1964: 1). dalam tulisan-tulisan warga ini terungkap adanya ganjalan atau hambatan dalam pelaksanaan landreform di sekitar tempat tinggal mereka. salah satunya dari kanaan, asal bojonegoro, jawa timur. dia menyampaikan melalui tulisannya yang dikirim ke rubrik asmu menjawab, bahwa di daerahnya landreform masih belum dapat dirasakan masyarakat, karena belum terbentuk panitia pelaksana landreform. warga juga kurang mendapat informasi kepada siapa mereka harus meminta agar panitia landreform dapat terbentuk dan berjalan, karena salah satu syarat terlaksananya program ini adalah terdapat panitia yang akan mendata tanahtanah berlebih yang akan dibagikan ke warga (harian rakjat, 20 juli 1961). selain itu, masalah landreform yang diungkapkan pembaca antara lain masih banyak pembaca yang masih belum mengetahui cara pelaksananaan landreform. informasi yang masih belum mengalir ke masyarakat menjadi salah satu penyebab kebijakan pemerintah ini menjadi tersendat. bakri asal tegal, jawa tengah misalnya, menanyakan penggarap mana yang mendapat prioritas untuk memperoleh tanah lebihan dari para tuan tanah. dia juga menyampaikan apakah tuan tanah boleh mengusir kaum tani penggarap dari tanah yang telah diberikan. selain itu, dia juga menanyakan apa konpensasinya bagi petani yang telah mendapat tanah itu. menanggapi pertanyaan itu, asmu menjawab memberikan keterangan, bahwa petani yang mendapat prioritas adalah petani yang menggarap tanah milik tuan tanah yang tanahnya melebihi batas maksimum. asmu juga menegaskan pemberian tanah ini tidak cuma-cuma, karena kaum tani yang mendapat bagian tanah memiliki kewajiban setelah dua tahun kepemilikan tanah. setiap tahun kaum tani yang mendapat bagian tanah harus mencapai kenaikan hasil sebanyak yang ditetapkan oleh dinas pertanian rakjat daerah yang diatur dalam pp no. 224 tahun 1961 pasal 14 ayat 5 (harian rakjat, 10 juni 1963). asmu menjawab mendesak pelaksana landreform uupa dan uubh. ia juga menuntut agar uupa dan uubh beserta peraturan turunannya dilaksanakan dengan konsekuen, serta mendesak pembentukan pemerintahan daerah swatantra tingkat iii secara demokratis sebagai pengganti pemerintahan desa warisan kolonial. tanah mereka jatuh ke tangan negara tanpa ganti rugi untuk dibagikan kepada petani dan pemiliknya dipidana dengan hukuman kurungan selama-lamanya tiga bulan dan atau denda sebanyak-banykanya rp. 10.000. dalam desakannya itu, asmu menjawab juga meminta pelaksana uupa dan uubh memerhatikan peraturan pemerintah no. 224 tahun 1961 pasal 19 dan uu no. 56 prp tahun 1960 pasal 10 (harian rakjat, 5 juli 1962). indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 46-60 © 2018 harian rakjat “mengangkat” suara dari bawah: rubrik asmu menjawab dalam pemberitaan petani | 52 menebar kebencian asmu menjawab digunakan pki untuk menebar kebencian kepada para pemilik lahan. dalam rubrik ini asmu mengajak masyarakat untuk menentang para tuan tanah. selain itu, sukodadi asal lamongan jawa timur juga menanyakan hasil konkret di daerah percontohan landreform dst ii karawang seperti yang dinyatakan dalam keputusan menteri agraria 5 juni 1961. cepat atau lambatnya pelaksanaan peraturan ini banyak tergantung pada kekuatan aksi-aksi kaum tani dan kesungguh-sungguhan panitia landreform dst ii yang oleh peraturan tersebut diberi banyak wewenang untuk menguasai dan membagikan tanah-tanah kelebihan dari batas maksimum dan tanahtanah lain (harian rakjat, 19 desember 1961). musuh bti dan kaum tani hanya tiga, yaitu: imperialis; tuan tanah dan kaum komprador, yaitu kaum borjuis yang hidup semati dengan kaum imperialis; dan pamong desa yang berkedudukan sebagai tuan tanah atau bertindak menindas kaum tani dan memusuhi bti. sebenarnya pamong desa bukan musuh bti dan kaum tani. biasanya, pamong desa yang menjadi musuh bti dan kaum tani adalah pamong desa yang menempatkan dirinya ke dalam kubu musuh kaum tani dan revolusi, menjadikan dirinya anti-manipol, djarek, dan resopim. pamong desa yang bukan tuan tanah yang demokrat dan patriotik yang manipolis adalah sahabat bti, sahabat kaum-kaum tani (harian rakjat, 21 desember 1961). slogan tanah untuk tani juga diselipkan asmu menjawab dalam tulisannya seperti pada edisi pertengahan september 1961. dalam menjawab pertanyaan dari sujoto asal klaten, dia bertanya mengenai bagi daerah yang sangat padat penduduknya, apakah peraturan batasan maksimum masih berlaku apakah sebaiknya diberlakukan peraturan khusus, apakah seseorang boleh memiliki tanah yang terpencar-pencar di beberapa daerah tingkat ii asal tidak melebihi batas maksimum? di dalam jalannya revolusi kita diterangkan, bahwa tanah untuk tani. berhubung dengan itu apakah orang-orang bukan petani seperti pegawai negeri, pekerja-pekerja kerajinan tangan yang memiliki tanah harus melepaskan tanahnya. semboyan tanah untuk tani adalah tepat dan benar-benar merumuskan tuntutan pokok kaum tani. akan tetapi, semboyan itu belum terlaksana. semboyan itu pasti akan terlaksana yaitu sesudah modal kekuasaan monopoli asing atas ekonomi negeri kita dihapuskan dan penghisapan tuan tanah-tuan tanah feodal atas kaum tani diakhiri. pada saat itu perjuangan kaum tani ditujukan untuk membatasi monopoli tanah dan penghisapan feodal dari para tuan tanah, pegawai-pegawai negeri, pekerjapekerja kerajinan tangan, dan sebagainya. berdasar undang-undang masih diperbolehkan memiliki tanah asal tidak melebihi batas maksimum. jika tanah mereka disewakan supaya sewa tanah diturunkan sesuai dengan ketentuan uubh (harian rakjat, 14 september 1961). aksi sepihak pada akhir 1963 mulai tampak di mata para pengurus pki dan organisasi petani yang dilimiliki oleh pki (bti) mengenai kemacetan-kemacetan landreform yang diungkap dalam kolom asmu menjawab. setelah itu, pki dan bti mengubah pola gerakan. indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 46-60 © 2018 harian rakjat “mengangkat” suara dari bawah: rubrik asmu menjawab dalam pemberitaan petani | 53 sidang pleno cc pki bulan desember 1963 menuntut agar landreform dilaksanakan secara radikal. tanah-tanah milik para tuan tanah harus disita tanpa ganti rugi. pki mengklaim, dari 1.000.000 hektare tanah lebih, baru terdaftar sekitar 200.000 hektare. dari jumlah itu baru 9% yang dibagikan kepada kaum tani. pki juga membela, mendukung, serta menganjurkan aksi-aksi sepihak oleh para pertani terhadap segala bentuk sabotase dan permainan pada pelaksnaan landreform (aidit, 1964: 15). langkah pki dan bti untuk melaksanakan aksi sepihak sudah lama dipersiapkan salah satunya dengan penerbitan rubrik asmu menjawab. selama tiga tahun 1961-1963 rubrik ini mengkampanyekan uupa dan uubh. selain itu secara energik asmumenjawab mengajak para petani untuk melawan para tuan tanah. aksi sepihak untuk mendobrak ketersendatan pelaksanaan uubh-uupa atau landreform terjadi di berbagai pedesaan. aksi sepihak dilancarkan sejak musim tanam tahun 1963-1964. aksi sepihak banyak berlangsung di jawa timur dan jawa tengah. hal ini sejalan dengan laporan dari para pembaca di asmu menjawab yang banyak berasal dari tempat tersebut. salah satunya terjadi di ketaon banjudono-boyolali, jawa tengah pada 23 oktober 1964. petani asal boyolali, tuan tanah kromosukarta memberi garapan atas sawahnya kepada partowiredjo alias walidi dengan cara lama. setelah tanaman padi tua oleh penggarap dilaporkan kepada pemilik agar padi dipanen pada jumat 23 oktober 1964 dengan tuntutan bagi hasil dan penggarpan berikutnya tetap akan langsung dikerjakan. oleh pemilik dijawab, bahwa menurut kepercayaan maneni padi pada jumat itu tidak baik, maka pemilik meminta waktu panen diundur hingga sabtu 24 oktober 1964. selain itu, berhubung ada peraturan bagi hasil, maka untuk panenan itu pemilik setuju dibagi hasil, tetapi untuk selanjutnya sawah akan digarap sendiri (aidit, 1964: 15). penggarap tidak dapat menyetujui keterangan pemilik seperti tersebut, kemudian pada 23 oktober 1964 penggarap tetap memotong padi. oleh pemilik aktivitas itu dapat dicegah. pemilik kemudian melapor pada kelurahan dan kemudian pemilik bersama lurah desa meninjau sawah tersebut. setelah tiba di sawah, pemilik dan lurah menjumpai orang-orang telah melanjutkan memotong padi (setiawan, 2003: 6). sementara itu, di jawa timur gerakan aksi sepihak terjadi di sejumlah daerah seperti di kecamatan kencong, kabupaten jember; kasus garum, di blitar; umbulsari di jember; dan pembelaan imam sardju, ketua dpd bti jawa timur terahadap kaderkader yang dianggap telah berjuang membela kepentingan kaum tani (kasdi, 2001: 195). pada september 1963 aksi sepihak meletus di dukuh sarinyono desa pedomasan kecamatan kencong kabupaten jember jawa timur. para petani penggarap anggota bti melancarkan aksi terhadap tanah milik ny. sudarno. menurut pihak bti tanah itu telah menjadi tanah lebih bekas milik ny sudarno. sebelum terjadinya peristiwa itu pihak bti telah memaksa ny. sudarno untuk menerima bagiannya seusai dengan ketentuan uupa dan uubh, tetapi gagal karena pihak pejabat desa dan kecamatan menolak pemaksaan itu. namun demikan, para anggota bti tidak peduli. akibatnya lima orang penggarap ditangkap oleh kepolisian kencong dengan tuduhan mengambil hak orang lain. proses penahanan ke lima orang bekas penggarap itu diserahkan kepada kejaksaan negeri jember (terompet masjarakat, 24 januari 1964). indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 46-60 © 2018 harian rakjat “mengangkat” suara dari bawah: rubrik asmu menjawab dalam pemberitaan petani | 54 sejak dimulai aksi-aksi sepihak, terjadi pertentangan terbuka antara pki/ bti dengan lawan-lawannya, terutama para tuan tanah dan organisasi islam. peristiwa ini terjadi dan terus berkembang di sidoarjo. ketika pemuda rakyat sidoarjo menyelenggarakan kegiatan ceramah pada februari 1965, sekelompok pemuda tidak dikenal melemparinya dengan batu. akan tetapi, pihak keamanan akhirnya dapat menemukan pimpinan organisasi pemuda setempat yang diduga menjadi otak pelemparan tersebut. di tanggulangin terjadi perkelahian antara massa komunis dan para santri. perkelahian itu terjadi karena pki menuduh madrasah islam yang ada di tempat itu sebagai sekolah liar atau ilegal (mortimer, 1972: 50). suatu kejadian aksi sepihak juga menyebabkan terjadinya pemukulan terhadap anggota bti oleh pejabat desa di sidoarjo. sidang perkara itu di pengadilan negeri siodarjo dihadiri lebih kurang 5000 pengunjung. mereka terbagi dalam tiga faksi yakni pki, partai nasional indonesia (pni), dan nu yang saling bersiaga (mortimer, 1972: 50). penyerobotan tanah juga terjadi di kota surabaya jawa timur, antara lain di kampung petemon. dalam waktu singkat di atas tanah bekas milik tjan siong goh di petemon telah berdiri ratusan rumah. dengan dalih rumah-rumah itu telah memenuhi peremajaan kota, bti setempat menuntut agar walikota surabaya, murachman s.h., segera mengesahkannya sebagai tanah milik. usaha itu sia-sia, karena pemerintah pusat memutuskan memberikan hak pakai bekas tanah milik tjan siong goh itu kepada pt. bagong putra (terompet masjarakat, 17 desember 1964). ribuan pemuda ansor pada akhir 1964 dikerahkan ke tempat tinggal kiai di batuampar, dekat pamekasan madura. pengerahan dilakukan karena ada desasdesus, bahwa pki bermaksud menyerang kiai. kiai batuampar memang kaya sekali, ibaratnya sebagai raja kecil. kiai batuampar adalah ahli waris kramat yang dimakamkan di situ, bujuk syamsuddin. kekayaan kiai batu ampar sangat kontras sepanjang jalan menuju makam kramat batuampar 1963 penuh dengan orang mintaminta. mereka berasal dari masyarakat sekelilingnya. untuk beberapa waktu terjadi ketegangan di sekitar batuampar pamekasan (mortimer, 1972: 58). respon aksi sepihak aksi sepihak mendapat kecaman dari berbagai pihak, salah satunya nu. ketua satu pp pemuda anshor jusuf hasjim menyatakan, bahwa pelaksanaan uupa dan uubh, ada dua musuh yang harus dihadapi dan diganyang pemuda ansor. musuh-musuh itu menurut jusuf hasjim adalah kaum feodal dan kaum penipu tani yang disebutnya sebagai “setan tanah”. adapun kaum penipu ini adalah mereka yang sok membela kaum tani, berlagak sebagai pahlawan tani dan dengan segala macam tipu dayanya berhasil menarik kepercayaan kaum tani. kaum penipu tani tidak segan-segan menghasut kaum tani untuk menyerobot tanah, menggarong perkebunanperkebunan milik orang lain, tanpa mempedulikan peraturan-peraturan yang berlaku (duta masjarakat, 19 januari 1965). namun, gerakan ini juga mendapat dukungan di antaranya datang dari menteri kehakiman astrawinata. dia menyampaikan bahwa tindakan aksi sepihak yang dilakukan oleh kaum tani bisa dimengerti. dia menjelaskan, bahwa aksi sepihak yang indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 46-60 © 2018 harian rakjat “mengangkat” suara dari bawah: rubrik asmu menjawab dalam pemberitaan petani | 55 dilakukan oleh kaum tani di beberapa daerah di indonesia itu disebabkan oleh kelambatan pelaksanaan landreform. menurutnya, sebab-sebab tersendatnya pelaksanaan landreform adalah selain karena adanya simpatisan-simpatisan tuan tanah, juga di antara anggota panitia landreform itu sendiri ada yang memiliki tanah yang sebenarnya harus kena peraturan-peraturan dan undang-undang yang berlaku seperti uupa dan uubh (antara, 1 juli 1964). setelah aksi sepihak pecah di sejumlah daerah di jawa timur dan jawa tengah media-media yang semula diam mulai bersuara setelah tiga tahun harian rakjat melalui kolom asmu menjawab memprovokasi masyarakat. salah satu media secara terbuka mengkritisi harian rakjat adalah harian merdeka pimpinan burhanuddin mohammad diah atau yang dikenal dengan panggilan bm diah. perdebatan antarkedua media ini berlangsung lama pada juli 1964. merdeka membuat halaman khusus yang diberi judul “mari berjuang benar-benar untuk kaum tani.” di halaman ini merdeka mengkritik pemberitaan harian rakjat terkait aksi sepihak dan pelaksanaan landreform. pada merdeka edisi 2 juli 1964 dimuat tulisan mengenai tanggapan merdeka atas kritikan harian rakjat yang menyatakan merdeka tidak mengerti permasalahan kaum tani. merdeka menilai pemberitaan yang gencar terkait para petani merupakan bagian dari propaganda pki. bung sebenarnya merdeka bukan telah maju sedikit. merdeka telah jauh lebih maju bahkan jauh lebih dari pada dugaan harian rakjat dalam memahami persoalan kaum tani. hubungan-hubungan agraria di desa dan perjuangan kaum tani dan justru karena itu kita dengan pasti dapat mengatakan kepada harian rakjat bahwa aksi-aksi sepihaknya yang telah dilancarkan di jawa tengah itu bukan suatu aksi yang revolusioner dari kaum tani sebaliknya tani dipakai untuk mencapai suatu tujuan praktis pki (merdeka, 2 juli 1964). selain itu, merdeka meragukan berita harian rakjat. merdeka meminta untuk dapat mengungkap tuan-tuan tanah yang jahat juga pejabat-pejabat yang protuan tanah yang tidak menjalani uupa dan uubh yang oleh harian rakjat selalu dikemukakan sebagai sebab timbulnya aksi sepihak. harian rakjat ditantang untuk munculkan fakta-fakta tersebut, terkait berapa jumlah tuan-tuan tanah dari jumlahnya yang tentu tidak sedikit itu membangkang terhadap undang-undang juga siapa-siapa dari pejabat pemerintah, jumlahnya dan dimana serta dimana terjadinya sabotase itu yang dilakukan oleh pejabat (merdeka, 2 juli 1964). aksi sepihak tidak diragukan lagi merupakan tindakan kolektif dan spontan oleh petani. namun demikian, tindakan spontan petani yang didaku disebabkan oleh situasi sosial ekonomi petani yang buruk digunakan oleh pki untuk kepentingan politiknya sendiri (merdeka, 3 juli 1964). dalam edisi 2 juli 1964, merdeka mengkrtisi harian rakjat yang selalu memberitakan landreform yang tidak berjalan. dalam edisi itu merdeka menguraikan bahwa landereform fase satu yang baru diberlakukan di jawa, madura, bali dan nusa tenggara barat sudah berjalan. panitia landreform telah bekerja menyelesaikan redistribusi tanah di beberapa daerah tingkat ii bahkan sudah bergerak dalam bidang penertiban dan pengawasan untuk jawa barat dari luas 28.332 hektare tanah indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 46-60 © 2018 harian rakjat “mengangkat” suara dari bawah: rubrik asmu menjawab dalam pemberitaan petani | 56 kelebihan maskimum yang terdaftar sudah diredistribusikan seluas 21.763 hektare dan yang menerima ada 29.190 orang petani. sisanya 6.569 hektare terdiri atas tanahtanah tanaman keras yang dimintakan hak guna usaha tanah dalam sengketa tanahtanah yang letaknya belum dapat dipastikan dan tanah-tanah yang belum ada petani yang menginginkan seluas 2099 hektare. di samping itu, ada 4.622 orang petani yang juga menerima 2.586 hektare tanah dari persediaan tanah-tanah jawa barat (merdeka, 2 juli 1964). di jawa tengah ada 3.987 orang pemilik tanah yang melaporkan kelebihan tanahnya dari maksimum luas seluruhnya ada 11.405 hektare dan dari jumlah ini 8.353 hektare telah selesai diredistribusikan kepada 14.527 orang petani tidak termasuk pekalongan, pemalang, brebes, cilacap, dan temanggung. dari sisa itu 3.052 hektare yang tidak atau belum dibagikan terdiri atas tanah-tanah wakaf, tanah sengketa, tanah warisan, tanah yang dalam perkara. di samping itu, di jawa tengah juga telah dibagikan 73.761 hektare tanah yang berasal dari macam-macam tanah, bekas tanah partikelir, tanah absentee kepada 23.921 orang petani. di jawa timur ada 22.342 hektare tanah yang terdaftar sebagai tanah kelebihan maksimum. tanah-tanah tersebut 5.683 hektare yang sudah selesai diredistribusi. sisanya 16.659 hektare terdiri atas tanah-tanah yang ada di kepulauan serta tanahtanah dalam sengketa yang menurut rencana kerja panitia landreform akan diselesaikan pada 1964. demikian angka-angka yang dikutip merdeka dari publikasi panitia landreform pusat. dari capaian itu dan dengan luasnya pekerjaan panitia, serta waktu yang singkat, tidak tepat jika pelaksanaan landreform dikatakan macet. untuk meredam gejolak yang terjadi di akar rumput, presiden soekarno memanggil 10 pimpinan partai ke istana bogor pada 12 desember 1964. para pemimpin partai yang datang di antaranya ketua pni hardi s.h., sekretaris jenderal pni ir. surachman, ketua umum nu idam chalid, sekretaris jenderal nu aminudin aziz, ketua dan wakil ketua pki d.n. aidit dan m.h. lukman. dalam pertemuan itu para pemimpin partai yang hadir berkomitmen untuk mendukung penyelesaian permasalahan yang dihadapi pemerintah, di antaranya bertekad bulat untuk mendukung dan mengamalkan pancasila, manipol usdek, dan pedoman-pedoman pelaksanaannya. terkait pelaksanaan uupa dan uubh yang memanas di masyarakat desa, ke 10 partai berkomitmen akan mengutamakan sistem konsultasi dan musyawarah yang dijiwai oleh semangat kegotongroyongan nasional revolusioner berporoskan nasakom (deklarasi bogor, 12 desember 1964). usaha ini terbilang cukup berhasil meredam ekskalasi konflik, yang terbukti dari menurunnya tingkat aksi selama minggu-minggu pertama kesepakatan deklarasi bogor. namun hal ini tidak mencegah tingkat ketegangan dan konflik yang telah terbentuk antara organisasi-organisasi di bawah pngaruh pki dengan kalangan organisasi islam. di jawa timur, para pemimpin pni yang sebelumnya bergabung bersama nu dalam menentang aksi sepihak mulai menarik jarak dengan dan menyerukan persatuan nasional setelah melihat gelombang perlawanan dan penentangan yang ditunjukkan oleh kelompok islam menjadi semakin militan dan ekstrem (mortimer, 1972: 56). indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 46-60 © 2018 harian rakjat “mengangkat” suara dari bawah: rubrik asmu menjawab dalam pemberitaan petani | 57 pada 20 januari 1965, presiden soekarno dalam sidang dpa membentuk sebuah panitia perumus yang bertugas merumuskan pokok pembicaraan oleh 20 orang anggota dpa mengenai persoalan pelaksanaan landreform. panitia tersebut diketuai oleh dr. m. tambunan s.h., sedangkan anggotanya terdiri atas munir bambang murtijoso, mayor jenderal kko suhadi, asmu, k.h. farid ma’ruf, tjilik riwut, dan k. h. idham chalid. dalam sidang dpa tersebut akhirnya ditetapkan suatu perumusan dan pertimbangan mengenai pelaksanaan landreform tanpa menimbulkan kekerasan (duta masjarakat, 23 januari 1965). ada 14 kesepakatan yang dihasilkan oleh para anggota perumus dari dpa. tujuan dari usulan dari dpa ini agar pelaksanaan landreform berjalan lancar. usulan-usulan tersebut di antaranya: menyelesaikan sengketa tanah melalui jalan musyawarah dengan mengutamakan sistem konsultasi dan musyawarah yang dijiwai oleh semangat kegotongroyongan revolusioner berporoskan nasakom tanpa ada intimidasi dan senjata. namun demikian, usaha tersebut di lapangan tampaknya sulit untuk bisa berjalan dengan memuaskan. picu yang telah ditarik melalui tindakan aksi sepihak di pedesaan jawa tidak lagi dapat dikendalikan arahnya. kegiatan landreform dihentikan pada 26 oktober 1965, oleh menteri agraria r. hermanses s.h.. pemberhentian ini dilakukan untuk menjaga ketertiban dan keamanan serta suasana ketenangan pada umumnya. imbas dari aksi sepihak dan kekacauan politik yang ditimbulkan dari peristiwa g 30 s membuat suasana politik bergejolak. berdasar surat keputusan menteri agraria no. 88/depag/1965, selain membekukan pelaksanaan landreform, menteri agraria juga menghentikan sementara semua kegiatan anggota-anggota panitia landreform di pusat dan daerah terutama panitia yang berasal dari barisan tani indonesia. simpulan landreform menjadi penting untuk diberitakan karena terkait hajat hidup orang banyak. lima belas tahun setelah indonesia merdeka yaitu pada 1960, permasalahan kepemilikan tanah masih berlangsung. mayoritas petani di indonesia saat itu belum memiliki tanah. kurang lebih 60% dari para petani adalah petani tidak bertanah. sebagian mereka itu merupakan buruh tani, sebagian lainnya mengerjakan tanah orang lain sebagai penyewa atau penggarap dalam hubungan perjanjian bagi-hasil. para petani yang mempunyai tanah (sawah dan/atau tanah kering) sebagian terbesar masing-masing tanahnya kurang dari 1 hektare (rata-rata 0,6 hektare sawah atau 0,5 hektare tanah kering) tidak dapat hidup secara layak. kondisi inilah yang menjelaskan landreform merupakan isu yang seksi untuk diangkat oleh media, khususnya harian rakjat. kebijakan pemerintah mengenai distribusi lahan pertanian dan telah diatur dalam uupa ini belum berjalan sesuai dengan harapan. hal itu yang menjadi fokus perhatian harian rakjat. sejalan dengan tujuan pki untuk mencari masa dari kaum tani yang jumlahnya besar, harian rakjat gencar memuat berita landreform. harian rakjat memberi ruang yang lebar untuk menyebarkan informasi seputar pembagian tanah berlebih ini. selain memuatnya dalam lembaran berita, harian yang berjumlah empat halaman ini juga memberi ruang khusus yang diberi nama asmu menjawab. indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 46-60 © 2018 harian rakjat “mengangkat” suara dari bawah: rubrik asmu menjawab dalam pemberitaan petani | 58 kolom asmu menjawab sendiri yang menjadi bahan analisis dalam studi sejarah kali ini menggambarkan suatu fenomena isu landrefom bergejolak di kalangan masyarakat pedesaan. pembaca yang berasal dari petani maupun para aktivis petani menyampaikan permasalahan landreform yang belum berjalan melalui tulisan yang mereka sampaikan di kolom asmu menjawab. warga menulis berdasar pengalaman dan pengamatan di sekitar mereka. dengan gaya bahasa warga yang apa adanya terungkap bahwa kebijakan landreform dan uubh sejak diterbitkan belum dirasakan merata oleh masyarakat, karena menemui banyak hambatan. harian rakjat memantau pelaksanaan program ini melalui kolom asmu menjawab. seminggu dua kali bti dan pki mendapat laporan secara cuma-cuma dari warga mengenai perkembangan penerapan landreform di desa-desa. para jurnalis warga inilah yang menjadi mata dan telinga pki. tulisan-tulisan warga yang diterima redaksi dimanfaatkan oleh oleh masyarakat untuk dapat menyampaikan pendapat dan kritiknya terhadap ketimpangan dan penyelewenganpenyelewengan seperti perilaku tuan tanah yang mulai marak terjadi pada masa tersebut. pendapat dan kritik itu tidak hanya dilakukan melalui kolom asmu menjawab. sebelumnya pada 1954 sampai 1957 harian rakjat juga memiliki kolom yang memuat berita dari warga yaitu kolom kita dengar. di kolom ini warga menulis berbagai persoalan yang mereka rasakan setiap hari di sekitar warga. asmu menjawab diambil dari nama sekretaris umum bti yang bernama asmu. selain memimpin organisasi yang berbasis masa petani ini dia juga menjadi penanggung jawab dari kolom asmu menjawab. rubrik ini dapat diibaratkan seperti bahan bakar yang menyulut emosi warga selama tiga tahun. sejak asmu menjawab dikenalkan kepada para pembaca pada april 1961 dan berhenti pada juni 1963, selama kurun waktu itu asmu terus melabeli tuan tanah sebagai orang yang jahat, dan orang yang selalu menindas kaum tani. asmu juga menegaskan hubungan kerja yang bersifat penghisapan itu harus dilenyapkan. para buruh, buruh tani, dan petani miskin oleh pki didorong dan dibimbing untuk melakukan segala aksi menentang penghisapan dengan kekuatan mereka sendiri. bertolak dari pemikiran ini, asmu melalui tulisannya yang konsisten menyampaikan slogan-slogan seperti “tanah untuk petani, “upah yang menguntungkan buruh dan buruh tani”, ”bagi hasil yang menguntungkan petani penggarap“. pki memanfaatkan rubrik ini sebagai alat untuk menjaring para simpatisan partai sebanyak-banyaknya. landreform merupakan program dari pki bersama bti. keduanya telah menentang tuan tanah sebelum uupa disahkan. perlawanan itu dibahas dalam kongres pki vi di jakarta pada 12 september 1959. dalam forum itu asmu menyampaikan sebagai kewajiban yang pertama-tama bagi kaum komunis indonesia. untuk itu, tugas melenyapkan sisa-sisa feodalisme, mengembangkan revolusi agraria antifeodal, menyita tanah tuan tanah dan memberikan dengan cumacuma tanah tuan tanah kepada kaum tani, terutama kepada kaum tani tak bertanah dan tani miskin, sebagai milik perseorangan mereka, diterima oleh kongres sebagai kewajiban yang terdekat dari pada kaum komunis indonesia dengan semobyan “tanah untuk kaum tani,” indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 46-60 © 2018 harian rakjat “mengangkat” suara dari bawah: rubrik asmu menjawab dalam pemberitaan petani | 59 dengan demikian, walaupun pki kerap menyerukan keberpihakannya terhadap rakyat dalam hal ini adalah petani, dan menyudutkan para pemilik tanah, dalam hal ini merupakan salah satu cara pki untuk bisa mendapatkan massa seluas-luasnya. sesuai dengan sifat media massa yang dibaca oleh masyarakat umum, diharpakan asmu menjawab menjadi media pki untuk bisa mendekatkan partai dengan para petani. asmu menjawab menjadi sarana untuk mendorong gerakan petani yang dikenal dengan aksi sepihak. asmu melalui tulisannya membakar semangat kaum tani untuk menjadi petani yang revolusioner dan berani menentang tuan tanah yang dianggapnya sering menindas para petani. sebaran aksi sesuai dengan banyaknya laporan yang dimuat di asmu menjawab yaitu berada di sekitar jawa. mayoritas pusat gerakan aksi sepihak berlangsung di jawa timur, di antaranya banyuwangi, sambirejo kediri, bondowoso, sidoarjo, malang, dan surabaya. sementara itu, aksi sepihak di jawa tengah banyak terjadi di boyolali. kondisi pemilikan tanah khususnya di pulau jawa dan beberapa daerah tertentu, telah mencapai tingkat kritis bagi timbulnya gejolak sosial yang kemudian dimanfaatkan oleh pki untuk memasukkan ideologi politiknya ke dalam masalah itu melalui landreform dan permasalahan agraria lainnya. walaupun demikian, partai itu dalam berbagai aksi sepihak yang dilancarkan gagal menarik seluruh lapisan buruh tani dan petani miskin dan mengikatnya ke dalam sebuah kelas proletar tidak bertanah di bawah pimpinan kaum buruh. sebab kegagalan lainnya adalah karena masih kuatnya ikatan hubungan patron klien di berbagai aspek kehidupan di jawa. aksi sepihak tidak lain merupakan politik praktis sebagai taktik perjuangan pki melalui harian rakjat. secara tidak langsung aksi sepihak telah menyebabkan kekeruhan dalam kerja sama partai-partai pendukung nasakom yang sering digembar-gemborkan oleh harian rakjat dan kawan-kawannya. namun, harian rakjat sendiri tidak mengakui adanya keretakan kerja sama itu. dengan adanya aksi sepihak juga berimbas pada kerja sama partai-partai politik yang semula mendukung nasakom. selain itu, pembunuhan masal terhadap para pengikut pki setelah peristiwa g 30 s, juga merupakan puncak kemarahan warga akibat aksi sepihak. massa simpatisan pki semenjak adanya aksi sepihak tidak disukai oleh warga yang tidak mendukung aksi sepihak di antaranya golongan santri dan simpatisan pni. sejak adanya aki sepihak kebencian warga terhadap para simpatisan pki semakin tajam. mereka ditanamkan untuk membenci orang-orang yang tidak sejalan dengan partai. referensi aidit (1964). kobarkan semangat banteng!: madju terus, pantang mundur!. jakarta: jajasan pembaruan. anonim (1958). masalah-masalah landreform jilid ii. jakarta: jajasan pembaruan. anonim (1960). beberapa soal mengenai landreform. jakarta. departemen penerangan. anri. inventaris arsip komando operasi tertinggi 1963-1967. ”naskah pidato dn aidit pada ulang tahun ke44 pki di semarang”, reg. 101. indonesian historical studies, vol. 2, no. 1, 46-60 © 2018 harian rakjat “mengangkat” suara dari bawah: rubrik asmu menjawab dalam pemberitaan petani | 60 anri. inventaris arsip komando operasi tertinggi 1963-1967.”amanat p.j.m. presiden sukarno pada resepsi pembukaan kongres nasional ke vi bti”, reg. 590. anri. inventaris arsip menko hubra.” laporan mengenai aksi-aksi sepihak bti “, reg. 1968. anri. inventaris sekertaris negara ri 1945-1973. “ manipol ri”, reg. 2019. antara, 1 juli 1964. donald, hindley (1966). the communist party of indonesia 1951-1963. california: california university press. duta masjarakat, edisi 1961-1965. eriyanto (2012). analisis wacana pengantar analisis teks media. yogyakarta: lkis. firdaus, fadrik aziz (2017). njoto biografi pemikiran 1951-1965. tangerang selatan: marjin kiri. harian rakjat, edisi 1961-1965. kasdi, aminudin (2001). kaum merah menjarah, aksi sepihak pki/ bti di jawa timur 1960-1965. yogyakarta : jendela. keyfitz, nathan dan nitisastro, widjojo (1961). soal penduduk dan pembangunan indonesia. jakarta: pt. pembangunan. kuntowijoyo (1994). metodologi sejarah, cet. i. yogyakarta: tiara wacana. merdeka, edisi 2-3 juli 1964. mortimer, rex (1972). the indonesian communist party & landreform 1959-1965. victoria: monash university. njoto (1958). pers dan massa. jakarta: nv rakjat. rachman, noer fauzi (2004). petani dan penguasa dinamika perjalanan penguasa,. jogyakarta: insistpress. setiawan, h. (2003) kamus gestok. yogyakarta: galang press. suluh indonesia, edisi 10 oktober 1961. terompet masjarakat, 24 januari 1964 dan 17 desember 1964. microsoft word 4. collective memory_hamdan.docx indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 116-124 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 collective memory and state’s stigmatization of ex-political prisoners on g-30s in 1965 | 116 collective memory and state’s stigmatization of ex-political prisoners on g-30s in 1965 hamdan t. atmaja department of history, faculty of social sciences, state university of semarang corresponding author: atmaja.hta@gmail.com doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v3i2.6588 abstract the state as an institution that holds power has an obligation to protect the public interest. however, power is often used to shackle public interest. in the context of the thirtieth of september movement (g30s) in 1965, the state has the power to build a collective memory of the incident. the state even led the community to stigmatize the ex-political prisoners of the communist party of indonesia (pki). through an oral history approach, this research attempts to reveal the collective memory and stigmatization of ex-political prisoners of pki, as well as how history must make peace with the g30s incident. this research elaborates on the collective memory of ex-political prisoners of pki on the incident that has put them as political victims due to the state’s stigmatization. the stigma destroyed ex-political prisoners, both politically and socially. the collective memory and stigma are very contradictory to the meaning of g30s built by the new order. for this reason, expolitical prisoners of pki and the state need to go through a dialogue process that results in an agreement that the incident should not be repeated. it can be done if there is a reconciliation of the past. keywords: collective memory; stigmatization; state; ex-political prisoners. introduction collective memory and stigmatization are closely related to state power, if they are traced and studied in depth. the state as a social organization has the power and authority obtained through a collective agreement by the community. as stated by hobbes (1588-1679) in hadiwijono (1989, p. 39), the state was formed based on an agreement of community members. the community is subject to the agreement. the agreement is a deal that arises between the citizens themselves. for this reason, citizens collectively agree to obey authorities who rule them. meanwhile, according to john locke (1632-1794) in hadiwijono (1989, p. 40), the community entered into an agreement and submitted the results of the agreement to a federation. the results of the agreement become law and the law is carried out by the authorities (government). thus, the agreement does not create new rights, but those in power were restricted in accordance with the agreement. in the context of state life, such understanding is accepted as a mutually agreed paradigm, where the state as a social organization has the legitimacy and power to received: 25 november 2019 accepted: 5 december 2019 indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 116-124 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 collective memory and state’s stigmatization of ex-political prisoners on g-30s in 1965 | 117 regulate society for the achievement of public interest (katoppo, 1999; luhulima, 2006). however, the power itself has two different influences. first, if politics is basically seen as a battlefield, in this perspective, power enables them to seize power, control, be in power and maintain power (tjondronegoro, 1965); second, politics is considered as an effort to establish order and justice for power, in this case, it is seen as a protection for public interest and welfare to counter the pressure and demands of various interest groups (pitaloka, 2004, p. 14). the debate over how a state power must be carried out to protect public interest and how the state power ultimately restrains and threatens civil liberties is a long debate. from time to time, the debate keeps going along with the changes of paradigm and interest (abdullah, abdurrachman, & gunawan, 2012; scott, 1985). this research focuses more on state power that later on has implications for producing collective memory and stigma of the g30s incident. from the perspective of power, the collective memory and stigma built by the state shows that power is not only in the territory of state institutions, but also extended to the community. power invades daily life and enters social spaces that define subjects, objects, and reality. power becomes omnipresent (karlina, 2000, p. 41), it is everywhere and able to turn a discourse into a situation that changes the way people perceive reality as well as narrate it under the control of power. the power here then determines what is important and what is not, what is permissible and what is not, and what relationship patterns are displayed in reality. power also determines the system of meaning and collection of values that enfold the possibility of thought and expression to exclude any disagreements. further, foucoult stated that power is everywhere, but it does not cover everything. since it comes from everywhere, power functions as a countless element. power is not only repressive, but also productive and positive (foucoult, 1997, p. 113-114). this kind of situation makes those who are stigmatized lose public space to tell their personal experiences. they feel that their personal experiences are not in line with the current reality, which makes them powerless to actualize their experiences into a discourse that does not contain their thoughts. this powerlessness becomes the success of the authorities in ordering a group of people to keep quiet. foucoult called it the archeology of silence (kazmi, 1997). the silence of the victim is used as the front line of the perpetrator’s defense, which is effective in denying and eliminating the victim. when the victim speaks, the perpetrator uses silence as a tool to defeat the victim. the perpetrator silences the victim. such neglection dehumanizes people and labels speech as meaningless. at this point, power dominates the victim, so the meaning of reality in the community about the g30s incident is monopolized by power (adam, 2019; mortimer, 2006). thus, the reality built by the state has a single interpretation as truth that must be accepted. those who are stigmatized in the dimension of power are positioned as marginalized groups to be forgotten. elias canneti compares victims with feces in human body (hardiman, 2005, p. 23). according to elias canneti, feces is something that is kept hidden, but in fact, everyone recognizes that it is part of the community. what is actually from feces is the object that is clearly visible in plain sight, not in the indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 116-124 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 collective memory and state’s stigmatization of ex-political prisoners on g-30s in 1965 | 118 realm of nature. thus, feces is considered to bear all mistakes. in feces, we can recognize what has been killed. feces is the amount of luminous from all indications against humans (zurbuchen, 2002). this comparison illustrates that the victim is originally part of the community, but in the end, the victim must be hidden and kept secret. if it is not kept hidden, the victims embarrass all human beings. the study of victims’ testimonies is important to get a balanced picture of the collective memory of state violence against people who are considered as pki or expolitical prisoners of pki through the victims’ personal experiences (adam, 1965). victim study is basically an attempt to find a truth that is plural, as derrida said, truth is not limited to a single, general, and universal truth because in reality truth is plural, particular, and relative (hardiman, 2005, p. 252 ). with this balance, the past is not seen as a frightening specter and a generation’s revenge. however, the past is a peace project to build the future. to make the past a peace project, collective memory needs to be built. building a collective memory through the victims’ personal experiences does not aim to harm human beings nor to provide justification for violence, oppression, and persecution. building a collective memory aims to justify hope. hope that tomorrow will be better, that cruelty, violence and injustice will not be repeated. in this case, the state has the main task of holding a commitment to remember and recognize incidents of violence (state duty to remember) with efforts taken to rehabilitate and fulfill the rights of victims of violence. based on the explanation above, this research wants to conduct an in depth examination on the collective memory of the ex-political prisoners of pki on the g30s incident, the stigma inherent in the ex-political prisoners of pki, and how history must make peace with the g30s incident. this research used the phenomenological method developed by husserl. phenomenology is a thought assuming that meaning basically exists in the subject. in the implementation, the researchers discarded prejudices, theories and knowledge that they possess, then let the ex-political prisoners of pki revealed their experiences and their feelings related to the g30s incident during interviews. phenemenology is expected to find the truth that is intersubjective, instead of general truth. in order to obtain a variety of interpretations from the collective memory and stigma of the expolitical prisoners of pki after the g30s incident (husserl, 1999). collective memory on g30s in 1965 french thinker, ricoeur, revealed that memory has two types of relations with the past. the first is relation to knowledge, while the second is relation to action. both relations appear not only in words, but also in the mind. humans use memory in remembering or recalling, which is a kind of action. since memory is an exercise, humans can talk about memory use, which in turn allows humans to talk about memory abuse. ethical issues arise when humans begin to reflect the relationship between memory use and abuse (ricoeur, 2005). not all ex-political prisoners who were stigmatized were involved in the g30s incident, in fact, those were people who had never been involved in practical political indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 116-124 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 collective memory and state’s stigmatization of ex-political prisoners on g-30s in 1965 | 119 activities. thus, the g30s incident was far beyond the reach of their thoughts (atmaja, 2012). a chair of the trade union (sb) felt that he was nobody in the g30s incident. it did not even cross his mind at all that one day they would be arrested and imprisoned and linked to the lubang buaya (crocodile hole) incident. it was too complicated for him, who was only an elementary school graduate, to correlate between his involvement in the pki mass organization and the killing of generals in lubang buaya. the only thing they have in minds was “not knowing” about the g30s incident. the ex-political prisoners were transferred from prison to prison, but they never knew the reason why they were arrested and for what reason they were imprisoned. the memory that is embedded in the mind of a former labor activist, for example, is based on their knowledge and experience of the g30s incident. the collective memory that is embedded in the minds of the ex-political prisoners on g30s is that the incident was a political event that bludged itself as a person who committed political crime. in fact, he had never been involved in practical political activities. coincidentally, he was appointed as the chairman of sb before the g30s incident erupted. the appointment was made because he had literacy, not because he was actively involved in political and labor activities (interview with ks, august 16, 2009). another collective memory comes from someone who has been actively involved in the activities of the indonesian student youth association (ippi), the institute for the people's culture (lekra), pki political family, and is married to a pki member. the collective memory that is attached to him after the g30s incident is an incident that banned people who had come in contact with communism. this collective memory is based on his empirical experience before the g30s incident. he said that not all pki members were involved in the incident. this is based on what he experienced and felt at that time. when the g30s incident erupted, he was totally confused. according to him, all information about the g30s incident was actually obtained from a growing issue in the community. almost everyone concluded that pki was the mastermind and perpetrator of the g30s incident and this conclusion was obtained repeatedly, starting from before he went to prison, was in prison, until he got out of prison. political space such as the communist family does not provide much information about the g30s incident. likewise with the ippi and lekra, which were considered as pki mass organizations. the organizations did not help much to explain what actually happened with the g30s incident. as far as is known and in accordance to his experience, the activities of lekra members in pki mass organization were more related to cultural issues, such as dancing, singing, and social activities. they were not related to politics at all. let alone knowing about the generals’ assassination plans (interview with st., april 30, 2009). the perspective that not everyone involved in pki mass organization must have been involved in the g30s incident was supported by two ex-political prisoners of pki who happened to be civil servants. the similarity of perspectives is supported by a shared experience, they were both civil servants who only participated in the indonesian association of engineering teachers (pgti). he was forced to spend two years in detention. in fact, his participation was only based on professional indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 116-124 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 collective memory and state’s stigmatization of ex-political prisoners on g-30s in 1965 | 120 background, without any political content (interview with sp, april 18, 2009). the same thing happened to a civil servant in the agricultural service. during his time as a civil servant, he was noted to have a good performance. because of such achievement, he was seconded by his leader in the military district command (kodim). taking the pki cadre course was his political sin that delivers him to buru island. the two civil servants not only received punishment, but were also dismissed from their position as civil servants. they were actually hunted down and arrested not because of their involvement in the murder of the generals, but rather because they had been in contact with communism. therefore, the collective memory that is attached to him about the g30s incident is a political event that removed people who had been in contact with communism, regardless of the person’s involvement in the g30s incident. they would be imprisoned as long as they were in touch with communism (interview with ad, august 18, 2009). meanwhile, another ex-political prisoner who had been active in developing “pki malam” revealed that he was a pki member who had never known anything about the plot to kill the generals. he actually learned about the murder of the generals after the incident was reported through radio broadcasts and newspapers. therefore, it would be excessive to assume that pki members as a whole were aware of the plot to kill the generals. the ones who were aware of the story of the murder of the generals in jakarta were the political elite who wanted to fight over sukarno’s power. the construction of thought is not limited to a collection of information obtained from outside, which is then taken without question, thus building a construction of the g30s incident. however, this way of thinking is an analysis of critical thinking, which is a combination of information received, partisanship to communist ideology, and involvement in the world of practical politics. these three aspects become the basis for those involved in the process of hearing, seeing, and feeling the g30s incident. in the end, the inherent memory of the g30s incident is a conspiracy of the political elite who fought for power from sukarno’s hands. therefore, not all pki members were involved in the g30s incident, only certain political elites were involved in the g30s incident (interview with sn, june 23, 2009). stigmatization of ex-political prisoners on g30s in 1965 based on the results of the field study, people who are stigmatized are not seen as individuals, but rather as discredited groups. they are harassed, insulted, become objects of hatred, and a source of problem. moreover, people were indoctrinated that they were phobia of political prisoners. the doctrine was spread by perceiving political prisoners as a threat. getting in touch with them is seen as tainting themselves and their speeches are considered as non-sense. in addition, they are considered as a threat to collective integrity in a conflict (interview with ad, 18 august 2009). this kind of construction of thought became the perspective of power in perceiving pki members. thus, power always produced mythical jargon, such as “latent danger of communism”, “clean self”, “clean environment”, etc. indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 116-124 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 collective memory and state’s stigmatization of ex-political prisoners on g-30s in 1965 | 121 the myth that is built by power is basically an effort to create a classification of power in society (adam, 2007). mind manipulation is preserved through classification. then, the community naturally accepts the idea of the need to treat groups that are different from themselves differently. they apply moral categories to the classification, for example: better, worse, more valuable, more right, wrong, and so on. in relation to pki members, they were stigmatized as bad people, dangerous people, so they deserve to be hated. in this case, people’s minds on pki members were constructed with prejudice as a product of discourse built by the new order authorities (beise, 2004). in general, there are three types of prejudice: affective (related to negative feelings), cognitive (always thinking about a stereotype) and behavioral (acts in the form of discrimination) (alo, 2005, p. 203). these three types became the perspective of the community in seeing the identity of pki members. the study of personal experiences and silent crime of state violence against pki members is also related to the politics of stigma and prejudice against people who are considered as pki. the stigma of being imposed as pki members was felt by expolitical prisoners of pki. the issue of political prisoners, not only exists when they are in custody but also when they have been released and returned to the community (zurbuchen, 2002). it happens because the government still feels the need to monitor the activities of the ex-political prisoners. supervision was carried out, among others by giving et (ex-political prisoners) marks on their resident cards. for those who are labeled et, many matters are more troublesome compared to ordinary citizens. for example, if they want to change addresses, they must get approval from the local security agency. likewise, if they want to arrange a passport, they must go through the screening of the national stability coordinating board (bakorstanas). even economic facilities such as bank credit seems almost impossible for people with et resident cards (interview with st., april 30, 2009). bad stigma was also found by members of the indonesian women’s movement (gerwani). they must accept the stigma of being “immoral”. for decades, members of gerwani had to hide their identities because of endless hatred towards them. gerwani members were described as figures of wild women who danced genjer-genjer, danced naked, then cruelly tortured, slashed, and cut off the genitals of the abducted generals in lubang buaya (adam, 2007). the stigma of being pki members apparently felt by the descendants of pki. those suspected of being children or grandchildren of pki had to bear the sins inherited from their parents. the state discriminated them by not allowing them to become civil servants or members of the military. the stigma of pki members is basically a product of collective memory built on state violence against pki descendants, which places pki members as second-class citizens or underdogs. galtung in his study of violence states that a structure of violence leaves traces, not only in the human body but also in the mind and soul. there are four components that attempt to obstruct formation and conscious mobilization, they are: penetration, embedding topdogs in underdogs; segmentation, giving a very partial view of underdogs; marginalization, keeping underdogs outside the fence; and fragmentation, keeping the underdogs away from each other (galtung, 2003, p. 437 -439). indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 116-124 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 collective memory and state’s stigmatization of ex-political prisoners on g-30s in 1965 | 122 stigma and prejudice as a result of the construction of the mind built by the community continues to cling to the individuals and will not change as long as the construction of the mind does not change. hardiman described how the hexe puppet, which was originally sent to be a horrifying witch, eventually became a fantastic figure in children’s fairy tales. as illustrated in the story, today, anyone who sees the hexe puppet (witch) in germany no longer found the true horrors inherent in this figure. hexe is now a fantastic figure in children’s fairy tales. she is considered terrible in those stories and supposed to be horrifying. after rationalism developed in modern times, it is clear that it is not hexe who is horrifying, but how people tell about hexe to other people. the horrors that emanated from her face were not an sich, but rather the reflection of the collective horrors of other people about her (hardiman, 2005, p. 181-182). this description illustrates that the fear of the ex-political prisoners of pki will never end as long as the construction of people’s minds has not changed. make peace with history the process of being able to accept one another’s understanding will only occur if there is a mutual agreement. in the context of the collective memory regarding the g30s incident, each subject doing the interpretation must accept that all the collective memories conveyed by the subject contain truth. willingness to accept collective memories conveyed by other subjects is based on certain considerations (sihombing, 2005). these considerations are not only limited to decisions or choices, but also contain an understanding analogous to sensory considerations. in-depth studies in this study show findings in the field about the subject’s interpretation of state actions related to the g30s incident. the diversity of memories itself cannot be separated from practical considerations based on experience. the diversity of collective memories of the g30s incident from the perspective of historical actors needs to be heard, understood and comprehended, not as a counterpoint to confront the meaning established by the state, but as materials for dialogue. the dialogue is expected to be used by the media to find collective agreements and make appropriate political decisions. thus, the dialogue can also be used as a basis for resolving past events. for example, participants and victims should be given the opportunity to meet each other so that together they vow that the incident would not repeat itself and make peace with history for national reconciliation (budiawan, 2004; arendt, 1959). recognizing the diversity of collective memories is expected to eliminate the stigma of certain groups that are considered different from others. treating someone as a different person is the same as putting someone else as a party that is not equal to us. they are positioned as an inferior group, a group that is considered dangerous and needs to be removed. for the past to become a peace project and political crime does not repeat itself, collective memory needs to be built. building a collective memory is not just seeing traces of wounds, but re-knowing them (adam, 2019). many of the wounds in human memory are erased and forgotten. memory is not the whole past, but a part of the past that continues to live in people or groups of people and is subject to present indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 116-124 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 collective memory and state’s stigmatization of ex-political prisoners on g-30s in 1965 | 123 representations and perspectives. thus, building a collective memory through the experience of historical actors, neither evokes feelings of revenge for the past nor does it provide justification for political crime. a collective memory is built to justify hope (adam, 2004), hope that tomorrow will be better and that crime will not be repeated. in this case, the state has the main task of holding a commitment to remember and recognize the existence of political crimes, with efforts taken to rehabilitate and fulfill the rights of those who are harmed. a collective memory should be used to reconstruct what was experienced in the past, not to justify who is strong and weak, who wins and losses, and who dominates who. however, a collective memory should be used to arouse human dialogues, build self-awareness as human beings and ultimately find their true nature as human beings (wagner, 1979). the beginning of history must be written. it means that written history must contains human values, not history that justifies the political crimes of the state. history written in such a way will only build hatred and revenge of the past. history that is written to repeat the discourse of past revenge will make this nation imprisoned in history. to allow ourselves to be imprisoned continuously in history is equivalent to repressing one’s freedom and not being able to recognize the rights and freedoms of others. thus, history cannot be used as a pedestal to determine what must be done and what should not be done in the future. conclusion historical events are texts that are free to interpret. however, interpreting history by not using the rules of truth as in classical hermeneutics can create a discourse that is interpreted based on the interests of each group. history that is interpreted based on the interests of each group will not make it as a peace project, but instead it becomes a source of debate that provokes hostility. hostilities trigger conflicts. likewise with the g30s incident, which was written based on certain political and ideological interests, it became an ongoing debate. such debate can ultimately obscure human values, divide people into groups that are correct and those that are wrong, as well as keep the strong groups and get rid of the weak groups. therefore, the g30s incident should be written as a peace project, by listening to and feeling what the historical actors experienced through their collective memories. by remembering, we have a moral responsibility to leave bad things in the past. in addition, this nation should also be able to take lessons from the history for self-evaluation and make it a pedestal for building the future by giving space to collective memory. references abdullah, t., abdurrachman, s., & gunawan, r. (2012). malam bencana 1965 dalam belitan krisis nasional: bagian ii konflik lokal. yayasan pustaka obor indonesia. adam, a. w. (1965). wiping out the 1965 stigma. conference paper von der internationalen konferenz: reconciling history with. adam, a. w. (2004). pelurusan sejarah indonesia. yogyakarta: tride. adam, a. w. (2007). seabad kontroversi sejarah. ombak. indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 116-124 © 2019 | e-issn: 2579-4213 collective memory and state’s stigmatization of ex-political prisoners on g-30s in 1965 | 124 adam, a. w. (2019). 5 suharto’s grievous human rights abuses. the international people’s tribunal for 1965 and the indonesian genocide. alo, l. (2005). prasangka dan konflik. yogyakarta: lkis arendt, h. (1959). the human condition. chichago: the university of chicago press. atmaja, h. t. (2012). tindakan negara terkait peristiwa g30s: studi makna gadamerian pada peselamat (doctoral dissertasion, universitas airlangga). beise, k. (2004). apakah soekarno: terlibat peristiwa g30s. yogyakarta: ombak. budiawan. (2004). mematahkan pewarisan ingatan. yogyakarta. elsam. foucoult, m. (1997). sex dan kekuasaan: sejarah sexualitas. jakarta: gramedia galtung, j. (2003). studi perdamaian; perdamaian dan konflik, pembangunan dan peradaban. surabaya: pustaka eureka hadiwijono. (1989). sari sejarah filsafat barat. yogyakarta: kanisius hardiman, f. b. (2005). memahami negativitas; diskursus tentang massa, teror dan trauma. jakarta: pt. media kompas husserl, e. (1999). the essential husserl: basic writings in transcendental phenomenology. indiana university press. karlina, l. (2000). kisah dialektika kaum korban. jakarta: kompas katoppo, a. (1999). menyingkap kabut halim 1965. pustaka sinar harapan. kazmi, y. (1997). foucault’s genealogy and teaching multiculturalism as a subversive activity. studies in philosophy and education, 16 (3), 331–345. luhulima, j. (2006). menyingkap dua hari tergelap di tahun 1965: melihat peristiwa g30s dari perspektif lain. penerbit buku kompas. mortimer, r. (2006). indonesian communism under sukarno: ideology and politics, 19591965. equinox publishing. pitaloka, r. d. (2004). kekerasan negara menular ke masyarakat. yogyakarta: galang press. ricoeur, p. (2005). memory, history, forgiveness: a dialogue between paul ricoeur and sorin antohi. psychology press. scott, p. d. (1985). the united states and the overthrow of sukarno, 1965-1967. pacific affairs, 58(2), 239–264. sihombing, j. m. (2005). kekerasan terhadap masyarakat marginal. yogyakarta: narasi. thomas, s. (2002). teori-teori kekerasan. jakarta: ghalia press & universitas kristen petra. tjondronegoro, d. (1965). ledakan fitnah subversi g.-30-s. matoa. wagner, a. r. (1979). habituation and memory. mechanisms of learning and motivation: a memorial volume for jerzy konorski, 53–82. zurbuchen, m. s. (2002). history, memory, and the "1965 incident" in indonesia. asian survey, 42(4), 564–581. microsoft word 3. ihis musdalifah layout.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 40-53 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 road infrastructure development in jambi province during the new order period | 40 received: january 2, 2023 revised: august 10, 2024 accepted: august 11, 2024 road infrastructure development in jambi province during the new order period musdalifah,* endah sri hartatik, haryono rinardi master program of history, faculty of humanities, universitas diponegoro, semarang, central java indonesia *corresponding author: tamalamusdalifah95@gmail.com doi: 10.14710/ihis.v8i1.16982 introduction the new order era prioritized economic recovery in the agricultural and industrial sectors. however, road infrastructure development was also a key priority, recognizing that without adequate roads and transportation, all forms of socioeconomic activity would be hindered. therefore, the new order focused on the construction, rehabilitation, and maintenance of roads with significant socioeconomic value, aiming to promote equitable development across the nation (bappenas, 2021). it was anticipated that road development and rehabilitation would enhance the quality of life for the population and transform regions into more productive areas. road development and rehabilitation efforts during the new order period extended to various regions, aiming to reach all areas, including those outside java. one such region was jambi province, located on the island of sumatra. this province boasts diverse natural resources, both potential and actual, with an area of 53,433.72 km². jambi also possesses vast agricultural land, diverse mineral resources, and valuable forest products. furthermore, jambi province has natural resources that can abstract this article examines the development of road infrastructure in jambi province during the new order era and its impact on the socioeconomic aspects of the local community. the study employs a historical research methodology, encompassing heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. the development initiatives of the new order period were pivotal in the expansion of road infrastructure in jambi province. this infrastructure development, particularly road construction, was integrated into the five-year development plans (repelita) and implemented in phases. for jambi province, the repelita aimed to accelerate development and bridge the gap with other regions. this study analyzes the impact of infrastructure development, specifically focusing on its role in facilitating economic activity and the mobility of people and goods. the findings reveal that infrastructure development contributed significantly to social and economic life, including increased agricultural yields, diversification of professions, the emergence of new productive areas, changes in demographics and multi-ethnic diversity, and an overall improvement in the quality of life for the population. keywords: development; road infrastructure; new order; socioeconomic ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 40-53 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 road infrastructure development in jambi province during the new order period | 41 support indonesia's economic development, such as the oil and gas industry, the timber industry, and plantation products. geographically, jambi province occupies a strategic position, being close to the singapore-johor-riau (sijori) growth triangle, which serves as a gateway for non-oil and gas commodities to east asia and the western pacific (“sumber,” 1993). despite its strategic location, jambi province’s economic potential remained underutilized. compared to neighboring provinces in sumatra, such as south sumatra, west sumatra, north sumatra, and riau, jambi lagged behind in development. this lag was attributed, in part, to the lack of well-developed road connections and access, making it difficult to transport agricultural products from the hinterland to market centers (m. taufiq, interview, june 25, 2022). this disparity in infrastructure development had persisted since jambi province was part of the central sumatra province from 1946 to 1956, ultimately leading to demands for jambi to become an autonomous province (purnomo & indrayani, 2020, p. 5). after gaining autonomy, jambi province began to improve its development and regional management. with the advent of the new order, the government introduced the national development policy, known as the five-year development plan (repelita). one of the key programs under this plan was infrastructure development. the improvement of infrastructure, particularly roads, was crucial for the people of jambi province, given its geographical location and strategic position in the center of sumatra. jambi has open connections with major cities in its vicinity, including riau, south sumatra, west sumatra, north sumatra, and the berhala strait or south china sea (regional development planning agency of jambi province level i region & central statistics agency of jambi province, 1988). due to this connectivity with surrounding areas, inter-regional roads were essential. based on the background presented, the importance of roads in supporting social activities, the economy, and equitable regional development in jambi province makes this topic worthy of investigation. the abundance of natural resources in jambi's hinterland, which need to be transported to market centers to boost the regional economy, highlights the significance of government investment in road infrastructure. therefore, this article formulates several research questions. first, how did road infrastructure develop in jambi province during the new order period from 1969 to 1998? second, what was the impact of this road infrastructure development on the socioeconomic life of the people of jambi province during the years 1969-1998? method this article utilizes data collection techniques aligned with the historical research method, consisting of four main stages: heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography (gottschalk, 1983, p. 32). the first stage is heuristics, which involves the collection of historical sources, both written and oral, that are primary or secondary in nature (saebani, 1994, p. 45). the primary sources used in this article include articles from contemporary newspapers, such as jambi independent, obtained from the archives depot of the jambi provincial library and archives service, as well as annual ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 40-53 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 road infrastructure development in jambi province during the new order period | 42 reports from the archives of the public works department (dpu) related to road infrastructure development in jambi province during the new order era. in addition, to complement the primary sources, oral history methods in the form of interviews were also conducted with several informants relevant to the topic of this article. secondary sources were obtained through literature research related to the topic of this article, such as books related to the five-year development plans during the new order period in jambi province. these sources were obtained from the jambi provincial library and archives service. additionally, several monographs, such as "jambi in figures" and publications from the jambi province central bureau of statistics, were obtained from the jambi provincial library, along with numerous other books that the author acquired from various locations, including the jambi city library, the university of jambi library, the jambi provincial public works department, and the jambi provincial development planning agency (bappeda). searches for secondary sources via the internet, such as ipusnas, scholar.google.com, harzing.com, ejournal.undip.ac.id, and emeraldinsight.com, were also utilized to supplement the data. subsequently, the data was processed through internal and external criticism, interpreted, and analyzed to form a cohesive whole in a historiographical work. road development in jambi province at the beginning of repelita before the implementation of national development in the sector of road infrastructure construction and rehabilitation, which was packaged through the repelita program, jambi province had a road length of approximately 2,493.6 km and bridges totaling 9,131 meters. at the beginning of repelita, these roads and bridges were in a state of severe disrepair, largely paralyzing the regional economy (jambi province government, 1979, p. 2). in 1969, the government began drafting documents for road construction and rehabilitation in jambi province, and by 1974, significant progress had been achieved in land transportation development, as shown in table 1. table 1. achievements in road construction and rehabilitation in jambi province, 19721973 no. rencana +) realisasi ++) 1. rehabilitation and upgrading roads 4,016 km 604.5 km bridges 8,861 m 4,226 m 2. maintenance roads 2,493.6 km 2,493.6 km bridges 9,131 m 9,131 m 3. new construction roads 56 km 56 km bridges source: +) jambi province repelita 1969-1974 ++) jambi province public works department report 1974 ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 40-53 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 road infrastructure development in jambi province during the new order period | 43 table 1 demonstrates that during 1969-1974, repelita i, which included road and bridge construction and rehabilitation, extended its reach to jambi province. the government's efforts to improve road quality to facilitate socioeconomic activities for the people of jambi province were budgeted at 20.6 billion, encompassing funding sources from the national budget (apbn), regional budget (apbd), and the private sector (jambi province government, 1979, p. 2). in the early stages, the implementation of road construction and rehabilitation in jambi province through the repelita i program was not very significant. many roads remained in a state of disrepair. some remote areas were still classified as isolated. additionally, many road users reported significant difficulties in utilizing road infrastructure for transportation (hayatullisna, interview, april 1, 2022). in some areas separated by rivers, people had to rely on ferry services available in various locations such as ma. tembesi, ma. tebo, ma. bungo, senamat, rantau panjang, bangko, and sarolangun. sometimes, people even had to wait in long queues (jambi level i regional government, 1988, p. 31). such conditions could lead to lengthy travel times and high costs. economic activities like transporting agricultural and plantation products from the hinterland to market centers became inefficient. remote areas far from urban centers remained underdeveloped and isolated due to the difficulties people faced in administrative matters (haris, interview, april 1, 2022). road development in jambi province, 1980-1998 the development of road infrastructure in jambi province consistently progressed throughout the period from 1969 to 1998. however, a significant acceleration occurred during the administration of governor h. masjchun sofwan, s.h. (1979-1989), and continued under the leadership of governor drs. abdurrahman sayoeti (1989-1999) (“evaluasi pelita kita,” 1998). during this time, regional development priorities were directed towards encouraging investment, supporting agricultural programs, supporting transmigration programs, facilitating the flow of goods and services, and enhancing the mobility of people, especially to rural and urban areas, both within the province and between provinces in sumatra, as well as opening up isolated areas for regional development (jambi level i regional government, 1988, p. 31). by 1980, during repelita iii, the construction and rehabilitation of infrastructure, including roads and bridges, began to be handled in a planned and programmed manner (jambi level i regional government, 1988, p. 31). development priorities were implemented in accordance with the principles of the development trilogy, the guidelines of state policy (gbhn) of 1983, and the basic pattern of regional development, with implementation and problem-solving supported by the five priorities (panca krida) of the development cabinet (jambi province government, 1989, p. 141). reports from the regional office of the ministry of public works in jambi province and decrees related to road development in jambi province indicate the existence of new road construction programs, particularly in the late 1970s and ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 40-53 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 road infrastructure development in jambi province during the new order period | 44 peaking in the 1980s, as presented in table 2. the construction of roads and bridges was intensified and continued to increase each year. table 2. collection of activity reports and decrees from the jambi provincial public works department (dpu) regional office no. work order number description year 1 no. b03/52/bm/ba5/78-79 addressing road damage caused by natural disasters on the muaro tembesi-sarolangun route 1979 2 no. 620/860/1979 road repair work on the bangko route bordering ma bungo 1979 3 no. b.30/01.a/spn/ba/78-79 road repairs due to natural disasters on the temiai-penetai route 1979 4 no. 620/5171/ba/86 repairs and installation of gabions on the bangko-sanggaran agung road 1986 5 no. 362.04/227/puk/1986 road and bridge repairs on the bangko-penetai and simpang pulau rengas-dusun tuo routes 1986 6 no. 09/620/pemda/80-81 road improvement in jambi city, simpang bata-pal merah route 1980 7 no. or.01.01/05.05/788 establishment of organizational structure and work procedures for the road and bridge improvement project in jambi province 1987 8 no. 24/kpts/w-05/1986 appointment and assignment of employees to the batanghari road and bridge rehabilitation & maintenance project 1986 9 no. or-01-01/05-05/404.b organizational structure and work procedures for the road and bridge improvement project in jambi province 1987 10 no. ap0101/w.05-jmps/376 batanghari river bridge construction program for the 1988/1989 fiscal year 1988 11 no. ml01.05/01-05/1099 report on the funding program for the construction of the batanghari river bridge for the 1988/1998 fiscal year 1988 12 no. p10.02/05.05/100 supervision results of road improvements on jambi-bayung 1989 ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 40-53 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 road infrastructure development in jambi province during the new order period | 45 lincir, jambi-merlung, jambitempino (south sumatra border) 13 no. p0102/05-05/102 supervision results report on the replacement of the dati ii sarolangun bangko bridge 1990 source: static archives of the jambi provincial public works department regional office based on activity reports on road infrastructure development and rehabilitation from the jambi provincial public works department (dpu) regional office, it is evident that most road facilities and infrastructure had reached all sub-district capitals, with some even extending to rural areas. this demonstrates the continuity of development throughout jambi province. since then, the jambi-ma tembesi-ma teboma bungo-bangko-sarolangun-ma tembesi road, which serves as a ring road in jambi province, has been freed from ferry dependence as bridges have been constructed to connect areas previously separated by rivers, further smoothing traffic flow (jambi level i regional government, 1988, p. 33). furthermore, to provide an alternative for enhancing the flow of goods and passengers between regions and promoting the development of sumatra, the government planned the construction of the trans-sumatra highway, which traverses the east coast of sumatra, encompassing banda aceh-medan-pekanbaru-jambipalembang-bandar lampung. the construction of the trans-sumatra highway, which touches jambi's regions such as merlung, sengeti, jambi city, and tempino, became visible in 1990 (jambi province government, 1994, p. 8). prior to 1990, this road segment already existed, but its condition was not suitable for vehicular traffic. this policy, in addition to aiming to increase the flow of goods and passengers between regions and promote the development of sumatra, also sought to anticipate and address the emergence of disparities among communities whose areas lacked development. the policy began to be implemented with the construction of the ring road to the east coast of jambi province. the road segments included jambi-sengetimerlung (bordering riau), jambi-tempino (bordering south sumatra), followed by kenali-simpang rimbo, and jambi-suak kandis. thus, these road segments constitute part of the trans-sumatra highway within jambi province (jambi province government, 1994, p. 8). the construction of roads in merlung, sengeti, jambi city, and tempino has enabled public transportation to access previously unreachable areas, facilitating the mobility of people and goods with faster travel times. the prices of essential goods, which were once inflated due to difficult access, have become more stable with the reach of public transportation. additionally, the economies of communities along these roads have become more developed than before (nurohman, interview, april 19, 2022). social impact the policies and activities related to road infrastructure development in jambi ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 40-53 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 road infrastructure development in jambi province during the new order period | 46 province have had a significant impact on the social life of the community. this is because road infrastructure development is crucial not only for the smooth flow of human traffic, goods, and services but also for the smooth operation of government activities, promoting regional development, defense and security, as well as activities in other sectors (jambi province government, 1994, p. 21). development of new areas the development and planning of a region can be realized through the construction of roads along productive agricultural and plantation areas. development in such areas can support and facilitate the economic activities of the communities residing in those areas. through the road network that has been built, the government can allocate new areas for transmigrants from various regions outside sumatra island (junaidi, 1992). the transmigration policy itself is aimed at achieving equitable regional development and is an important effort in increasing employment opportunities by utilizing agricultural land in sparsely populated areas. towards repelita i, transmigration activities were directed at increasing food production by expanding agriculture outside java, bali, and lombok. the target for opening tidal agricultural areas was focused on sumatra and kalimantan (department of information r.i., 1974, p. 658). to realize this program, in 1976, the trans-sumatra highway was built in jambi province, covering ma. bungo-west sumatra border to bangko-sarolangun-south sumatra border. in accordance with the government's plan, the construction of the trans-sumatra highway was also accompanied by the establishment of new settlements along the road. according to suntoro, director of land clearing at the directorate general of transmigration in jakarta, several areas were opened for transmigration locations in jambi province along the trans-sumatra highway, namely rimbo bujang, air hitam, rantau ikil, singkut, batin ix, pamenang, rantau limau manis, and muara jernih (tempo data and analysis center, 2022, pp. 26-30). thanks to the improvement in road infrastructure development, the implementation of the transmigration program in jambi province went smoothly and continued to be carried out throughout the new order government. table 3 presents data on transmigration placement in jambi province based on periodization, number of placements, and number of households. table 3. development of transmigrant placement in jambi province from the prepelita period to 1999 no. period of placement (a) upt/ lpt (b) placement (b) average per year kk jiwa kk jiwa 1. pra pelita (1950-1968) 1 249 1208 14 67 2. pelita i (1969/70-1973/74) 4 2450 11371 490 2274 3. pelita ii (1974/75-1978/79) 33 13476 61161 2695 12232 4. pelita iii (1979/80-1983/84) 47 22741 94485 4548 18897 5. pelita iv (1984/85-1988/89) 27 11141 47136 2228 9427 ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 40-53 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 road infrastructure development in jambi province during the new order period | 47 6. pelita v (1989/90-1993/94) 43 17411 71676 3482 14335 7. pelita vi (1994/95-1998/99) 27 9710 41871 1942 8374 source: social, manpower and transmigration office, jambi province 2010; ministry of manpower and transmigration 2012. note: a) based on the initial year of placement b) total number until the end of the placement period with adequate road infrastructure, these new settlement areas developed further, as roads provided access to facilitate economic activities and the smooth flow of community mobility in marketing agricultural and plantation products outside the region (sumarni, 2017, p. 37). demographic changes and ethnic diversity in jambi province, population growth continued to increase annually. this was due to the influx of transmigrants and immigrants from various regions and ethnic groups. they settled in sparsely populated areas of jambi province. in the 1970s, the attraction of jambi province lay in its vast plantation and agricultural lands. entering the 1980s, a shift began from the agricultural sector to the non-agricultural sector (karmela, 2014, p.29). during the 1970s and 1980s, transmigrant populations originating from java island still dominated in jambi province. the interest of newcomers in settling in jambi province was also supported by improvements in the highway and transportation sectors. the construction of the trans-sumatra highway in jambi province facilitated access between jambi and major surrounding cities such as medan, padang, palembang, and pekanbaru. the flow of community mobility and goods transportation became smoother. the development of road access led to newcomers from various regions settling in areas within each district of jambi province. this undoubtedly had an impact on the demographic changes in jambi province, as shown in table 4. table 4. population of jambi province by district/city and gender, 1991-1995 no. kecamatan/district male female number 1. kerinci 142,613 149,233 291,846 2. bungo tebo 200,141 192,792 392,933 3. sarolangun bangko 194,168 188,659 382,827 4. batanghari 191,442 184,528 375,970 5. tanjung jabung 201,637 191,015 392,652 6. jambi city 174,317 168,755 343,072 total 1995 1,104,318 1.074,982 2,179,300 1994 1,084,380 1,058,129 2,142,509 1993 1,066,135 1,033,354 2,099,489 1992 1,052,130 1,018,982 2,071,112 1991 1,039,912 1,005,573 2,045,485 sumber: jambi in figures 1995. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 40-53 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 road infrastructure development in jambi province during the new order period | 48 the influx of newcomers, both transmigrants and immigrants, was driven by an awareness of economic needs for survival, prompting a portion of the population from outside jambi province to migrate to jambi in search of employment opportunities. this migration was undoubtedly facilitated by the availability of interprovincial road access (joni, evi, & marganti, interview, june 1, 2022). improvement in quality of life one of the reasons for road infrastructure development in jambi province was its vast area with a scattered and uneven population distribution. therefore, efforts to develop and improve the road system in jambi province were included in national development priorities, as shown in table 5 (jambi province government, 1994, p. 113). table 5. length of national and provincial roads in jambi province by construction and road condition, 1983-1988 no. description 1983 1988 1. construction (km) 1,797 1,797.050 1. asphaltl 827 1,074.575 2. gravel 731 575.225 3. earth 239 147.250 2. condition (km) 1,797 1,797.050 1. stable 502 741,625 2. unstable 1.056 840,625 3. critical 239 214,800 source: fifth five-year development plan 1989/1990-1993/1994, book iii: regional development and development of level ii regions. the table above indicates that from 1983 to 1988, there was a significant increase in road development in jambi province. roads with critical soil construction were fewer in number compared to asphalt and gravel roads, both in good and fair condition. this signifies that road development in jambi province from 1983 to 1998 experienced substantial improvement. the increasing development of road infrastructure in jambi province has made access between regions easier, thus bridging the distance between communities, facilitating government affairs, and enhancing national defense. road construction and rehabilitation have also made it easier for communities to develop economic activities and daily affairs (ammituh, 2016, p. 185). the conveniences resulting from increased road development in jambi province, particularly for rural communities, include easier fulfillment of needs and necessities such as administrative matters, access to health services, and education. similarly, roads facilitate daily activities for the community, such as easier access to workplaces, visiting family in their hometowns, and traveling to recreational centers (iwan, ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 40-53 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 road infrastructure development in jambi province during the new order period | 49 interview, april 19, 2022). the impact of improved roads has led to an increasing number of people owning private vehicles. the reach of public transportation has also expanded to several important areas, making it easier for people who initially lacked adequate road access to reach their desired destinations, including easier access to health and education facilities. impact of road development in jambi province on economic aspects increased community plantation yields with an area of 53,435.72 km², the majority of the population in jambi province derives their income from the plantation sector (regional development planning agency of jambi province level i region & central statistics agency of jambi province, 1988, p. 5). rubber plantations are the dominant commodity throughout jambi province. the increase in rubber plantation yields in jambi province has consistently improved alongside the enhancement of road infrastructure. the year 1980 marked a peak in road infrastructure development in jambi province. this development experienced a significant increase, particularly in the plantation sector. the improvement of roads has had an impact on increasing various aspects of the community's economic life. this is because road access has become easier in connecting production source areas to marketing centers outside the region (table 6) (jambi level i regional government, 1988, p. 35). table 6. report on the results of pelita iv and v in the plantation sector (dominant commodities) (production in thousand tons) no. production in thousand tons commodities end of pelita iv end of pelita v 1. rubber 169.6 192.4 2. coconut 102.2 97.5 3. cinnamon 11.6 10 4. palm oil 23.6 267.9 5. coffee 6 1.,2 size in thousand hectares commodiries end of pelita iv end pelita v 1. rubber 450.4 489.3 2. coconut 114 115.6 3. cinnamon 42,4 48,3 4. pal oil 20,4 84,6 5. coffee 31,2 31,8 source: jambi during pelita v year of 1994 in addition to the increase in rubber production and plantation area, a new commodity emerged: oil palm. oil palm cultivation in jambi province began in 1984. initially, the oil palm plantation area covered 1,645 hectares, consisting of 500 hectares of smallholder plantations and 1,145 hectares of private plantation companies (jambi ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 40-53 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 road infrastructure development in jambi province during the new order period | 50 province government, 1994, p. 31). from 1989 to 1999, oil palm production increased drastically, from an initial 23.6 tons to a significant 267.9 tons by the end of pelita v. this increase was partly due to the expansion of cultivated land from 20.4 hectares to 84.6 hectares. the increase in various plantation sectors led to an increase in the value of jambi province's exports to asean countries in 1992, both in terms of volume and value. based on information gathered from the regional office of the department of trade of jambi province, it is known that the export volume of various jambi products in 1991 was recorded at 65,354 tons, while in 1992 it was recorded at 78,436 tons, an increase of 13,082 tons or about 20% (“ekspor produk daerah jambi ke asean tahun 1992 naik,” 1993). this proves that the yield of smallholder plantations in jambi province continued to increase every year until the monetary crisis. the monetary crisis impacted people's income due to the fall in plantation product prices (mursiduddin, interview, april 19, 2022). shift in community professions jambi province is known for its plantation products, as seen from the collected data. the community's plantation products in jambi province are dominated by rubber, coconut/copra, and cassiavera/cinnamon. in the 1980s, plantation products were dominated by oil palm. however, since the development and improvement of road infrastructure in jambi province, people began to try new professions. based on the 1980 census data, the population of jambi province was 1,444,476, and the number of job seekers registering at the regional office of the department of manpower of jambi province continued to increase, with an average increase of 9.13% during the period 1986-1990 (regional development planning agency of jambi province level i region & central statistics agency of jambi province, 1992, p. 38). based on this increase in the number of job seekers, it can be concluded that entering the 1980s, the interest of job seekers began to increase due to the improvement of existing infrastructure, especially in the road infrastructure sector. the industrial sector in jambi province also experienced growth, both in terms of production output and the number of workers employed. in 1988, there were approximately 19,232 workers, as shown in table 7. this number increased by 15.17% from the previous year, which was recorded at 16,620 people (regional development planning agency of jambi province level i region & central statistics agency of jambi province, 1992, p. 43). the number of trading companies in jambi province also continued to increase annually (1980-1990). in 1980, there were 3,535 trading companies recorded in jambi, which then increased to 10,605 within 10 years. however, during that period, there were no foreign trading companies recorded in jambi province. the increase in the number of companies also indicates an expansion of the economic sectors available to the community. the people of jambi automatically tried various jobs offered by these trading companies. they no longer solely depended on the plantation sector, even though jambi province is indeed renowned for its ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 40-53 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 road infrastructure development in jambi province during the new order period | 51 plantation products (central bureau of statistics of jambi province, 1994). table 7. number of domestic and foreign trading companies in jambi province, 19801990 no. year domestic foreign total 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 3,535 4,668 4,859 5,926 6,649 7,356 8,620 9,374 9,705 10,778 10,605 3,535 4,668 4,859 5,926 6,649 7,356 8,620 9,374 9,705 10,778 10,605 source: jambi in figures 1990. the development of the economy in jambi province can also be seen from the increasing mobility of the community. mobility became easier with the development of companies providing transportation services for the people of jambi, serving intercity routes as shown in table 8. table 8. public transportation companies serving intercity routes in jambi province, 1986-1990 regency/city companies buses total capacity average bus capacity kerinci 5 14 1,054 23 bungo tebo 4 35 613 17 sarolangun bangko 2 13 240 18 batanghari 4 55 1,140 21 tanjung jabung 4 31 328 10 kotamadya jambi 19 276 7,714 27 total 1990 38 454 11,089 24 1989 23 276 5,187 19 1988 37 440 12,262 28 1987 34 414 11,105 27 1986 30 301 8,536 28 source: jambi in figures, 1990. based on the table, it can be concluded that infrastructure (road) improvements have indirectly influenced the increase in community mobility and driven the economic wheels of the people of jambi province, contributing to increased regional income. the ease of accessing public transportation due to adequate infrastructure has also made it easier for people to commute between their homes and workplaces. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 40-53 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 road infrastructure development in jambi province during the new order period | 52 conclusion the importance of road infrastructure development in jambi province lies in its role as a means to facilitate economic activity, the mobility of people and goods, and equitable development. this aligns with the conditions and characteristics of jambi province, which has a relatively large area but a small population and is a region that produces various types of agricultural and plantation commodities. various types of natural resources in jambi province have been well-managed when infrastructure development is programmed according to plan. the success of road infrastructure development in increasing the production and productivity of agriculture and plantations in jambi province continues to improve. inter-regional connections, both within jambi province and between provinces in sumatra, have developed very well, making people's access to daily activities easier along with the development of road infrastructure during the new order period. in addition, the government's program in equitable development efforts went quite well with the transmigration program filling the void in several areas in jambi province so that the utilization and processing of agricultural and plantation products can be optimized. referrences ammituh, s. a. (2016). sejarah perkembangan sistem jalan raya di sabah (master’s tesis). universitas malaya, kuala lumpur, malaysia. central bureau of statistics of jambi province (1994). statistik penduduk provinsi jambi akhir tahun 1993. jambi: central bureau of statistics of jambi province. department of information of the republic of indonesia (1974). pidato kenegaraan presiden republik indonesia jenderal soeharto. jakarta: n.d. “ekspor produk daerah jambi ke asean tahun 1992 naik.” (15 january 1993). jambi independent. “evaluasi pelita kita.” (12 march 1998). jambi independent. gottschalk, l. 1983. mengerti sejarah (nugroho notosusanto, trans.). jakarta: universitas indonesia press. jambi province government (1979). rencana pembangunan lima tahun kedua: daerah provinsi jambi. jambi: jambi province government. jambi province government (1988). provinsi jambi: menyongsong pelita v dalam rangka tinggal landas. jambi: jambi province government. jambi province government (1989). rencana pembangunan lima tahun keempat 1984/851988/89. jambi: jambi province government. jambi province government (1994). jambi dalam pelita v jambi: jambi province government. jambi province government (1994). rencana pembangunan lima tahun kelima 1989/1990-1993/1994, buku i kebijaksanaan pembangunan daerah. jambi: jambi province government ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 40-53 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 road infrastructure development in jambi province during the new order period | 53 junaidi (2012). perkembangan desa-desa eks transmigrasi dan interaksi dengan wilayah sekitarnya serta kebijakan ke depan: kajian di provinsi jambi (master’s thesis) institut pertanian bogor, indonesia. karmela, s. h. (2014). kehidupan ekonomi penduduk dalam setiap periodisasi ejarah jambi. jurnal dikdaya, 4(1). national development planning agency of the republic of indonesia “perhubungan dan pariwisata.” retrieved juli 13, 2021 from https://www.bappenas.go.id/files/8913/6082/9492/bab-10-1990cek__20090203110237__1791__9.doc purnomo, b. & n. indrayani (2020). gerakan pasca proklamasi kemerdekaan: kasus pembentukan provinsi jambi 1946-1958. jurnal istoria, 16(2), 1-11. regional development planning agency of jambi province level i region & central statistics agency of jambi province (1998). jambi dalam angka tahun 1997. jambi: regional development planning agency of jambi province level i region & central statistics agency of jambi province. regional development planning agency of jambi province level i region & central statistics agency of jambi province (1991). jambi dalam angka tahun 1990. jambi: regional development planning agency of jambi province level i region & central statistics agency of jambi province. saebani, b. a. (2008). metode penelitian. bandung: pustaka setia. sumarni (2017). sejarah sosial ekonomi masyarakat tantau rasau tahun 1967-1999 (undergraduate thesis). universitas jambi, indonesia. sumber daya alam di provinsi jambi sangat potensial.” (15 january 1993). jambi independent. tempo data and analysis center (2022). indonesia tempo doeloe. jakarta: tempo publishing. informans evi hayatullisna iwan joni m. haris m. taufiq marganti mursiduddin nurohman microsoft word 1. rafngi et.al.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 73-85 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 how the public in the us responded to javanese and balinese performing arts? | 73 received: april 29, 2021 revised: february 22, 2022 accepted: february 22, 2022 how the public in the us responded to javanese and balinese performing arts? rafngi mufidah*, dhanang respati puguh, singgih tri sulistiyono master program of history, faculty of humanities, universitas diponegoro, semarang, central java indonesia *corresponding author: rafngimufidah@live.undip.ac.id doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v5i2.10926 introduction after the independence, indonesia struggled to discover its identity. the decades of 1950s and 1960s in the indonesian history can be seen as "an era" with "many eras". the view refers to the perspectives used to conceptualize a number of events, from the decolonization, federalism to unitarianism, regional conflicts, constitutional democracy, political factionalism, autocratic government, international relations, economic downturn, to cold war interventions (lindsay, 2011) under these circumstances, indonesia also dealt with the question of its national identity. one of the representations of the national identity to which attention was paid was culture. according to lindsay (2011), culture plays a key role to understand indonesia at that time. furthermore, the events and mainstreams underlying indonesian historical narratives from 1950 to 1965 are worth recalling. in 1950s, intellectuals paid attention to national culture. in defining the national culture, they were engaged in considerable debate, but they could not reach any consensus until the end of sukarno's rule in 1965 (bogaerts, 2011). the debate raged on the indonesian diverse culture. the diversity encompasses, among others, arts as abstract after declared independent, indonesia had to deal with the question of its national identity. it was pertaining to the debate on the national culture, particularly arts. as indonesia had diverse traditional arts, the debate was a dilemma. many people disagreed if the traditional arts became the national identity. meanwhile, indonesian traditional arts, especially javanese and balinese ones, had been appreciated abroad. during sukarno's regime, indonesia sent several art missions to present itself to the world. they performed mostly traditional arts from several regions, including java and bali. by employing the historical method, this study aims to discuss javanese and balinese performing arts shows in the united states. it is of importance that from 1950s to 1960s, indonesia had to adapt to the cold war, which forced the developing countries to choose the western or eastern bloc in their foreign policy. until the beginning of the 1960s, indonesia tended to be with the eastern bloc. subsequently, there was a tendency to be with the other bloc. therefore, in this article the response to the javanese and balinese performing arts shows in the us after two eras was analyze. keywords: javanese; balinese; traditional performing arts; budaya troupe; media responses ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 73-85 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 how the public in the us responded to javanese and balinese performing arts? | 74 the most tangible culture. many artists had their articles published in mimbar indonesia. they aimed to find what indonesian national arts really were (bogaerts, 2011, p. 274). amir passaribu, j.a. dungga, sutan kalimuda, and l. manik were columnists for mimbar indonesia articulating their thoughts on "ethnicity" and "authenticity" in arts. "traditional music" from ethnic groups was also the center of attention. for instance, javanese gamelan had achieved international recognition. according to ki hadjar dewantara, javanese gamelan should be designated as national music heritage for its high value and degree. however, for some people, it merely represented a particular ethnic group, i.e. the javanese. moreover, gamelan was deemed feudal. therefore, it could not necessarily be designated as national music (bogaerts, 2011, p. 277). as this article focuses on javanese and balinese performing arts, not only their music, emphasis is put on the debate over ethnic values of an art, including indonesian music. the refusal of javanese gamelan the music representing national culture can be interpreted as the refusal of other traditional arts deemed not to represent the national identity. meanwhile, during the sukarno's era, traditional performing arts were performed abroad to show indonesia's existence. the performances were delivered more frequently during the era of soeharto. beside dealing with the question of its national identity, newly independent indonesia also had to adapt to the cold war. the ideological contestation between two superpowers, i.e. the united states (us) and soviet union, had its impacts on the politics in indonesia. sukarno embraced anti-imperialism, tending to avoid western countries. one of them was the us. he even refused economic aid from the us (weinstein, 2007, p. 19). as a super power, the us tries to exert its influence on countries in the world. the 20th century is known as the american century due to its military, technology, and cultural power (mcpherson & krastev, 2007, p. 2). in terms of its relations with indonesia, wardaya (2012) says that since the beginning of the cold war (1953-1962) until the early 1960s, the us foreign policy on indonesia was ambiguous, sometimes antagonistic. there were ups and downs in their relations, indicated by the sukarno's refusal of us aid. likewise, the west regarded him as a communist owing to his antiwestern policy. indonesia and the us forged close relations during the administration of john f. kennedy, but they worsened when lyndon b. johnson served as the president (jones, 2002, pp. 249-281). the relations got worse due to indonesia's confrontation with malaysia. nevertheless, the end of sukarno's era marked a shift in indonesian foreign policy, despite still adhering to the free and active principles. in contrast to sukarno's anti-western foreign policy, soeharto's regime was friendlier to the western countries. consequently, there were no longer relations with the eastern bloc. during soeharto's 32-year regime, the west was the political and economic orientation of indonesia (murphy, 2010, p. 362-387). close relations were fostered with the western countries, the us in particular, by means of programs launched by the government to stabilize the economy. in addition to providing economic aid, the us also benefited from the new order's (orba) foreign investment policy which allowed american ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 73-85 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 how the public in the us responded to javanese and balinese performing arts? | 75 companies to make investments in indonesia. amid the reciprocal relations, javanese and balinese performing arts were performed in the us. the relations between indonesia and the us have been studied by international relations and history scholars. most of the studies have focused on the political and economic aspects of those two countries. for example, wardaya's analysis (2012) only takes account of the ups and downs in indonesia-us relations during the administration of sukarno. he was suspected of being a communist because of his firm anti-imperialism stance. soekarno's policy was associated with his personality and background as a javanese. the first president's political thought and stance were profoundly influenced javanese culture and tradition. the javanese culture influenced sukarno's thought not only on domestic issues, but also global ones, including relations with the us (wardaya, 2012, pp. 1051-1061). similarly, the research conducted by murphy (2010) is unsatisfactory as it examines us political and economic interests in indonesia and its view on indonesia's potential. indonesia is deemed able to cooperate in enhancing its people's welfare. in terms of indonesian performing arts shows abroad, studies have been conducted by lindsay (2011) and cohen (2019). lindsay (2011) has addressed performing arts shows by indonesian art missions in numerous countries during sukarno's period. he emphasizes that those missions were sent abroad to show indonesia's presence in the global politics. on the other hand, cohen (2019) has focused on arts as a manifestation or part of cultural diplomacy. nonetheless, lindsay and cohen have not focused on a particular country or art performed. as there is little published data on the two fundamental problems above, i.e. the national identity and indonesia-us reciprocal relations, this study provides new insights into javanese and balinese performing arts in the us. it is of interest because of two paradoxes. amid the struggle for the national identity, traditional arts from regions in indonesia received a mixed reaction. however, javanese and balinese performing arts were exhibited more frequently in the us and won acclaim, making indonesia better known. they continued to be performed in spite of the ups and downs in the relations between both countries. this study aims to analyze how javanese and balinese performing arts were initially performed in the us, how the public responded to them, and why they acclaimed those arts. it is of importance to discuss the first interactions between the public in the us and javanese and balinese performing arts to construct a whole narrative and facilitate the analysis. method this article was prepared according to the historical method. the critical historical method is a systematic set of principles and rules to assist effectively in collecting historical sources, critically assessing and then presenting a synthesis of the results in the form of scientific historical writing (garaghan, 1957, p. 33). most of the sources are articles in newspapers from the same period. the newspapers were all published in the us. for instances the times, the courier, the sacramento bee, oakland tribune, the san francisco examiner, etc. the newspapers are mostly from the us. the author chose ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 73-85 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 how the public in the us responded to javanese and balinese performing arts? | 76 newspapers published by the us to obtain information about javanese and balinese traditional performing arts performances there. the benefit of this approach is that they reflect the situations at that time. moreover, some events are described in detail. to explain the context and analyze matters not mentioned in the sources from the same period, the latest journal articles and relevant books were referred. javanese and balinese performing arts in the us: early encounters javanese and balinese performing arts have existed in the us from way back. at the end of the 19th century, the national museum, washington got rod and leather puppets as christmas presents. as reported by the san francisco call and portland daily press, they were believed to originate from java, which was under the rule of dutch east indies. the puppets looked scary, but there was painting which resembled glamorous clothing on their surface. their various forms captured public attention in the us. nevertheless, both the san francisco call and portland daily press did not provide information on who gave the puppets (“curious javanese puppets,” 1898, p. 20; bache, 1898). in addition to the wayang kulit purwa (shadow puppets), those articles looked into traditional performing arts in java. it was said that java had a performing art resembling pantomime. the art had developed for centuries and constituted javanese intellectual property (bache, 1898, p. 3). hence, java is known to be the oldest home to pantomime. the art was called pantomime as there were no dialogue between the performers and they merely danced to the music played by 5-10 musicians. they played percussion instruments, mostly made of bronze. meanwhile, the dialogue was read by a man sitting in front of those musicians and represented the storyline. on the right side of the man was a wooden box occasionally knocked using a wooden mallet. however, the articles did not contain the art's name. from the features mentioned, the art was probably wayang wong dance. furthermore, the man reading the storyline was the dhalang (puppeteer). eight years after portland daily news published an article about javanese arts, waterbury evening democrat released an article about javanese and balinese dances. the article, the title of which is “dancers of java”, was written based the experiences of several american people during their visits in java and bali. they were interested in topeng (mask) dance and wayang wong dance (“dancers of java,” 1907). in the 1930s, devi dja, a javanese dancer, performed javanese and balinese dances in the us. she joined dardanella touring theater company in the dutch east indies. devi dja embarked on a world tour which was ended in the us. after she joined, dardanella always performed javanese and balinese dances. one of her most interesting performances in the us was delivered in manhattan on 3-4 january 1940. devi dja performed ketjak dance accompanied by balinese gamelan. the performance in manhattan was one of 12 shows run in new york and all of them were appreciated by the public there (“javanese dancers welcomed warmly by new york,” 1940). in the subsequent era, or after the decolonization, java become the parts of indonesia. according to brandon, indonesia and thailand are two southeast asian ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 73-85 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 how the public in the us responded to javanese and balinese performing arts? | 77 countries with positive development of performing arts. further, of the thousand islands in indonesia, java and bali are the center of the oldest performing arts (brandon, 1974, pp. 42-44). hence, javanese and balinese performing arts were exhibited abroad amid the debate over traditional arts which were not deemed to represent indonesia. beside shows initiated by the government of indonesia through art missions, there was interest in learning javanese and balinese performing arts in higher education in the us. several javanese performing arts include: gamelan, wayang kulit purwa, wayang wong, and dances. meanwhile, balinese performing arts are gamelan, wayang, legong and topeng dances, etc. the development of javanese and balinese performing arts learning centers in the us the first university in the us showing an interest in javanese and balinese performing arts is the university of california los angeles (ucla). the performing arts were introduced by mantle hood, an ethnomusicologist who initially learned javanese gamelan. he began to know gamelan when pursuing his doctoral degree in the netherlands. he studied under another ethnomusicologist, jaap kunst. after finishing his dissertation, mantle hood taught at ucla. around 1954, he brought javanese gamelan to ucla and founded the gamelan study group, comprised of 15 students (“ucla group,” 1956). two years later, he received the fullbright fellowship. funded by the ford foundation, mantle hood deepend his knowledge and skills in java and bali (“ucla music,” 1956). meanwhile, the javanese gamelan group was designated as an extracurricular activity. the group was known as udan mas. prior to its fifth anniversary, udan mas had performed in several events. one of them was the javanese dance performance by djoko sanjoto and his wife at magnolia school auditorium, river-side on 8 november 1956 (“news of the island empire,” 1956). he was the cultural attache at the embassy of the republic of indonesia (kbri) he learned to dance since his childhood and performed in numerous events in indonesia, singapore, and the us. djoko sanjoto's presence in the concerts of udan mas showed the attention paid by the indonesian government to indonesian traditional arts in the us despite the group's status under the ucla. not only performed, did he also train udan mas (“java concert toninght,” 1956). after establishing the javanese gamelan group at the ucla, mantle hood began to introduce balinese gamelan. during his time in indonesia, he learned balinese arts too. in the 1960s, he and garry margolis and robert garfias recorded a video featuring i wayan gandera and tjikorda mas (ethnographic film collection of california, los angeles, ethnomusicology archives, 2020). besides, mantle hood recorded sounds on a cassette. the cassette labelled ki mantle hood-tjokorda mas dan wajan gandera contained several songs, i.e. baris bapan, sekar sungsan, tabuh teluh, rebong, legong, lagu dalem, sellir, pemungkah, gamelan gong kebyar, sekehe gambuh seker leret, gamelan gong barong dance, lullaby, and gamelan angklung mergepati. california institute of the arts also developed javanese and balinese performing arts learning. the prominent figure was a mantle hood's student. moreover, javanese ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 73-85 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 how the public in the us responded to javanese and balinese performing arts? | 78 and balinese gamelan was taught at the university of california berkeley (uc berkeley) (“an outsider peeks in on calarts,” 1978). as gamelan learning centers were founded, in 1964, the indonesian government sent a set of javanese and balinese gamelan to a pavilion at the new york world’s fair. the gamelan was placed in a spacious dedicated room. as the interior designer, president sukarno tried to show indonesian rich and diverse culture. however, in march 1965 the gamelan was not at the new york world’s fair owing to indonesia's confrontation with malaysia. the support the us gave to malaysia had an impact on the gamelan. as a consequence, the gamelan was sold. wesleyan university bought a set of javanese gamelan and the university of michigan bought another set of javanese gamelan. meanwhile, a set of balinese gamelan was bought by caroll music (hatch, 2008: 6). based on the information, it can be known that javanese gamelan has been taught at wesleyan university and the university of michigan since the mid-1960s. javanese and balinese performing arts were also learned on the east coast of the us, including at cornell university. there, a gamelan group was founded in 1972, initiated by martin hatch. he was a phd student of the cornell’s modern indonesia project (cimp). upon arriving at the cornell university campus, he saw a spacious room with gamelan inside it. the gamelan was property of harrison parker (a cornell university alumnus having worked in indonesia) and played occasionally as a part of entertainment in activities conducted by the southeast asia program (seap). ben anderson was central to the group. he played gender, which he had learned in java. beside ben anderson, two linguistics students from yogyakarta, supomo poedjosoedarmo and subandi djajengwasito, joined that grup (hatch, 2008, p. 6). as a musicology student, martin hatch proposed his plan to establish an official gamelan study group to the department head. the proposal was approved. in the summer of 1972, cornell gamelan ensemble was founded (hatch, 2008, p. 6). six years later, cornell university got a complete set of javanese gamelan from the metropolitan museum of art on long term loan as the present from the indonesian government. in 1980, gamelan was included in the curriculum of cornell university and performed twice in a semester at barness hall or arts quad (kahin, 2020, pp. 65-66). moreover, dance groups or javanese and balinese gamelan groups periodically came to universities to run shows and workshops. in collaboration with the music department dan arts college, seap sponsored activities involving cornell university students and indonesian artists. visiting group, museum exhibitions, and traditional dance performances were integral to seap missions at cornell university (kahin, 2020, pp. 65-66). in the 1970s, the university of hawaii also opened javanese gamelan studies. in 1970, hardja susilo bought a set of javanese gamelan from yogyakarta to support the studies. since then, javanese gamelan has been taught at the university of hawaii (diamond, 1984, pp. 4-19). in terms of javanese and balinese performing arts venues, kbri and the consulates general of the republic of indonesia (kjri), as the representatives of indonesia, may not be forgotten. based on the information collected, kjri staged arts shows i.e. javanese and balinese classical dances, accompanied by javanese ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 73-85 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 how the public in the us responded to javanese and balinese performing arts? | 79 gamelanon a monthly basis sometimes, kjri run wayang kulit purwa performances (“javanese dance,” 1986, p. 3). activities pertaining to gamelan at kbri were better recorded. furthermore, kbri has the cultural attache responsible for promoting culture through arts. beside routine rehearsal, javanese and balinese gamelan at kbri were played routinely. in major events, gamelan and dances were performed when the ambassador of ri delivered speech or visited numerous parts of the us. if gamelan could not be brought, only the dancers joined. for instance, on 31 may 1967, two talented dancers from indonesia, ninuk suhartini and moeljadi, joined ambassador suwito kusumowidagdo when visiting j. frank faust junior high school to deliver speech. they performed bambangan cakil dance (arjuna and cakil dance) suhartini played as arjuna, and moeljadi as buta cakil. their performance was accompanied by a recording made by the kbri javanese gamelan group (“native dancers to perform here,” 1967). besides, the kbri gamelan and dance groups performed at indonesian festivals organized by kbri, kjri, or the other hosts. the festivals were effective in promoting indonesia (ritter, 1969). the wayang kulit purwa show held every month at kbri washington attracted public attention in the us (“buffalo-hide,” 1980). javanese and balinese performing arts developed in the us as centers for asian, southeast asian, and even indonesian studies, were established, for instance asian studies, south east asian studies (seap) and indonesian project at cornell university with its cornell’s modern indonesia project (cmip). javanese and balinese performing arts shows were also supported by the indonesian artists sent to the us. they were sent to, among others, to pursue their education and teach gamelan, dances, and the other javanese and balinese performing arts. many indonesian artists were involved in a program called artist in residence. during the old older, several artists were sent to the us. more artists were sent there by the new order. during the old order, wasisto surjodiningrat and hardja susilo were sent to the us (“folk dance festival features 20 nations,” 19 march 1965). their departure for the us was funded by the rockefeller foundation in 1958. in addition to studying at the music department of ucla, they were involved in workshops on gamelan in museums, schools, and campuses in the us. they were to be the influential pioneers in the development of javanese gamelan in the us. since 1960, ucla helped other universities in the us, such as wesleyan university, the university of hawaii, the university of michigan, etc develop ethnomusicology learning programs. hardja susilo and wasisto surjodiningrat were involved in the technical aspect as the universities decided to develop javanese gamelan (witzleben, 2020, pp. 135-166). hardja susilo became an assistant professor of ethnomusicology at the university of hawaii in 1970. since then, hardja susilo began to teach javanese gamelan at the university of hawaii. meanwhile, his wife, judy mitona, a javanese and balinese dancer, also taught at the university of hawaii. there were more artists involved in artist in residence during the new order regime. they are i made and swasthi bandem, sumarsam and urip sri maeny, ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 73-85 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 how the public in the us responded to javanese and balinese performing arts? | 80 wasitodipuro, soedarsono, and i.m. harjito. they landed in the us in the end of the 1960s. in the next period, i.e. from the 1970s to 1980s, several javanese and balinese gamelan and dance teachers from indonesia were known. they are i wayan dibia, i nyoman wenten and nanik wenten, midiyanto, joko sutrisno, etc. the participants of artist in residence learned in the us, mostly funded by ford foundation and rockefeller foundation. later, they played an active role in the missions sent by the indonesian government. budaya troupe in the us in the end of the 1960s, the department of education and culture of the republic of indonesia sent an art mission to the us. they were the best javanese and balinese artists sent to go on tour in the us. a story depicting the atmosphere of the performance was published on 5 october 1969. the javanese gamelan sound familiar to the people of california echoed at the university of california, davis. there was something special in the show. on the stage, someone performed difficult moves, in tune with the sound of gamelan. he is sardono, playing as rahwana. afterwards, a female dancer appeared as sinta, followed by rama, played by a dancer named wayan rindi, while ketut sukarni played as sinta. at that time, ketut sukarni was 17 years old. ketut sukarni performed legong dance with other very young dancers, accompanied by gamelan legong. their performance had been anticipated since the beginning of the rainy season in the end of 1960s. in september 1969, several media in the us, i.e. the times, the courier, the sacramento bee, oakland tribune, the san francisco examiner, etc reported that the department of education and culture of ri was going to send 16 finest artists to the us. the troupe consisted of dancers and gamelan players (“indonesia dancers show charm,” 1969). americans called them budaya troupe. the dance group was led by wayan rindi, while the gamelan was led by wasitodipuro (“budaya troupe dancers,” 1969). adi darminto and taryana were also in the troupe (“indonesian troupe,” 1969). the first performance was staged at veterans’ auditorium, san francisco on 4 october 1969 (“indonesian dancers,” 1969). however, cited from a source, budaya troupe had performed on channelnine in the us before going on tour. the show was aired on 17 september by wmvs-tv (educational) at 8 p.m. (“television schedule,” 1970). budaya troupe had set a show schedule prior to leaving for the us, but they received many invitations to perform during their tour, including from paul cracroft, the university of utah. he thought that he had to invite budaya troupe to perform, as their performance was stunning (lundstrom, 1969). therefore, on wednesday, 28 october budaya troupe performed at kingsburry hall, kingsburry hall, the university of utah. before their performance at the university of utah, wayan rindi and co. performed at thorne hall, occidentall college on 24 october; royce hall, the university of california los angeles (ucla) on 26 october; and de jong concert hall of harris fine arts center, brigham young university on monday, 27 october (“dance troupe,” 1969). there were many more performances of budaya troupe. all of them left lasting impressions, as said by the people of hudson valley. they felt deeply indebted to ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 73-85 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 how the public in the us responded to javanese and balinese performing arts? | 81 vassar college for inviting the stunning performers (“hindu epic makes for fantastic entertainment at vassar,” 1969). budaya troupe, sent in the end of the 1960s, really left positive impressions. due to the success of budaya troupe in 1969, the government sent budaya troupe to the us again in the early 1970s. the department of education and culture of ri sent another art mission to go on tour in the us. however, it was slightly different from budaya troupe. the artists in budaya troupe were sent from indonesia, but the artists in this mission were already in the us. the group is widjaja dance company, led by i made bandem (rockwell, 1970). the first performance of widjaja dance company upon the request of the department of education and culture of ri was on 22 june 1970. the group led by i made bandem performed at the mark taper forum with irwin parnes as the producer. the first performance was decisive. if they could satisfy the audiences, they would be able to perform at the mark taper forum several times. beside widjaja dance company, several participants of artists in recidence from indonesia working at the institute of ethnomusicology of ucla performed that night (rockwell, 1970). widjaja dance company performed before the art group from hollywoodish. indonesian arts, i.e. dances, performing arts, and music, were performed before the break. at first, the audiences did not seem satisfied. they talked about the stunning performance of budaya troupe. luckily, in the end i made bandem saved the show that night. swasthi bandem played as sita and ratna setiawati as rama, making the audiences transfixed. their performance was supported by i made bandem's agile move as hanuman. on that night, a nationwide tour in the us was begun (rockwell, 1970). in october 1973, the department of education and culture of ri sent i made bandem in another art mission. he was trusted in leading a topeng dance company. they went on tour in the us for almost one year. they did not only perform, but also taught dances. the enthusiasm of the public in the us meant that the indonesian government was successful in promoting indonesia (“freshmen get lessons,” 1978). javanese and balinese traditional arts were performed again in the us throughout the winter of 1973. the tour was sponsored by the american society for eastern arts (asea) in collaboration with the department of education and culture of ri. to open the autumn series, wayang kulit purwa was performed at st. presbyterian church, 2640 college eve on 21 september 1973. to enjoy the performance of dhalang oemartopo and the gamelan group he trained, audiences paid $3, but students and community members only paid $2. another wayang kulit purwa show was held at berkeley church on 13 october. in the end of october, several dancers performed javanese and balinese dances at st. john’s presbyterian church, 2640 college eve. they are maridi, i nyoman wenten, and nanik wenten. their performances were accompanied by the javanese gamelan group led by wasitodipuro. they also performed at trustees’ auditorium, m.h. de yougn museum, golden gate park, san francisco. javanese and balinese performing arts shows at festival indonesia continued until the end of the year (“shadow puppets of java,” 1973). the lasting ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 73-85 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 how the public in the us responded to javanese and balinese performing arts? | 82 impressions left by budaya troupe can be seen from performance recordings aired by television stations in the us for educational purposes. the event initiated by the department of education and culture inspired kbri in the us to organize such event. javanese and balinese gamelan groups from kbri performed in a massive formation with the gamelan group and participants from artist in residence in several universities. below are javanese and balinese performing arts shows initiated by kbri and reported by media. in addition, kbri held routine rehearsals and shows of javanese and balinese gamelan and dances. kbri also held a wayang kulit purwa show once a month. kbri performed gamelan angklung and javanese gamelan at fine arts recital hall on 6 may 1978. the show was organized in collaboration with the university of maryland, baltimore county. the open performances and concerts were staged at least once in a semester. another performance was staged at walters arts gallery from march to april 1980. javanese gamelan was played to accompany a wayang kulit purwa show on 27 april. previously, i made bandem had performed with swasthi bandem to represent kbri on 23 march. both of them performed topeng and kebyar dances. the festival of explorations in the walters was a part of the national endowment for the humanities learning museum program (grants for humanities education) (“exploring eastern culture at walters,” 1980). the next performance, including balinese gamelan, was reported by international media. the show was staged at wind gap school auditorium on 19 may 1984. it was a part of a seminar organized in collaboration between kbri and slate belt performing arts council (“gamelan performance planned in wind gap,” 1984). responses from mass media despite the ups and downs in the relations between indonesia and the us in the mid1950s, indonesian culture, represented by javanese gamelan, was warmly welcomed. it can be seen in the javanese gamelan concert and balinese cultural exhibition organized by mantle hood and his students at church of hollywood. at the same time, a discussion was held in the opening of javanese music program at ucla (“ucla group plans javanese music program,” 1956, p. 11). moreover, javanese gamelan concerts organized by ucla, as mentioned earlier, showed that javanese gamelan was genuinely appreciated in the us. a token of appreciation for javanese and balinese performing arts was shown in an article titled “indonesian make plans to expand tourist trade”. it said that indonesia had a variety of exotic traditional performing arts which could attract foreign tourists. the arts mentioned are legong, srimpi, gamelan, and wayang (kim, 1957, p. 13). according to yong hyum kim, traditional arts are property. on the other hand, goldberg expresses his opinion on javanese gamelan teaching programs into an article “unique oriental music courses at ucla". the title is a token of appreciation for javanese gamelan. in summary, he outlines the javanese gamelan teaching programs offered by ucla. he also mentions balinese performing arts (goldberg, 1959, p. 5). in the next decade, particularly in the end of 1969, several ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 73-85 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 how the public in the us responded to javanese and balinese performing arts? | 83 articles were published as performances were organized by budaya troupe. news titled “java dance is charming” was published on 11 october 1969. the news reviewed the traditional performing arts show by a group called budaya troupe at uc berkeley zellerbach auditorium. the audiences could perhaps only enjoy the performance from the scenes they watched and the sounds they listened. nevertheless, in the western mass tradition, the performance cannot be made in a usual manner. according to fried (1969), the performance given by the indonesian art group represented the style of a tradition refined in such a long period with artistic packaging. this is an excerpt from news about the impression of budaya troupe performance. “the performance had charm, daintiness, humor and wonderment. its dance-actors and mimes made strange movements with delicacy and finesse. their poses were picturesque. their animation was delightful. their costumes, including masks, were picturesque as that artfully lovely.” an enthusiastic response was also elicited from the event organizer at kingsbury hall, on wednesday, 29 october 1969. the show attended by 500 audiences was funded by the division of continuing education, the university of utah. as the chair of the organizing committee, paul cracroft conveyed a positive impression as budaya troupe had been able to entertain the audiences. he praised the packaging of the show, from the costumes to the story told in english. on that day, budaya troupe featured ketut sukarani and two other teenage dancers. they appeared on the cover of national geographic. he said that budaya troupe had prepared the performance well and in great detail. according to him, they chose perfect costumes and colors. moreover, there were characters of monkeys, exotic birds, deer, cats, and the other animals that night. they showed how serious budaya troupe crew were (lundstrom, 1969, p. 21). conclusion in the us, javanese and balinese performing arts were an alternative to fine arts appreciated for their aesthetic values. in this vein, traditional arts are classified into fine arts. amid the development of popular arts, javanese and balinese performing arts were a breath of fresh air for those longing for traditional arts. in addition, as discussed earlier, javanese and balinese performing arts shows offered them a number of new and unique things. despite the ups and downs in the relations between indonesia and the us, javanese and balinese performing arts still exist in the us due to its ability to directly touch the people's hearts. for indonesia, javanese and balinese performing arts shows abroad have proven that traditional arts are recognized as its cultural heritage. java and bali, as well as indonesia, are known by the public in the us for their uniqueness. referrences an outsider peeks in on calarts. (8 oktober 1978). the signal. bache, r. (30 desember 1898). javanese puppets: interesting christmas gift received by national museum”, portland daily press, p. 3. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 73-85 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 how the public in the us responded to javanese and balinese performing arts? | 84 bogaerts, els (2011). kemana arah kedudayaan kita? menggagas kembali kebudayaan di indonesia pada masa dekolonisasi. dalam jennifer lindsay & maya h.t. liem (eds.), ahli waris budaya dunia: menjadi indonesia 1950-1965. jakarta: pustaka larasan & kitlv. brandon, j. r. (1974). theatre in southeast asia. cambridge, massachusetts: harvard university press. budaya troupe dancers scheduled at u.s. (28 oktober 1969). the salt lake tribune. budaya troupe. (23 november 1969). the oil city derrick. buffalo-hide puppets of java to prance next sunday at walters. (20 april 1980). the baltimore sun. cohen, matthew i. (2019). three eras of indonesian arts diplomacy”, bijdragen tot de taal-, land-en volkenkunde/journal of the humanities and social sciences of southeast asia, 175(2-3), 53-283. https://doi.org/10.1163/22134379-17502022 curious javanese puppets that have been sent to uncle sam as a christmas present. (25 desember 1898) the san francisco call, p. 20. dance troupe at occidental. (20 oktober 1969). the los angeles times. dancers of java. (11 april 1907). waterbury evening democrat. diamond, g. (1984). intervew harja susilo 26 years of flexibility & tolerance. balungan, i(i), pp. 4-19. exploring eastern culture at walters. (26 februari 1980). the baltimore sun. folk dance festival features 20 nations. (19 maret 1965). the los angeles times. freshmen get lessons in balinese dancing. (5 oktober 1978). daily record. fried, alexander (11 oktober 1969). java dance is charming. the san francisco examiner, p. 10. gamelan performance planned in wind gap. (6 mei 1984). the times-tribune. gilbert j. garaghan, a guide to historical method (new york: fordham university press, 1957), hlm. 33. hatch, martin. (2008). tuning to gamelan at cornell. southeast asia program at cornell university fall buletin. p. 6. hindu epic makes for fantastic entertainment at vassar. (4 desember 1969). poughkeepsie journal. i wayang gandera and tjokorda mas, ucla, 1960s”, ethnographic film collection of california, los angeles, ethnomusicology archives (https://archive.org/details/calauem_000345/calauem_000345_r01_access.hd.mo v, dikunjungi pada 5 november 2020). indonesia dancers show charm. (10 oktober 1969). the sacramento bee. indonesian dancers set october concert. (27 september 1969). the times. indonesian troupe: colorful debut for arts building. (26 oktober 1969). wisconsin state journal. java concert toninght at wheeler hall. (10 november 1956). oakland tribune. javanese dance. (4 april 1986). daily news. p. 3. javanese dancers welcomed warmly by new york. (27 desember 1940). the evening star. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 5 (2), 73-85 © 2021 | e-issn: 2579-4213 how the public in the us responded to javanese and balinese performing arts? | 85 jones, matthew (2002). u.s. relation with indonesia, the kennedy-johnson transition, and the vietnam connection, 1963-1965. diplomatic history, 26(2), 249-281. diakses dari https://www.jstor.org/stable/24914308 kahin, audrey. a short history of the southeast asia program at cornell university, 1951-2008. https://hdl.handle.net/1813/65592, dikunjungi pada 2 desember 2020). kim, yong hyun (20 januari 1957). indonesians make plans to expand tourist trade. lansing state journal, p. 13. lindsay, jennifer (2011). ahli waris budaya dunia 1950-1965: sebuah pengantar. dalam jennifer lindsay dan maya h.t. liem (eds.), ahli waris budaya dunia: menjadi indonesia 1950-1965. jakarta: pustaka larasan dan kitlv-jakarta. lundstrom, h. (29 oktober 1969). for budaya troupe open your mouth wide and say ‘ah’”, deseret news. mcpherson, a. dan krastev, i. the anti-american century. budapest and new york: central european university press. murphy, a. m. (2010). u.s. rapprochement with indonesia: from problem state to partner. contemporary shoutheast asia, 32(3), 362-387. diakses dari https://www.jstor.org/stable/25798864 native dancers to perform here. (29 maret 1967). public opinion. news of the island empire: top stories from all points in the nations largest county. (8 november 1956). the san bernardino county sun. peterson, r. a. (2004). sociology of the arts: exploring fine and popular forms”, contemporary sociology, 33(4). 10.1177/009430610403300435 ritter, c. (21 april 1969). getting acquainted on campus: indonesians a smash. democrat and chronicle. rockwell, j. (24 juni 1970). widjaja presentation held at the mark taper. the los angeles times. shadow puppets of java. (14 september 1973). the berkeley gazzette. television schedule. (17 september 1970). the sheboygan press. ucla group plans javanese music program. (12 februari 1956). the los angeles times. ucla music professor gets fellowship. (8 oktober 1956). the los angeles times. wardaya, b. t. (2012). diplomacy and cultural understanding: learning from us policy toward indonesia under sukarno. international journal, 67(4), 1051-1061. diakses dari https://www.jstor.org/stable/42704946 weinstein, franklin b. (2007). indonesian foreign policy and the dilemma of dependence from sukarno to soeharto. jakarta dan kuala lumpur: equinox publishing. witzleben, j. l. (2010). performing in the shadows: learning and making music as ethnomusicologi practice theory. yearbook for traditional music, 42, pp. 135-166. cambridge university press. diakses dari https://www.jstor.org/stable/41201383 microsoft word 7. ihis_retna_lasem (l) en.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1). 62-73 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in spatial planningand the destruction of city identity: lasem case during 1970-1991 | 62 changes in spatial planning and the destruction of city identity: lasem case during 1970-1991 retna dyah radityawati*, endang susilowati, singgih tri sulistiyono master program of history, faculty of humanities, diponegoro university *corresponding author: retna.radityawati@gmail.com doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v4i1.8059 abstract this article aims to examine the factors and driving forces for lasem city's spatial changes during 1970-1991. the changes were attributed to the new order government's policy regarding road infrastructure development to support the economy. in addition, there were policies during the new order era which tended to discriminate against ethnic chinese. these policies were carried out under the pretext of affiliation with communism among members of the chinese community. this caused some lasem residents to choose to abandon their chinese identity. data collection for this study employed the historical method consisting of four stages: heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. based on research, the development agenda of the new order era that failed to take into account the aspect of sustainability eroded the identity of the city of lasem as a place teeming with cultural life. keywords: lasem; spatial planning; city identity. introduction lasem is an important city in the history of the nusantara civilization. the port city was a key commercial hub during the majapahit era up to the japanese occupation. because of that, lasem had a sophisticated urban spatial structure of its time (khamzah, 1920, pp. 53-54). lasem as a port city has the characteristics of an open and plural society. interaction between local residents and foreigners from various parts of the world has formed a culture of openness and mutual respect. acculturation of various foreign cultures that have taken root in the lives of local people helped shape a new culture in lasem. this culture eventually became the characteristic of regional culture. consequently, lasem became a place where foreigners felt at home and assimilation took place through a long and peaceful process. the spatial pattern of lasem city changed according to the orientation of the settlements of its inhabitants. before the new order era, lasem had a city-oriented spatial pattern on the north java coast highway (pantura), the lasem river, and the daendels highway. however, during the new order administration development policies were applied without regard to spatial and territorial patterns, resulting in various changes in city orientation due to the absence of regional regulations (perda) on spatial and territorial planning in rembang. city spatial planning was also based received: january 6, 2020 revised: june 9, 2020 accepted: june 11, 2020 ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1). 62-73 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in spatial planningand the destruction of city identity: lasem case during 1970-1991 | 63 on a top-down system, despite the requirement that development take heed inputs from the public (bottom-up approach). after the 19th century, there was no significant development in the layout of the city of lasem. in the mid-20th century, the city of lasem could be said to have suffered a setback, one of which was caused by the new order's policy which was considered to be unfavourable to the ethnic chinese. in 1967 the government issued a presidential instruction (inpres) no. 14 was banning all forms of activities containing chinese elements. hartono and handinoto, 2006, p. 19). based on this background, there are several formulations of the problems raised in this study. first, lasem city's spatial pattern between 1970 and 1991. second, factors and forces that led to lasem city's spatial changes. third, the influence of lasem city's spatial change on its identity as a cultural city. method data collection for this study employed the historical method. the historical research method aims to study and explore facts or experiences and past developments by trying to draw conclusions and try to make interpretations of data from these events (kusmayadi, 2000, pp. 28-29). in this research, as a historical study, we used data collection techniques employed in historical writings: heuristics, source criticism, interpretation and finally historiography. researchers also took oral interviews with chinese figures that advocated assimilation including sigit witjaksono and sie hwie djan, to produce a more comprehensive historical narrative from the perspective of the community itself (emik). profile of lasem city lasem is a small city that is part of the rembang regency, central java province. the city is located on the coast line of the north coast of java (pantura). geographically, lasem is located about 12 km east of rembang city, or about 110 km east of semarang (sulistiyono, et al., 2015, p. 36). kecamatan lasem has an area of 4,504 ha and is divided into 20 villages or kelurahan. lasem is traversed by the pantura highway which runs from west to east. the boundaries of kecamatan lasem are as follows: to the north bordered by the java sea, to the east bordered by sluke subdistrict, to the south bordered by kecamatan pancur, and to the west bordered by kecamatan rembang (unjiya, 2008, p. 21). lasem is known as "little china" and "city of santri (students)". it has earned the nickname the city of batik. batik-making home businesses in lasem’s chinatown are mostly owned by ethnic chinese who employ mostly indigenous people. because batik production is dominated by ethnic, two batik motifs have emerged: chinese and indigenous motifs. but in their development, the two motives influence each other. one example is its exquisite coloring technique with the use of striking and bold colors, creating a unique blend that results from the combination of chinese and indigenous motifs (maulany & masruroh, 2015, p. 1). ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1). 62-73 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in spatial planningand the destruction of city identity: lasem case during 1970-1991 | 64 there are two settlement structures in lasem. the first structure is jatirogo road connecting the regent's palace to the plaza and then towards settlements in the interior of central java. the second settlement structure is the river as the site of the jetty. the chinese built their settlement on the east bank of the river along the jetty (pratiwo, 2010, pp. 144-146). the settlement consisted of two parallel dirt roads, joined at the southern end and then called dasun road. this dirt road continues south along the east bank of the river that connects the settlement to the square. in lasem there is a hill about two kilometers east of chinatown and between them is dry land (pratiwo, 2002, pp. 707-725). lasem city spatial patterns before 1970 during the japanese occupation (1942), lasem did not experience significant development because it was only used as the subdistrict capital and no longer a district center. however, despite the lack of development, lasem remained one of the six shipbuilding centers in java run by the japanese in the village of dasun. in fact, the shipbuilding industry had existed since the dutch colonial era. to support the production of japanese warships in the village of dasun, japan decided to widen the roads leading to the shipyard, especially dasun road. the work resulted in the dismantling and cutting of several residential fences which blocked the road expansion project. furthermore, during the old order, development was focused on the economic aspect, with the aimed of transforming the colonial economy into a national economy. as a consequence, other aspects including socio-cultural did not get special attention. there was no significant public housing construction during this period as the unstable nature of the indonesian government prevented much of development (rahmah, 2017, p. 103). the structure of settlements during the old order separated the indigenous community from the ethnic chinese community, even though the settlement system (wijkenstelsel) was no longer adopted. however, at the same time, indigenous settlements in lasem city also began to develop around chinese areas. one of the reasons was the shift in the indigenous settlement area to the south, due to the destruction of economic facilities in lasem city’s north. several factors contributed to lasem city's economic slowdown, including the burning of the shipyard, which was the mainstay of the community’s economy and the enactment of government regulation no.10 of 1959 forbidding chinese citizens to conduct trading in rural areas or villages. th regulation led to the gradual ruin of lasem city’s economy (rahmah, 2017, p. 104). one consequence of the regulation was the closure of the sumbergirang market after as the majority of the traders were ethnic chinese. however, following the closure of the sumbergirang market, a new trade center called jolotundo market was built in 1959 at the the lasem road leading to jatirogo (pratiwo, 2010). the presence of the new market led to shift community settlements to the south. ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1). 62-73 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in spatial planningand the destruction of city identity: lasem case during 1970-1991 | 65 at the beginning of the new order, the country struggled fiscally and economically, with monthly inflation reaching as high as 50%, resulting in worsening public services and infrastructure. the new order government was unable to pay the country’s debts because the value of imports was greater than exports. as a result, the government began to formulate short-term and long-term development plans through various improvement efforts, including introducing short-term and long-term programs. short-term programs included economic rescue (july-december 1966), rehabilitation (january-june 1967), consolidation (july-december 1967), and stabilization (january-july 1980). after the economy stabilized, the government began adopting 25-year development programs to be carried out through the stages of the five-year development plan (repelita), which began on april 1, 1969 (revrisond, 1999, p. 2) . programs drawn up by the government, both short-term and long-term, focused on the restoration of political and economic stability, and consequently, development had yet to reach the regions. during the new order era, lasem was a small city under the rembang regency. at that time, the city began to suffer a developmental decline, as the continuing sedimentation of the lasem river led to the demise of the shipyard industry. following a guerrilla war against the japanese army who occupied the northern part of lasem, many buildings in the north (soditan and dasun villages) were destroyed. in 1966, the new order government issued a policy on the assimilation of the chinese community into the local indonesian culture. this resulted in many chinese art forms such as the lion dance, liangliong, and wayang potehi, being banned by the local governments. many chinese schools were transformed into national schools and chinese temples were abandoned and left vacant. during the new order rule, road expansion projects in lasem’s chinese neighborhoods led to the demolition of fences in front of houses belonging to ethnic chinese. lasem city spatial patterns during 1970-1991 from the 19th century until the beginning of the 21st century, lasem hardly experienced meaningful progress, and tended to suffer from stagnation and even environmental setbacks. similarly, in the post-independence era, lasem did not enjoy any significant development either. the city’s structure has remained the same, with only a slight change in land use in the city square which has transformed into a market and a subterminal. around the north coast road (daendels) there were more trade and lodging services. in addition, during the new order era, many old chinese buildings demolished and wall fences were torn down if they were deemed too high. between 1970 and 1991, the local government widened the pos or pantura highway (interview with kh. zaim ahmad mahsum (gus zaim), july 16, 2018). in the 1960s, the lasem pantura road originally had a width of 10 meters and a road body width of 6 meters, but in 1970 it was widened to 20 meters and finally in 1991 was expanded to 30 meters. the construction of these roads resulted in the demolition of many old buildings, including dozens of indis and chinese-style house that lost their ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1). 62-73 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in spatial planningand the destruction of city identity: lasem case during 1970-1991 | 66 facades (interview with k. h. zaim ahmad mahsum (gus zaim), july 16, 2018). as a result, there was a perception that lasem had lost its identity as a historic city full of valuable cultural heritage. even though the construction of roads was intended to support economic activities and to make way for development, it will create problems if it is carried out without regard to its impacts. during the period, the government also widened deandles highway to 12 meters, resulting in the changed to the face of lasem (pratiwo, 2010, p. 160-162). the striking change to city identity was the transformation of the square into a market, which resulted in banyan trees being cut down to make way for shops. in essence, building a city is not only building as infrastructure or roads as infrastructure facilities in the present, but also as a source of memories of the past and an arena for fantasizing into the future. thus the number of ancient buildings that were destroyed, so also the memory that can be used as a reference for inspiration for the design of a quality new city. therefore, both signs, symbols, warnings, landmarks and the like can be used to signify the authenticity of a city. even though the sign or symbol is small, it is considered very meaningful. this is because the sign of the authenticity of the city as a reflection of the tangible heritage of the city (meaning material). in 1982 the indonesian state experienced a financial surplus. that is due to an increase in oil prices on the world market or commonly called the oil boom. from this incident, government policy was prioritized in the development of the industry by attracting foreign investors. the government is also doing infrastructure improvements to achieve these goals. the impact of the policy was strongly felt by the city of lasem, which passed the arterial road that connects jakarta and surabaya. although it has undergone many changes. in 1990, still found ancient buildings with typical chinese architecture. however, it is not located on the main / primary street of lasem city, but enters a small road or alley which is better known as a tertiary road connecting the villages. on the contrary, along the northern coast of the city of lasem. many ancient buildings have lost their chinese characteristics, almost all of which show modern buildings. it cannot be denied, the development of the north coast road as a national road that becomes the economic pulse influences the condition of buildings around the road. many people change old buildings into modern buildings that are more functional as centers of economic activity, such as shops and stalls. entering the reform period (1998-present), there was a change in political policy from the central government towards the ethnic chinese community, this was evidenced by the revocation of the decree (sk) of chinese citizens by becoming ordinary citizens. the policy provides an opportunity for ethnic chinese to develop their cultural arts. many of the rituals and arts of chinese culture are performed fearlessly, such as temple prayers, lion dance activities, and other chinese holidays. changes in urban spatial planning certainly affect physical identity and nonphysical identity. the concept of multi-territoriality proposed by petcou and the global sense of place put forward by massey, has become the main reference for identifying identity problems in urban life. the increasingly mobile nature of society causes a variety of socio-cultural, economic and political identities. in spatial contexts, this in ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1). 62-73 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in spatial planningand the destruction of city identity: lasem case during 1970-1991 | 67 turn transforms the urban environment into a space for contestation and negotiation (xinyue ye, xingjian liu, 2010, pp. 102-103). there are three ways that can generally be used to connect the physical environment with social relations and psychological processes, namely the physical environment as an independent variable in interpersonal processes. in addition, aspects of human behavior in the physical environment, for example, use of space, territorial behavior, use of the environment related to privacy, ownership and decoration or personalization of places, and so on (coon and john o. mitterer, 2008, p. 594). the physical environment is also a place where psychological processes, relationships and behavior shape the people who live in the region. the physical environment is also part of the definition and meaning of phenomena that occur. in this physical environment, people interact, develop transactional relationships, until finally able to create various changes both physical and non-physical (xinyue ye, xingjian liu, 2019, p. 105). lasem is one of the cities with a large chinatown on the north coast of java and has grown rapidly since the 18th century (handinoto, 2015, pp. 31-33). architecture and interiors in some of the houses in lasem that were built from the 18th century to the end of the 19th century, especially in the 1880s, remain intact (lestari and nara setya wiratama, 2019, pp. 91-100). in the mid-20th century, from 1940s to 1970s there was a major transformation in the chinese houses in lasem, mainly in the facade, decoration, and architectural styles. however, houses in lasem had the same layout, such as the altar room which is used as a place to worship ancestors. in addition, the front (porch) and the back of the house served as places for social events, both private and public (interview with sigit witjaksono, january 22, 2018). the symmetrical form of the house plan in the lasem chinatown still holds the principle of harmonization of yin-yang, a testament to ethnic chinese’s ties to their customs and traditions. at the beginning of the 20th century, rich ethnic chinese businessmen began to emerge and introduce renovations and home improvements. this resulted in the architectural change as houses became more modern thanks to the influence of western architects (indis architecture) (rachmayanti, et.al, 2017, p. 279). typically, the chinatown areas on the north coast of java were built along a river or seashore. rivers or the sea becomes the direction of temples face. as a result, the oldest temples in the north coast of java face rivers or the sea as the main means of transportation. after the postweg grote was built and became part of the main transportation facilities and infrastructure in java, a change occurred in the cosmological orientation of the chinese community, especially along the central java and east java pantura highways. they regard the postweg as a new 'breath of life' (pratiwo, 2002, p. 707). despite many physical changes, both in the temples and houses in lasem chinatown, the chinese community of lasem still maintain the spatial layout and the sacredness of the spaces in their houses (interview with djunaidi, february 17, 2019). lay-outs of the houses still retain chinese traditions. this can be seen from the ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1). 62-73 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in spatial planningand the destruction of city identity: lasem case during 1970-1991 | 68 symmetrical composition of the houses which shows balance and harmony. some other houses underwent transformations, including the shape of the front porches which look narrower, and the houses no longer function as dwellings. houses were converted into batik-making workshops and exhibition halls (interview with sigit witjaksono, january 22, 2018). the transformed houses were mostly located facing the pos highway and the streets nearby. the houses around pantura (the pos highway) still maintain symmetrical shapes, but the shrines to worship the ancestors moved back. after the 1965 riots and the issuance of presidential instruction no. 14 of 1967, chinese cultural expressions, beliefs, as well as social and political life were severely restricted. this situation eventually led to the increasing marginalization of ethnic chinese including those in lasem and social schisms. they increasingly became secluded for security (unjiya, 2012, p. 109) as the activities of ethnic chinese were closely monitored. the government required fences in chinatwon to have holes to allow it to monitor the activities of the residents, on the pretext of avoiding activities affiliated with political organizations oriented towards communism (interview with djunaidi, 17 february 2019). discrimination by the new order government under the pretext of affiliation with communism for the chinese community caused some lasem residents to choose to abandon their chinese identity, especially as seen in the physical changes to houses that did not emphasize chinese identity. srikaya's writing form (chinese calligraphy), which was the identity of chinatowns, was also hidden by covering the writing using wood or removing it by carving and covering it with wood paste. the lasem chinese are very worried, this is because their residence is quite close to the access of the pantura highway, so that at any time government officials can carry out unannounced inspections of their houses (interviews with yon suprayogo and sie hwie djan (gandor sugiharto), september 12, 2018). changes in the city's physical identity in lasem became increasingly visible, especially in the 1980s. the city’s strategic locations that were traversed by the pantura highway saw the emergence of shophouses in the 1980s to 1990s. the shophouses were built directly facing the pantura highway (interview with ernantoro, september 12, 2018). the chinese community at that time saw the shophouses as investments to be passed down to their offspring. the construction of shophouses sometimes ignores the aesthetic side of the landscape and the harmony of urban design. on the other hand, there were few regulations related to urban plannin. this led to ineffective law, especially with regard to infrastructure development that affects the environment in indonesia (including lasem). this led to uncontrolled construction of shop houses, especially in the city of lasem (kusno, 2012, p. 230). the number of shops and commercial buildings in rembang can be analysed in table 1. it appears that lasem had the highest number of shops and commercial buildings/shop houses after rembang regency. even though lasem is only a subdistrict city, its people’s economy was growing rapidly. in fact, from 1977 to 1978 there was a surge in the number of stores, up to five times as many. this indicates that ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1). 62-73 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in spatial planningand the destruction of city identity: lasem case during 1970-1991 | 69 changes in the necessities of life or human activities greatly affect changes in the physical form of the city. table 1. number of shops and commercial buildings in rembang regency year 1975 – 1979. no sub-district year description 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1 sumber 1 6 8 16 24 2 bulu 0 1 1 3 6 3 gunem 0 1 2 4 8 4 sale 1 1 2 5 9 5 sarag 12 12 16 27 52 6 sedan 2 3 5 27 35 7 pamotan 0 4 3 42 51 8 sulang 2 4 5 22 40 9 kaliori 2 3 6 16 30 10 rembang 50 60 80 228 294 wholesale 11 pancur 0 2 2 9 16 12 kragan 15 17 19 25 39 13 sluke 0 1 1 15 19 14 lasem 20 23 27 123 149 wholesale total 105 138 177 562 772 source: public works department rembang regency year 1980-1981. urban settlements along pantura (including lasem) developed very rapidly, especially on land that was used as new housing in the 1990s. the government developed road sections to reduce the density of traffic within the city, especially those caused by buses and trucks. the ex-grote postweg road in lasem still functions as the heart of the city (pratiwo, 2002, p. 707). therefore, public buildings or facilities emerged with modern facades to support the development of the heart of the city (hestuadiputri, 2017). some of these facilities include schools, administrative offices, and others. the emergence of modern facades was among the various architectural influences that has enriched lasem. the effect of spatial change on community economy and culture the development of the pantura road in lasem in the 1970s to 1980s brought changes in the social life of its people, both indigenous and ethnic chinese. they preferred to use land transportation modes other than railroad (nas, 2002, p. 155). the demise of train services was blamed on the operational efficiency of trains. instead, the pos highway that connects lasem and other areas supported people’s mobility. motor vehicles became easier to find than trains after the pantura road was constructed. (interview with kasmiadi, employee of pt. kai persero daop iv), march 3, 2019). before the 1970s trains were widely used to transport agricultural and forest products ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1). 62-73 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in spatial planningand the destruction of city identity: lasem case during 1970-1991 | 70 as well as people traveling from lasem to other cities in central and east java. the trains also served routes to west java in 1970 and connected the lasem area with surabaya. the construction of the train services was partly attributed to the existence of a sugar factory and intended to facilitate the transportation of crops. in addition, this route was also built to connect large ports located in the north coast of java (telaga bakti nusantara team, 1997, p. 37). in 1979, the economic activity of the people of lasem was remained supported by the trains, which arrived twice a day. the train served the rembang-bojonegoro and rembang-jatinegoro routes. at that time the railway routes were crowded with passengers due to economic activities that connect the regions (interview with ernantoro, 3 march 2019). although initially the train service was intended for the transportation of goods, but as the economy developed in lasem, passenger carriages were introduced. the railway line that passed through the lasem station was managed by the semarang iv regional operational bureau (pjka). as other land transportation modes developed, the lasem route was abandoned in february 1989 (nas, 2002, p. 163). the lasem railroad was neglected as the government focused its attention on road construction (interview with kasmiadi, march 3, 2019). the construction of the pantura road which divided lasem chinatown also changed the city's physical identity, especially in the economic field. trade relations between lasem and other regions in java began to develop after the pantura road was built. commercial traffic increased compared to the railroad period (interview with sie hwie djan (gandor sugiharto) 12 september 2018). many inter-city bus (akdp) and inter-province (akap) routes transited or passed through lasem, and the lasem bus terminal was one of the stops for buses from semarang (interview with abdul mukhidz, february 12, 2019) . the opening of transportation access to and from lasem through the pantura road also changed the socio-cultural aspect. people from other areas began to visit lasem. despite the nickname "little china", lasem was not homogenous culturally. it was a meeting of various cultures. not only did the ethnic chinese community in lasem socialize with other ethnic groups, but also established close relations with indigenous javanese natives and santri (religious muslim groups). people in lasem socialized by jagong gayeng (hanging out) in coffee shops (azis, 2014, p. 119). there were differences between in the ethnic chinese community in lasem city and those in singkawang, sumatra, maluku and makassar. the majority of chinese people in lasem use indonesian or local javanese dialects to communicate. they also play an important role in linguistic and cultural transformations in the javanese community in general. meanwhile, ethnic chinese communities outside of java often use chinese dialects (hwa-your mandarin, hokkien, khek (gek), teo chiu, or cantonese) as lingua franca and prefer to use chinese names. lasem is also often called “little china,” “city of muslim intellectuals,” “city of knowledge,” and “city of batik.” according to historical records, it used to be a large port and trade center, especially for the chinese people. for centuries, immigrants ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1). 62-73 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in spatial planningand the destruction of city identity: lasem case during 1970-1991 | 71 from china interacted with local javanese communities and settled there permanently, leading to the natural process of interethnic acculturation. cities along the north coast of java have a long history of different, unique and contextual chinese communities (widodo, 2015). one important data set that can be used to find the process of interethnic acculturation between indigenous javanese and indigenous people, especially throughout the pantura region, the use of personal names. a study conducted by widodo on the development of personal names in semarang regency, including rembang (central java), showed strong evidence of inter-ethnic acculturation. widodo points out that the relationship between personal names and ideology, names as a form of personal expression, cultural tastes, social phenomena, and various other phenomena today in society are becoming increasingly plural. in addition, the diversity of ethnic groups, traditions and customs is also reflected in the names used by the chinese community in central java (widodo, 2015). conclusion the remnants of the glory of lasem as an important city and metropolis of its time are timeless. some supporting infrastructure was built, including the pos project or daendels highway (1808-1809). meanwhile, during 1909-1910 the rembang-lasem railroad stretching 13.10 km and a railway line were built. during the japanese occupation (1942), lasem did not experience significant development, after it ceased to the center of the regency administration and only served as the sub-district capital. although it hardly underwent development, lasem remained one of the six shipbuilding centers in java by the japanese, located in the village of dasun, which had existed during the dutch colonial era and the reign of lasem kingdom. in subsequent developments, significant transformations took place in chinese houses in terms of facades, decorations and architectural styles. in addition, the development of the pos or pantura highway from decade to decade has an effect on the physical identity of the city. during the new order period, the pos or pantura highway lasem were widened in 1970 and 1991. on the other hand, anti-chinese discriminatory policies introduced during the new order government under the pretext of affiliation with communism forced some lasem residents to renounce their chinese identity. changes in the city's physical identity in lasem became increasingly visible especially in the 1980s as shops and commercial buildings were built. this was in line with the idea of shop houses as an index of economic prosperity and economic progress of ethnic chinese in an area. the strategic location of the lasem area, being traversed by the pantura highway led to the emergence of shophouses in the 1980s to 1990s along the road. the construction of shophouses sometimes ignored the aesthetic side of the landscape and the harmony of urban design. on the other hand, there were few regulations relating to urban planning. changes to the layout of the city of lasem had an impact on its identity as a civilized city. this is because lasem is a city that has experienced a long series ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1). 62-73 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in spatial planningand the destruction of city identity: lasem case during 1970-1991 | 72 transformations. however, events during the new order era have tarnished the history of spatial planning in lasem. it is therefore imperative that a city’s spatial planning integrate historical elements to avoid disorientation with its past. the lasem case is an examples of mistakes in policy-making on spatial planning. it is hoped that in the future, lasem will be built by paying attention to the city's long history. errors in handling the spatial layout of a city will not only change its physical identity, but also have an impact on human activities, namely social, economic and cultural life. references azis, m. (2014). lasem kota tiongkok kecil: interaksi tionghoa, arab dan jawa dalam silang budaya pesisiran. yogyakarta: penerbit ombak. coon, d. & mitterer, j. o. (2008). introduction to psychology: gateways to mind and behavior. boston: cengage learning. hadinoto, & hartono, s. (2006). lasem kota kuno di pantai utara jawa yang bernuansa china. prosiding seminar nasional pemahaman sejarah arsitektur indonesia x, arsitektur pecinan di indonesia. semarang: jurusan arsitektur unika sugijapranata. handinoto (2015). lasem: kota tua bernuansa cina di jawa tengah. yogyakarta: penerbit ombak. handinoto (2015). perkembangan kota di jawa abad xviii sampai pertengahan abad xx dipandang dari sudut bentuk dan struktur kotanya. yogyakarta: penerbit ombak. hestuadiputri, d. (2017). peran dan fungsi ibu kota kecamatan lasem sebagai pusat pertumbuhan di kabupaten rembang. (thesis program universitas diponegoro). khamzah, p. r. (1920). carita sejarah lasem. without publisher. kusmayadi & sugiarto, e. (2000). metodologi penelitian dalam bidang kepariwisataan. jakarta: gramedia pustaka utama. kusno, a. (2012). the ruko: changing appearances and associations of shophouses in urban indonesia. international journal of islamic architecture 1 (2): 219-241 lestari, s. n. & wiratam, n. s. (2019). the dark side of the lasem maritime industry: chinese power in opium business in the xix century. journal of maritime studies and maritime integration, 2 (2), 91-100. doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/jmsni.v2i2.3858 maulany, n., masruroh, n. n. (2017). kebangkitan industri batik lasem di awal abad xxi. patrawidya: seri penerbitan penelitian sejarah 18 (1): 1-12. nas, p. j. m. (2002). the indonesian town revisited. berlin: lit verlag münster. pratiwo (2010). arsitektur tionghoa dan perkembangan kota. yogyakarta: ombak. pratiwo, p. n. (2002). java and de groote postweg, la grande route, the great mail road, jalan raya pos in. in bijdragen tot de taal-, landen volkenkunde, on the road the social impact of new roads in southeast asia 4. rachmayanti, s., rusli, c. wulandari, a. a. a. (2017). cultural acculturation in interior and architecture of old straits-born chinese lasem house. humaniora 8 (3), 279290. rahmah, n. (2017). transformasi spasial kota lasem: 1925-2015. (master thesis universitas gadjah mada yogyakarta). revrisond, baswir, dkk, (1999). pembangunan tanpa perasaan: evaluasi pemenuhan hak ekonomi sosial budaya orde baru. yogyakarta dan jakarta: publiched in cooperation with pustaka pelajar, idea, eslam. ihis (indonesian historical studies), 4 (1). 62-73 © 2020 | e-issn: 2579-4213 changes in spatial planningand the destruction of city identity: lasem case during 1970-1991 | 73 sulistiyono, s. t, rochwulaningsih, y., maulany, n. n., & masruroh, n. n. (2015). potensi warisan sejarah dan budaya untuk mewujudkan lasem sebagai kota pusaka. semarang: cas press. tim telaga bakti nusantara (1997). sejarah perkeretaapian indonesia: jilid i. jakarta: angkasa. unjiya, m. a. (2008). lasem negeri dampoawang sejarah yang terlupakan. yogyakarta: eja publisher. widodo, s. t. (2015). interethnic acculturation in java: the names of chinese people in lasem – on the north coast of java asian. journal of social sciences & humanities 4 (4). 126-133. ye, xinyue and xingjian liu. (2019). introduction cities as spatial and social networks. in ye x., liu x. (eds) cities as spatial and social networks: human dynamics in smart cities. springer. list of informants abdul mukhidz djunaidi ernantoro kasmiadi kh. zaim ahmad mahsum (gus zaim) sie hwie djan (gandor sugiharto) sigit witjaksono yon suprayogo microsoft word ihis sumiyati layout.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 96-108 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 cosmopolitanism of langsa society during colonial era | 96 received: june 16, 2024 revised: august 19, 2024 accepted: august 20, 2024 cosmopolitanism of langsa society during colonial era sumiyati, 1 singgih tri sulistiyono, 1* yety rochwulaningsih, 1 ichwan azhari 2 1doctoral program of history, faculty of humanities, universitas diponegoro, semarang, central java indonesia 2department of historical education, faculty of social sciences universitas negeri medan, north sumatra indonesia *corresponding author: singgihtri@lecturer.undip.ac.id doi: 10.14710/ihis.v8i1.23500 introduction this study focuses on the historical and cultural legacy of cosmopolitanism in langsa city. cosmopolitanism has gained prominence in global discourse as it is inseparable from the multicultural context, which emphasizes the importance of diversity and plurality. delanty (2008) states that the goal of cosmopolitanism is pluralism, which is related to the principles of democracy (delanty, 2008, p. 6). pluralism itself is related to the right to life of groups within a community, each with its own culture (tilaar, 2004, p. 82). a plural or multicultural society is essentially the result of migration processes. langsa has been a destination for both local and global migrants since the 9th century, precisely during the samudera pasai kingdom, the first islamic kingdom in the archipelago. langsa is located in the east aceh region, which was part of the samudera abstract the advent of modernization in the 19th century significantly influenced the development of langsa city, aceh province, as a cosmopolitan city. despite having a strong islamic tradition, langsa was able to embrace cosmopolitanism without losing its acehnese identity. this study focuses on the influence of cosmopolitanism on the socio-cultural life of the langsa community. cosmopolitanism in langsa also influenced the lifestyle of its people, as seen in their global thinking and the perspectives of the educated elite. the research findings indicate that cosmopolitanism in langsa has been ongoing for a long time, starting from the pre-islamic era, continuing through the waves of european and other foreign arrivals, the influence of colonialism, independence, the arrival of modernist islam, and up to the new order political era. with abundant natural resources, langsa has attracted foreigners. the interaction of people from various nations has led to the convergence of diverse cultures. however, despite being influenced by external cultures, the people of langsa have also maintained their original culture amidst a hybrid culture. this is partly because the native people of langsa, in their lifestyle, tend to follow the ulama (religious scholars) rather than the umara (secular leaders). as a cosmopolitan city, langsa has also become a meeting place for modernist thoughts. one example is the acceptance of muhammadiyah as a modernist islamic organization. keywords: cosmopolitanism; globalization; hybrid culture; dutch colonialism. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 96-108 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 cosmopolitanism of langsa society during colonial era | 97 pasai kingdom. the migration of people to langsa can be traced back to the international relations established by samudera pasai with foreign nations, as mentioned by ibn battuta in his book “rihla” (2020). additionally, after the fall of samudera pasai, aceh also established relations with western nations such as england and the netherlands. the arrival of the dutch in langsa was motivated by the various commodities available in the region, including spices, sandalwood, camphor, and gold. initially, they occupied the east coast of aceh, specifically in pereulak, langsa, east aceh, which was previously part of the samudera pasai kingdom (jongjeans, 2008, p. 2). simultaneously, aceh also had contact with arab traders who came to spread islam in langsa. besides the need for spices, the arrival of westerners in langsa was also influenced by langsa's geographical location near the strait of malacca and the malay peninsula. this made langsa an open and continuously developing region, becoming a port city since 1813 (anderson, 1840, p. 22). the arrival of various nations in aceh since the sultanate of iskandar muda characterizes the people of langsa as a cosmopolitan or global society due to the resulting social interactions (khairi, 2021). furthermore, langsa can also be considered a cosmopolitan region because the migration process propelled langsa as a center of modernization in east aceh. the arrival of various nations led to langsa city growing into a gathering point for various ethnicities and tribes from different parts of the world. the arrival of these nations was driven by various interests, both political and economic (khairi, 2021, p. 5). these interests can be seen in the spread of islam, imperialism, and capitalism that occurred in langsa, making the langsa region multicultural. this subsequently created social and cultural changes, particularly for the people of langsa. in a study conducted by pauline (1999) on cosmopolitanism in germany at the end of the 18th century, indicators for determining a cosmopolitan region were outlined. these indicators include openness and good relations with other nations, equality among people, the use of a free trade system, and freedom within cultural diversity (pauline, 1999). various elements that support a region being called a cosmopolitan city have been reflected in the life of langsa city since the colonial era. under the rule of the dutch colonial government, langsa became the capital of afdeeling oostkust van atjeh for economic purposes. as the capital, various infrastructures began to be built, including land and sea transportation routes connecting langsa with surrounding areas. during that time, the colonial government built a railway line, although sea routes remained the primary mode of transportation. the opening of transportation routes, particularly sea routes through the port of langsa, made langsa more accessible. since the port of langsa was opened for general shipping, at least 36 ships docked at the port, including both the koninklijke paketvaart maatschappij (kpm) fleet and merchant boats from penang (de boer, 1917, p. 16). this led to an even greater diversity of ethnicities and cultures in langsa. nevertheless, the people within the community continued to live harmoniously and strive to maintain their identity. in other words, the influx of various nations with different characteristics did not affect the local culture but rather added color to the culture that ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 96-108 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 cosmopolitanism of langsa society during colonial era | 98 grew in langsa city. in this regard, this study focuses on the influence of global culture, particularly the cultures of various nations that entered langsa, on the local culture. this relates to the acculturation between the existing local culture in the community and the cultures that entered langsa, resulting in what can be called a cosmopolitan culture. the discussion is divided into several sub-chapters, guided by the following research questions: how did the cosmopolitan culture develop in langsa, east aceh? did the global culture (cosmopolitan culture) acculturate the local ethnic culture? and what elements of the local culture were acculturated by the cosmopolitan culture? method this article is prepared using the historical method. the historical method consists of four stages: heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography (notosusanto, 1984, pp. 22-23). to maximize research findings, interviews through oral history are also utilized. this article utilizes primary sources in the form of publications from relevant institutions, such as archives containing written documents related to langsa under dutch colonial rule until the new order era. to obtain a more comprehensive and in-depth context, secondary sources such as books and articles from various journals are also used in this article. establishment of cosmopolitan culture in langsa langsa is located in the east aceh coastal region, directly facing the strait of malacca and the malay peninsula. during the aceh darussalam sultanate, the city's territory stretched from the northwestern tip of sumatra island to the batu bara river on the eastern coast of sumatra (anderson, 1826, pp. 22). as a port city due to its strategic geographical location, langsa grew into an open city, although the interior of langsa is bordered by mountains (ismail, 1991, p. 20). this certainly supported the economy of langsa, which came from the port. it also underlies the arrival of foreigners into aceh, leading to aceh's rapid development. during the aceh sultanate, the community's economic activities were free from government intervention, which was an effort to dismantle the feudal system. the gradual collapse of feudalism during the aceh sultanate is reflected in the role of the king in economic activities, who only had the right to regulate but could not profit from trade activities. such a trading system was an initial step in raising awareness among the people about an independent, free, and sovereign nation, so that the welfare of the people could be achieved (madjid, pp. 16-18). meanwhile, during the dutch colonial government, langsa was a plantation area. plantation commodities spread across the langsa region at that time included rubber, coffee, and oil palm. the presence of these commodities indirectly attracted various companies, including a rubber company in langsa (jongjeans, 2008, p. 71). various plantation commodities grown in the langsa region were commodities needed by western nations. therefore, the existence of plantations in langsa also contributed to the revitalization of the kuala langsa port. indirectly, the connection ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 96-108 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 cosmopolitanism of langsa society during colonial era | 99 between the distribution of plantation products and the existence of plantations became one of the accelerators of economic flow in langsa city (langsa east aceh regency government, 1970, p. 9). the dutch colonial government's control over langsa can be seen from the development of infrastructure in various fields, including the construction of administrative buildings, shop spaces, educational spaces, and socio-cultural spaces in 1905. the construction of these various facilities further attracted the presence of other nations from various tribes, nations, and ethnicities. the entry of western nations into langsa demonstrates langsa’s openness as one of the oldest cities in aceh. in this regard, a free trade system and cultural freedom grew as part of the community's life in langsa, east aceh. this marked the success of the dutch colonial government in making langsa a cosmopolitan region. growth of culture of nations and migrants in langsa the life of westerners in east aceh began in the early 20th century, precisely after the dutch colonial government succeeded in suppressing the acehnese people's resistance that had been ongoing since 1873 (alfian, 1987, p. 232). meanwhile, the colonial government’s power over langsa began when teuku chik bentara blang was forced, as the uleebalang (local ruler) of langsa, to sign a statement acknowledging the dutch presence in langsa on may 18, 1877 (langsa city government, 2017, p. 107). the colonial government’s position was further strengthened by granting administrative status to the east coast of aceh, called afdeeling oostkust van atjeh, which oversaw the gourvernment atje hen onderhoorigheden (governor of aceh and its conquered territories). based on the staatsblad van nederlandsch-indie (official gazette of the dutch east indies) in 1908, langsa was designated as the capital of afdeeling oostkust van atjeh, led by an assistant resident to control the entire aceh region. european (dutch) culture, with its modern and open life structure, brought a new color to the social fabric and created a different culture, namely an open or global culture known as cosmopolitan culture (kartikawangi, 2011, p. 86). cosmopolitan culture is a logical consequence of the development of capitalism in langsa, which is a city of trade and industrialization. several onderneming or rubber plantation companies recorded as operating in east aceh and located precisely in langsa include landsyndicaat paya rambong, sumatra rubber mijn. langsar, and amsterdam langsa rubber maatschappij. in tamiang, rubber plantations noord sumatra rub. cult. mij and tamiang rubber estate ltd. were opened. meanwhile, in gajah mentah, rubber cultuur mij. s. raya was established. these rubber plantations were members of the algemeene vereeniging van rubberplanters ter ooostkust van sumatra (avros) or the association of rubber plantation entrepreneurs on the east coast of sumatra (congresverslag, 1914). evidence that langsa is a cosmopolitan city is also shown by the many remnants of plantation and trade offices around kuala simpang and langsa, east aceh, including the dutch colonial rubber factory administration office built in 1926 and the dutch trading office built in 1923 called atjehsche handel-maatschappij (ahm) ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 96-108 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 cosmopolitanism of langsa society during colonial era | 100 (muhajir, 2017, p. 6). the presence of local and global migrants continued to increase during the colonial period, creating a global society that is a characteristic of cosmopolitanism (khairi, 2021). becoming a multi-ethnic region also created an open cultural system. the culture or civilization created due to the interaction of global community cultures in langsa is explained in the next sub-chapter (tylor, 1920). churches and temples in langsa, east aceh despite being far from their ancestral homeland, the dutch in langsa, east aceh, maintained their culture. one example is the presence of a church, a place of worship for christians, in kampung jawa. the church, currently named huria kristen batak protestan (hkbp), is included in the langsa tunong urban spatial pattern 1907-1942 established by the colonial government and is considered an elite area (muhajir, yuliati, rochwulaningsih, 2017, pp. 63-76). this church remains the only place of worship for christians in langsa, east aceh, to this day. still within the framework of the langsa city development plan, since 1944, the chinese ethnic group in langsa, east aceh, has also received attention. this further contributed to the cosmopolitan nature of langsa, east aceh, especially since the construction of the chineezen wijk/pecinan/shopping area, and the chinese people's factory complex. amidst the predominantly muslim population of langsa, there are places of worship for christians and buddhists that are over a century old. in addition to buildings, the dutch language and customs are also preserved. this is because european migrants lived in exclusive settlements. they only interacted with people within their own community, except for officials who had dealings with the uleebalang (local rulers), in which case they used malay (indonesian). because it was always used as the daily language, the dutch language was preserved (asyah, interview, july 5, 2021). another cultural aspect that persists in the context of an open global culture is fashion or clothing. european culture has a distinctive elegance, as seen in figure 1. the women wear skirts, special shoes, and bob haircuts. this style represents the daily life of the global european community in langsa, east aceh. meanwhile, the men from the dutch community wear suits with leather shoes. figure 1. dutch government officials and their wives gather in the langsa pendopo (traditional pavilion), east aceh, 1933. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 96-108 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 cosmopolitanism of langsa society during colonial era | 101 hybrid culture hybridization refers to a process that brings together two or more cultures in one cultural space, resulting in strategies for mixing. with political aims, hybridization is often used to negotiate local interests in facing "the outside," as a result of colonization and globalization, which always introduce cultural practices and forms from outside the local space (hatley, 2014). this also occurred in the langsa community of east aceh, where the process of adaptation and interaction of the global community in langsa, east aceh, also gave birth to a hybrid culture. as previously described, the presence of people from various regions in langsa, east aceh, made the city cosmopolitan, which then also had a significant influence and change on the mindset of the community. they transformed into a society with a global mindset (khairi, 2021). the publication of the newspaper titled "oetoesan ra'iat, choeth'bah merdeka" in langsa is evidence that the community had good literacy and an open mind. the newspaper was published three times a month and managed by a native company called “samoedera” (“choeth’bah merdeka,” 1923). oetoesan ra’jat was a media outlet for conveying messages to resist colonialism in langsa. the content of the newspaper mostly focused on issues of islam and the spirit of independence. the local community's awareness of ideology and critical thinking reflects that some of the native population had been acculturated by the global community (giddens, 2002, pp. 3-5). the above description is also related to the social interactions that occurred in the cosmopolitan society. interactions over a long period led to changes in the lifestyle of the langsa community. one indicator is the emergence of entertainment venues, namely cinemas, which encouraged a shift from local culture to global culture. figure 2 shows an advertisement for a film screening at a cinema. in the context of the emergence of cinema as a means of entertainment, there were two responses from the langsa community. some of the community acculturated and accepted cinema as a new lifestyle, while others rejected it because cinema was considered incompatible with religious norms. this was a logical consequence considering that langsa is part of aceh, a region with strict islamic rules. after the dutch left, the japanese arrived in langsa for a short period (1942-1945) but left many historical traces. the image of langsa as a cosmopolitan city is evident from various print media in the form of newspapers circulating in the aceh region, including langsa, called aceh sinbun. as with the propaganda carried out by japan in almost all occupied territories, the japanese military government in langsa also introduced elements of japanese culture to the community. this can be seen from the content of the newspaper, which reported on the formation of tonari gumi or neighborhood associations. tonari gumi was formed in places like kampong jawa, langsa, east aceh, with the aim of maintaining security together with the japanese police. in this news, many japanese terms were used (“tonari gumi,” 2604, p. 2). however, on the other hand, there was a global influence that made some of the local community remain critical. they voiced freedom through radio broadcasts and other ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 96-108 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 cosmopolitanism of langsa society during colonial era | 102 information media found in cinemas. there were three police officers during the japanese era, one of whom was named abdullah, who received information about the independence of the republic of indonesia from a radio broadcast from the republic of indonesia in bandung. this information was relayed by gazali idris to the langsa community through a cinema that was showing a film. he asked the management to stop the show for a moment, and then when the lights were turned off, he stood on the stage in front of the white screen and said, “we have heard from the radio broadcast that indonesia is independent” (abdullah, 1990, p. 47). figure 2. cinema schedule information in a newspaper advertisement october 1, 1945, was a historic day for langsa, east aceh, as it marked the end of japanese rule in langsa. the departure of the japanese seemed to be the end of the development of cosmopolitan culture in langsa. langsa eventually transitioned into a multicultural region inhabited by various ethnicities, marked by the emergence of various ethnic enclaves in langsa, aceh. the departure of the japanese from langsa was the closing door to cosmopolitanism in this administrative city, but the influence of cosmopolitan culture was still strongly felt. the development of technology, ideology, and the thinking of the native ethnic groups became the capital to achieve and maintain independence in langsa. the desire to express independence can also be traced back to the use of bon kontan peng puteh as a medium of exchange. bon kontan, a product of cosmopolitan culture, was a revolutionary currency printed in the balee juang building during the struggle against the japanese. the balee juang building itself was the headquarters of the indonesian independence movement, known locally as balee juang. previously, balee juang was a trading office built by dutch capitalists called the atjehsche handelmaatschappij office. meanwhile, bon kontan was printed and issued as a temporary medium of exchange, valid throughout the military governor’s territory. the payment instrument called bon kontan was issued by the east aceh defense headquarters in langsa in 1949. the issuance of bon kontan was initiated by the head of finance and equipment of the east aceh defense headquarters, osman adamy, in ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 96-108 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 cosmopolitanism of langsa society during colonial era | 103 an effort to overcome the problem of the lack of a medium of exchange in the community. this “bon kontan” paper money was accepted in the community and considered by the people as legal and trustworthy money. the policy of issuing bon kontan was taken by osman adamy after receiving a mandate from the resident of aceh because the government in kutaraja was no longer able to provide money for the needs of the army, which was increasing day by day. the bon was in the form of a plain piece of paper written by osman adamy with a certain denomination, which he signed and then gave to the army units. the mandate was then exchanged at certain post offices to obtain cash circulating in the community (abdullah & husi, 1984, p. 292). bon kontan not only functioned as money or a medium of exchange but also as a tool to gain recognition of sovereignty and identity. recognition by other countries is an important condition for the establishment of a state. de facto and de jure recognition includes trade, economic, and diplomatic relations, including the sovereignty to use one's currency. as a complement to the ori (oeang republik indonesia, the first indonesian currency), bon kontan also showed langsa, east aceh, as a civilization. ori itself was issued by the government of the republic of indonesia as an identity and a form of economic sovereignty, as well as an effort to improve the indonesian economy, which was experiencing high inflation. ori was issued to replace the currency previously issued by the dutch colonial government and japan. in other words, ori was also a form of indonesian resistance against all forms of oppression. although made in a simple form of plain paper, ori was able to arouse the spirit of the indonesian people to fight for independence and indonesia's economic sovereignty. meanwhile, the local government took the initiative to request permission from the central government to issue its currency, which was valid only in that region and temporary, called ori daerah or orida. bon kontan is a form of struggle and maintaining indonesian independence, especially in langsa, east aceh, through economic struggle. this revolutionary money, which has the regional name peng puteh, represents the spirit of struggle to maintain the nation's sovereignty intellectually. the influence of global thinking is evident in this revolutionary money. the shift from the grandeur of past history and culture of the acehnese people can be seen in the form of peng puteh. this revolutionary money no longer only highlights islamic culture but tends to emphasize the modern side with the concept of global thinking and the spirit of maintaining the independence of the republic of indonesia (figure 3). before the arrival of the dutch, aceh as a nation already had its currency in the form of dirham, which was made of gold. in addition, a currency in the form of a “keuh” coin from bandar aceh darussalam was also found, which is currently stored in the langsa city museum. this currency was made of copper or stone (figure 4). its manufacturing process was the same as the way lead bullets were made at that time (sufi, 1993, pp. 96-103). bon kontan is evidence of the historical role of langsa in fighting for and maintaining the independence of the republic of indonesia. the heroism of independence is seen in the economic struggle of the people of langsa, east aceh. this can be seen from the inscription sekali merdeka tetap merdeka (once ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 96-108 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 cosmopolitanism of langsa society during colonial era | 104 independent, remains independent) on the money, which is a characteristic of the development of cosmopolitan culture and also shows intellectuality. cosmopolitanism is seen in the use of a new medium of exchange that adapts to the changing times. even though aceh, as a great islamic kingdom, had its currency for centuries, the use of revolutionary money shows that the people had knowledge and awareness as a sovereign nation. when ori was launched, the mechanism for exchanging bon kontan with ori was based on a note from the military governor of aceh, langkat, and tanah karo dated january 2, 1949. figure 3. bon kontan/ peng puteh. figure 4. “keuh” coin from bandar aceh darussalam. muhammadiyah as milestone in emergence of modernist islamic organizations and understanding in langsa one example of the development of global thinking in langsa, east aceh, is the presence of a religious organization called muhammadiyah. the muhammadiyah organization entered aceh (kutaraja) in 1923, brought by djaja sukarta, who moved to kutaraja and worked at the aceh railway department. in langsa city (east aceh), muhammadiyah entered on october 29, 1928. on april 29 may 2, 1938, in idi city (east aceh), near langsa, east aceh, an annual conference was held, attended by a famous muhammadiyah figure at that time, haji abdoel karim amrullah (hamka). hamka had a significant influence on the development of muhammadiyah in aceh, ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 96-108 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 cosmopolitanism of langsa society during colonial era | 105 especially in the eastern coastal region of aceh. the development of muhammadiyah and its educational institutions in several cities in aceh received a reaction from religious leaders (ulama) there. after the arrival of muhammadiyah, they began to establish organizations and educational institutions to compete with muhammadiyah, such as “sirajuddin” or “pelita agama.” subsequently, there was a renewal of religious education in aceh, particularly in the pidie region, through the establishment of an educational institution called madrasah saadah adabiyah. this institution was realized in 1930 and was founded in biang paseh (peukan pidie). with the presence of this educational institution, the acehnese people there indirectly balanced the education system implemented by muhammadiyah and also the one implemented by the dutch east indies government in the pidie region. the acehnese people were then encouraged to enroll their children in madrasah sa’adah adabiyah, which was an educational institution under the care of the sons of aceh (department of education and culture, 1992). from 1927 to 1942, cosmopolitan culture significantly influenced education and religion in east aceh. there was a dynamic interplay between muhammadiyah, the local community, and the colonial government. in 1931, the dutch east indies colonial government in aceh wanted to use the acehnese language as the medium of instruction in public schools, replacing the malay language (indonesian) that had been used previously. this policy was opposed by muhammadiyah because it was feared that the acehnese people would not be familiar with the malay language (indonesian), which would also hinder the realization of the national unity ideals as declared through the youth pledge in 1928. moreover, the malay language was essential for economic development if they wanted to interact with communities outside of aceh. muhammadiyah realized that the dutch colonial government's policy was a form of dumbing down the population to isolate the acehnese people from the outside world. the development of muhammadiyah’s thought itself was not accepted by all segments of society in every district/city in the east aceh region. this is evident from the existence of muhammadiyah educational institutions in several areas in aceh, which later faded. it seems that only in langsa could muhammadiyah survive and thrive, marked by the existence of various muhammadiyah educational institutions. muhammadiyah educational institutions in langsa became favorite private schools for the people of langsa city. this strengthens langsa's position as an open region in various aspects of life. in contrast, muhammadiyah, as a modern religious organization, was difficult to accept by groups of people who adhered to traditional islam, such as in the deli and serdang sultanate regions. as mentioned by sinar (2005), the sultan of deli often hindered the development of muhammadiyah in deli. there was even an incident where a muhammadiyah scholar was removed from the pulpit. in deli, muhammadiyah was banned because it was considered contrary to traditional islamic teachings. however, in aceh, including langsa, muhammadiyah, which brought modernist understanding, was able to develop well. this could happen because of the cosmopolitan culture in langsa, which had been rooted for hundreds of years before. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 96-108 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 cosmopolitanism of langsa society during colonial era | 106 preservation of culture: the role of ulama the dominance of islamic elements in the culture of aceh and the migrants is due to the more dominant role of the ulama (religious scholars) in the social structure of langsa, east aceh, compared to the role of the umara (leaders/government). at that time, the role of the umara was held by the uleebalang (local rulers). the uleebalang did not have much of a place or become role models in langsa, east aceh, based on the understanding of the ulama and the acehnese people who considered the collapse of the aceh sultanate to be due to the uleebalang. the uleebalang were also seen as collaborators with the dutch colonials. the uleebalang, who became local rulers with power obtained from the dutch, had become a new capitalist class or similar to landlords in europe (ibrahimy, 1982). based on this, the people of langsa, east aceh, considered the uleebalang not to be on the side of the people. apart from the obligation to implement islamic teachings, the acehnese people and migrants like the javanese still tried to maintain their original culture amidst the emergence of foreign cultures. this became interesting after the acehnese people and migrants from java had interacted with outsiders for a long time. in addition to maintaining religious teachings, the acehnese and javanese ethnic communities, which were the dominant ethnic groups in langsa, east aceh, continued to preserve their culture, including language and clothing. acehnese women maintained their distinctive clothing style with headscarves and sarongs, while javanese women wore kebaya (traditional blouses) and batik sarongs with their hair in buns (figure 5). figure 5. local javanese (left) and acehnese women in langsa (right) conclusion the arrival of europeans and other foreigners in langsa, east aceh, with various driving factors, ranging from the spread of islam, imperialism, and capitalism, has shaped langsa, east aceh, into a cosmopolitan city. this was further strengthened by the development of industrialization and modernization. the extraordinary natural and economic potential attracted local and foreign migrants to come and settle in langsa, east aceh. the diversity of ethnic groups in langsa, east aceh, created a global community structure with all forms of adaptation, leading to changes in the social field. in the process of interaction and adaptation between local and global migrants, some cultural elements were not acculturated by the global community, namely: religion, language, clothing, and so on. the cosmopolitan culture that developed in langsa, east aceh, triggered the development of hybrid culture and global thinking. these thoughts influenced the perspective of the educated native elite ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 96-108 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 cosmopolitanism of langsa society during colonial era | 107 of langsa, east aceh, on the fate of the 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(2017). industrialiasi dan eksistensi kota langsa pada era kolonial, 19071942 (master’s thesis). universitas diponegoro, indonesia. muhajir, a., yuliati, d., & rochwulaningsih, y. (2017). industrialisasi dan eksistensi kota langsa pada era kolonial, 1907-1942. paramita: historical studies journal, 27(1), 63:76. https://doi.org/10.15294/paramita.v27i1.7320. notosusanto, n. (1984). hakekat sejarah dan metode sejarah. jakarta: mega book store. pauline (1999). six varieties of cosmopolitanism in late eighteenth-century germany. journal of the historyof ideas 60(3), 505-524. https://doi.org/10.2307/3654016. regional secretariat of langsa city government (2017). menelusuri jejak sejarah langsa, edisi revisi. langsa: regional secretariat of langsa city government . tilaar, r. a. h. (2004). multikulturalisme tantangan-tantangan global masa depan dalam transformasi pendidikan nasional. jakarta: pt. grasindo. tonari gumi di langsa. (2604, september 2). atzeh simbun. tylor, e. b. (1871). primitive culture vol. 1 & vol. 2. london: john murray. informan asyah microsoft word 5. muchoiyyaroh.docx indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 58-73 © 2019 rekonstruksi pemikiran kartini tentang keagamaan untuk memperkuat integrasi nasional | 58 rekonstruksi pemikiran kartini tentang keagamaan untuk memperkuat integrasi nasional lilis muchoiyyaroh sma al hikmah surabaya alamat korespondensi: lilis.muchoiyyaroh@gmail.com abstract kartini's complex thinking about her nation was the result of observations and experiences that she experienced empirically. but kartini's ideas about religion were explicitly influenced by the surrounding environment, both european and indigenous people themselves. this study focuses on the reconstruction of kartini's thinking in the field of religion and the social background of the emergence of this thought. therefore, this study uses historical methods with a social history approach to identify kartini's ideas in the religious field. the reconstruction of her ideas as one of the national integration efforts that cannot be separated from the influence of the religiosity and social background of the people around her. kartini's thinking about religion was critical, open, and pluralistic, which was concerned with the division of the nation due to religious differences. keywords: kartini ideas; religious; national integration. abstrak pemikiran kartini yang kompleks tentang bangsanya merupakan hasil pengamatan dan pengalaman yang secara empirik dialaminya. namun pemikiran kartini tentang keagamaan secara khusus mendapat pengaruh dari lingkungan sekitar, baik orang eropa maupun orang pribumi sendiri. kajian ini memfokuskan pada rekonstruksi pemikiran kartini pada bidang keagamaan dan latar belakang sosial munculnya pemikiran tersebut. oleh karena itu, kajian ini menggunakan metode sejarah dengan pendekatan sejarah sosial untuk mengidentifikasi pemikiran kartini dalam bidang keagamaan. rekonstruksi pemikiran kartini sebagai salah satu upaya integrasi nasional tidak dapat dilepaskan pada pengaruh dari latar belakang sosial keagamaan orang-orang di sekitar kartini. pemikiran kartini mengenai keagamaan bersifat kritis, terbuka, dan pluralistik yang prihatin dengan perpecahan bangsa karena faktor perbedaan agama. kata kunci: pemikiran kartini; keagamaan; integrasi nasional. pendahuluan toleransi beragama pada masa tradisional menunjukkan bahwa indonesia mampu bersatu meskipun memiliki latar belakang perbedaan agama. namun integrasi itu semakin meredup ketika indonesia dijajah oleh pemerintah kolonial belanda. sejak tahun 1870 politik kolonial tanam paksa diganti sistem liberal yang membuka pintu selebar-lebarnya bagi kaum industri dan kaum modal swasta belanda untuk diterima/ received: 27 november 2018 disetujui/ accepted: 4 juli 2019 indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 58-73 © 2019 rekonstruksi pemikiran kartini tentang keagamaan untuk memperkuat integrasi nasional | 59 menanam modal di hindia belanda dan mencari keuntungan sebesar-besarnya dengan bebas. alasan kaum industri dan kaum modal swasta belanda mendukung sistem liberal adalah agar dapat membangkitkan semangat bekerja di kalangan rakyat pribumi sehingga dengan sendirinya memberikan kemakmuran dan kesejahteraan. dalam kenyataannya, pelaksanaan sistem liberal tidak sesuai dengan alasan dan teori pendukung sistem liberal. memang benar sistem liberal memberi kemakmuran dan kesejahteraan, tetapi untuk kaum industri dan kaum modal swasta belanda, bukan untuk rakyat pribumi. rakyat pribumi semakin menderita dan melarat, sehingga banyak petani beserta anak dan istri terpaksa menjadi buruh di perkebunanperkebunan dan pabrik-pabrik belanda karena kehilangan hak atas tanah-tanah para petani. kemiskinan dan penderitaan rakyat pribumi mendapat respons dari orangorang belanda yang simpati dan tergerak hatinya untuk memperbaiki nasib rakyat pribumi. kritik terhadap sistem liberal dipelopori oleh pieter brooshooft, seorang wartawan koran de locomotief. simpati dari orang-orang belanda semakin mencuat sejak karangan mr. coenraad th. van deventer yang berjudul “hutang budi” dan “suara dari jawa” menggetarkan hati masyarakat belanda. tuan van deventer mengecam kebijakan pemerintah belanda yang hanya mementingkan uang tanpa memikirkan nasib rakyat pribumi layaknya mesin pencetak uang, bukan manusia. kritik itu kemudian berujung pada penetapan politik etis atau politik hutang budi sebagai politik kolonial baru oleh ratu belanda pada 17 september 1901. hal nyata yang dilakukan belanda dalam penerapan politik etis salah satunya adalah dengan membuka akses pendidikan barat bagi rakyat pribumi. pendidikan barat bagi rakyat pribumi memiliki tujuan terselebung yang tidak begitu luhur. dengan adanya pendidikan barat, pemerintah belanda berharap akan lahir tenagatenaga terampil dari rakyat pribumi dengan gaji yang murah. di sisi lain, politik etis sebenarnya memiliki tujuan terselubung, yaitu untuk mengalihkan fokus masyarakat jawa terhadap islam dan paham pan-islamisme yang sedang berkembang pesat di timur tengah saat itu (kahin, 2013). tujuan tidak baik di atas kemudian menjadi “bumerang” bagi pemerintah kolonial belanda. kelak banyak rakyat pribumi yang merupakan lulusan-lulusan sekolah eropa menjadi terbuka dan mengusahakan adanya perbaikan hidup bahkan persatuan. salah satunya adalah kartini. pada 8 agustus 1900, tuan j. h. abendanon selaku direktur departemen pendidikan dan pengajaran hindia belanda dan istrinya datang ke kediaman bupati jepara, yaitu ario sosroningrat yang tidak lain adalah ayah dari raden ajeng kartini untuk mendapat masukan dari penguasa pribumi perihal program politik etis di bidang pendidikan (muchoiyyaroh, 2014, p. 3). bupati jepara yang meniupkan spirit pendidikan eropa kepada putra-putrinya untuk kali pertama adalah tjondronegoro. salah seorang putra dari tjondronegoro adalah raden mas ario sosroningrat (ayah dari kartini). dengan demikian, dapat dikatakan bahwa kartini sebenarnya telah menerima buah hasil jerih payah kakeknya. (ulum, 2015). diketahui melalui surat-surat kartini, latar belakang keluarga yang mendapat kemudahan dalam mengakses pendidikan eropa, diperkuat dengan indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 58-73 © 2019 rekonstruksi pemikiran kartini tentang keagamaan untuk memperkuat integrasi nasional | 60 kebijakan politik etis untuk kaum bumiputera, menjadi pintu bagi kartini untuk bertemu dengan orang-orang belanda yang kemudian dijadikan momen untuk berkorespondensi. kesempatan untuk saling bertukar pikiran tentang budaya, kondisi masyarakat, dan agama masing-masing menjadi semakin terbuka. sistem feodalisme dan adat istiadat islam kejawen sering kali menjadi bahan perbincangan kartini dengan sahabat-sahabat pena kartini yang memicu terjadinya perpecahan karena faktor agama. keprihatinan kartini akan manusia yang saling membenci, saling menghina karena pemahaman agama yang dangkal menjadi realitas di negeri ini, negeri yang menjadi tumpah darah masyarakat plural. berulang kali terdapat fenomena penistaan agama oleh satu orang dengan agama yang menyinggung orang lain dengan agama yang lain pula. kekerasan oleh kelompok yang satu terhadap yang lain, pembenaran akan agama sendiri menjadi pemandangan sehari-hari sebagai penodaan dan penyimpangan terhadap kesucian ajaran agama itu sendiri saat ini. beberapa kajian yang ada belum pernah menyebutkan peran kartini dalam bidang keagamaan secara khusus. selama ini kajian yang ada bertumpu pada pandangan kartini dalam pendidikan untuk perempuan. pandangan itu dikaitkan dengan ajaran islam yang menekankan pentingnya pendidikan aqidah atau moral sejak dini untuk seorang ibu (aminah, 2005). bagaimana bisa seorang perempuan mampu mengajari anak-anaknya kelak jika tidak diberi kesempatan mengenyam pendidikan lebih-lebih pendidikan dari agamanya sendiri (islam). hal ini senada yang dilakukan sudrajat (2007) melihat sosok kartini sebagai tokoh emansipasi perempuan yang pemikirannya dipengaruhi oleh orang-orang di sekitarnya. sementara itu, abidin (2015) mencoba menguak tentang percakapan dan makna tersirat dalam surat-surat kartini kepada ny. abendanon-mandri tentang keagamaan di hindia belanda, seperti adanya praktik zending oleh pemerintah kolonial belanda hingga niat terselebung ny. abendanon-mandri yang berusaha meng-kristen-kan kartini. hal ini senada dengan nadhifah (2017) yang berupaya menunjukkan posisi pemikiran kartini dalam mengritik metode pendidikan agama islam yang dianggap doktriner semasa hidupnya. menurutnya, kartini mengusulkan perlu ada penerjemahan kitab-kitab agama dalam memudahkan proses mempelajari ilmu agama islam. nadhifah (2017) juga mengungkapkan bahwa kartini berhasil menginspirasi beberapa kiai dan ulama dalam membangun pendidikan pesantren khusus perempuan. berdasar karya-karya di atas, dapat ditunjukkan bahwa belum ada kajian yang secara spesifik mengulas mengenai pemikiran keagamaan dari kartini yang dikaitkan untuk memperkuat integrasi bangsa. metode kajian ini menggunakan metode sejarah dengan pendekatan filosofis. maksud dari pendekatan filosofis yaitu pembahasan secara kritis atas masalah yang menjadi topik bahasan diiringi dengan berfikir secara mendalam, sehingga hikmah, hakikat atau inti dari pokok persoalan dapat dimengerti dan dipahami secara logis yang diharapkan bisa memberi pemahaman yang lebih baik. pendekatan filosofis mencoba melakukan indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 58-73 © 2019 rekonstruksi pemikiran kartini tentang keagamaan untuk memperkuat integrasi nasional | 61 refleksi ulang tentang pengalaman, keyakinan dan asumsi dasar dalam dimensi tertentu (fisher, 1999). oleh karena itu, pendekatan filosofis dalam kajian ini menekankan pada dimensi kesadaran kritis dalam memahami pemikiran kartini melalui surat-suratnya. kesadaran kritis (critical consciousness) lebih melihat aspek sistem dan struktur sebagai sumber masalah (freire, 2005). pemikiran filosofis mengenai agama bukan merupakan cabang teologi melainkan sebagai cabang filsafat dan ada empat cabang dalam pendekatan filosofis, antara lain: logika, metafisika, epistemologi, dan etika. pelaksanaan pendekatan filosofis dalam bahasan ini menekankan pada analisis etika, yakni sebuah studi tentang “perilaku” atau tentang nilai-nilai yang mengatur cara hidup (hick, 1988). agama yang berkembang di lingkungan kartini penerapan politik etis yang seharusnya dilaksanakan untuk meningkatkan taraf kehidupan masyarakat melalui edukasi, transmigrasi, dan irigasi ternyata memiliki tujuan lain. melalui edukasi, kepentingan pencerahan atau kepentingan penyebaran agama kristen disisipkan dalam pendidikan barat yang diajarkan kepada kaum bumiputera. selain itu, humanitarianisme juga diajarkan kepada kaum bumiputera untuk melawan liberalisme, sehingga menjadi logis anak-anak pribumi yang berkesempatan sekolah di sekolah “bentukan belanda” mengetahui tentang agama kristen. penyebaran agama kristen yang sering kali disebutkan oleh kartini dengan istilah zending dan berulang kali mengatakan “yang penting manusia baik hati”; merupakan kata andalan orang-orang penganut humanitarianisme. tentang zending, kartini secara terang-terangan menolak zending di jepara, jawa tengah dan mojowarno, jawa timur yang dilakukan pemerintah kolonial belanda saat itu (kitlv-lipi, 2000, p. 64). masyarakat jawa sebelum hindu-buddha datang telah memiliki sistem kepercayaan sendiri yang disebut dengan animisme dan dinamisme. herusatoto (1991) berargumentasi bahwa suku bangsa jawa purba mempunyai kepercayaan yang disebut animisme, suatu kepercayaan yang menganggap bahwa roh atau jiwa bersemayam pada semua benda, tumbuh-tumbuhan, hewan, dan pada manusia sendiri. di samping animisme, mereka juga memegang kepercayaan dinamisme, yaitu kepercayaan akan adanya tenaga magis pada manusia, binatang, tumbuh-tumbuhan, dan benda-benda, juga dalam sebuah mantra atau tulisan-tulisan simbol pada bendabenda magis yang dipasang. berkembangnya islam di indonesia sama sekali berbeda dari perkembangan yang ada di eropa. para ulama yang dikirim ke jawa khususnya harus berhadapan dengan orang-orang cerdas majapahit dengan kultur hindu-buddha, jelas begitu sulit untuk menyebarkan agama islam; sehingga beberapa cara damai ditempuh untuk perlahan orang-orang majapahit dan jawa bersedia memeluk agama islam. cara damai itulah pada akhirnya menimbulkan sebuah konsepsi baru dari perkembangan agama islam di jawa yang dikenal dengan islam kejawen. islam kejawen merupakan indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 58-73 © 2019 rekonstruksi pemikiran kartini tentang keagamaan untuk memperkuat integrasi nasional | 62 kebiasaan yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat jawa yang beragama islam dengan masih melestarikan tradisi hindu-buddha (koentjaraningrat, 1984). sebagai elite dalam masyarakat jawa, kaum priyayi mempunyai lebih banyak kesempatan untuk memperoleh pengetahuan, baik tradisional maupun modern, jika dibandingkan rakyat biasa. seorang priyayi memang dididik untuk menjalankan tata krama perilaku tertentu yang meninggikan martabat mereka (farela, 2017, p. 81). mereka juga berkesempatan berkenalan dengan berbagai kepercayaan dan agama. priyayi santri adalah sebutan untuk seseorang yang aktif melibatkan diri dalam agama islam. sementara itu, priyayi abangan adalah sebutan untuk seseorang yang tidak begitu hirau dengan syari’at islam, dan sebagian masih kukuh memeluk agama leluhur mereka, yaitu islam kejawen. islam bagi golongan priyayi hanya digunakan untuk melengkapi narasi mistik. mistik priyayi memang sulit dikompromikan dengan ajaran tasawuf murni. dalam hal ini, mereka terkesan menyamakan kedudukan tuhan dengan manusia, yang tersirat pada ungkapan manunggaling kawula-gusti. sementara itu dalam islam, tuhan jelas berbeda dari manusia. akibatnya, penerapan ajaran islam dalam kehidupan seharihari di kalangan priyayi abangan tidak cukup kuat. sebaliknya, kepercayaan mistik dengan dibalut islam lah, sehingga tuhan diibaratkan dengan suatu kebaikan. bagi mereka, kebaikan adalah sesuatu yang paling luhur dan penting untuk dilakukan oleh manusia. berangkat dari ciri-ciri masyarakat jawa dalam tataran budaya, struktur sosial, dan agama menurut geertz, maka keluarga raden ajeng kartini dapat dikategorikan sebagai priyayi. gelar “raden ajeng” yang tersemat namanya membuktikan bahwa kartini berasal dari golongan priyayi (soeroto, 1984, p. 126), meskipun kartini sendiri dalam curahan hatinya lebih senang dengan posisinya sebagai manusia biasa tanpa embel-embel “raden ajeng” atau “raden ayu” (toer, 2003). pengaruh orang-orang di sekitar kartini lingkungan memiliki pengaruh yang besar dalam proses pembentukan seseorang, terutama melalui interaksi secara intens, baik dengan keluarga maupun sahabat. pemikiran kartini tentang agama tidak dipungkiri sangat dipengaruhi oleh orangorang di sekitar, baik dari pihak keluarga maupun sahabat-sahabat korespondensi yang berasal dari eropa. pemikiran kartini tentang agama dapat diketahui melalui surat-suratnya kepada sahabat-sahabatnya di eropa. berikut ini beberapa orang yang memiliki pengaruh atas pemikiran kartini tentang keagamaan: nellie van kol pikiran-pikiran religius kartini banyak dipengaruhi oleh teman-teman pena berbangsa belanda dan buku-buku bacaan eropa. salah seorang teman pena kartini yang isi suratnya banyak mengulas tentang tuhan dan agama adalah nellie van kol. nellie van kol adalah seorang kristen yang taat dan suaminya (ir. henri van kol) juga seorang penganut okultisme. berikut adalah kutipan surat kartini yang dikirimkan indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 58-73 © 2019 rekonstruksi pemikiran kartini tentang keagamaan untuk memperkuat integrasi nasional | 63 kepada nellie van kol pada 20 agustus 1902 yang memperbincangkan pokok “kecemburuan tuhan”: “god is najiverig, zegt men; hij duldt niet, dat men andere goden aanbidt dan hem en straft daarom den mensch met bittere ontgoocheling, die zich goden schept en hen aanbidt met goddelijke vereering” (abendanon, 1976, p. 269). “tuhan itu cemburuan, kata orang. dia tidak mengizinkan orang menyembah dewa-dewa lain kecuali dia. karena itulah dia menyatakan hukuman dengan cara menyadarkan orang yang menciptakan dewa-dewa bagi diri mereka sendiri dan menyembahnya dengan penghormatan yang setinggi-tingginya. kesadaran adalah hukuman yang pahit rasanya” (sutrisno, 1985, p. 253). persoalan yang dihadapi kartini yaitu apabila tuhan bersifat cemburuan, apakah berarti bahwa ia hanya menyetujui satu agama saja? apakah nellie van kol hendak mengusulkan kepadanya bahwa hanya agama kristen saja yang benar? sudah barang tentu kartini tidak akan bisa menyetujui hal itu. sebab jikalau demikian, bagaimana dengan agama-agama lain, terutama agama yang dipeluknya? apakah agama itu bukan agama yang benar? dalam surat yang lain kartini memberikan komentar sebagai berikut: “tapi menurut kami, jangan ada ilah lain di hadapan-ku”, adalah sebuah perintah yang penuh kasih sayang. bukankan perintah itu memuat peringatan yang sungguh-sungguh kepada manusia bahwa: manusia adalah manusiamakhluk yang bersifat khilaf ... ah, sekiranya peringatan itu dipahami secara lebih baik; alangkah banyaknya penderitaan pahit yang bisa dihindari oleh umat manusia!” (sutrisno, 1985, pp. 253-254). tuhan “cemburu” karena manusia khilaf. mereka memaknai tuhan dan agama untuk kepentingan mereka sendiri. egoisme manusia disembunyikan dalam kedok agama, dan mereka memakai nama tuhan sekadar untuk menutupi perbuatan jahat mereka. tuhan “cemburu” karena manusia hanya memakai-nya untuk kepentingan duniawi mereka sendiri. pada akhir kutipan tersebut, kartini menghendaki agar ada pemahaman yang lebih baik tentang soal “kecemburuan dan peringatan tuhan”. jelas bahwa kekhilafan manusialah yang membuat “cemburu” dan kemudian dia memberi peringatan agar manusia tetap berada pada jalan yang benar, yaitu jalan yang menuju kepada kasih sayang. “pemahaman yang lebih baik”, sebagaimana disinggung kartini dalam kutipan surat di atas memang dengan sungguh-sungguh diupayakan. gagasan kartini tentang agama pada dasarnya memang terkait dengan minatnya untuk memikirkan hubungan antaragama yang merupakan persoalan utama dalam kehidupan kebatinannya. indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 58-73 © 2019 rekonstruksi pemikiran kartini tentang keagamaan untuk memperkuat integrasi nasional | 64 r.m. abendanon-mandri nama lengkap dari r.m. abendanon-mandri adalah rosa manuela abendanon mandri. r.m. abendanon merupakan istri dari j.h. abendanon; seorang direktur pengajaran kementerian pengajaran dan kerajinan di hindia belanda sejak tahun 1900 yang juga sosok yang mengumpulkan surat-surat kartini dan dibukukan pada 1911. kedekatan r.m. abendanon dengan kartini begitu intim, sehingga sering kali kartini memanggilnya dengan sebutan “ibu kandungku yang sangat manis”. dalam suratnya kepada ny. abendanon, kartini pernah membahas kekecewaannya terhadap islam yang menurutnya melarang untuk boleh memahami kitab isi dari kitab al-qur’an. berikut surat kartini pada 15 agustus 1902: “dan waktu itu aku tidak mau lagi melakukan hal-hal yang tidak tahu apa perlu dan manfaatnya. aku tidak mau lagi membaca alquran, belajar menghafal perumpamaan-perumpamaan dengan bahasa asing yang tidak aku mengerti artinya. jangan-jangan, guruku pun tidak mengerti artinya. katakanlah kepada aku apa artinya, nanti aku akan mempelajari apa saja. aku berdosa. kitab ini teralu suci, sehingga kami tidak boleh mengerti apa artinya”. (sutrisno, 1985, p. 241) namun selang beberapa bulan kemudian, isi surat kartini kepada ny. abendanon menjadi berbeda. kartini seakan menemukan jawaban atas pencariannya selama ini tentang agama islam. menurut kartini, bukan salah agamanya, namun karena perbuatan pemeluk agama yang menjadikan hal yang buruk terjadi. hal itu dilihat pada kutipan surat kartini kepada r.m. abendanon pada 12 desember 1902. “inilah yang menyebabkan kami demikian lama membelakangi agama secara sungguh-sungguh, karena kami banyak sekali melihat peristiwa yang menunjukkan ketiadaan kasih sayang yang dilakukan orang dengan berkedok agama. lambat laun barulah kami tahu, bukan agama yang tiada kasih sayang, melainkan manusia juga yang membuat buruk segala sesuatu yang semula bagus dan suci itu” r.m. abendanon adalah seorang feminis liberal yang beragama kristen sehingga secara tidak langsung pemikiran dan agamanya mempengaruhi pemikiran kartini tentang feminisme dan agama. menurut sumartana (2013, p. 53), tampaknya kartini terdesak untuk mengulangi pertanyaan tersebut. mungkin ny. abendanon berpandangan bahwa hanya agama kristenlah yang bisa membawa manusia kepada kebenaran sejati itu. kartini ternyata menolak pendapat tersebut. kartini konsekuen dengan pandangan bahwa semua agama adalah berkah tuhan untuk semua orang, tanpa melihat ras, bangsa, warna kulit, dan latar belakang kebudayaan mereka. stella zehandelaar perkenalan stella dengan kartini diawali dengan sebuah iklan yang dipasang oleh kartini pada sebuah majalah belanda bernama de hollandsche lelie dalam edisi 15 indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 58-73 © 2019 rekonstruksi pemikiran kartini tentang keagamaan untuk memperkuat integrasi nasional | 65 maret 1899. stella adalah seorang wanita yahudi di amsterdam dan seorang pejuang feminis yang radikal dan lima tahun lebih tua dari kartini (bouman, 1954, pp. 28-29). stella seorang anggota aktif dari sociaal democratische arbeiderspartij (sdap), sebuah partai pengusung sosial-demokrat di belanda yang memperjuangkan sosialisme dan humanisme termasuk ide-ide tentang kesetaraan gender. dalam suratnya kepada stella zehandelaar bertanggal 6 november 1899, kartini menulis; “mengenai agamaku, islam, aku harus menceritakan apa? islam melarang umatnya mendiskusikan ajaran agamanya dengan umat lain. lagi pula, aku beragama islam karena nenek moyangku islam. bagaimana aku dapat mencintai agamaku, jika aku tidak mengerti dan tidak boleh memahaminya? alquran terlalu suci; tidak boleh diterjemahkan ke dalam bahasa apa pun, agar bisa dipahami setiap muslim. di sini tidak ada orang yang mengerti bahasa arab. di sini, orang belajar alquran tapi tidak memahami apa yang dibaca. aku pikir, adalah gila orang diajar membaca tapi tidak diajar makna yang dibaca. itu sama halnya engkau menyuruh aku menghafal bahasa inggris, tapi tidak memberi artinya. aku pikir, tidak jadi orang soleh pun tidak apa-apa asalkan jadi orang baik hati. bukankah begitu stella?”. (kartini, 2011, p. 26) karena itu, melalui surat-surat kartini pada sekitar 1899, terlihat bagaimana pemikiran kartini yang terpengaruhi oleh semangat feminisme radikal stella sehingga sering membahas tentang perjodohan dalam adat jawa yang dikecam oleh kartini, dan itu dilindungi oleh agamanya, islam. namun itu menjadi sedikit berbeda setelah kartini berkorespondensi dengan ny. van kol dan ny. abendanon tentang pemikiran agama kartini. kartini tidak begitu memperlihatkan keradikalannya dalam mempersoalkan agama dan adat jawa. kartini mulai tersentuh pengaruh liberalisnya ny. abendanon dan humanisnya ny. van kol yang keduanya beragama kristen. ayah kartini ayah kartini adalah orang nomor satu yang berhak mengatur hidup kartini, dan kartini sangat patuh terhadapnya. kepatuhan itu terlihat dari kesediaan kartini menerima perjodohan dengan bupati rembang oleh sang ayah. perjodohan itu ditanggapi oleh stella dengan perasaan sangat kecewa. penerimaan terhadap perjodohan itu dianggap dapat menghentikan cita-cita kartini. terlihat dalam kutipan berita kematian yang ditulis oleh stella untuk mengenang kartini bahwa kartini dengan terpaksa menikah dengan bupati rembang melalui perjodohan dan setahun kemudian kartini harus membayar kelahiran anak laki-lakinya dengan nyawanya (yulianto, 2004, p. 206). namun demikian, stella juga memahami bahwa peran ayah kartini sangat besar dalam menentukan hidup kartini. hal itu dapat dilihat dalam surat stella kepada ny. nellie van kol pada 26 september 1904. “aku sedih sekali dengan keputusan kartini (untuk menikah) sehingga rasanya tidak mungkin untuk menulis tentang hal itu. ini membuatku terlalu sedih untuk menceritakannya. (dengan menikah) kartini telah berbohong mati-matian. indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 58-73 © 2019 rekonstruksi pemikiran kartini tentang keagamaan untuk memperkuat integrasi nasional | 66 seseorang seperti aku yang telah mengembara bersama dengan pikiranpikirannya dengan begitu mesra selama lima tahun terakhir ini, aku sangat tahu kalau dia telah mengingkari salah satu dari cita-cita besarnya. seharusnya orang terpilih seperti dia tidak boleh mengorbankan cita-cita hidupnya hanya demi satu orang”. (bouman, 1954, p. 63) terlihat dari kalimat ‘satu orang’ di atas bahwa stella sadar kunci hidup kartini ada di tangan ayah kartini. dapat dilihat pula begitu besar peran ayah kartini kepada pemahaman agama kartini yang mengajarkan kartini tentang sopan santun ala priyayi jawa, dan pendidikan islam dari keluarga besar ayah dan ibu kartini. kiai sholeh darat kiai sholeh darat, seorang ulama dari semarang yang produktif menulis sejumlah kitab (muchoyyar, 2002, p. 1-17). najmuddin (2013) menyatakan fadhila sholeh, cucu dari kiai sholeh darat menuturkan, bahwa takdir mempertemukan kartini dengan kiai sholeh darat dalam sebuah pengajian di pendopo rumah bupati demak, pangeran ario hadiningrat yang juga merupakan paman kartini. pada saat itu, sang kiai menerangkan tafsir dari surat al fatihah. kartini yang ikut menyimak, tidak kuasa untuk menyampaikan sesuatu kepada kiai sholeh darat di akhir acara, seperti pada percakapan berikut ini. “kyai, perkenankan saya bertanya bagaimana hukumnya apabila seorang berilmu menyembunyikan ilmunya?” kartini membuka dialog. kyai sholeh tertegun. “mengapa raden ajeng bertanya demikian?” kyai sholeh balik bertanya. “kyai, selama hidupku baru kali ini aku berkesempatan memahami makna surat al fatihah, surat pertama dan induk al-quran. isinya begitu indah, menggetarkan sanubariku.” ujar kartini. “bukan buatan rasa syukur hati ini kepada allah. namun, aku heran mengapa selama ini para ulama melarang keras penerjemahan dan penafsiran al-quran ke dalam bahasa jawa. bukankah al-quran adalah bimbingan hidup bahagia dan sejahtera bagi manusia?”. (najmuddin, 2013) kartini telah menggugah kesadaran kiai sholeh untuk melakukan pekerjaan besar, yaitu menerjemahkan alquran ke dalam bahasa jawa. terjemahan al-qur’an dari surat alfatihah hingga surat ibrahim dalam bahasa jawa-arab (pegon) dikenal dengan kitab faidhur rohman kemudian menjadi hadiah pernikahan kartini, yang konon menjadi tafsir qur’an pertama di nusantara dalam bahasa jawa dengan aksara arab (hamid, 2013; tim sarkub, 2012). kartini mempelajarinya secara serius, hampir di setiap waktu luangnya. namun sayangnya, penerjemahan kitab faidhur-rohman ini tidak selesai karena kiai sholeh darat telah wafat. kiai sholeh darat membawa kartini ke perjalanan transformasi spiritual. pandangan kartini tentang barat (eropa) mulai berubah. perhatikan surat kartini bertanggal 27 oktober 1902 kepada ny abendanon. indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 58-73 © 2019 rekonstruksi pemikiran kartini tentang keagamaan untuk memperkuat integrasi nasional | 67 “sudah lewat masanya, semula kami mengira masyarakat eropa itu benarbenar yang terbaik, tiada tara. maafkan kami. apakah ibu menganggap masyarakat eropa itu sempurna? dapatkah ibu menyangkal bahwa di balik yang indah dalam masyarakat ibu terdapat banyak hal yang sama sekali tidak patut disebut peradaban. tidak sekali-kali kami hendak menjadikan muridmurid kami sebagai orang setengah eropa, atau orang jawa kebarat-baratan.” dalam suratnya kepada ny. van kol pada 21 juli 1902, kartini juga menyatakan bahwa ia bertekad dan berupaya untuk memperbaiki citra islam yang pada saat itu kerap menjadi perdebatan. kemudian surat kartini kepada ny. abendanon pada 1 agustus 1903 menyatakan bahwa dirinya lebih memilih menggunakan gelar hamba allah. rekonstruksi pemikiran keagamaan sebagai upaya penguatan integrasi bangsa eropa dan islam bagi kartini berbicara tentang eropa, pada mulanya kartini sangat membanggakan eropa, terlebih belanda (surat kartini kepada ny. abendanon-mandri tertanggal 27 oktober 1902, dalam sutrisno, 1992, p. 115). bangsa eropa dianggap sebagai bangsa yang beradab dan membawa banyak kemajuan. oleh sebab itu, kartini sangat berharap kelak dapat mengunjungi dan belajar di belanda sebagai bekal untuk memajukan pendidikan kaum bumiputera, terlebih perempuan jawa. dibandingkan bergaul dengan masyarakat bumiputera, kartini lebih banyak bergaul dengan teman yang berasal dari eropa, baik secara langsung maupun lewat korespondensi. namun seiring dengan perkembangan ilmu pengetahuan, dan wawasan yang dimiliki kartini, akhirnya ia dapat mengetahui dan mengerti bahwa orang belanda tidak seutuhnya baik. zending yang dibingkai dengan kegiatan sosial, sekalipun terlihat sangat humanis, dan pada awalnya mendapatkan pujian dari kartini, akhirnya justru dikecam dengan keras. kaartini memperingatkan kepada pemerintah hindia belanda agar tidak menggalakkan zending yang bertujuan untuk “menashranikan” orang yang sudah beragama. “usahakan zending itu, tetapi tidak dengan menashranikan orang!” (surat kartini kepada tuan e.c. abendanon, 31 januari 1903). islam adalah agama kartini. islam yang berkembang di zaman kartini tidak semulus ketika islam dijadikan agama resmi kerajaan, yang kemudian memengaruhi sistemnya menjadi islami dari yang asal-mulanya adalah hindu-buddha. seharusnya, jika ulama-ulama di zaman dahulu dalam mengajarkan dan menyebarkan agama islam di pulau jawa tidak mendapatkan gangguan dari belanda yang dapat menguasai kerajaan-kerajaan islam, maka perkembangan islam, khususnya di jawa akan menjadi dinamis (ulum, 2015, p. 164). anak-anak muslim akan dikenalkan dengan baik tentang islam, seperti yang dapat dijumpai di pesantren dan tempat kajian islam lainnya. ajaran islam yang ada di lingkungan kartini sangat terbatas dan dibatasi gerakgeriknya oleh belanda karena hal ini bisa membahayakan kekuasaan mereka. oleh indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 58-73 © 2019 rekonstruksi pemikiran kartini tentang keagamaan untuk memperkuat integrasi nasional | 68 sebab itu, sangat wajar jika kartini tidak mengerti tentang islam kecuali hanya kulitnya saja tanpa mengerti maksud “mengapa” atau “apa” amalan yang ada dalam islam. selain itu, keluarga kartini juga lebih kuat dalam penerapan ajaran kejawen, jika dibandingkan dengan ajaran islam. kartini yang merupakan perempuan priyayi jawa tentu lebih mudah mengakses ilmu eropa jika dibandingkan dengan ilmu agama, dalam hal ini islam. jika ingin belajar ilmu agama, maka kartini harus berjalan jauh keluar kadipaten. akan tetapi, kartini tidak diizinkan keluar dari kadipaten, sekadar untuk belajar. kenyataan itu kemudian membuat kartini tumbuh dengan diiringi rasa kecewa yang mendalam, sebab kartini tidak dapat memahami sepenuhnya ajaran islam, terlebih makna yang terkandung dalam al-qur’an. pada mulanya, kartini menganggap kawan-kawannya dari eropa sebagai satusatunya kaum yang mendukung segala pemikirannya bahwa perempuan harus mendapatkan pendidikan yang layak. selain itu, kartini juga sangat membenci poligami. pengetahuan kartini yang terbatas tentang islam dan berdasar pengamatan yang kritis tentang poligami, membuat kartini berfikir bahwa islam melindungi poligami, ia bahkan mengeluarkan pernyataan mengenai poligami yang menurutnya menindas perempuan jawa. namun setelah pertemuannya dengan kiai sholeh darat, kartini mengalami transformasi spiritual khususnya tentang pendidikan dan kedudukan perempuan dalam islam. ajaran islam dan pendidikan wanita itu tidak dapat dipisahkan. islam sangat memuliakan kaum wanita. surga allah tidak akan didapat oleh seseorang jika tidak mendapatkan restu dari seorang ibu. nabi muhammad saw memuliakan seorang ibu tiga tingkat lebih tinggi daripada ayah. di dalam al-qur’an ada surat annisa’ yang bermakna perempuan; namun tidak dijumpai surat ar-rijaal yang bermakna laki-laki. hal ini menunjukkan bagaimana islam mengangkat derajat wanita dari zaman jahiliah menuju peradaban yang lebih mulia. itulah pemahaman yang didapat kartini setelah mendalami agamanya sendiri. kartini menjadi lebih dewasa dalam menjalani statusnya sebagai seorang istri bupati yang masih berkesempatan mendidik anak didik di sekolah bentukannya; meskipun tidak mampu mendidik anak kandungnya sendiri karena telah wafat empat hari setelah melahirkan putra pertamanya. cerita hati kartini melalui surat ternyata bukan hanya tentang kisah perjuangannya memperjuangkan emansipasi wanita dalam menuntut haknya. kartini juga menuliskan bentuk keprihatinannya tentang agama, ajaran, dan implementasinya. latar belakang sebagai perempuan priyayi jawa, membuat pemahaman kartini tentang agama islam tidak terlalu kuat layaknya kaum laki-laki dari golongan santri karena laki-laki memang diberikan keluasan untuk mendalami agama islam, sedangkan perempuan sangat terbatas. meskipun kakek dari garis ibu adalah seorang kiai, hal itu tidak lantas membuat kartini memahami isi al-quran. adat jawa dan ajaran kejawen tampaknya juga memberikan pengaruh pada kehidupan spiritualnya. pemahaman kartini tentang agama adalah bentuk pengalaman dan pergumulan batin akan apa yang sedang terjadi pada masanya. indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 58-73 © 2019 rekonstruksi pemikiran kartini tentang keagamaan untuk memperkuat integrasi nasional | 69 setelah bertemu dengan kiai sholeh darat, kartini mengetahui penyebab pergulatan batin dan kekecewaannya atas keterbatasan masyarakat bumiputra mendalami agama islam. penyebabnya tidak lain adalah pelarangan pemerintah kolonial belanda untuk menerjemahkan al-qur’an pada saat itu. tujuan kolonial belanda tidak memperbolehkan ajaran agama diajarkan oleh para kiai dan ulama saat itu, sebagai upaya menahan laju perkembangan agama islam (abidin, 2015, p. 13). untuk menyelesaikan masalah tersebut, kartini mengungkapkan gagasannya agar misionaris kristen di jawa tidak dilanjutkan pemerintah kolonial belanda untuk mencegah terjadinya perang antaragama. menurut kartini pada dasarnya agama merupakan sesuatu yang bersifat rohani dan suci dan tidak bisa dipaksakan. kartini juga berharap agar program sekolahsekolah bentukan pemerintah kolonial belanda tidak diembel-embeli dengan agama tertentu (kristen). pendidikan (agama maupun umum) juga harus dibuka seluasluasnya oleh pemerintah kolonial belanda, sebagai upaya pemahaman agama yang dimiliki masyarakat bumiputera itu menyeluruh, tidak dogma-dogma yang tanpa makna. kartini lahir dan meninggal sebagai seorang muslimah. sudah sejak kecil kartini biasa mendengar ajaran bahwa tuhan itu esa. kartini bukan penganut politeisme. kartini mengaku sebagai seorang monoteisme: “tiada tuhan kecuali allah! kata kami umat islam, dan bersama-sama kami semua beriman bahwa “allah itu tuhan, pencipta alam semesta”. menurut kartini, di dalam hidup dan seluruh sejarah hanya ada satu tuhan. tuhan yang esa, yang satu-satunya itu oleh penganut agama lain disebut tuhan, tetapi umat islam memanggil-nya dengan nama allah. kartini menulis surat kepada dr. n. adriani, seorang misionaris yang bertugas di wilayah poso, sulawesi tengah. dr. n. adriani dikirim oleh lembaga alkitab di belanda. namun demikian, ia enggan menyebut dirinya sebagai zendeling (misionaris kristen). kartini percaya bahwa hanya ada satu tuhan. satu tuhan untuk sekalian makhluk. tuhan menciptakan manusia bersifat khilaf, dan agama diciptakan agar manusia dapat dijauhkan dari segala perbuatan dosa. dengan bahasa yang positif, maka agama diberikan tuhan kepada manusia sebagai berkah. monoteisme kartini benar-benar membuka pikiran kartini akan suatu pandangan yang mencakup segala sesuatu secara universal. seluruh universum diciptakan oleh allah yang esa. manusia di seluruh dunia dipersatukan dan dirangkum bersama-sama sebagai saudara, dan agama diberikan oleh allah sebagai berkah kepada semua manusia, dalam segenap lapisan, bangsa, warna kulit, lelakiperempuan, pangkat-tingkat, serta kepercayaan mereka. universalisme semacam ini memang secara langsung sangat mendukung pemikiran kartini, khususnya yang menyangkut kerja sama antara bangsa barat dan bangsa timur. ide “asosiasi” yang berdasar pada kebutuhan mempererat pertalian antara kebudayaan barat dan timur juga memperoleh dukungan secara religius dalam bentuk universalisme semacam ini. saling menolong dan membantu serta saling mengasihi, itulah dasar agama. agama yang diberikan allah sebagai berkah bagi manusia. dengan demikian, kerja indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 58-73 © 2019 rekonstruksi pemikiran kartini tentang keagamaan untuk memperkuat integrasi nasional | 70 sama antarbangsa sangat dimungkinkan, meskipun bangsa-bangsa itu mempunyai budaya dan agama yang berbeda-beda. dalam arti khusus, kartini menyebut hubungan dan kerja sama antara hindia dan belanda, eropa dan hindia belanda. menurut kartini, kedua bangsa dan benua yang berbeda budaya serta agama itu harus saling mendekatkan diri. universalisme dalam bidang agama bukan suatu keyakinan yang berdiri sendiri, dan bukan hanya punya arti secara religius, tetapi memberikan implikasi yang lebih luas. kartini mengutarakan bahwa ibunya (yang dimaksud mungkin raden ayu) bertemu dengan ny. van kol untuk mengucap rasa terima kasih, bahwa “ia tidak seagama dengan kita, tetapi tidak mengapa. tuhannya kita, tuhan kita semua”. dalam pengakuan semacam ini, maka batas antara barat dan timur telah coba dijembatani (tamba, 2012). dukungan j.h. abendanon terhadap gagasan kartini secara langsung juga disebabkan karena ia menyetujui pandangan tentang universalisme keagamaan. ia juga berpendapat bahwa dalam kehidupan beragama, sudah semestinya manusia saling mendekat satu sama lain. mereka mengingatkan agar semua saling bekerja sama demi kepentingan kemanusiaan. sekalipun kartini percaya bahwa semua manusia bersaudara, namun ia masih ragu, hingga tersimpan pertanyaan di benaknya, “betulkah agama itu berkah bagi manusia?” keraguan ini telah membawanya kepada suatu krisis kepercayaan terhadap agama. ia bahkan beranggapan bahwa jika tidak ada agama, maka mungkin dunia akan menjadi lebih baik. tidak akan ada perang yang dijalankan atas nama agama. kartini melihat agama bukan dari ajaran yang dikandungnya, melainkan terutama fungsinya dalam masyarakat untuk memengaruhi etika atau tingkah laku dan perbuatan para pemeluknya. ia tidak melihat keperluan untuk mendukung persaingan dan pertentangan antaragama berdasar kelebihan serta keunggulan agama tertentu dibandingkan dengan agama yang lain. tidak ada agama mengajarkan kejahatan, kecuali agama tersebut telah dimanipulasi dan diselewengkan oleh pemeluknya sendiri. perhatian kartini tertuju kepada manusianya, para pemeluk agama itu, dan pada perbuatan para pemeluknya. dalam hubungan ini, kartini memandang bahwa serangan terhadap agama tertentu tidak perlu terjadi. apabila ada kritik, maka kritik itu harus secara langsung ditujukan kepada si pelaku dan terlepas dengan agama yang dianutnya. seseorang yang bersikap fanatik, tidak toleran, menghina, serta memandang rendah agama lain, misalnya, itu bukan disebabkan oleh agama yang dianutnya, melainkan karena orang itu bersikap picik, suka menghina, dan tidak mampu bersikap toleran terhadap kepercayaan orang lain. berdasar surat-suratnya kepada para sahabat di negeri belanda, kartini mengemukakan pandangan dan pemahaman tentang agama, tuhan dan ajarannya. kartini menginginkan agar hubungan antarmanusia dan antarbangsa tidak dipecah belah karena perbedaan agama. manusia justru seharusnya bersatu, bekerja sama untuk melaksanakan tujuan kemanusian. dalam pandangan kartini, semua agama adalah baik dan mengajak kepada kebaikan. semua agama pasti mengajarkan indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 58-73 © 2019 rekonstruksi pemikiran kartini tentang keagamaan untuk memperkuat integrasi nasional | 71 kebaikan terhadap umatnya. kartini prihatin akan perpecahan karena agama. agama dijadikan alasan pembenaran akan perbuatan manusia, untuk melakukan kekerasan terhadap sesamanya. agama malah semakin memisahkan manusia yang satu dengan yang lainnya, sangat jauh dari inti dari ajaran agama yang sebenarnya. kartini melihat peristiwa yang menunjukkan ketiadaan kasih sayang yang dilakukan orang dengan kedok agama. kartini menyatakan bahwa bukan agama yang tiada kasih sayang, melainkan manusia yang membuat buruk segala sesuatu yang semula baik dan suci. hal ini disebabkan oleh pemahaman dan penyimpangan oleh umat manusia. manusia semakin merusak agama itu sendiri. orang buddha, hindu, yahudi, kristen, islam bahkan orang kafir pun dapat juga hidup dengan kasih sayang yang murni. kartini memandang bahwa semua agama itu sama. tidak ada yang lebih tinggi atau yang lebih rendah. agama adalah bentuk jalan yang diciptakan tuhan sebagai jalan yang berbeda-beda namun mengarah pada satu tujuan yang sama, yakni tuhan itu sendiri. kartini meyakini bahwa setiap agama pasti mengajarkan kebaikan terhadap sesama, lingkungan, makhluk hidup, dan ketaatan kepada tuhan. jika ada agama yang tidak menyerukan itu, kartini dengan cerdas mengritiknya. kartini memandang bahwa jalan yang berbeda itu pada dasarnya sama mengarah pada kebaikan. kebaikan di sini bukan diartikan menjadikan kebaikan sebagai tuhan, melainkan kartini menyakini setiap agama mengajarkan manusia untuk menjadi manusia yang baik. kebaikan ini juga dijadikan para humanis dan atheis untuk menolak beragama dan ber-tuhan asal menjadi manusia yang baik. kartini juga tidak setuju jika manusia terlalu menjunjung tinggi kebaikan dan mengabaikan agama. kartini berpendapat bahwa manusia bisa menjadi pribadi yang baik karena beragama. manusia yang beragama pasti memiliki tuhan, dan manusia yang taat dengan tuhannya, pasti menjadi manusia yang baik. tidak ada alasan untuk saling membenci, saling menghina, saling membunuh, dan saling menistakan karena alasan agama, karena semua agama bermuara pada satu tujuan, yaitu taat pada tuhan. kartini menekankan persatuan dan saling bekerja sama memikirkan masalah perbaikan kemanusiaan, bukan terpecah karena masalah perbedaan agama. apabila ada manusia yang tidak baik, maka menurut kartini bukan salah agamanya, tetapi manusia itu sendiri karena semua agama itu mengajak untuk melakukan kebaikan. simpulan pemikiran kartini mengenai keagamaan bersifat terbuka dan pluraslistik (apalagi jika dibandingkan pada masa sekarang). kartini memandang bahwa apa yang ada semuanya diciptakan oleh tuhan yang tunggal. manusia dipersatukan dalam bentuk ikatan persaudaraan tanpa melihat lapisan, pangkat, dan warna kulit. agama dibentuk bukan untuk memisahkan antara umat yang satu dengan umat yang lain. agama dimaksudkan untuk membentuk tali silaturahmi antara sesama makhluk tuhan, baik berkulit putih maupun coklat. agama diciptakan untuk semua manusia, indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 58-73 © 2019 rekonstruksi pemikiran kartini tentang keagamaan untuk memperkuat integrasi nasional | 72 tidak memandang pangkat, gender, serta kepercayaan. hal itu karena semua manusia adalah makhluk ciptaan tuhan yang maha esa. gagasan yang dikemukakan oleh kartini dalam bentuk keprihatinan dan pandangannya tentang agama lewat surat-surat yang dikirimkan untuk sahabatsahabatnya di negeri belanda seratus lima belas tahun yang lalu, tampaknya sangat relevan jika dikaitkan dengan indonesia pada masa sekarang. dengan segala keterbatasan pada waktu itu, kartini sudah berfikir tentang perpecahan dan perbedaan agama. indonesia pada masa sekarang dengan masa kartini yang hidup seabad sebelumnya, tentu sangat jauh berbeda dalam segi pembangunan dan modernisasi, namun masalah perpecahan dan perselisihan karena agama tampaknya sudah menjadi masalah klasik yang tetap ada. jika kartini masih hidup, betapa banyak tulisan-tulisannya di media pers untuk memekikkan persatuan yang sering goyah akibat perbedaan agama. kartini akan menjadi motor penggerak demonstrasi di beberapa tempat tentang segala bentuk kekerasan dan agama. orasi-orasinya akan menjadi berita utama di media massa, baik nasional maupun internasional. kartini akan selalu tampil di media telekomunikasi dan media sosial, bukan hanya memperjuangkan emansipasi namun memperjuangkan perdamaian, persatuan, persaudaraan dan cinta kasih. referensi abendanon, j.h. dan allard elisabeth (1976). door duisternis tot licht; gedachten over en voor het javaanse volk van raden adjeng kartini. amsterdam: ge nabrink. abidin, m. zainul (2015). komunikasi agama r.a. kartini kepada nyonya abendanon-mandri. jurnal disprotek, vol. 6 (2). ali, m. (1970). the spread of islam in indonesia. jogjakarta: nida. aminah (2015). pemikiran kartini terhadap pendidikan perempuan dalam prespektif pendidikan islam. tadarus: jurnal pendidikan islam, vol. 4 (1). bouman, h. (1954). meer licht over kartini. amsterdam: h.j. paris. farela, aristo (2017). a short history of java. surabaya: ecosystem publishing. fisher, rob (1999). philosophical approach, in peter connolly, approach to the study of religion, london and new york: cassel. freire, p. (2005) pedagogy of the oppressed. new york: the continum international publishing group inc. herusatoto, b. (1991). simbolisme dalam budaya jawa, yogyakarta: pt. hanindita graha widya. hick, j. (1988). god and the universe of faiths: essays in the philosophy of religion. london: macmillan press. kahin, george mcturnan (2013). nasionalisme dan revolusi indonesia. depok: komunitas bambu. kartini, r.a. (2004). habis gelap terbitlah terang. yogyakarta: lkis yogyakarta. kitlv v-lipi perwakilan koninklijk instituut voor taal-land-en volkenkunde dengan lembaga lembaga ilmu pengetahuan indonesia (2002). surat-surat kepada ny. r.m abendanon-mandri dan suaminya. jakarta: karya unipress. indonesian historical studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 58-73 © 2019 rekonstruksi pemikiran kartini tentang keagamaan untuk memperkuat integrasi nasional | 73 koentjaraningrat (1984). kebudayaan jawa. jakarta: balai pustaka. muchoiyyaroh, lilis (2014). “pengaruh wanita-wanita eropa terhadap pemikiran kartini tentang peran dan status sosial perempuan di hindia belanda”. skripsi. fis unesa. muchoyyar (2002). “k.h. muhammad salih al-samarani, studi tafsir faid al-rahman fi tarjamah tafsir alam malik al-dayyan”. disertasi. iain sunan kalijaga. nadhifah, i. (2017) “r.a. kartini dan pendidikan pesantren (studi atas konstribusi dan peran r.a. kartini dalam pendidikan perempuan)”. skripsi. universitas islam negeri walisongo. najmuddin, a. “kala kartini berguru pada kiai”, http://www.nu.or.id/a,publicm,dinamic-s,detail-ids,7-id,43963-lang,id-c,fragment,kala+kartini+berguru+ pada+kiai+3+habis+-.phpx, diunduh pada 27 juni 2019, soeroto, sitisoemandari (1984). kartini, sebuah biografi. jakarta: gunung agung. sudarajat (2017). kartini: perjuangan dan pemikirannya. mozaik: jurnal ilmu-ilmu sosial humaniora, vol. 2 (1). sumartana, th. (2013). tuhan dan agama dalam pergulatan batin kartini. cetakan i. yogyakarta: gading publishing. sutrisno, sulastin (1985). surat-surat kartini, renungan tentang dan untuk bangsanya. yogyakarta: djambatan. tamba, eko sanjaya (2012). pemikiran kartini tentang pluralisme. online. https://www.kompasiana.com/eko_e/551004b6a333117732ba8155/pemikirankartini-tentang-pluralisme, diakses 16 oktober 2018. tim sarkub (2012). ra kartini dan kyai sholeh darat, sejarah bangsa yang digelapkan orientalis belanda. online, http://www.sarkub.com/2012/ra-kartini-dan-kyaisholeh-darat-sejarah-bangsa-yang-digelapkan-orientalis-belanda/, diakses 27 juni 2019. toer, pramoedya a. (2003). panggil aku kartini saja. jakarta: lintara dipantara. ulum, amirul (2015). kartini nyantri. yogyakarta: pustaka ulum. yulianto, vissia ita (2004). aku mau: feminisme dan nasionalisme (surat-surat kartini kepada stella zeehandelaar 1899-1903). jakarta: kompas. microsoft word 1. layout abd. rahman.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 1-25 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku | during the colonial period from the 17th to the 20th century 1 received: september 22, 2022 revised: december 28, 2023 accepted: june 16, 2024 indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku during the colonial period from the 17th to the 20th century abd. rahman* history study program, faculty of cultural sciences khairun university, ternate, north maluku indonesia *corresponding author: randy5eman@ymail.com doi: 10.14710/ihis.v7i1.15936 introduction in the 17th century, the north maluku region was politically divided into three kingdoms: ternate, tidore, and bacan. these kingdoms had formal, written relations with the dutch east india company (voc), which sought to secure a monopoly on the spice trade. ternate and tidore, each centered on small islands of the same name, held formal power over the entire moluccan sea and islands, extending north to west abstract north maluku in the course of its history is full of conflicts involving the natives and colonial rulers of their time, at least from the 17th century to the early 20th century. one of the reasons for this conflict was the seizure of agricultural lands, plantations, especially for clove and nutmeg spices, as well as forest areas and their products based in rural areas. which overall only benefited the colonial government and private sector. the problems that then arise are: how did agrarian conflicts on indigenous plantation lands in rural northern maluku come about? what was the involvement of indigenous and colonial authorities in the conflicts? and what was the impact and process of resolving the conflicts? based on the results of the research, it was found that agrarian conflicts occurred due to: first, because of the monopolistic attitude of the colonial rulers through contracts or a number of cooperation agreements that only benefited the colonial party; second, the lives of the natives were increasingly depressed by colonial social, economic, political and military policies; third, provocations deliberately carried out by the colonial rulers to disrupt good relations between the kings and native rulers and their people. this article was written based on the results of source studies and field research from the colonial period, using historical research methods: heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. the spirit of colonialism and foreign imperialism with liberal capitalist views also played an important role in killing indigenous freedoms to plant spices in their own plantations, including in terms of managing forest products such as resin and trading their products. in addition, indigenous people are prohibited from conducting trade transactions with other traders, both to fellow natives, other archipelago traders, and to foreign traders other than the dutch. keywords: north maluku; plantation; agrarian conflict; indigenous populations. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 1-25 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku | during the colonial period from the 17th to the 20th century 2 papua and parts of the eastern sulawesi coast. bacan's power was limited to its namesake island and a few surrounding islets, mostly uninhabited during this period. however, before the 17th century, two other kingdoms existed: loloda and jailolo, centered in northwest and southwest halmahera, the largest island in north maluku. oral traditions, including genealogical and mythological accounts, suggest that loloda was the oldest kingdom in north maluku, established in the early 13th century, followed by jailolo. however, most local and western writers, particularly the dutch, identify loloda as the oldest kingdom and equate it with halmahera, the largest and longest island in the moluccan sea and islands. valentijn (1724) also mentions loloda as the oldest kingdom, noting that it was annexed by ternate with voc assistance in the 17th century. until the early 1900s, resistance movements in halmahera continued to challenge the economic, political, and military power of the dutch colonial government, which sought to maintain its monopoly on the spice and commodity trade in north maluku. notable rebellions include the dano baba hasan uprising in jailolo (1876), the kao war (1904) led by kuabang and tomini, the loloda war (1906-1909) led by kapita sikuru, the galela war (1906-1907), and the jailolo war (1914) led by kapita banau. these conflicts were often rooted in plantation and agrarian issues in rural halmahera. studies on indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku during the dutch colonial period (17th-19th centuries) have not received much attention from indonesian or foreign historians. however, villages in this region were significant producers of spices, particularly nutmeg and cloves, as well as forest products like damar. rural populations in mainland halmahera, morotai, and bacan relied on plantation and forest lands, especially for spice and damar cultivation. these rural areas were often the target of power struggles and monopolies among four european powers: portugal, spain, the netherlands, and england. discussions about north maluku's history often focus on the small island kingdoms of ternate and tidore, influential local powers and major spice producers in the archipelago and the world. north maluku, located in the moluccan sea and islands (now north maluku province), is primarily known as the spice islands, a region marked by competition and conflict throughout indonesian history. the rural areas, which make up a significant portion of the region, have often been overlooked as sites of bloodshed and conflict, involving colonial powers, indigenous populations, sultans and their subjects, and even among the indigenous people themselves due to dutch provocation and manipulation. numerous foreign works, particularly by europeans and especially the dutch, have explored north maluku from various perspectives, including religion (beliefs and practices), culture (language, literature, linguistics), architecture, geography, customs and traditions, demographics, economy (agriculture/plantations, forestry, and maritime activities), flora and fauna, politics, and government administration. however, few indonesian authors have examined agrarian conflicts in rural communities due to colonial intervention in plantation and forest areas, highlighting the importance of this research. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 1-25 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku | during the colonial period from the 17th to the 20th century 3 several earlier studies on colonialism in north maluku were written by dutch authors. j.m. baretta (1917), in his book halmahera en morotai bewerk naar de memorie van den kapitein van den generalen staf, discusses the natural environment, geography, topography, socio-economic life, and religion (indigenous beliefs and practices) in halmahera and morotai during the dutch colonial period. baretta mentions several villages in loloda, such as soa-sio, bantoli, bakun, laba, and kedi in southern loloda, and ngajam, pocao, diti, gamkahe, and barataku in northern loloda. he also notes villages on doi and salangade (tobo-tobo) islands in the loloda archipelago. baretta's 1917 statistical data includes most of these colonial-era villages. campen (1888) discusses the ternate residency and its subordinate areas, encompassing the entire north maluku region. this region was divided into several island groups consisting of villages and hamlets under the authority of the ternate residency and its subordinate areas. clercq (1890), in his work "ternate: the residency and its sultanate" (bijdragen tot de kennis der residentie ternate), translated into english by paul michael taylor and marie richards (1999), discusses the villages of todowongi and tuadah in jailolo. these villages consisted of apanage (sultan's land cultivated by loyal subjects) and were inhabited by ternate dano-dano. the residents were obliged to meet the needs of the dano-dano and deliver seven plates of rice to the district head daily (de clercq, 1890a, p. 107). fraassen (1987), in his dissertation ternate, de molukken en de indonesische archipel: van soa organisatie en vier deling-een studie van traditionale samenleving en culture indonesie, discusses the terms of the 1903 contract. one contentious point was the second clause, which "granted the dutch government tax officials the authority to collect head tax (belasting) from all residents in self-governing (swapraja) areas." this clause caused unrest among sultans and other indigenous rulers, who felt their prerogative over taxes, including land, occupation, and income taxes, was threatened by the colonial government. the swapraja system, as outlined in the regeringsreglement (rr) of 1854, recognized areas governed by indigenous rulers without direct dutch intervention. this system applied to the sultanates of ternate, tidore, and bacan (van fraassen, 1987, p. 60). valentijns (1856), in his book oud en nieuw oost-indien (originally published in 1724), provides a comprehensive account of the moluccan sea and islands, particularly the sultanate of ternate and the ternate residency since the portuguese period. he discusses the early history and fluctuating territorial extent of the ternate kingdom, culminating in its peak during the reign of sultan baabullah datuk syah (1570-1583 [valentijns, 1856a, pp. 3-4]). valentijn's work also covers the period when ternate held the largest overseas territories in eastern indonesia. when baabullah became sultan of ternate, succeeding his father sultan khairun jamil (khairun [1535-1570]), ternate controlled several overseas areas, extending from butuan (philippines) in the north to bima in the south, selayar in the west (south sulawesi), and banda in the east. visser, ed. (1980), in the collection halmahera and beyond: social science research in the moluccas, discusses the rural population of sahu, a key group in providing rice for the sultanate of ternate, who were subject to rice tribute obligations. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 1-25 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku | during the colonial period from the 17th to the 20th century 4 the amount of tribute generally increased with abundant harvests. in the early 1900s, coconut, clove, nutmeg, and chocolate cultivation became important in northeastern halmahera, but sahu remained underdeveloped due to the sultan's prioritization of rice cultivation and supply obligations. rice collection was typically paid at a price set by the sultan. another notable work by visser is man and plant: an anthropologist's view upon the agricultural process in masinambow, e.k.m., ed. (1980) "halmahera dan raja ampat konsep dan strategi penelitian," which discusses the tradition of rice cultivation for tribute and taxes imposed on the people of halmahera by the sultanate of ternate. andaya (1993(, in his book the world of maluku: eastern indonesia in early modern period, translated into indonesian as dunia maluku: indonesia timur pada zaman modern awal (2015), describes the world of maluku as a unified region connecting previously separate islands. andaya also mentions that the governor of maluku in ternate, robertus padtbrugge (1677-1682), in his handover memorandum to jacob lobs (1682-1686) in 1682, stated that north maluku had long been known for the presence of five local kingdoms with their own names (titles): loloda (ngara mabeno, meaning "gateway"), jailolo (jiko-ma-kolano, meaning "ruler of the bay"), tidore (kie-ma-kolano, meaning "ruler of the mountain"), ternate (kolano ma-luku, meaning "ruler of maluku"), and bacan (kolano ma-dehe, meaning "ruler of the border" [andaya, 1993a & andaya, 2015b: 51]). these names and titles are also mentioned by van fraassen (1987, pp. 1-18 & 115) and van fraassen (in masinambow, [ed.], 1980b, pp. 115-116). two journal articles are relevant to this study. the first, by j. braithwaite, v. braithwaite, l. dunn, and m. cookson (2010, pp. 147-242), is titled maluku and north maluku" in anomie and violence: non-truth and reconciliation in indonesian peacebuilding. the authors discuss anomie, meaning the breakdown of established political rules, as evident in two civil conflicts in maluku and north maluku, particularly their impact on security. the security dilemma in maluku villages intensified with the arrival of thousands of laskar jihad and other jihadists. persuading these fighters to return home was a significant achievement. these cases illustrate the multidimensional and rich reconciliation process, characterized by a pattern of non-truth and reconciliation, as well as gotong royong (mutual cooperation) in indonesia. this article focuses on the horizontal social conflict that erupted in maluku and north maluku between 1999 and early 2002, falling within the contemporary period rather than the colonial era. however, despite its contemporary focus, the article remains valuable for comparison with communal conflict patterns during the colonial period. the second article, by henley (2004, pp. 85-144), is titled "conflict, justice, and the stranger-king: indigenous roots of colonial rule in indonesia and elsewhere, published in modern asian studies. this article examines the expansion of the colonial state in north and central sulawesi, a region where indigenous attitudes towards integration into the colonial-dominated state system were often ambivalent, though sometimes positive. the backdrop of endemic conflict and fear of political oppression ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 1-25 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku | during the colonial period from the 17th to the 20th century 5 and economic exploitation by outsiders was not solely due to the opportunism of local elites seeking external support, but also a broader appreciation for the utility of foreign authority in controlling conflict and communal violence through third-party mediation, impartial justice, and law enforcement. indigenous leaders, far from possessing a 'genius for stateless management,' were often constrained by popular jealousy and distrust, making it easier for people to accept outsiders as arbiters, judges, and peacekeepers rather than establishing indigenous institutions with similar functions. these functions, however, were not entirely unique to the colonial state. to some extent, historical prototypes for colonial rulers can be seen in the precolonial 'stranger-kings' of eastern indonesia: chieftains who, like their european successors, owed their position partly to their detachment from local rivalries and their ability to provide relatively impartial conflict resolution. lapian (1980), in bacan and the early history of north maluku (lapian in visser [ed.], 1980, pp. 11-20, halmahera and beyond: social science research in the moluccas; lapian (1980a, pp. 11-20 in visser [ed.], 1994, pp. 11-22)), describes the region now known as north maluku, which in many old sources was more accurately called the moluccas. lapian notes that the early ternate hierarchy has been preserved as a provision recorded in the "bacan chronicle." he also discusses the myth of the first kings of maluku, as presented by jacobs (1971, pp. 80-83) regarding the myth of bikusagara and the "four dragon eggs." this myth relates to the mythological and genealogical aspects of the emergence of the first kings and kingdoms of maluku and loloda's position within them (lapian, 1980a, p. 14 in visser, (ed.), 1994, pp. 11-22 & zuhdi, 2010, p. 97). lapian argues that indonesian knowledge of north maluku's history remains limited. it is generally known that the portuguese arrived in the region in the 16th century, followed by the spanish and then the dutch. subsequently, a power race among these western nations arose to control the spice islands (lapian, 1980, p. 14 in visser, (ed.), 1994, pp. 11-22 & zuhdi, 2010, p. 97). amal (2010), in kepulauan rempah-rempah: maluku utara perjalanan sejarah 1250-1950 (spice islands: north maluku's historical journey 1250-1950), provides a general overview of the indigenous local kingdoms in maluku: ternate, tidore, bacan, and jailolo. in addition to these four kingdoms, the loloda kingdom is also mentioned, highlighting its role in north maluku's history, particularly during the dutch colonial administration. however, amal's discussion remains general and does not specifically address how colonialism impacted agrarian conflicts in rural areas between indigenous people and colonial rulers. asyhari (2008, pp. 193-410), in status tanah-tanah kesultanan ternate dalam perspektif tanah nasional (the status of ternate sultanate lands in the national land perspective), discusses how, after president suharto's resignation in 1998, demonstrations in ternate demanded the return of all lands belonging to the ternate sultanate. the argument put forth was that the indonesian government had unlawfully seized land rights from the sultanate. in 2006, a land dispute arose at sultan baabullah airport, encompassing four surrounding villages. this study is contemporary, focusing on the 21st century and agrarian conflicts in rural areas within ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 1-25 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku | during the colonial period from the 17th to the 20th century 6 the ternate sultanate after the fall of the new order. fauzi (1999), in petani dan penguasa, dinamika konflik agraria indonesia (farmers and rulers, the dynamics of agrarian conflict in indonesia), presents a brief history of agrarian politics in indonesia, focusing on the belief among legal experts that september 24, 1960, was a historic day for indonesian farmers. on that date, law no. 5 of 1960 concerning basic agrarian regulations, better known as the basic agrarian law (uupa), was enacted. the birth of this law marks a milestone in agrarian history. although the governor-general of the dutch east indies had implemented the agrarian law (agrarische wet) and the land lease system (landreform) in 1870, providing ample opportunities for foreign investors in the agroindustry sector (production of clothing, food, housing, markets, and trade) from the agrarian sector (agriculture, plantations, and forestry), fauzi's study remains relevant for comparing the colonial period with the old order period. one notable study is wijayengrono's (2009) thesis, pertanian rakyat dan perkebunan eropa di karesidenan ternate, 1860-1920 (peasant agriculture and european plantations in the ternate residency, 1860-1920). while not specifically addressing agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku communities starting in the 17th century, this thesis provides valuable context for this article. sunu highlights a fundamental shift in agrarian economic arrangements when the dutch colonial government imposed its will through a political contract known as the “korte verklaring” (short declaration) in 1910. this agreement stripped the sultans of ternate, tidore, and bacan, along with their subordinate territories, of their personal land rights. the abolition of the sultans' land ownership rights led to horizontal social mobility among indigenous people, who migrated from the interior, previously controlled by the sultans, to coastal areas. the sultans' land ownership rights, known as aha kolano in halmahera and morotai, were abolished by the dutch as part of agrarian reforms in the local kingdoms of north maluku. consequently, the kings and sultans were forced to accept the conversion of their rights into public rights under dutch colonial regulations, resulting in the loss of their agrarian sovereignty (wijayengrono, 2009, p. 268). the research questions addressed in this study are as follows: how did agrarian conflicts arise on indigenous plantation lands in rural north maluku? what roles did indigenous and colonial authorities play in these conflicts? what were the consequences of these conflicts and how were they resolved? method this research employs the historical method. data collection involved searching, discovering, and gathering information from various locations with potential historical sources relevant to the research topic, through literature review, archival research, field observation, and documentation study. literature review was conducted at several libraries, including the khairun university faculty of humanities library, khairun university central library, university of indonesia central library in depok, the national library of indonesia (pnri), the indonesian institute of ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 1-25 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku | during the colonial period from the 17th to the 20th century 7 sciences (lipi) library in jakarta, the brill-kitlv library in jakarta, and the dutch language center (erasmus tall centrum [etc]) in jakarta. some literature sources were also obtained from local communities in ternate, both individually and collectively, who willingly provided them to the researcher. meanwhile, archival research was conducted at several archival offices in ternate and jakarta. in ternate, the researcher visited the ternate city archives and library agency (however, the management of colonial archives there was not well-organized, so adequate and necessary sources were not found). in jakarta, the researcher visited the national archives of the republic of indonesia (anri). literature and archival studies were also conducted by searching digital collections and browsing official websites of libraries and archives in the netherlands, such as the leiden university library in leiden and the national archives of the netherlands in the hague. by field observation, the researcher conducted field observations in ternate, tidore, bacan, jailolo, loloda, and other locations on halmahera island. documentation study involved searching and collecting images, maps, photos, graphs, tables, diagrams, charts, films/videos, and other audiovisual materials. second, a process of source criticism was undertaken, involving the internal and external verification and validation of both primary and secondary historical sources, in both print and electronic formats. printed primary sources, such as dutch colonial writings and other foreign publications, were read, translated, reviewed, and analyzed to extract information relevant to the research topic and this article. this critical examination of sources ensures the accuracy and reliability of the historical data used in the research. additionally, reading, translation, and review of internal and external aspects of rural population issues and agrarian conflicts in north maluku were conducted, verifying relevant historical information from other contemporary sources such as corpus diplomaticum, neerlando-indicum, verzameld en toegelicht door dr. f.w. stapel, vierde deel (1691-1725); pedoman hindia, de indische gids. staat en letterkundig maandschrift (1881-1902); j. metz (1910) "loloda" in m.j. van baarda (1910) de laatste berichten van halmaheira; a. van essen (1910) "morotai" in de laatste berichten van halmaheira; d.g. stibbe (1918) encyclopediae van nederladsche-indie; and henri zondervan (1917) winkler prins’ geillustreerde encyclopaedie. these sources provided crucial references with relevant information for the article's title. reading, translation, and analysis of contemporary colonial archives were also conducted, including three transfer of office memoranda of the resident of ternate obtained from the national archives of the republic of indonesia: the ternate archives collection, positive film/mf/2e/reel 27/mvo (memorie van overgave), k.h.f. van roos (1910), and the national archives of the republic of indonesiapublication of historical sources no. 11 (1980) on ternate: memorie van overgave (mvo), j.h. tobias (1857) and memorie van overgave, c. bosscher (1859), all obtained from anri in jakarta. the third step involved interpretation of all collected historical sources after ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 1-25 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku | during the colonial period from the 17th to the 20th century 8 undergoing source criticism (verification and data validation) to gain a deep understanding of their content. the fourth step was historiography. after the heuristic, critical, and interpretive steps, the final step was to write the history according to the chosen research topic. indigenous people and rural residents in north maluku during the colonial era, the term "pribumi" (meaning "native" or "indigenous") was used in malay to refer to the inlanders, one of the population groups in the dutch east indies, comprising the original ethnic groups of the indonesian archipelago. as a result, indonesians of chinese, indian, or arab descent (all grouped together as vreemde oosterlingen or "foreign easterners"), europeans, or those of mixed heritage (indos) were often classified as "non-pribumi," even if they had been born in indonesia for generations. this classification was not intended to be racist, as individuals could move between groups, but in practice, it led to racism through discriminatory practices in public life, wage disparities, prohibitions on the use of the dutch language for certain groups, and so on. after the new order, the indonesian government instructed the discontinuation of the terms “pribumi” and “non-pribumi,” emphasizing that all native ethnic groups in the archipelago are “pribumi.” in north maluku, there are approximately 32 ethnic groups and languages, according to a mapping of ethnic groups and languages in the region. these local ethnic groups and languages include ternate, tidore, bacan (makian), moti (jailolo), loloda, tobelo, galela, kao, modole, boeng, pagu, sawai, sahu, ibu, bobaneigo (gorap), sanana, and others. they have been recognized as indigenous to north maluku for centuries. the languages they speak belong to both austronesian and nonaustronesian families, similar to the language families in west papua (voorhoeve, 1988). in terms of population, as with other islands in north maluku, population figures, particularly for halmahera, are generally difficult to find. north halmahera is somewhat better documented due to reports such as the 1807 census (algemeen verslag ternate, 1824-1843). there is also the general report (algemeen verslag) from dutch colonial authorities in ternate (gezaghebber ternate, 27-01-1807, p. 122), as shown in table 1. table 1. population of halmahera 1824-1843 year east halmahera north halmahera 1824 10,000 20,000 1825 5,000 20,000 1829 5,000 20,000 1837 3,720 18,908 1838 3,890 18,973 1841 4,447 18,918 1843 4,004 19,500 source: algemeen verslag ternate, 1824-1843. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 1-25 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku | during the colonial period from the 17th to the 20th century 9 the figures from 1824 to 1829 are clearly estimates, and more accurate numbers only appear from the 1837 general report onwards. there is a noticeable decrease in the figures for east halmahera, from 10,000 in 1824 to half that number in 1825. according to leirissa (1996, p. 61), these estimates reflect the fact that many villagers from the maba, patani, and weda districts joined raja jailolo, muhammad arif billa, in north seram to fight against the dutch colonial government. however, this migration had already begun earlier, between 1820 and 1822. it is estimated that during those years, their numbers, along with the tobelo people in north seram, reached around 7,000. in 1832, some of the east halmahera people were returned to their home villages, and many others had taken the initiative to return in previous years. however, the figures for the 1830s, which seem to be more accurate from then on, are still based on estimates. rural areas in north maluku are synonymous with villages, often referred to as negeri. recent research, such as that conducted by visser (1999) in two settlements in sahu and by platenkamp (1988 & 1990) on several settlements in tobelo, has successfully depicted village structures in all their aspects. colonial documents often mention “negeri” and “kampung” (malay for “village”). within these settlements, the authority of a group of local rulers or officials called bobato emerged, alongside the sultan, jougugu, sangaji, kapita, kimelaha, hukom, sowohi, and others. some dutch east indies colonial rulers, who began to directly interact with the people of halmahera from the second half of the 19th century, also equated the term negeri with gam and kampung with soa, two terms rarely used in their documents, as seen in campen's notes (1883, p. 242). based on van fraassen's (1987) analysis in his dissertation, the concept of soa actually refers to kinship relationships not limited to a specific locality, so the term does not refer to a settlement system. this is likely also the case with the term gam. the aforementioned 1807 census used the concepts of "negeri" and “kampung” for various settlement systems in the five kingdoms of north maluku (ternate, tidore, bacan, jailolo, and loloda). this issue is further complicated by the fact that the terms negeri and kampung were only used for coastal settlements with predominantly muslim populations and malay culture. the inland communities, called halefuru, had a different social structure. following the signing of the london convention in 1814, which transferred power in indonesia from the british to the dutch, the dutch began reorganizing the government for the entire dutch east indies. on january 3, 1815, the regeringsreglement (rr, government regulation) was enacted, effectively taking effect in 1818. the form of government established in the rr was centralized. c. fasseur argues that the rr was riddled with discrimination based on race and religion (de graaf, 1977, p. 212). this claim is well-founded. racism, for example, was evident in the division of dutch east indies subjects into european, foreign easterners, and native groups. each group had different rights in public and private legal treatment. certain positions, such as resident, assistant resident, controller (controleur), ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 1-25 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku | during the colonial period from the 17th to the 20th century 10 gezaghebber, and others, could only be held by europeans. the landraad and swapraja (self-governing) courts were for natives, while the raad van justitie was for europeans. adat law (customary law) applied to natives, while the burgerlijk wetboek (bw, civil code) applied to europeans. europeans received higher salaries than natives, even with the same educational qualifications, skills, and abilities. in representative bodies, both the volksraad (people's council) and city councils, the dutch were represented in the majority, even though their numbers were a minority. all those who were neither native nor european were classified as foreign easterners. this group was further divided into chinese and non-chinese foreign easterners, including people from asia, africa, and the middle east. despite being from asia, the japanese were classified as europeans based on a treaty. the same privilege was enjoyed by white south africans. general description of rural areas in north maluku during the colonial period before discussing rural areas in north maluku during the colonial period, it is necessary to briefly define the term "desa" (village). etymologically, the word "desa" originates from the sanskrit word deca, meaning homeland, land of origin, or birthplace. from a geographical perspective, a village is defined as a group of houses or shops in a country area, smaller than a town. a village is a legal community with the authority to manage its own affairs based on ancestral rights and customs recognized in the national government and located within a district. bintarto (2010, p. 6) states that a village can also be considered a result of the interaction between a group of people and their environment. this interaction creates a physical manifestation on the earth's surface, influenced by physiographic, social, economic, political, and cultural elements that interact with each other and with other regions. according to daldjoeni (2011, p. 4), a village, in a general sense, can also be defined as a human settlement located outside of a city, where the inhabitants' livelihoods are primarily based on farming, gardening, or cultivation. widjaja (2009, p. 3) states that a village is a legal community with an original structure based on special ancestral rights. the fundamental principles of village governance are diversity, participation, original autonomy, democratization, and community empowerment. paul h. landis provides a more comprehensive definition of a village, including the characteristics of its community. according to landis, a village has three main characteristics: 1) close-knit social interactions among thousands of people; 2) a shared sense of belonging and customs; and 3) an agrarianbased economy heavily influenced by the surrounding environment, such as climate, natural conditions, and natural resources, while non-agrarian occupations are secondary. the term "pedesaan" (rural area) generally refers to a geographical area located outside of a city or urban area. pedesaan typically have relatively low population densities and small-scale settlements. agricultural, plantation, and forestry areas are usually considered rural (wikipedia, july 15, 2022). currently, north maluku province administratively consists of ten ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 1-25 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku | during the colonial period from the 17th to the 20th century 11 regencies/cities (regencies: north halmahera [17 districts and 199 villages], south halmahera [30 districts and 256 villages], west halmahera [8 districts and 169 villages], east halmahera [10 districts and 104 villages], central halmahera [10 districts and 64 villages], sula islands [12 districts and 80 villages], morotai island [6 districts and 88 villages], taliabu island [8 districts and 71 villages], and cities: ternate [8 districts and 78 villages] and tidore [8 districts and 90 villages]), totaling 117 districts and 1,199 villages (bps north maluku province, 2020). in north maluku, rural areas are generally found on halmahera island, the largest and longest island in the region. north maluku is geographically composed of hundreds of islands, both inhabited and uninhabited, including large and small islands. generally, settlements on halmahera and the surrounding islands, even today, still have a rural character. however, there are some differences in the present day, such as ternate, which has been the center of formal government administration since the colonial period, under the portuguese, spanish, british, dutch, and even the japanese. ternate has developed into a medium-sized city, unlike tidore, which has administrative status as a city with a higher population density and population mobility. ternate city remains the center of social, economic, and cultural activities, even though the capital of north maluku province was moved to sofifi (tidore islands) in 2008. in early 19th-century dutch east indies sources, halmahera island is described as consisting of six regions: 1) north halmahera; 2) northeast halmahera; 3) southeast halmahera; 4) south halmahera; 5) central halmahera; and 6) halmahera rau. however, according to the current contemporary regional arrangement, halmahera consists of only five districts: north halmahera (with tobelo as its capital), west halmahera (jailolo), south halmahera (labuha on bacan island), east halmahera (maba), and central halmahera (patani). topographically, most of halmahera consists of volcanic and coral islands with predominantly complex soil types, including brown forest soil, mediterranean soil, latosol soil, and rendzina soil. halmahera comprises islands, coasts, bays, rivers, and capes, as well as plains, hills, and mountains stretching across its four peninsulas. these geographical and topographical conditions allow halmahera island to support a variety of plants for food, clothing, and shelter, from both the agricultural and plantation sectors, as well as forestry, especially damar (agathis dammara). geographically, halmahera is located in the moluccan sea and islands region. halmahera island borders the pacific ocean to the north, the maluku sea to the west, the seram sea to the south, and the halmahera sea to the east, facing the raja ampat islands in papua (ohorella, ratnawati, & suhardi, 1990, pp. 4-21). according to its topography, most of halmahera consists of volcanic and coral islands, with predominantly complex soil types, including brown forest soil, mediterranean soil, latosol soil, and rendzina soil (masinambow [ed.], 1980, p. 4 & baretta, 1917, p. 2). these geographical and topographical conditions allow halmahera island to support various plants for food, clothing, and shelter, from both the agricultural and plantation sectors, as well as forestry, especially damar (agathis dammara). halmahera is the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 1-25 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku | during the colonial period from the 17th to the 20th century 12 largest island in the region, with an area of approximately 20,000 km2, divided into four large peninsulas separated by small bays (winkler prins' geillustreerde encyclopaediae [wpge], 1905-1917, p. 745 & baretta, 1917, p. 2). in terms of regional divisions, halmahera is divided into three areas: first, ternate halmahera, consisting of areas under the authority of the sultanate of ternate (north and west halmahera), moro (morotia and morotai), and surrounding islands; second, tidore halmahera, consisting of areas under the authority of the sultanate of tidore (east and central halmahera) and surrounding islands; and third, areas under the authority of the sultanate of bacan (south halmahera), including bacan, makian, obi, kasiruta, kayoa islands, and surrounding areas (regeringsalmanak voor nederlandsch-indie, 1900-1909). due to political dynamics, the territories of the sultanate of bacan, namely makian and bacan islands, became part of the sultanate of ternate, leaving only two influential regional powers in maluku: ternate and tidore (stbl. 1834, no. 198; in stibbe in eni, 1939, p. 414; anri, 1971, no. 4, 1837, pp. 158164). inter-island mobility in north maluku from halmahera to surrounding islands like ternate, tidore, obi, moti, makian, morotai, sula, and others was facilitated by traditional wooden boats and ships, both motorized and non-motorized. during the dutch east indies colonial administration, only colonial rulers generally used modern sea transportation, such as steam-powered or steamships from the konigklijke paketvaart maatschappij (kpm), at least since the mid-19th century. in essence, halmahera is the origin of various small islands in its vicinity, both inhabited and uninhabited (leirissa, 1996, p. 57). etymologically, halmahera is generally explained as derived from the word "hale," meaning land, and ma-hera, meaning origin. according to willer (in leirissa, 1996, p. 157), the halefuru people use the term kabalamo (big island) for halmahera. halmahera, consisting of rural areas, is located between 120º and 129º 40' east longitude and 2º 59' north latitude and 1º 23' south latitude. its area is estimated to be around 20,000 km2, with a length from north to south of about 170 km and a width of about 80 km (masinambow 1977, p. 9 in leirissa, 1996, p/ 58). halmahera island consists of four peninsulas, like four separate islands connected in a specific area. another source mentions that the northern peninsula was once a separate island due to the mountainous region connecting it with the rest of halmahera island, about eight hours' walk from the coast, where shell fossils were found (campen, 1883, p. 253). willer (1849, pp. 343-398) notes that ternate residents often referred to those living on the west coast of the northern peninsula as bala mi motik or "people living on the east coast," and bala kadato modeha for those living on the west coast. specific terms for the four peninsulas of halmahera are not found in voc and dutch east indies documents. only the area where the four peninsulas meet is often referred to as westkust (west coast) and oostkust (east coast). these four peninsulas are interspersed with four bays that serve as primary means of communication between villages. the first is kao bay between the northern and northeastern peninsulas, the second is buli bay between the eastern and southeastern peninsulas, the third is weda ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 1-25 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku | during the colonial period from the 17th to the 20th century 13 bay between the southeastern and southern peninsulas, and loloda bay between the northwestern and southwestern peninsulas. there is also jailolo bay, geographically similar to loloda bay, but neither leirissa (1996, p. 58) nor willer (1849, pp. 343-398) mention loloda and jailolo bays. these four peninsulas are covered by a mountain range with elevations of about 1,000 to 2,000 meters above sea level, often reaching steep areas. among them are volcanic mountains stretching from mount tolo in the tobelo region to the loloda district in the south, connecting with a series of volcanoes on other small islands nearby, such as ternate, tidore, makian, and moti (leirissa, 1996, p. 59). mount tolo, no longer dangerous at that time, only showed volcanic activity in the form of hot water bursts. in its vicinity are two important lakes, lake galela and lake lina, which according to local oral tradition are the origins of the galela and tobelo tribes. another active volcano is mount gamkonora (1569 meters above sea level), along with several other mountains that form the aforementioned islands. the impact of these volcanic eruptions is evident in the changing coastline of the kao area, which at one time could increase by about 50 paces in five years. tectonic movements (earthquakes) also often cause land uplift, which is then carried by river currents to the sea during the rainy season. these natural phenomena are one reason why the area around mount gamkonora is fertile, as are kao and sahu, which were once rice granaries for the sultanate of ternate. these natural phenomena also caused the sudden relocation of certain settlements by their inhabitants (campen, 1883, p. 254). generally, halmahera island is covered by dense forests, especially in the interior. this type of tropical forest is characterized by tall trees with foliage only at their tops, making it difficult for sunlight to penetrate and resulting in sparse growth of new plants underneath, except for various types of rattan. the leaves are a rich source of humus, enriching the soil, especially infertile clay soil. only in coastal areas are there types of forests with low trees and dense undergrowth that is difficult to penetrate. this situation makes it challenging to establish new villages or hamlets. although mountains with slopes reaching the sea are the main characteristic of the island, there are also fairly wide plains in some places, such as on the west coast. in addition, there are other vast plains on the northern peninsula (sahu plain) and the southeastern peninsula (maba plain) in east halmahera. the maba plain, in particular, has the largest nutmeg forests on halmahera island, so it is not surprising that the nutmeg trade, which irritated the voc, was mainly carried out by the people of east halmahera. generally, the rivers on halmahera island are not navigable except by small boats up to a certain distance where settlements are usually found. thus, the coastline, full of bays and capes, also becomes an ideal place for settlements. this is because the paths between the mountain gaps are very narrow and not easily used, so generally, the means of transportation are small boats whose wood materials are abundant in the surrounding forests (campen, 1883, pp. 242-253). basic agrarian law and damar forest exploitation in 1870, the governor-general of the dutch east indies enacted the basic agrarian law ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 1-25 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku | during the colonial period from the 17th to the 20th century 14 (agrarische wet) and the land lease system (landreform), providing ample opportunities for foreign investors in the agro-industry sector (production of clothing, food, housing, markets, and trade) from the agrarian sector (agriculture, plantations, and forestry). additionally, the government implemented a policy recognizing land use rights over vast areas for extended periods, enabling dutch plantation entrepreneurs to thrive, as in north maluku. with the support of an adequate sea transportation network, the north maluku economy grew and developed, albeit under colonial domination. the colonial government intensified the exploitation of natural resources, particularly forests (boschen exploitatie), in the colonized lands. damar was a profitable forest product because, firstly, halmahera's nature already provided it, and secondly, it was a commodity in demand in the world market. the arrival of the dutch in north halmahera brought with them the notions of capitalism and liberalism, applying modern economic concepts and theories to global trade. as liberal capitalists, they aimed to maximize profits from the management of damar forest resources. the patrimonial government system facilitated the mobilization of labor through traditional leaders. labor was needed for both public interests and the personal interests of the king and other nobles. compulsory labor in halmahera can be divided into two categories. first, the obligation to send tribute in the form of goods to the palace (kadaton), and second, the obligation to provide human resources for the needs of the palace household (heerendienst). the mobilization of human resources can be further differentiated into three parts: first, human resources for the needs of the palace household; second, human resources for extirpatie or the destruction of clove and nutmeg plantation areas; and third, for hongi or the royal fleet (leirissa, 1996, p. 99). through the sultanate of ternate, taxes and compulsory labor, which in the past were imposed on the sultan's subjects and whose proceeds were only used to meet the needs of the sultan and other nobles, were collected in the form of agricultural products, particularly damar, through compulsory labor. the redemption of this compulsory labor was done at very high prices. none of the proceeds from these taxes were paid to the state. this compulsory labor and collection of agricultural products were changed to a monetary levy per worker per year of f 4 for those who were married and f 2 for bachelors, with the understanding that those who were not married by the third year would be charged the same as those who were married. the amount of tax mentioned above was very low, but uniformity with taxes levied in several areas since 1877 could be established. everywhere this tax was valid for more than a year, there were no difficulties in its collection. the signed circulars for this purpose were also used as travel permits for the tax officials concerned throughout the year. the government increased the tax for those who were still single to f 3.50 due to concerns that the low f 2 fee could act as a disincentive to marry (van roos, 1910, p. 14). according to the resident, this concern was unfounded, as no one refused to marry because of the f 1.50 tax difference. a dutch missionary, a. van essen, in his notes, mentioned that in the period 1909-1910, the villagers of jano in the loloda district were diligent in collecting damar ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 1-25 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku | during the colonial period from the 17th to the 20th century 15 in the forest, but their lives were not prosperous. there are pressure and unrest in loloda, exemplified by jano village, between dutch merchants and indigenous male farmers working as damar collectors. often, farmers were forced into debt ranging from f. 100 to f. 200 to compensate for the damar they could not collect for the merchants. the shouts of "get damar, get damar" were a constant reminder of the dutch pressure in owning and managing damar forests in north halmahera (metz, 1910, p. 24). the encounter between liberal dutch capitalists and the traditional subsistence economy of the halmahera people, who were resistant to the monetary and market economy, as was common in rural southeast asia (scott, 1979), triggered conflicts among all parties involved: the people, the sultan, and the dutch government and its investors. the people formed a power base to resist all colonial policies that did not favor them. in the late 19th century, both the colonial government and indigenous rulers granted land concessions for plantation and forestry management. in 1880, the sultan of bacan signed a contract with the elout, giebert, roundry, and h. hope companies, granting land concessions for the cultivation of export crops such as damar, tobacco, cocoa, and coffee. the success of this company encouraged other dutch private companies to engage in similar ventures in the ternate residency. during the same period, the bacan archipelagic maatschappij (bam) emerged, establishing tobacco plantations. most of the damar produced in north halmahera and bacan was exported to south africa. other commodities like cocoa, tobacco, and rubber from bacan, with a small portion from makian and sula, were exported to europe, china, and singapore. figure 1 shows the export figures for forestry and plantation products from the ternate residency. figure 1. export volume of forestry and plantation products from ternate residency 18821907 source: processed from kv 1885-1910 and hasyim (2006: 111-112). figure 1 shows an increase in the export of damar and tobacco, while rubber and cocoa production fluctuated. the increase in damar production was due to two factors: first, the increasing demand from european and american markets; second, the tax 0 2000 4000 6000 8000 10000 12000 14000 18 90 18 93 18 94 18 95 18 97 18 98 18 99 19 00 19 01 19 04 19 07 damar kakao tembakau karet ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 1-25 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku | during the colonial period from the 17th to the 20th century 16 collection policy of the sultanate of ternate, which imposed a tax on forest products, especially damar, amounting to 7.50 guilders per person, along with other taxes (ngase, kebon, ngase kayu, ngase perahu, ngase bambu, ngase dendeng rusa, ngase kalero (lime), ngase kelapa, and ngase sagu). this tax collection significantly impacted the productivity of the people in trading these commodities. the concessions previously granted by the sultans contributed to the success of dutch entrepreneurs. this is evident in a dutch government report from 1881, which stated that the damar trade from north halmahera in the ternate residency was generally thriving, with large quantities transported to ternate and sold at very high prices (koloniaal verslag, 1882-1883, pp. 21-22). damar was sold to chinese trading companies in singapore and the philippines (stibbe, in eni, 1939, p. 417). based on article 27 of the employment contract and income tax applicable in the sultanate of ternate, as reported by e.c. van kesteren and t.c.l. wijnmalen in the indische gids (guide to the indies), it was found that in the period 1879-1882, loloda was a village in north halmahera that contributed 389 healthy, young, and productive male workers to ternate. of that number, 5 people from loloda served as soldiers, security guards, and officers, while none worked serving the sultan in the palace. additionally, 50 oarsmen for kora-kora (war canoes) were sent from loloda. each year, loloda was required to contribute 4 kora-kora to the sultanate of ternate. the annual taxes paid by the loloda kingdom to the sultan of ternate during that period consisted of: bird's nests (wallet); 200 bird's nests (wallet); 2,700 sacks of bamboo fiber; 10 lori of damar (resin); 10 pieces of bamboo; 4 sheep hooves; and 10 masaya gole (bamboo decorations) (van kesteren & wijnmalen in de indische gids, 1881, p. 706). until the early 20th century and even beyond, the main export commodity from north halmahera was damar, and generally, the trade in this commodity was very advanced. however, only a few people had enough money to engage in buying and selling damar. a large number of north halmahera residents still relied on the barter economic system. interest rates were also very high, ranging from 9 to 12% per year for mortgages and 10% per month for unsecured loans. while trade was previously in the hands of only a few people, the region became filled with small traders from makassar, manado, and ambon who had firms there (stibbe, in eni, 1939, p. 417). conflict and people’s resistance related to spice plantations the wealth of north maluku was primarily derived from spices, especially cloves. these spice plants initially grew wild on the islands of ternate, tidore, moti, makian, and kasiruta. cloves were only cultivated from the 15th century onwards. the abundance of spices attracted chinese, malay, javanese, arab, persian, and gujarati traders to these areas, bringing textiles, rice, jewelry, and other necessities to exchange for spices. these foreign traders reaped greater profits than the people of the ternate, tidore, and bacan kingdoms, who were the spice producers. however, the sultans, especially those of ternate and tidore, who controlled the spice trade centers, also became very wealthy and prosperous. the staple foods of the maluku people were sago, rice, and fish. however, sago and rice were not produced in ternate and tidore. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 1-25 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku | during the colonial period from the 17th to the 20th century 17 these two types of food were imported from moro, bacan, sahu, and other regions of halmahera. the second sultan of ternate, succeeding zainal abidin, was bayanullah. among westerners, he was known as abu lais or sultan boleif, and was considered a very intelligent, educated, and skilled warrior and trader. ludorico di varthema, in a writing during bayanullah's time, described the sultan of ternate as "an honorable man from the city of rome." the decline in spice prices in the international market led the voc authorities in north maluku to carry out large-scale hongi tochten (inspection raids) and eradication (extirpatie = extermination/felling) of clove trees starting in 1652. to boost prices, plantation production had to be reduced, and clove trees had to be cut down. the trees to be felled were those in the north maluku islands, the seram islands, and buru island, which had always been disrupted by smugglers, and the voc's monopoly rights were often violated. only clove trees growing on ambon and seram islands were exempt from eradication. to implement the plan to raise clove prices, the voc negotiated with mandar syah. in early 1652, an agreement was reached with an annex stating that mandar syah allowed the voc to eradicate clove trees, and as compensation, mandar syah would receive recognitie penningen (payment for a specific service), the amount of which was agreed upon, according to point 3 of the january 31, 1652 agreement, while the people who owned the felled clove trees received very little compensation. in addition to receiving the recognition money, sultan mandar syah also received bonuses in the form of clothing and expensive jewelry. while the recognition money, which was supposed to be given to the bobato in cash, was replaced by the sultan or other palace officials with gifts of indian-style clothing, jewelry, and other items of much lesser value than the amount originally intended. the income of the bobato significantly declined both before and after the felling of clove trees. they became increasingly dependent on the sultan and the kingdom. in november 1651, de vlamming arrived in ternate and invited mandar syah along with several high-ranking officials of the sultanate to batavia. this entourage arrived in batavia in december of the same year. since this was mandar syah's first visit, he was received with full honors. mandar syah was given a military salute upon entering the gates of the batavia fort. accompanied by kaicil kalamata, mandar syah then negotiated with the voc governor-general, karel reinierszoon, and members of the council of the indies. on january 31, 1652, an agreement was signed between ternate and the voc, the key points of which can be summarized as follows: 1) the sultanate of ternate was prohibited from appointing a new salahakan for the hoamoal region, which, from the date of the signing of this agreement, would fall directly under voc administration in ambon; 2) sultan ternate granted permission to the voc to fell all clove trees within the ternate sultanate, including in hoamoal and the surrounding islands; 3) the voc would pay annual compensation to the sultan and officials of the ternate sultanate, detailed as follows: a) for the sultan: 2,000 ringgits; b) kaicil kalamata: 500 ringgits; c) the nobility of the sultanate: 1,500 ringgits (divided ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 1-25 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku | during the colonial period from the 17th to the 20th century 18 equally among them); d) the sangaji of makian: 500 ringgits (divided equally among them); 4) the company would undertake voyages to fell clove trees, and as compensation, the sultanate of ternate would receive 12,000 ringgits annually; and 5) the islands of moya and tofure would be returned to the sultanate of ternate. the signatories of this agreement from ternate were sultan mandar syah, sangaji malayu tamim amsara, and representatives from makian, namely sangaji tahane by tomi, sangaji moti by tulaba, and sangaji dowora by jani sopi sawahi. the dutch (voc) signatories were yan maatsuiker, gerard demmer, carel haitsink, and de vlamming, while the members of the council of the indies were cornelis caesar and willem verstigen. on february 8, 1652, de vlamming and mandar syah, along with his retinue, departed for ambon with a fleet of ten ships. the fleet stopped at buton to gather information about the makassarese who were still operating in buru. reports indicated that the makassarese continued their operations, albeit covertly. in the previous november, the ambalau people had attacked voc concentrations, particularly in buru, with the assistance of the makassarese. the ambon leader, rijali, even sent tersina and limayau along with several kora-kora (outrigger canoes) to buru. in 1652, besides signing the eradication agreement, mandar syah also deposed kaicil kalamata from the jailolo throne upon returning from batavia. kalamata had been appointed by mandar syah as the king of jailolo through a political marriage aimed at consolidating ternate's annexation of jailolo with the help of the voc. however, kalamata could only sustain his position for two months. the outcomes of the negotiations between ternate and the voc governorgeneral in batavia, as articulated in the january 31, 1652 agreement concerning clove tree eradication, were rejected by several sangaji from north halmahera with respect to their regions. a significant number of sangaji opposed the agreement, citing their exclusion from the negotiations that led to the agreement. they demanded that a bilateral negotiation specifically involving their regions be reopened, with participation limited to the sangaji and the voc, excluding sultan ternate. the voc was compelled to meet this demand, and negotiations were conducted directly in north halmahera. the sangaji who participated in these negotiations included sangaji mamuya, samafo, kimalaha cawu, sangaji tolo, rao, sopi, mira, sakita, tohowafe, and jontolo. similarly, makian community leaders also questioned the agreement. when mandar syah and arnold de vlamming briefly stopped at makian on their journey from ambon to ternate, the leaders of the largest clove-producing island approached them for a more detailed explanation regarding compensation for the clove trees felled. both mandar syah and de vlamming invited them to the oranje fort in ternate for further clarification. on june 26, 1655, a meeting was held at the oranje fort to provide detailed explanations concerning the january 31, 1652 agreement. the price of cloves, including those stockpiled by the populace in anticipation of better prices, was also discussed during this meeting. tidore and bacan had similarly obstructed the enforcement of clove and nutmeg ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 1-25 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku | during the colonial period from the 17th to the 20th century 19 tree felling programs. in 1779, under pressure from the company, sultan patra alam and the high-ranking officials of the tidore sultanate were compelled to recognize the sovereignty of the company over their sultanate (stapel, 1955, p. 299). consequently, kaicil nuku seceded and initiated a rebellion. after acquiring the exclusive trading rights to spices following the spanish withdrawal, the company's policy in maluku was to secure the spice trade from all forms of disruption. despite the company's efforts to enforce this policy, violations continued. on march 27, 1802, a peace conference was held in amiens—a city in northern france, approximately 72 miles from paris—attended by france, england, the netherlands, and spain. the decision taken at the conference stipulated that all dutch territories occupied by the english were to be returned to the netherlands, with the exception of sri lanka. thus, indonesia was among the territories to be returned by the english to the dutch, including maluku, ambon, and banda. the transfer of these territories was to be carried out gradually, with the process scheduled to commence on march 1, 1803. during the brief two-year british administration, thousands of clove seedlings were transported to penang (malaysia), where they were planted and cultivated. alongside zanzibar, penang emerged as a clove producer, in addition to maluku itself. meanwhile, the resident of ternate was replaced from farquhar to h. webber. it was the latter, as the second british resident, who conducted the handover of maluku from the british to the dutch government representatives, buijskes and goldbach, on may 23, 1803. following the handover, webber immediately departed from ternate. a month later, on june 23, 1803, the british governor in ambon also transferred authority to dutch governor cranssen and left ambon immediately. to manage the transfer of maluku from the british, the dutch government in batavia formed a takeover commission led by former maluku governor w.j. cranssen, with members c.l. wieling, former gezaghebber of the ambon archipelago province, and colonel abraham melissen, commander of the dutch navy. this commission arrived in ternate in august 1803 aboard the ships avonturier and the corvette the william. in 1799, the voc was dissolved. as a commercial enterprise, the dissolution of the voc or company had a practical impact mainly on the economic sphere of maluku. the effects on governance were not significant. however, the dissolution had a considerable impact on the administrative structure with respect to the dutch government's program for reorganization. with the voc's dissolution, the monopoly should have been abolished, as was the case with the extirpation policy. nevertheless, the dutch government continued to maintain the monopoly for several more decades, until it was finally abolished in 1864 (van fraassen, 1987, p. 57). it is also known that since 1770, the french had been smuggling clove seedlings from ambon and ternate to the island of mauritius, where they were planted. from mauritius, the english brought seedlings to zanzibar in 1800. between 1801 and 1803, the english also transported clove seedlings from maluku to penang. to this day, these former british colonies continue to produce cloves, known in indonesia as zanzibar cloves (van fraassen, 1987, p. 57). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 1-25 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku | during the colonial period from the 17th to the 20th century 20 by the mid-19th century, free trade began to develop. large european (dutch) traders started to operate. local spice trade began to shift towards export. the maluku kingdoms, which had previously held local spice trade rights, no longer possessed these rights as they were transferred to private dutch traders. the kingdoms were prohibited from trading. the port of ternate was opened and became the main commercial port in maluku. chinese merchants began to open shops and engage in agriculture and fisheries, extending from major cities to villages. in 1855, the people of gamhoku (tobelo) launched a rebellion led by laba, a former smuggling leader. as a result, the dutch government razed the capital of tobelo and relocated its inhabitants to gamsungi, which was then established as the new capital of the tobelo district. the 19th century was also marked by piracy involving the tobelo, galela, and loloda peoples, as well as the weda, patani, and maba peoples, which proved to be a significant challenge for the dutch. this piracy extended across a wide area, from central maluku—by the weda, patani, and maba peoples—to the eastern coast of sulawesi, east java, and nusa tenggara—by the tobelo and galela peoples. these pirates even collaborated with mindanao and balangingi pirates from the southern philippines. in addition to raiding property, their operations aimed to capture inhabitants and enslave them. for nearly fifty years, the dutch pursued and attempted to eradicate these pirates. through cooperation with the sultan of ternate, efforts focused on combating piracy in the maluku and manado waters. to facilitate this, the sultanate of ternate issued passes for tobelo and galela boats. additionally, since the 19th century, ternate participated in sending alifuru troops periodically to patrol high-risk pirate areas around the manado waters. although it was a prolonged effort, the campaign against piracy achieved considerable success. meanwhile, in 1876, dano baba hasan attempted to revive the kingdom of jailolo. he traveled to ambon and tried to persuade the dutch governor to recognize him as sultan of jailolo, but his request was denied. supported by the people of eastern halmahera and tobelo, dano baba hasan led a rebellion in june or july 1876. on september 3, 1876, the capital kao was attacked and razed, and by september 7, dano baba hasan and his forces reached tobelo, which supported his rebellion. however, dano baba hasan eventually surrendered to the dutch on june 21, 1877. by the mid-19th century, the economy of maluku was no longer reliant on spice products. instead, forest products and marine resources—such as resins, pearls, shark fins, sea cucumbers, and others—began to enter the market and be exported. the kpm (koningklijk paketvaart maatschappij) shipping company began connecting key ports in maluku with sulawesi and java. alongside chinese traders, arab, bugis, makassar traders, and local inhabitants began engaging in economic activities. by the end of the 19th century, dutch plantation entrepreneurs began to enter tobelo and bacan, while dutch entrepreneurs and distributors, borsumij and mhv, entered ternate. conflicts and resistance among forest damar communities initially, resistance among the people emerged in response to the policies of their own ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 1-25 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku | during the colonial period from the 17th to the 20th century 21 sultans and local rulers. on one hand, the sultans were ambitious to dominate the benefits from the management of damar forest areas throughout their domains, leveraging their authority as sultans. on the other hand, the local people, who had invested considerable time, effort, money, and thought into living and working in the damar forest areas for years, demanded their rights from the sultan and the colonial government. the people felt they had a significant role in the management of damar resources growing on lands claimed by the sultans as their property. resistance in north halmahera intensified when the dutch east indies colonial government began to take over the ownership and management of damar forest resources from the sultans, such as in loloda, galela, and kao. the damar forests in these districts were subsequently managed by dutch investors with the support of the colonial government in ternate. the dutch colonial government granted extensive concessions to entrepreneurs for the exploitation of damar forests, which had long been overseen by the sultans and their relatives. this situation failed to improve the lives of the local population. high-quality damar in north halmahera was found in kao and galela. due to the critical importance of damar as a source of income for the people, a customary meeting was held in morotai from september 27 to october 2, 1909, specifically to discuss the community's customary rights over the damar forests. the meeting included traditional functionaries such as sangaji, hukom, ngofamanyira, and kapita from loloda, galela, tobelo, and morotai. the meeting ultimately decided that: "according to customary law, the sultan has no rights over damar trees that grow naturally in the mountains. the enjoyment rights belong to the local customary community. the sultan’s rights are limited to regulating their utilization" (adatrecht bundel, vol. vii, pp. 130 et seq.). this decision, known as the damar meeting, established that the sultan's (ternate) customary rights over damar trees were not recognized. this decision was made by the customary functionaries of halmahera from loloda, tobelo, galela, and morotai (mvo by k.h.f van roos [1903-1909]). the damar meeting in morotai in 1909 was held in response to the escalating social unrest in north halmahera, particularly in loloda. the local actions were aimed at opposing the arbitrary tax collection (belasting), communal service (gemeentedienst), and corvée labor (hereendienst) imposed by the ternate sultanate and the dutch colonial government, which were related to land ownership and damar forest management. firstly, there exists an oral tradition stating that in the early 20th century, a major disturbance occurred in kalibobo, a border area between loloda and galela, involving a large-scale conflict between the residents of loloda and galela over a damar forest dispute. secondly, the damar meeting held in morotai from september 27 to october 2, 1909, was a gathering of traditional functionaries specifically convened to discuss the customary rights of the people over damar forests. the attendees included sangaji, hukom, ngofamanyira, and kapita from loloda, galela, tobelo, and morotai. this meeting concluded that "according to customary law, the sultan has no rights over damar trees growing naturally in the mountains. the right to benefit belongs to the local customary community. the sultan’s rights are limited to regulating their ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 1-25 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku | during the colonial period from the 17th to the 20th century 22 utilization" (adatrecht bundel, vol. vii, p. 130ff). this meeting, known as the damar meeting, established that the sultan’s (ternate) customary rights over damar trees were not recognized. thirdly, the damar meeting in morotai was prompted by widespread social unrest caused by mass movements in north halmahera, particularly in loloda. these mass actions were directed against the ternate sultanate and the dutch east indies colonial government's arbitrary tax collection and compulsory labor policies, which were related to land ownership and damar forest management (courant nac-ah, march 13, 1909; courant nac-ah, march 15, 1909; & courant nac-ah, december 19, 1909). in addition to galela, in the northeastern part of halmahera, specifically in the kao region, there was also similar resistance led by tamini and kuabang in 1904 (koloniaal verslag, 1904, p. 351). both were emissaries sent by the sultan of ternate to serve as sangaji in kao. besides their role as ternate emissaries, they led the kao resistance against dutch colonization of the region and its natural resources. during this resistance, seven kao soldiers were reported killed: 1) suda; 2) ganti; 3) basi; 4) saban; 5) gusuwo; 6) guruwa; and 7) sisil (nasrani). other accounts suggest nine casualties, including 8) bolongi and 9) bandera (huj, interview, tobelo, june 5-6, 2018 & zt, interview, ternate, june 12-14, 2018). an oral tradition in kao, using the local language, includes a verse about the "kao war": bunga biru daku jere, rorano toma luketu (blue flowers on the sacred tomb, as a spirit-raising remedy for struggle). on the battlefield, a related verse reflects the persistent fighting spirit of the kao people against the dutch: “bunga biru daku jere, ge daku jere rorano toma luketu toma luketu”. it means: blue flowers, on the sacred tomb, on the sacred tomb, become the spirit of struggle on the battlefield. this verse was recited (iha interview in kao & huj, interview in tobelo, june 6, 2018). the communities of loloda and kao felt a shared social and cultural connection in their struggle against dutch pressures. the peoples of kao and loloda, as regions with a common fate in resisting dutch colonialism, have a traditional oral expression passed down through generations: “cucu pao kata mo kao, bira ma utu toma loloda, hira bira fomaku sidika wange rao fomako hida” (we come from kao, scattered in loloda, we are all separated, when will we meet again). before engaging in battle, the weapons used were first prayed over in arabic, according to the collective memory of the people: allahumma min kulli minrihin, wa min kulli min ri hi (o allah, our lord, protect us). this prayer signifies that, through the will of allah swt, the almighty, all sacrifices and struggles will succeed. conclusion northern maluku is rich in natural resources, particularly cloves and nutmeg. since the early 16th century, this natural wealth became the focus of competition among european nations: the portuguese, spanish, dutch, and english. after the decline in clove prices in the european and global markets at the beginning of the 17th century, northern maluku fell out of favor with the colonial powers. interest in the region ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 1-25 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku | during the colonial period from the 17th to the 20th century 23 revived with the reorganization of dutch colonial administration, beginning when the dutch resumed control over all of maluku from the british. the enactment of the agrarian law (agrarische wet) and the land lease system (landreform) in 1870 by the dutch east indies governor-general in batavia, de wall, shifted the trade orientation in northern maluku. the colonial government diverted its focus from spice trade (cloves and nutmeg), which had declined in the early 17th century, towards the cultivation of fisheries, plantation crops, agriculture, and forestry (including damar, cocoa, tobacco, copra, coffee, and other resins) on an export scale. the 1870 agrarian law and land lease system granted extensive opportunities to foreign investors (dutch) to invest in agroindustry. one of the investments promoted by the colonial government and its investors since then was in the forestry sector. when the dutch east indies colonial government took over the rights to ownership and management of damar forests from the control of the sultans of ternate and other local rulers, the social and economic conditions of the indigenous population did not improve. instead, this led to conflicts and unrest throughout north halmahera, especially in loloda, galela, and kao. the dutch takeover of damar forest areas also led to the imposition of heavy taxes and compulsory labor (gemeentedienst and hereendienst) on the people. the dutch accused the sultans and other local officials of being behind these conflicts. the resident of ternate reported that all victims of the damar forest disputes in loloda, galela, and kao were politically caused by the local rulers. consequently, the dutch government assumed control over the ownership and management of damar forest resources in halmahera and exploited them. this action was part of the dutch colonial policy of “pacification” to establish “pax neerlandica” over northern maluku. notes this paper contains several references that could not be directly displayed. these references primarily include primary sources (manuscripts) concerning the first three contracts dated: 1817, 1822, and 1824 between the sultanate of ternate and the dutch colonial government following the dutch takeover of northern maluku from the british in 1817. these three initial contracts detail the dutch political and military pressure on the sultan of ternate to obtain monopoly rights in the economy and trade of spices and forest products from halmahera, both within and beyond the maluku maritime and island regions. referrences amal, m. a. (2010). kepulauan rempah-rempah: maluku utara perjalanan sejarah 12501950. jakarta: kepustakaan populer gramedia (kpg). anri. koleksi arsip ternate, positive film/mf/2e/reel 27/mvo (memorie van overgave), k.h.f. van roos, 1910. asyhari, m . (2008). status tanah-tanah kesultanan ternate dalam perspektif tanah nasional. jurnal mimbar hukum, 20 (2), 193-410. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (1), 1-25 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 indigenous populations, plantations, and agrarian conflicts in rural north maluku | during the colonial period from the 17th to the 20th century 24 baker, j., e. milner-gulland & n. leader-williams. (2012). indonesia and the denial of indigenous people’s existence, www.aman.or.id/indonesia-and-the-denial-ofindigenous-peoplesexistence. baretta, j. m. 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(2010). labu rope labu wana: sejarah buton yang terabaikan. jakarta: radja grafindo persada. the eruption of mount kelud and it’s impacts in blitar 1919-1922 ulin nihayatul,* agustinus supriyono, haryono rinardi master program of history, faculty of humanities, diponegoro university *corresponding author: ulin_nihay@yahoo.com abstract this study is meant to deal with the aftermaths of mount kelud eruption from 1919 to 1922 in the region of blitar, which is focused on the effects of mount kelud eruption on the economy and its impacts for the three years following the eruption. the aftermaths of mount kelud eruption of 1919 had caused many of the residents lose their livelihood, families and damages to the plantations in the region of blitar. the damages affecting the plantations made the local economy in the region of blitar drop. this economic slump certainly impeded the development progress in the gemeente of blitar, a gemeente had been formed in the region of blitar shortly before that. the extensive environmental devastation, inside the gemeente and the outer parts of the regency’s regions forced the regional government of blitar regency to allocate aids funds to handle the casualties, make the repairs and constructions of the facilities in the region of blitar. keywords: eruption; mount kelud; blitar. introduction the great number of population with uneven distributions, disorderly spatial detail, the issues of deviating usage of natural resources, diverse tribes and tribal groups, religions, traditions, cultures, and the impacts of globalization and other complex social problems have existed in the country. this condition has consequently made indonesian territories to become areas of potential disasters, both natural and manmade calamities. some of these are, among other things, an earthquake, tsunami, flood, landslide, hurricane, forest fire and volcanic eruption. indonesia is known to be home of + 30% of the world’s active volcanoes. based on the records of volcanic eruptions recorded in history, the indonesian volcanoes may be classified into three types. type a accounts for 79 volcanoes which have erupted since 1600. type b represents 29 volcanoes which erupted before 1600, and type c, amounting to 21 volcanoes composed of lapangasolfatara and fumarola volcanoes (van bemmelen, 1949:73). based on the history of eruptions and combined with the physical characteristics, apex natural spans (bentang alam puncak), volcanic structure, and types of the eruptions, the active volcanoes situated in indonesia may be classified into eight received: 2 april 2017 accepted: 18 may 2017 types, the tambora 1815 type (caldera eruption), the merapi type (lava dome crater), agung type (open crater), the papandayan type (collapsed craterwall), batur type (post-caldera), sangeangapi type(lava flow), and the anak krakatau type (under-sea volcano). mount kelud is one of the most active volcanoes in indonesia. mount kelud has erupted more than 30 times since 1000 ad. during the colonial period, mount kelud was recorded to have erupted many times, inter alia, in 1826, 1848, 1864, 1901 and 1919. during the independent era, mount kelud has erupted in 1951, 1966, and 1990 respectively. therefore, this volcano is recorded to have actively erupted, with short periodical gaps (9-25 years) (reksowirogo, 1979:282-283). every eruption of mount kelud has been ended with the formation of a lava blockage in its lava vent. mount kelud is also grouped as a stratovolcano, a volcano typified by its massive and explosive characteristics. one of mount kelud’s largest eruptions took place in 1919. in the illustrating words (perspective) of the dutch geologist, g.l.l. kemmerling, the eruption spewed ashfall and hot clouds which was, and still is, called wedhus gembel (for resembling the shape of a sheep’s fur (wedus gembel) . what attracts attention from the 1919 eruption is that mount kelud not only gushed hot clouds but also spewed hot lava previously deposited under the crater. the volume of the hot lava was then estimated to reach + 40 cubic meters. and worse still, the eruption was accompanied with heavy rain resulting in the subsequent cold lava flow. the rain made the volume of water in the crater increase, and the cold lave flow brought with it different materials (objects), such as sand, gravels and stones flowing down along with the water from the crater. the flow devastated residential homes of the local residents. as a result, massive damages to the existing infrastructure that the lava passed through ensued. the hot lava spewed out of mount kelud eruption in 1919 was reported to have destroyed the areas of the plantations located on the slopes of mount kelud, sumber petung and margomulyo plantations (kemmerling, 1921:2-3). the hot lava spewed out carried with it other volcanic materials and mud which flowed down at a high speed and reached a distance of as far as 38 km from the tip of mount kelud. the hot lava, which was followed by the cold lava, flowed through river (kali) lekso, river (kali) putih and finally entered river brantas and had swept down all the areas where the flow had passed through in the region of blitar. the lava flowing through river (kali) badak had caused major damages and claimed a number of casualties on its way, in the regions of blitar and srengat. the lava flow carried a lot of stones, sand, wooden remnants and other materials. these materials made the irrigation and water ways and bridges blocked. the subsequent results were the overflows of lava sweeping and inundating the regions and villages located in the surrounding areas. the day after the eruption, may 19th, 1919, the lava flow begun to reach the government center in the region of blitar. this condition forced the dutch officials to evacuate and save themselves to higher locations. in relation to this situation, the train was prepared at blitar train station to evacuate the refugees. blitar train station became the assembly point for people who were then evacuating themselves. however, the station was not free from the flow of the cold lava, as a result, not all of the residents were evacuated. one of the main causes that made mount kelud eruption of 1919 so devastating with catastrophic and fatal disasters was the flow of hot lava and subsequently followed with the cold lave streams, flowing down in great quantities and sweeping through the residents’ homes in the villages located on the slopes of mount kelud because the embankments located on the rivers were unable to accommodate the volume of the oozed out lava. the eruption of mount kelud in 1919 was so disastrous that the ash fall and quakes were suffered by people living in different regions in java, such as priangan (west java), banyumas, semarang, yogyakarta, madiun, rembang, surabaya, pasuruan and other places (kemmerling, 1921:4). based on the report from junghuhn, the sound of the eruption heard in banjarmasin on the island of kalimantan. apart from the heavy casualty, claiming + 5.000 the lives of people, the 1919 mount kelud eruption also killed many of the local resident’s cattle and serious environmental damages in the region of blitar, including the infrastructure owned by the government of blitar, the residents’ agriculture and privately owned plantations. based on the historic background descriptions of mount kelud eruptions, the topics to be discussed in this thesis are as follows: 1. how mount kelud eruption in 1919 influenced the economic and environmental conditions in blitar? 2. what factors made the eruption claim so many lives of people, cattle, and the damages to the residents’ crops? 3. what did the government do to help the people inflicted by the calamity of the eruption of mount kelud in 1919? method a number of colonial archive sources, classified as both primary and secondary sources, which are relevant and bearing evidencing properties and historical facts have been used in this study, which include, among other things: memorie van overgave, staatsblad van nederlandsch-indie. apart from that, classified as secondary sources used include, among other things: nota in zake de maatregelen getroffen op verkeers hygienisch en economisch gebied in door de kloeteruptie van 19 op 20 mei 1919, de kloetrgas eruptions of the kelut in 1919 wedusgembels of the kelut 1919 disadvantageous effect of the ash rain of mount kelut in 1919 amp van 20 mei 1919, the outburst of the mount kelut in the night of may 19 th to 20 th 1919, encyclopaedie van nederlandsch-indie. these sources were acquired from different places, primarily from republic of indonesia’s national archive or arsip nasional republik indonesia (anri), indonesian national library or perpustakaan nasional republik indonesia (pnri), library of the directorate of volcanology and a number of other libraries. the collected data were then analyzed through the historical method and supported with the use of conceptual frame. as a work of historiography this study is confined within the spatial scope, which includes the region of blitar and the temporal scope covering the 1919-1923 period or the era when this eruption mount kelud took place and then unrecovered economy. results and discussion geographic and demographic conditions of blitar blitar is located in the province of east java. geographically, it is located at 111 25’-112 20’ east longitude and 7 57-8 9’51 south latitude, and is located southwest to the capital city of east java province at a distance of + 160 km. the region of blitar is ± 160 km away from mount kelud (kerchman, 1905-1930:367-370). because the western border of blitar is near kediri, when mount kelud erupts the lava flow usually passes this area. this geographical condition is caused by the fact that a river originating from mount kelud. the eruptions of mount kelud may cause instant damages but in the long run the volcanic ash will make the soil in blitar very fertile. a number of rivers flow from mount kelud through the region of blitar regency, including : (1) river lekso; (2) river putih; (3) river lahar badak (now bendungan badak); (4) river temas (passing through udanawu); (5) river kali kuning and river lahar blitar (dingemans, 1923:3). in 1905 the population was + 342.000, in the regency of blitar of that time, the chinese community accounted for + 2200 and europeans + 900 (bleeker, 1844:315). the majority of the people then living in the region of blitar regency were farmers or plantation workers. the condition of the soil in the gemeente of blitar was not different from that of other areas in blitar regency, mostly consisting of regusol and litusol. like other areas of blitar regency, the gemeente of blitar was located inside the region of blitar regency, some rivers also flowed through the gemeente of blitar, such as river cari, river urung-urung, river tugu, and river gedog. the population of the gemeente of blitar in 1905 was comprised of ± 24,371 indigenous people (87.52%), ± 674 (2.42%) europeans, ± 2,746 chinese (9.86%) and other ethnic groups accounting for ± 56 (0.20%), thereby totaling ± 27.846 (grijns, 1979:33). as a seat of the government center, the gemeente and regency also housed a number of offices of the plantations and other companies located in the gemeente of blitar. this function was facilitated with the available infrastructure such as streets, bridges, train station, post office and other public facilities. this flat and easily accessible plain and inter-relating to other areas made the gemeente blitar heterogeneously populated, apart from its role as a government, this region was a strategic location for controlling the activities in the plantations and companies owned by the europeans. eruption of mount kelud in 1919 mount kelud is a volcano with a height of + 1.731 above sea level, it is located 70 56’ south latitude and 1120 18’ point five east longitude. geographically, mount kelud is located on the borders of kediri, blitar, and malang regencies. the formation of mount kelud was the result of the subduction of indo-australia continental plate and eurasia continental plate. mount kelud bears the typical characteristics of a stratovolcano with a crater lake and explosive eruptions. mount kelud , which bears a stratovolcano characteristic, or a conical in the bottom with its crater lake, when erupting this mountain will be able to spew a great quantity of lava, accompanied by the flow of hot water and from its crater lake. one of the greatest eruptions of mount kelud occurred on may 19th, 1919. this eruption has been considered to be the biggest in the twentieth century, and the crater of this mountain became wider. this subsequently raised the volume of the water from it previously had been, especially in the rainy season. the direct effects of the eruption of mount kelud was the great environmental damages in the region of blitar, agricultural fields and crops, plantation, houses of the people and loss of lives. these damages were caused by the volcanic materials, consisting of ashfall, gravels, and water from the crater spewed out during the eruption. these indirectly reduced the harvests in the following years. the eruption took place the night of the 19th was still felt on may 20th, 1919. the morning suddenly became dark, the sun was not seen, with the rain of water, gravels and ash, and people became scared, the air heavy and dusty which made breathing difficult (kemmerling, 1946). people were running here and there, trying to save their lives and belongings and cattle that could still be saved. the areas where the lava flow passed were, among others, sanankulon, nglegok, srengat, ponggok, udanawu, gandosari, and talon (koning, 1919:94). the water flow carried a great quantity of garbage which bloced waterways and irrigation ditches and bridges, so the water overflowed and inundated the surrounding villages. the great casualties consisted of humans, cattle, damaged plantation crops, houses and the facilities having been built by the government. mount kelud spewed + 40 cubic meters of water. the water was mixed with boulders and mud and flowed up to 38 kilometers away, sweeping large areas in the region of blitar. other sources mention that the water in the crater lake was starting to boil on may 19th, 1919 and the lake spilled out approximately 40 million cubic meters of water and the lava flowed over the villages located on the slope of the mountain.12 this hot water flowed down and hit the badak embankments (tanggul badak), destroying everything on its route. five thousand people died instantly. bodies with severe burns were reported carried down by the lava. this scary situation was worsened by the fact that mount kelud was at the same time spewing hot clouds (harderwijk). the lava was intensely dangerous for the people living on the slopes on a volcano. apart from the lava, the eruption of the mountain was also accompanied by ash falls blown airborne during the eruption. the ash was blown away by the wind to distances thousands of kilometers away. the thickness of the ash in different areas varied, as the direction of the wind became one of the aspects determining the impacts of mount kelud’s eruption in each different area. the eruption of mount kelud was not only perceivable in the region of blitar but also suffered by most regions on the island of java. some reports of the indirect effects of the eruption of mount kelud, and in particular the ash falls, are s follows: 1). pasuruan, 2). surabaya 3). madiun, 4). yogyakarta, 5). rembang, 6). semarang, 7). banyumas, and 8). priangan. the explosion mount kelud was heard bandung, banjarmasin and other parts of kalimantan (kemmerling, 1921: e. 19-4). socio-economic impacts of the 1919 mount kelud’s eruption damages to the infrastructure in blitar the infrastructure of a town or city or a region come in the form of streets, bridges, waterways or irrigation and so forth. the so many infrastructure buildings in blitar regency damaged by the eruption mount kelud in 1919 included streets, bridges, buildings and houses (verslag burgerlijke openbare werken nederlands, 1919-1920:176177, decentralitatie verslag, 1919-1920: 144, dingemas, 1923:42-43). the damaged streets and bridges made communication and travels to and from other towns difficult and the government affairs impeded. these damaged infrastructure facilities took a long time to restore. this caused declines in the economy of blitar. the access to and from other towns was delayed, making the plantation yields and agricultural harvests impossible to be distributed to the customers. moreover the products of the plantation and agriculture crops produced by the farmers and plantations in blitars could not processed to give them added values, because the milling or processing facilities were located in blitar, while the plantation and agriculture areas were located in rural areas. the eruption of mount kelud in 1919 not only caused damages to the public infrastructure but also destroyed a number of facilities and amenities in blitar. the damages happened to: 1) people’s houses and government buildings the damages to people’s houses were associated with the location of the houses which were on the river bank or places near the rivers where the lava from the eruption of mount kelud flowed. the damaged houses, both in the region of the regency and in the gemeente of blitar itself totaled + 35,758, with sanankulon onder-district suffering the most, with 8.544 houses being destroyed, among the 11 under-districts and the number of damaged houses reached + 8.968, the highest number being in the under-district of blitar. in addition to the damaged houses, a number of public buildings and facilities built by the government were also damaged. these included the prison, post office and market. 2) streets streets are a part of transportation facilities that relate one area to another. the 1919 mount kelud eruption made the streets in the region of blitar damaged, including the railway relating blitar to other towns and cities (verslag burgerlijke openbare werken nederlands, 1919-1920: 167-177). 3) bridges the region of blitar had many bridges because a lot of rivers pass through this region. the eruption of mount kelud damaged most of the bridges. the damaged bridges were djagalan, lekso, glondong, jembatan kademangan, blaroe, bendo, nglongsor, binangun, loading, sawentar, semoet, konto, djatilengger, and pakunden bridges (dingemas, 1923:42-43). damages to agriculture and cattle the eruption of mount kelud in 1919 damaged the ambient environment. the eruption also claimed a number of human casualties, + 5235 people were reported dead. in addition to human casualties, the eruption also destroyed + 103 villages in 10 under-districts in the region of blitar (dingemas, 1923:11). other damages happened to agriculture, plantations and cattle. the catastrophe claiming human lives was caused by two factors. first, the ash and gravel or stone rains occurred during the eruption. after the hot clouds, the ash and stone rain followed, causing damages to crops and plantations in the short term. second, the cold lava flows destroyed and flooded the villages located in the surrounding areas. apart from the human lives, cattle owned by the local residents were killed by the eruption of 1919 mount kelud eruption. these included cows, horses and goats. table 1. number of cattle killed in 1919 eruption under-district buffaloes cows horses goats blitar 173 452 274 34 sanankulon 1,039 2,079 155 18 nglegok 524 1,231 32 123 srengat 1,617 4,018 141 205 ponggok 1,422 1,923 101 580 udanawu 2.287 2.922 188 475 gandosari 110 251 4 111 talon 272 376 5 25 total 7,444 13,252 900 1,571 source: koning, 1919. the ashfall from the eruption of the volcano put weights on the leaves which in turn made the tree collapse, suffer from suffocation, lack of oxygen and finally die. this destruction did not only attack rice, corn and non-rice crops and even big trees in the forest and a lot bamboos collapsed for being unable to withstand the weight. the damages inflicting various crops resulted in the decreased agricultural harvests in the following (planting) periods (dingemas, 1923:24). in general, three years after the eruption the harvests in the district of blitar still showed a decline. this decline occurred with corn, cassava, and tobacco. the harvest decline was associated with the damaged rice fields (sawah), irrigation system, and other facilities destroyed by the flow of cold lava during the 1919 mount kelud eruption. a different condition happened to some other types of crops, such as tubers, peanuts and soybeans which showed an increase after the eruption of mount kelud. the increase was probably caused by the fact these crops do not need much water, as the rice paddy does. another factor, these three types of crops are highly adaptable to the soil then covered by volcanic ash layers. the other factor was the humans (farmers) themselves. the rice harvest in srengat district in 1922 showed a decrease by 3,730 pikul (a unit of measurement equal 61.76 kilograms) or 30% decrease compared to that of 1918 (dingemas, 1923:24). the district of srengat suffered the greatest decline because this area was struck by the lava flow. a contrast occurred in the region of the district blitar, after the eruption the rice harvest increased by 19,615 pikul. the agricultural areas in the district of blitar were not affected by what happened in srengat. another factor that accounted for such increase was that the volcanic ash indirectly added the fertility on these agricultural areas. during the eruption the wind blew southward. government efforts to overcome the aftermaths of mount kelud eruption 1) government’s steps to handle people, agriculture and cattle the gemeente of blitar and the regency of blitar had done their best to overcome or at least to lessen the suffering then inflicting the local residents. a lot of people died and were injured in the region of the following under-districts: blitar, nglegok, srengat, ponggok, udanawu, gandosari, and talon. many of the hospital in blitar were unable to accommodate the victims, so the government built emergency hospitals. doctors, paramedics, medical equipment and supplies, medicine and ambulances from other areas outside blitar were also called in (koning, 1919:141). they were assigned to help the victims of the eruption of mount kelud in 1919. to help the victims of 1919 mount kelud eruption, some emergency medical facilities were built in several locations, including: a) talon, an emergency hospital was built on may 21st, 1919 b) mangunan, an emergency clinic was built from may 22nd, 1919 to may 26th, 1919 c) bendo, an emergency clinic was built on may 26th, 1919 d) ponggok, an emergency clinic was built on may 26th, 1919 e) srengat, an emergency clinic was built from may 24th, 1919 to may 28th, 1919 f) nglegok, an emergency clinic was built on may 26th, 1919 the medical treatments for the 1919 mount kelud casualties were also done in the existing hospitals, among others: a) h. v. a. hospital in toeloengredjo, b) hospital in kediri, c) government and private hospitals in blitar, d) health clinic in kediri, e) health clinic in tulung agung, f) health clinic in pare. the government spent + f 51,249 on medicine, funerals and clothes for this mount kelud eruption. the government further gave compensations amounting + f 59,6960 for the damages suffered by the people affected by the 919 mount kelud eruption, given to the europeans, japanese, indians, chinese, native residents and civilians or the villages’ administrators (dingemas, 1923:11). in response to the eruption of mount kelud, the then government of blitar showed their concern to the affected people. to assist people, especially those living in the villages, to be able to cultivate their agricultural land, the government provided + f 41,418 to buy agricultural tools and equipment, sewing machines, purchase of seeds to be planted, cattle, and to restore the forest in bronkos. these efforts were made in order recover the economy and daily life of the people in blitar as soon as possible. 2) government’s effort to repair the infrastructure the extensive damages to the infrastructure in the region of blitar farced the government to respond. the gementeraad decided to repair the streets on the funds acquired from the central government. the destruction also caused a number of bridges to be damaged. the government immediately repair these damaged bridges so that the transportation in blitar might recover. the government spent f. 17,088 on the repairs of the streets and bridges. the funds were acquired from the government budget, government loans and donations from different parties and resources. the damaged bridges then to be repaired include, inter alia: a). lekso bridge for the town of wlingi, b). glondong bridge for blitar, c). kademangan boro bridge for blitar, d). blaroe, e). bendo, f). nglongsor, g). binangoen, h). sangoet, i). pakoenden, j). loding, k). sawentar, l). ganggangan, m). semoet, n). konto, o). djatilengger bridges (dingemas, 1923:42-43). the repairs to theses bridges took quite a long time. the government spent a lot of funds to restore the condition destroyed by the 1919 eruption of mount kelud, the funds spent amounting to + f 118, 6740. the funds acquired to make the repairs to the infrastructure and facilities as well as the compensations for the victims of mount kelud’s eruption were enormous but on the contrast the government’s finance was limited. the repairs to the damaged infrastructure and facilities caused by mount kelud eruption were made on the scale-of-priority basis. the fund resources were not only from the government but also from the fundraising done by the people. in this case, the people spontaneously formed disasterawareness associations or committees for mount kelud eruption victims. the committees came from places outside blitar, such as surabaya, malang and yogyakarta (kawan kita, 26 mei 1919:171). the fund aids were acquired from spontaneous night fairs, donations from cigarette factories, rice millings and other donators. the aids were not only in the form of cash but also in the form of clothes, blankets, food, medicine, and sheets of fabric. apart from the direct aids to the victims of the disaster, the government also began to build tunnels at the feet of mount kelud, as an anticipation for the following eruptions of mount kelud. the dutch colonial government built seven tunnels which functioned as buffers of the cold lava at the feet of muont kelud. the construction of these tunnels was started in 1923 and completed in 1926. these tunnels would reduce the debits of the cold lava from the crater of mount kelud, so that the quantity of the cold lava which might originally pass the residential homes of the people would be greatly reduced. in this way, the casualty suffering from the erution of mount kelud may be minimized. conclusion indonesia is a highly prone to natural disasters. indonesia has the most active volcanoes on earth. however, both indonesian government and people do not have sufficient sense of awareness toward natural disasters. this was/is proven with the eruption of mount kelud which happened in the night of may 19th, 1919. the region of blitar was seriously affected by the volcanic eruption, in which many of the facilities and infrastructure were badly damaged. thise condition covered all the areas located in the regency and gemeente of blitar. the destruction was caused by the characteristics of mount kelud eruptions, the explosive eruption (explosion) where volcanic materials were spewed out of the inner part of the mountain and fell onto these areas in blitar, which was followed by the flow of hot lava mixed with other volcanic materials, passing through the residential homes of the people living in the region of blitar, without any previous predicted warnings. the eruption of mount kelud in 1919 shows that indonesian people, and even the colonial government of that time, do not and did not have high awareness toward natural disasters, and in particular with regard to volcanic eruptions. this condition can be seen in the limited infrastructure development and construction located around mount kelud. as a result, a great number of the lives and material losses were unavoidable. the other indicator is the many residential locations situated on the slopes or at the foot of mount kelud, which are certainly disaster-prone. people prefer to live in fertile areas so that they may easily cultivate the land for agriculture. this preference has made areas close to rivers and having fertile soil layers their choice. this has also happened on the slope and foot of mount kelud. these people do not realize the potential dangers when mount kelud may erupt at any time. another indicator is that there is no anticipation and obvious plans from the government if mount kelud erupts at any time. the disaster of mount kelud’s eruption in 1919 has shown an interesting fact. the colonial government and people both had the high responsibility and social spirits. the government responded and quickly evacuated the victims of the eruption. the government even provided the victims with aids, from material things to medical assistance. in addition, people also took the necessary steps to help the victims of the disaster caused by the eruption of mount kelud. it is shown in the so many volunteers who came from places outside blitar, even from singapore. these volunteers came to assist the government to help or save the people of blitar who were becoming the victims of the eruption of mount kelud. apart from directly assisting the victims of the eruption of mount kelud, the colonial government also took steps to reduce the number of casualties. in anticipation to another eruption of mount kelud if the volcano erupts again, the colonial government built tunnels in the foot of mount kelud in 1923. these tunnels serve as the buffers of the flowing lava and reduce the volume of the water flowing down from the crater lake when cold lave flows down and passes the residents’ homes at the foot of mount kelud. references bleeker, pieter, (1844). bleekers papers, 1844-1867, volume 3. decentralitatie verslag, 1919 – 1920. dingemans, l.f. (1923). nota in zake de maatregelen getrofeen op verkeers, hygienisch, en economisch gebied in de kloeteruptie van 19 op 20 mei 1919. kediri. grijns, c.d. (1979). a la recherche du ‘malayu betawi’ ou parler malais de batavia, archipel, 17:135-136. harderwijk,vulkaanrampen in ned. oost-indië, dalam http://www.quickiwiki. com/nl/kelud, retrieved 10 april 2015. kawan kita, 26 mei 1919. kemmerling, g.l.l. (1921). amount of ejected ash and pumice of the kelud eruption in 1919 e. 19. bandung: perpustakaan direktorat vulkanologi. ___________ (1921). gas eruptions of the kelut in 1919 wedusgembels of the kelut 1919 disadvantageous effect of the ash rain of gunung kelut in 1919 e. 19-5. bandung: perpustakaan direktorat vulkanologi. ___________ (1946). gas eruptions of the kelut in 1919 wedusgembels of the kelut 1919 disadvantageous effect of the ash rain of gunung kelut in 1919. bandung: perpustakaan direktorat vulkanologi. kerchman, f.w.m. (1905-1930). 25 jaren decentralisatie in nederlandsch indie. semarang: uitgegeven vereeniging voor locale belangen. koning, j. “de kloetramp van 20 mei 1919”, soerabaiasch handelsblad, july 1919. grijns, mies (1979). de koloniale stad in indonesie. leiden: doctoral scriptie. reksowirogo, l.d. (1979). data dasar gunung api indonesia. bandung: direktorat vulkanologi. van bemmelen, r.w. (1949). the geology of indonesia. the hague: martinus nijhoff. verslag burgerlijke openbare werken nederlandsch-indie over jaren 1919 en 1920 (1925). weltevreden : landsdrukkerij. microsoft word 1. mokodenseho, et al.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 1-18 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 defending indonesian sovereignty through mass media: radio rimba raya in the revolutionary war | 1 received: march 9, 2022 revised: june 3, 2022 accepted: june 4, 2022 defending indonesian sovereignty through mass media: radio rimba raya in the revolutionary war habibi muttaqin1, sabil mokodenseho2*, febby widjayanto3 1master program of islamic cultural history, faculty of adab and humanities, syarif hidayatullah state islamic university jakarta jl. ir. h. juanda no. 95, ciputat, south tangerang, banten – indonesia 2graduate school for islamic studies, syarif hidayatullah state islamic university jakarta jl. ir. h. juanda no. 95, ciputat, south tangerang, banten – indonesia 3department of political science, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas airlangga jl. dharmawangsa dalam, surabaya, east java indonesia *corresponding author: sabil.mokodenseho@gmail.com doi: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v6i1.13821 introduction radio is one of the media, which plays an important and strategic role in the delivery of information to the public. in addition, radio can be a propaganda medium (salata, 2020; barber & miller, 2019; goody, 2018). the power of radio propaganda lies in its ability to produce affective hearing, the intensification of one sense (listening) produces physical and emotive responses to the presence of sound (mchugh, 2016). in addition to being easily accessible, the news conveyed can vary, namely, news that is in accordance with the facts or otherwise, news of provocations, which can divide abstract radio as a medium of information plays an important role in the history of indonesia's struggle. this study was conducted because of the previous studies on the movement to defend indonesia's independence, only a few uses radio as a means of struggle. radio rimba raya (rrr), which was established in aceh. the aim is to analyze the role of rrr in defending indonesian independence, especially during the second dutch military aggression in 1948 and the general offensive on march 1, 1949. using the historical method, this study found that rrr became an important medium for nationalists to communicate orders and information, as well as providing an opportunity for indonesia to thwart propaganda and dismiss dutch provocations. due to the importance of rrr in indonesia's struggle, it can be concluded that one of the media for indonesia's struggle and success against the dutch was rrr with its messages that crossed the vast expanse of the contested area. the messages of struggle that were broadcast through the rrr were an important part of indonesia's political strategy, both in dismissing dutch propaganda and provocations and in guarding the agendas of dutch-indonesian diplomacy so that they were known to the public at home and abroad. keywords: dutch military aggression; dutch propaganda and provocation; indonesian independence; radio rimba raya. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 1-18 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 defending indonesian sovereignty through mass media: radio rimba raya in the revolutionary war | 2 unity and threaten the stability of a country. in the beginning of indonesia's independence, radio was used as one of the mediums of struggle, especially in building the modern indonesian nation. the history of broadcasting in indonesia reveals something about the indigenous and national character, as well as the way and breadth of absorption of ideas from two foreign cultures (dutch and japanese) that dominate the archipelago in modern times (wild, 1987). before the existence of radio rimba raya (rrr), indonesia had a radio called radio republik indonesia (rri) (puguh & mufidah, 2020; puguh, 2017). when rri was founded on september 11, 1945, indonesians who understand the media, who have studied its effectiveness as a propaganda tool, and who can operate it technically. there are many radio devices to ensure that a message will reach a point in each community when it can be spread word of mouth, as well as a tendency to listen wirelessly and to give some credence to its message (wild, 1991). through the rri broadcast, sukarno delivered the news of the proclamation of independence of the republic of indonesia on august 17, 1945. indonesia managed to seize its independence from the previous invaders, the dutch and japanese. however, the netherlands does not recognize indonesia’s sovereignty and seeks to re-establish its power, both through diplomatic and military channels. from this the role of radio becomes important in indonesia’s struggle, especially to disseminate information in various diplomacies conducted between indonesia and the netherlands. diplomacy ultimately leads to resistance and battle. the first diplomacy of the netherlands-indonesia is through the linggardjati agreement to agree on the de facto territory of the united states of indonesia (ris). the agreement was agreed and signed on march 25, 1947 (soebandrio, 1948). however, the dutch had a different interpretation and reneged on the agreement. the dutch then carried out an attack, known as the first dutch military aggression on july 2i, 1947 (van der kroef, 1953). because it still leaves the dispute between indonesia-netherlands, the renville agreement (december 8, 1947, to january 17, 1948), the contents of which include; the netherlands only recognizes central java, yogyakarta, and sumatra as part of the territory of the republic of indonesia. after the agreement was agreed, the dutch declared a federal government in sumatra. in fact, part of sumatra is a territory of indonesia. the dutch, who had benefited from the renville agreement, reneged on it, then launched the second dutch military aggression offensive on december 19-20, 1948. indonesia felt that they were harmed in some of the agreements made, while the dutch benefited. on the contrary, the dutch who benefited from the agreement did not feel satisfied, and in the end, launched an attack on indonesia. indonesia-netherland’s relations continue to warm as a result of the absence of common ground in various diplomacy conducted earlier. indonesia's reaction to the second dutch military aggression led to an event, known as the general offensive of march 1, 1949. the purpose of this attack is to prove to the international community that the indonesian national army (tni) still exists and is strong. the period 1948-1949 was the most important period in the republic of indonesia. 19 december 1948 known as the second dutch military aggression (heijboer, 1998), until the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 1-18 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 defending indonesian sovereignty through mass media: radio rimba raya in the revolutionary war | 3 general offensive of march 1, 1949, as indonesia's reaction to various attacks launched by the dutch. indeed, during the first dutch military aggression, indonesia was not successfully controlled by the dutch, but at the time of second dutch military aggression, almost all of indonesia such as java, madura, and sumatra were affected (kahin, 1952). the dutch also arrested several indonesian figures, among them, sukarno and muhammad hatta as well as other important figures, who were considered to threaten their existence. as a result of the dutch aggression and expansion of indonesian territory made the territory of indonesia becomes smaller. as a result of the dutch attack on indonesia, radio transmitters including rri, starting from the center of yogyakarta, whose job it is to broadcast the voice of independent indonesia to the rest of the world, cannot move. communication devices, bombed and burned. therefore, the news of the second dutch military aggression attack was circulated only by word of mouth (sufi et al., 2010). instead, news of dutch provocations over their radios was transmitted from batavia and medan. the dutch claim was also broadcast by radio hilversum (arsip nasional republik indonesia, 1948). the study of the existence and role of radio in indonesia has been widely studied by scholars and researchers before, especially those reviewed from historical approaches such as witte's (1998), mrazek (1997), (wild, 1991, 1987), and kementerian penerangan, (1953). however, the studies conducted have not touched all radios in indonesia, so their studies cannot be said to be comprehensive, and still require further research in filling the gaps. the study of radio continues to be the focus of scholars in the field of social sciences, especially in the new order and reformation era as did mcdaniel (1994), lindsay (1997), sen & hill (2001), samuel (2002), and jurriëns (2009). thus, the study reveals the role of the rrr in defending indonesia's sovereignty from dutch news of provocation and propaganda. the stimulus-response theory, pioneered by ivan p. pavlov, was used to analyze the study. a stimulus is an event that occurs in the human body that causes a change in behavior. through stimulus theory, messages received by communicants over radio elicit responses or effects in the form of various actions, reactions, or answers, which can change the opinion, behavior, cognition of communicants. the response depends on the stimulus or is the result of the stimulus. the stimulus in this study was a provocation broadcast delivered by radio hilversum netherlands, while the response was the rrr's reaction in countering the provocation of dutch radio. in addition, time communication theory is used to see how communication occurs through rrr broadcasts. radio communication according to defleur (2010) is a linear process by which professional communicators use media to design and disseminate messages widely, quickly, and sustainably to evoke desired meaning in a large, diverse, and selective manner. method this article was compiled using historical methods consisting of four stages, namely heuristic, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography (moustakas, 1990; renier, 1961). data sources related to radio rimba raya (rrr) are taken from written literature in the form of archives, research reports, and relevant historical documents. written literature is important because history can only be brought by historians ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 1-18 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 defending indonesian sovereignty through mass media: radio rimba raya in the revolutionary war | 4 through various publications (jenkins, 1997). in addition to written literature, information was obtained from mr. tukiran as one of the living witnesses of radio rimba raya. the information the author got when observing the rrr monument in rimba raya village. according to albulescu (2018), empirical data through observation can confirm or invalidate the theory. after reading on various sources, criticism of the source is carried out. along with the discovery of historical sources, as well as the validation test of sources, which in historical writing is known as historical criticism, namely external criticism to ensure authenticity or authenticity of sources, and internal criticism to find out the credibility of sources, both archives and other supporting documents. data and sources are tested for validity to find authentic sources, then interpreted. the interpretation of historical facts is very important, especially in reconstructing the realities of the past and providing a reinterpretation of the relationship between facts and data. interpretation in historical studies is also called historical analysis, whose purpose is to synthesize facts recovered from historical sources. the facts are organized together with the theory into a comprehensive interpretation, both analysis of data, and separating data according to information, or synthesizing data between one source with the source that is design, in order to know the combination of the two. finally, the stages of historical writing, which include the way of writing, exposure, or reporting history in accordance with the chronology of history. the role of mass media in conveying the ideas of the nation's struggle on the first day of the second dutch military aggression, the dutch fielded military forces at the airbase, which started from maguwo to yogyakarta. in overcoming these problems, the indonesian government represented by sukarno, mohammad hatta, and agus salim on december 19, 1948, held a cabinet meeting (talsya, 1960), then took an important decision regarding the course of the struggle for independence, namely "we, the president of the republic of indonesia informed that on sunday, december 19, 1948, at 6 am, the netherlands had begun its attack on the city of yogyakarta. if in these circumstances the government cannot carry out its obligations anymore, then we authorize syafruddin prawiranegara (minister of prosperity of the republic of indonesia) to form an emergency government of the republic of indonesia (pdri) in sumatra" (talsya, 1990; kahin, 1952). news about the fall of yogyakarta city on december 19, 1948, only reached aceh in the afternoon. after receiving the news, a. gani mutyara as officer and head of information tni division x sumatra reported to tgk. m. daud beureu'eh (military governor of aceh). after that a. gani mutyara and osman raliby (head of aceh regional information office) gave a speech at rri kutaraja studio, which contained an explanation of the situation at hand and the steps to be taken. the next day, the aceh military governor gave a passionate speech addressed to all the people, soldiers, and guerrilla forces in the area (alfian, 1982). the military governor advocates and invites all elements that the attack that has begun, carried out with a victory. one of the most necessary means by a country in times of war is the availability of communication devices such as radio transmitters (hodge, 1995; hale, 1975). with this ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 1-18 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 defending indonesian sovereignty through mass media: radio rimba raya in the revolutionary war | 5 radio transmitter, people easily know the situation and developments that occur in a country that is precarious. communication tools such as radio have their own advantages, are easy to hear with a wide distance and range, and cannot be done physically except through broadcasts in the form of important messages. therefore, the newly independent republic of indonesia urgently needs communication tools such as radio in order to broadcast news, both from home and abroad. the fighters and people of aceh rely on communication networks between regions through radio transmitters. of the several radios that play a role in maintaining the existence of aceh territory and state sovereignty of the republic of indonesia is radio rimba raya. this radio is located in bener meriah precisely in rimba raya, which had previously experienced several displacements due to reconnaissance from the dutch side. when radio batavia and radio hilversum reported that the republic of indonesia no longer existed because yogyakarta had been controlled by the dutch, then the rrr firmly broadcast and dismissed all news that could harm the republic of indonesia, including aceh in the eyes of the international community. rrr at that time became the only radio mouthpiece that denied dutch radio by broadcasting news of the fact that the republic of indonesia still had territory and leaders (arsip nasional republik indonesia, 1948). the new order period was also the subject of scholarly study. lindsay (1997), who focused her attention on private radio and local identity in an indonesian context, was interesting to take into consideration. lindsay departs from his view that radio broadcasting in indonesia has a strong tradition as a local community activity. lindsay noted that in 1977, there were 700 private radio stations, all of which were commercial out of a total of 898 radio stations in indonesia. this indicates that radio plays an important role for the people of indonesia. however, his study only focused on private radio, whose studies were long after indonesia's independence. while the discussion related to the existence and role of radio in the early days of independence as played by radio rimba raya in dismissing dutch propaganda news, escaped its study. the existence of radio in indonesia was also researched by samuel (2002). his research focused on indonesian radio broadcasting, particularly examining the changes brought about by the new order and the reformasi era. similar studies can also be found in some parts of the book by jurriëns. in general, jurriëns (2009) provides a working definition of the reformation and addresses a number of cultural-historical factors that contributed to radio's role as a medium of socio-political reform. then, it provides a conceptual analysis of the reformation and explains how or why radio journalism has contributed to the reformation. jurriëns (2009) concluded that indonesian radio has become an efficient medium for disseminating people's thoughts and feelings as a result of some of its technocultural features, such as the oral and aural character of radio broadcasts and the relatively low cost of production, transmission, and program acceptance. however, his writing has focused more on change and continuity in journalism since the fall of suharto in 1998 and the start of a process of social and political reform known as reformasi. in contrast to the study to be studied, the author wants to see how the role of one of the radios that once existed in indonesia, known as radio rimba raya in defending the sovereignty of the republic of indonesia. jurriëns' writings focus on the role of radio in the reformation era in ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 1-18 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 defending indonesian sovereignty through mass media: radio rimba raya in the revolutionary war | 6 response to new order monologueism and social issues of the reformation period. while this study limited its study from 1948 to 1949 in the old order era, where one of indonesia's radios (rrr) played a role in dismissing news of dutch provocations. much has been written about the movement in seizing and defending indonesia's independence. for example, studies conducted by sulasman (2017), siong, (2001), and gouda (1997), but little analysis focused on strategy, particularly radio as an information medium, used in the international diplomatic lobby that accompanies guerrilla resistance, both at the local and national levels. this paper is not a detailed history of the media of indonesia's struggle to achieve and maintain independence, but it attempts to reveal the role of the rrr, which is linked to that struggle. it specifically analyzed how the rrr's role was in dismissing dutch propaganda news in the events of the second dutch military aggression of 1948 and the general offensive of march 1, 1949, as part of indonesia's strategy of struggle and defense. in the last section, this paper presents the factors supporting rrr involved in maintaining indonesia's independence. existence of rrr: smuggling and transfer of radio device the state of indonesia in the early days of independence cannot be said to be stable and safe from colonial interference. dutch military aggression i and ii greatly disturbed indonesia, which has just gained independence. the aggression made the public and freedom fighters aware of the importance of radio in dismissing dutch propaganda news. on july 23, 1947, the army’s x-division force successfully brought into indonesia a radio transmitter from malaya (nasution, 1979). aceh became a storage area for a radio transmitter because it was considered strategic and safe from dutch supervision. efforts to bring in radio transmitters are not achieved easily, but full of obstacles, although finally, indonesia succeeded. the landing of a radio transmitter from malaya to aceh came amid a cordon and a dutch police blockade of indonesian territory (talsya, 1990). smuggling is one effective way to escape such intense dutch surveillance. the smuggling of radio devices was carried out to escape the dutch blockade, which was on guard in the waters of the strait of malacca. the smuggling of these radio devices took 12 victims, all of whom were soldiers of tni battalion b, under the leadership of nip. karim (dailanu, 1986; sitompul, 2017). the death of tni soldiers from being shot dead shows how hard the struggle is to get a radio transmitter to defend indonesia’s independence. it should be noted that in conjunction with the attempt to obtain a radio transmitter, known as the great jungle radio, the “cunning” and shrewdness of the strategy played by john lie. the transmitter was brought in by john lie through dutch forces who were watching the ships, through the strait of malacca. john lie used twospeed boats, which contained groceries and food (sufi & wibowo, 2004). speed boats carrying food and food are used as fishing rods if there is a chase from the dutch side, who are on guard in the waters of the strait of malacca. when john lie’s troops were in the middle of the ocean-facing the dutch troops, the speed boat containing food and food was used as bait by increasing the speed of ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 1-18 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 defending indonesian sovereignty through mass media: radio rimba raya in the revolutionary war | 7 the speed boat. then they split up and separated from the speed boat containing radio devices so that the dutch patrol was fooled as if the speeding speed boat was running away from dutch police checks. these tactics and strategies provoked dutch police patrols so that a chase was inevitable (syam, 2015). dutch police managed to disable the speed boat, which was used as a fishing rod. finally, the speed boat carrying the radio device managed to escape the dutch police patrol. the radio device was taken to the coast of sumatra by tni forces, then landed in the yu tamiang river, east aceh (syam, 2015). this radio transmitter is the forerunner of the rrr, which is obtained through the struggle of life and death. after arriving in aceh, the radio transmitter was first installed in krueng simpo, bireun (about 19 km from bireun city, north aceh) by w. schulz and assisted by lieutenant sajuddin, lieutenant r. abdullah, lieutenant syarifuddin, and ramli melayu, who were also employees in the postal and telegram/telephone service. the krueng simpo area became the first installation site for security reasons, away from dutch supervision. moreover, at that time, indonesia’s condition was not stable so it was not possible if the newly obtained radio transmitter, was brought to kutaraja (banda aceh). while the city of bireun became the place where the radio studio was built (zulfan et al., 2009). after the condition has improved, and due to political considerations, as well as on the orders of tgk. m. daud beureu’eh as the military governor of aceh, the radio transmitter was transferred to kutaraja. political considerations are intended so that with the radio transmitter, the information conveyed can reach abroad. in addition, it is easier for the aceh military governor to convey political policies for the sake of struggle, and facilitate the entry and exit of information related to indonesia’s struggle (sufi & wibowo, 2004). until in kutaraja, radio transmitters were installed at cot geeu, precisely at the foot of mount seulawah because it is suitable in terms of geography and safety (zulfan et al., 2009). if at any time known by the dutch, the radio transmitter can be easily moved to mount seulawah through peukan bilui in sibreh, then to seulimum (sufi & wibowo, 2004). although the transfer, the dutch attack on indonesia is not over, which is marked by a blockade and propaganda played. at first, radio broadcasts were conducted in kutaraja, between the studio and the transmitter connected by a cable that was about 8 km away. broadcasting is done using signal calling, a wave officially used by rri in kutaraja, which is emitted on waves of 19 meters. while the other transmitter waves, using signal calling rrr and army radio division x. radio broadcasting in kutaraja is managed by the army division x lighting section, headed by a.g. mutyara (zulfan et al., 2009). the existence of rrr in kutaraja did not last long. the day after the second dutch military aggression on december 20, 1948, on the orders of tgk. m. daud beureu’eh (military governor of aceh) radio transmitters were forced to be moved to other areas, which were safe from the dutch range. initially, the radio was to be moved to the burni bius area near takengon but failed due to unsafe circumstances. seeing these conditions, the aceh military governor invited all civilian, military, and community leaders to attend a special meeting, held in kutaraja on december 19, 1948. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 1-18 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 defending indonesian sovereignty through mass media: radio rimba raya in the revolutionary war | 8 on that night, the aceh military governor instructed that the radio transmitter at cot geeu be immediately brought to the mountains of central aceh. immediately, the special forces of division x brought a radio transmitter to rimba raya, as far as 260 km from the city of cot geeu. on december 20, 1948, rrr resumed operations with its broadcast, which contained the instructions of the aceh military governor on the implementation of general mobilization of all indonesians who had grown up in aceh. the transfer of radio transmitters from kutaraja to rimba raya was pursued by dutch military forces, causing trucks carrying the devices to infiltrate and take shelter in the forest. the fertile forest in central aceh became a hideout for troops carrying radio transmitters from attacks, so the dutch lost track. due to consideration of the situation, strategic analysis, and technical calculations, as well as advice from colonel husein yusuf (1912-1978) and w. schulz, presented to the aceh military governor, the planned installation of radio transmitters in burni bius, central aceh, was canceled. thus, the radio transmitter was transferred to rimba raya village, central aceh. the installation of radio transmitters encountered several obstacles, namely the absence of electrical connecting devices and the lack of cable availability making the broadcasting process disrupted. considering that the electric machine is the main key to live radio broadcasts, the search for power connecting devices and cables is sought. the search was carried out by ummi salamah (wife of colonel husein yusuf), who started from bireun area, then to lampahan, but failed because both places did not have electricity supplies. a new electrical connecting device was found, in the kuala simpang area. after being found, the device was immediately taken to rimba raya village, until the radio was operational again. rrr broadcasting structure: schedule and content rrr is led by indonesians, especially those living in aceh. among them was colonel husein yusuf (1912-1978) (builder and editor) (inawati et al., 2016), tgk. h. affan (builder), abdullah syarif (builder and acehnese editor), and lieutenant syarifuddin (vice-chairman, and broadcasters in indonesian-netherlands). however, the rrr broadcasters are not limited to acehnese but are also assisted by people from outside the region such as ambon and manado, as well as foreigners. the broadcasting schedule by radio rimba raya is carried out starting at 16.00 pm. in addition to using indonesian, rrr broadcasts also use foreign languages (english, indian, arabic, chinese), as well as regional languages according to the birthplace of an announcer such as acehnese, ambonese, and manado. in broadcasting, the radio transmitter with a power of 1 kw uses signal calling voice of the republic of indonesia, signal calling suara indonesia merdeka, rrr, radio division x, and rri (sufi & wibowo, 2004). in general, rrr broadcasts are divided into five broadcast schedules. at 16.00– 18.00 wib, rrr conducted telegraph relations with guerrilla transmitter stations inside and outside the dutch-controlled city to find out the state and development of the indonesian struggle on the battlefield. at 19.00–21.00 wib, rrr held a special ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 1-18 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 defending indonesian sovereignty through mass media: radio rimba raya in the revolutionary war | 9 domestic special for the benefit of the indonesian people using signal calling votes of the republic of indonesia. at 21.00–23.00 wib, rrr held a special broadcast abroad for the struggle of diplomacy by indonesian envoys abroad, as well as informing the international community that the republic of indonesia still exists. at 23.00–24.00 wib, rrr conducted a special broadcast to the front-line using signal calling of the free indonesia voice. at 24.00 wib-morning, rrr held a telephone relationship with several indonesian representatives abroad (jakobi, 1995; sufi & wibowo, 2004). exchange of information through rrr broadcasts between indonesia and indonesian representatives abroad is intended to know the domestic situation, the progress of the struggle abroad, and the problems faced by indonesia, at home and abroad, including the availability and needs of war, needed by indonesian fighters. the information submitted by rrr to indonesian representatives abroad uses symbolic language so as not to be suspected, for example, “hello, send us butter, milk, and rice”. the language of "food" is merely a symbol, but what is meant is actually the need for struggle, as the tools of war (sufi & wibowo, 2004). thus, the existence and role of the rrr to bridge information from within to abroad are needed. indonesia’s information to get abroad can only be done through aceh as the establishment of rrr because, in other areas, almost all of them are controlled by the dutch. in general, rrr broadcast content contains a message of struggle and independence of indonesia and concerns community activities or activities such as social, cultural, literary, artistic, and religious (sufi & wibowo, 2004). however, in a period of upheaval between indonesia and the netherlands, broadcasts related to the indonesian struggle became a priority. the broadcast of independence did not escape from things, which are closely related to the politics of government. the purpose of the message of struggle was broadcast in order for indonesia to gain power, thus gaining the right and authority to rule and lead the country. in this context, broadcasts containing messages of struggle as part of indonesia’s political strategy can be understood as the process of exercising and maintaining the power they have. that means, in gaining power, the information media in this case radio, plays an important and strategic role. radio as an information media plays an important and strategic role in indonesia’s struggle. when the dutch actively conducted political propaganda over the radio to bring down indonesia on the international scene. indonesian fighters also did the same, broadcasting news over the radio to dismiss news of provocations and propaganda by dutch radio, which disrupted the struggle, both physical and mental of indonesian fighters (alfian, 1982). through rrr broadcasts, rebuttals to dutch propaganda can be minimized. the rrr also broadcast emergency government calls to listeners, both at home and abroad, particularly on messages that could stir guerrilla fighting. since the second dutch military aggression until the establishment of the emergency government of the republic of indonesia (pdri), rrr acts as a media linking information between pdri and indonesian representatives abroad. the rrr broadcast guerrilla messages widely and intensively, launched by the tni and the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 1-18 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 defending indonesian sovereignty through mass media: radio rimba raya in the revolutionary war | 10 indonesian people, so that the dutch could not deceive the eyes of the world against their claims of power to indonesian territory. radio rimba raya also takes part in efforts to raise funds from the community for the needs of the struggle. in accordance with its function, rrr became an information media and handler of propaganda news broadcast by dutch radio. rrr invites people throughout the region to help indonesia’s struggle (alfian, 1982). in the economic field, rrr broadcasts news about indonesia’s economic activities and circumstances for war preparation, both in the form of income from the public and funds from abroad (polim, 1996). this information is important as a form of openness and accountability to donors on the one hand and motivates contributors on the other. balance sheet information is very helpful for freedom fighters in terms of regulating financial use for war readiness. in addition, rrr content also contains information on socio-cultural activities of the community, especially in awakening the spirit of the nation’s struggle and as the frame of indonesia’s independence struggle. for example, the broadcast of ceremonial events, which are rooted in the religious values of the community, such as the commemoration of the prophet muhammad’s maulid to gather muslims and increase the spirit of struggle of muslims (polim, 1996). the author argues that the event aims to awaken the fighting spirit of figures and muslims on the battlefield in the fight against the colonials in order to gain success in defending indonesia from all dutch threats, propaganda, and provocations. rrr in countering dutch provocation news the capital city of yogyakarta has an important role in the struggle to maintain indonesia’s independence from dutch military aggression. when yogyakarta was successfully controlled by the dutch on december 20, 1948, all facilities including the transmitter of radio republik indonesia (rri), were taken over. the area that was not affected by the dutch military aggression attack was aceh as the area where rrr was established. this area became a defense base in strategizing indonesian resistance against the dutch. however, after yogyakarta was successfully overrun by the enemy, the attack on aceh became the next dutch destination. attacks in the form of bombing and fire from the sea were repeatedly carried out by dutch military forces. the dutch attack on aceh made this area unstable. the precarious situation experienced by aceh received attention and was immediately responded to by the aceh military governor as well as regional officials and community leaders. the people of aceh have a strong commitment to maintaining the unity of the aceh region and indonesian sovereignty. the commitment can be seen in the role of the aceh ulema association (pusa) which was established on may 5, 1939 (yusuf, 2007). pusa fought on the front lines against the dutch, which can be proven by the edict of scholars inviting all acehnese people to fight to defend indonesian independence (ibrahimy, 1982). in a vacuum situation, precisely on december 20, 1948, after the second dutch military aggression, the rrr broadcast delivered its messages using a division x ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 1-18 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 defending indonesian sovereignty through mass media: radio rimba raya in the revolutionary war | 11 radio calling signal that worked at a frequency of 19.25 with a transmitter force of 1 kw at an altitude of 61 meters (tim koordinasi siaran ditjen kebudayaan, 1998). rrr denies that the republic of indonesia and the aceh region still exist. there is still emergency management of the republic of indonesia led by syafruddin prawiranegara in bukittinggi, west sumatra. then there are the army of the republic of indonesia and the people of indonesia including the people of aceh (melayu, 1995). tukiran (2018) said that this news continues to be broadcast by the rrr during the day and night during the condition of aceh and the republic of indonesia is still precarious until sovereignty is successfully recaptured by the people. the news was relayed by several radios such as rri kutaraja and all india radio, as well as radioradio liaison in bukittinggi and java island. thus, news broadcasts are heard all the way to malaysia, singapore, vietnam, australia, and europe. through the rrr broadcast, the international community recognized the existence of aceh and the republic of indonesia which was eventually recaptured through negotiations and diplomacy known as the dutch-indonesian round table conference (kmb), which took place on 23 august until 2 nov 1949. rrr broadcasts its news using several languages, namely indonesian, dutch, arabic, english, chinese, and urdu. broadcasting news of the struggle in various languages is very helpful for the people of aceh in fighting for diplomacy abroad for the unity of the aceh region and to get recognition of the republic of indonesia from the international world. in addition to fending off propaganda news broadcast by dutch radio, rrr also played a role in providing important instructions on the situation and condition of aceh to the leaders and soldiers of the emergency government of the republic of indonesia. this can be seen at the time of the transfer of syafruddin prawiranegara from west sumatra to kutaraja, which at that time was delivered directly through rrr broadcasts to indonesian representatives abroad. news of domestic struggles and developments becomes the basis of policymaking by foreign diplomats, both related to the progress of the struggle physically and diplomacy. the news results were broadcast by rrr regarding the situation and conditions of aceh and the republic of indonesia. l.n. palar (1900-1981) at the united nations meeting declared to the international community that aceh was still united under the rule of the republic of indonesia, and the republic of indonesia remained intact. rrr in counterattacking the provocation of dutch radio led by colonel husein yusuf (1912-1978) and captain a.g. mutyara. then there are several foreign nationals involved as broadcasters and technicians, lieutenant abdullah (radio announcer in english), lieutenant candra (radio announcer in urdu), wung fei (radio announcer in chinese), lieutenant nargis, and w. schulz (chief radio technician). information on the dutch invasion of indonesian territory was very quickly received by the international community and the united nations. one of the factors that make this information spread very quickly did not escape the news by dutch radio. information on the attack on indonesia was also clarified by the report of the three countries commission (ktn) to the un security council. the commission also ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 1-18 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 defending indonesian sovereignty through mass media: radio rimba raya in the revolutionary war | 12 reported to the united nations that the netherlands violated the renville agreement, which had been agreed and signed between the two sides. the dutch attack on indonesia led the countries of the world to condemn the attack, one of which was india. nasution (1979) said one of the most valuable moral supports for indonesia for the dutch military aggression was the initiative of india and burma to gather representatives of countries from 19 in asia and arabia to meet simultaneously at the asian conference in new delhi. during the conference, india through pandit prime minister jawaharlal nehru stated that what the dutch did had violated the results of the renville agreement. strictly speaking, the indian representatives decided unanimously that the dutch army should leave indonesia immediately because what they did was considered to make the indonesian people more miserable. india’s concern for indonesia can also be seen moments after the second dutch military aggression, india’s representative at the united nations urged the security council to quickly resolve the indonesia-belanda dispute. the broadcasts delivered by rrr are relayed by all india radio and australia broadcasting. because of the torrent of information abroad and thanks to the persistent struggle of indonesian diplomats abroad, the opinions of asian countries sided with the republic of indonesia. when the asian conference took place on 20-25 january 1949 in new delhi, it was opened by jawaharlal nehru (1889–1964) as prime minister of india (mukherjee, 2018). an important point resulting from the conference was that yogyakarta should be returned to aceh and the republic of indonesia, the dutch army should be withdrawn from indonesia, and the indonesian leaders held captive should be released. the representatives of indonesian diplomats who attended the asian conference were sumitro djoyohadikusumo (1917-2001), sudarsono (1911-1976), h.m. rosyidi (1915-2001), utoyo ramelan, and alexander a. maramis (1897-1977). the representative office of the republic of indonesia in india at that time was located in aurhubzob (new delhi). from there indonesia through rrr broadcasts news twice a day about the development of the struggle of the indonesian people during the second dutch military aggression. the development of indonesia’s struggle was also conveyed by the representatives of the republic of indonesia at the conference. news of indonesia’s struggle was also quoted by all india radio, then spread to other regions. the results of the asian conference for indonesia held on 20-25 january 1949 in new delhi encouraged the round table conference (kmb), held in the hague, the netherlands, from 23 august to 2 november 1949. to control the news in this conference spread to all corners of the country, the rrr’s working hours were extended considering the amount of news that must be sent to indonesian representatives in the conference. the busyness of rrr broadcasts is most felt at 21:00 until the morning, which is when broadcasting special broadcasts abroad. the round table conference finally paid off, namely the netherlands ceded sovereignty to the united states of indonesia. rrr continued to play a role in maintaining territorial unity until the time of the recognition of the sovereignty of the republic of indonesia by the netherlands on december 27, 1949, in jakarta as a result of the round table ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 1-18 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 defending indonesian sovereignty through mass media: radio rimba raya in the revolutionary war | 13 conference in the hague, the netherlands. the role of the rrr not only refuted the provocations of dutch radio but also participated in the events of the general offensive of 1 march 1949. this attack was led by lieutenant colonel suharto and the people’s army forces who at that time stormed and blockaded the headquarters of dutch troops in yogyakarta (abdullah, 2015). this attack has been prepared since the second dutch military aggression in yogyakarta on december 19, 1948. on tuesday, march 1, 1949, yogyakarta began to be attacked from various directions by the guerrilla army of the republic of indonesia by mobilizing the rrr as a means of communication and command. sub wehrkreise (swk) 102 attacked from the south, swk 103 troops from the west, swk 104 troops attacked from the north, and swk 105 from the east as well as tasked with expelling dutch troops coming from tanjungtirto (southward) and cornering dutch troops in the maguwo area to prevent any assistance and flight activities (djumarwan & pratiwi, 2016). the general offensive of 1 march 1949 was unbeknownst to the dutch. guerrilla forces emerging from the south were able to infiltrate the area around the post office and benteng vredeburg and the northern square until it managed to knock out three tanks and mines, they installed (pussemad indonesia, 1965). the offensive of 1 march 1949 attack lasted for an hour. the people's guerrilla army of the republic of indonesia managed to paralyze and isolate the city of yogyakarta for six hours from the dutch side. but after that, the dutch began to prepare themselves inside the headquarters of major general d. r. a van langen (1898-1983) and brought troops from magelang under the leadership of colonel j. adrianus van zanten (d. 1964). the dutch then carried out a counter-attack on indonesia by land and air. the guerrillas were forced to withdraw due to the unbalanced force of the weapons compared to those of the dutch. this situation is used by the dutch to control strategic areas. as a result of the retaliatory attack, the victims from the indonesian side including civilians reached 300 people (pussemad indonesia, 1965). the general offensive of 1 march 1949 was disseminated by the rrr and several other radios, which were in the mountainous areas of java. the news was relayed by all india radio until it was heard abroad including the un council. in its broadcast, rrr reported the chronological general offensive of 1 march 1949 carried out by the guerrilla army of the republic of indonesia in controlling the city of yogyakarta for six hours. this news aims to convince the world that the republic of indonesia still exists. this news is widespread in various countries including india. l.n. palar (1900-1981) as a diplomat of the republic of indonesia in india explained the situation and conditions on march 10, 1949, in a united nations forum to let the world know that indonesia still has defense and remains sovereign. rrr also broadcast statements delivered by l.n. palar (1900-1981) at the un council until the news spread to various countries such as malaysia, singapore, new delhi, and several other countries in europe. after the news, the sovereignty of the republic of indonesia is still recognized by the world. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 1-18 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 defending indonesian sovereignty through mass media: radio rimba raya in the revolutionary war | 14 defending the sovereignty of the republic of indonesia rrr had strong commitment to broadcasting news of the struggle in defending aceh territory and the sovereignty of the republic of indonesia from the second dutch military aggression (jakobi, 1995). the basic values of the rrr are contained in the “tri prasetya pledge”, which is: (1) we must save the radio broadcasting device from anyone who wants to use it to destroy our country. defending the device with all the soul of the body under any circumstances and with any effect. (2) we must drive the rrr broadcast as a tool of struggle and a tool of revolution throughout the indonesian nation, with a purely national spirit, a clean and honest heart, and a loyal mind full of love and loyalty to the homeland and nation. (3) we must stand above all streams and beliefs of parties or groups by prioritizing the unity of the nation and the safety of the country and holding on to the soul of the proclamation (saifullah et al., 2017). another factor is the edict of the president of the republic of indonesia and the military governor of aceh, langkat, and tanah karo. before the second dutch military aggression, in june 1948, president sukarno visited bireuen city, north aceh, to give a speech in a giant meeting held in cot gapu square (zulfan et al., 2009). the content of sukarno’s speech was essentially to unite and gather strength and invite the people of aceh to defend the unitary territory of aceh and the sovereignty of the republic of indonesia from dutch intervention this meeting was attended by about a hundred thousand people from various regions (zulfan et al., 2009). in addition, the appeal of acehnese scholars for young people to join the jihad. on december 23, 1948, the scholars held a meeting and issued the same fatwa as delivered on october 15, 1945, the ‘sabil war’. acehnese ulema tgk. h.m hasan krueng kale said that the law of the ‘sabil war’ against the dutch invaders is ‘obligatory’ for every muslim as is the duty of prayer, while those who help the enemy, both in deeds and words, are considered traitors, and deserve to be punished. ulema who participated in the meeting included: tgk. sayed abdullah kajhu, tgk. h. ahmad hasballah indrapuri, tgk. h. makam gampong blang, tgk. mohd. ali (tgk. lam pisang krueng kale), tgk.m. daud beureu’eh, and tgk. abdul wahab seulimum (jakobi, 1995). the ulema mentioned are fighters in defending the sovereignty of the republic of indonesia. conclusions radio rimba raya (rrr) was established with the aim of supporting the indonesian government's programs, namely as a medium of struggle responsible for broadcasting victory news and trying to counter the news of dutch provocations containing "the republic of indonesia no longer exists". such efforts were to safeguard the country's sovereignty from the dutch colonial who wanted to reclaim indonesian territory. in the early days of indonesian independence, the rrr served as a funnel of information and a connecting media in broadcasting important information to the authorities of the republic of indonesia including when indonesia formed an emergency government due to the second dutch military aggression in 1948. not only that, rrr ihis (indonesian historical studies) 6 (1), 1-18 © 2022 | e-issn: 2579-4213 defending indonesian sovereignty through mass media: radio rimba raya in the revolutionary war | 15 was able to become a spokesman for independence during indonesia-netherland’s negotiations and diplomacy, until the return of the sovereignty of the republic of indonesia. rrr also participated in broadcasting news about the condition of indonesian territory at the time of the general attack of march 1, 1949. the influence of the rrr is not only in the context of defending aceh territory but for the return of sovereignty of the republic of indonesia. through its heroic broadcasts, rrr has the support of leaders and fighters of the republic of indonesia including scholars and the people of aceh. references abdullah, a. 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(1998). de indische radio-omroep: overheidsbeleid en ontwikkeling, 1923-1942. verloren. yusuf, h. (2007). teungku muhammad daud beureueh dan perjuangan pemberontakan di aceh. ar-raniry press. zulfan, z., hasyim, a., & usman, i. (2009). aceh daerah modal. pemerintah aceh; dinas kebudayaan dan pariwisata aceh. microsoft word 3. azhari et al_layout.docx ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 28-42 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 development of historical tourism based on augmented reality (ar) and virtual reality (vr) | 28 received: september 8, 2023 revised: june 09, 2025 accepted: june 16, 2025 development of historical tourism based on augmented reality (ar) and virtual reality (vr) at the bongal international historical site, central tapanuli, north sumatra, indonesia ichwan azhari*1, lukitaningsih1, rosmaida sinaga1, apriani harahap1, syamsul anuar bin ismail2 1history education department, universitas negeri medan, indonesia 2school of multimediatechnology and communicatios, universiti utara malaysia, malaysia *corresponding author: ichwana545@gmail.com doi: 10.14710/ihis.v9i1.20199 introduction tourism contributes significantly to economic growth and is one of the factors supporting a country’s prosperity (thommandru et al., 2023). tourism has a positive impact on the country's economic growth, ranging from the channelling of capital, goods, and technology, to encouraging the progress of knowledge dissemination and research development, as well as promoting regional development (brida et al., 2020; calero & turner, 2020). the growth of tourism is expected to have a positive impact on job creation, increase income, foster economic prosperity, and generate foreign exchange reserves (bazargani & kiliç, 2021; thommandru et al., 2023). other contributions that the tourism sector can make to the country are improving people's welfare, alleviating poverty, developing infrastructure, and conserving nature. all of these impacts are important not only for the present but also for the future (sustainable development) (sørensen & grindsted, 2021). in indonesia, tourism contributes significantly to economic growth, as evidenced by the increase in foreign exchange earnings, regional income, and development, as well as increased national and foreign abstract in 2019, researchers have successfully discovered thousands of ancient artefacts at the bongal site. the ancient artefacts found were identified as originating from india, china, and the middle east. this research aims to describe how the process of developing historical tourism at the bongal international site using augmented reality (ar) and virtual reality (vr) technology. the research method employed is research and development (r&d), which comprises three stages: preproduction, production, and post-production. the research results successfully led to the creation of a prototype for historical tourism at the bongal international site, utilising augmented reality and virtual reality technology. artefacts that have been successfully created using ar/vr technology include umayyah coins, abbasid coins, cups, mini statues, and amoghapasa statues. this research also succeeded in creating a 360o virtual tour application. the creation of ar/vr applications for the bongal international site is expected to enhance the site's landscape, making it more enjoyable and memorable for tourists. keywords: historical tourism; augmented reality; virtual reality; bongal site. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 28-42 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 development of historical tourism based on augmented reality (ar) and virtual reality (vr) | 29 investment, a higher flow of goods and technology, employment opportunities, and business development (pariwisata, 2021). tourism in indonesia is currently emerging as one of the leading sectors supporting the country's economic growth. increasing foreign exchange and regional income, as well as regional development, investment, employment, and business growth spread across various regions of indonesia, is a form of tourism's contribution to indonesia's economic development. by 2027, indonesia’s gross domestic product (gdp) from tourism is expected to amount to 5.6% (oktadiana, 2021). this number increased significantly in 2022 to 19.82% of the country’s tourism revenue (johanes et al., 2024). heritage tourism and historical tourism are the most popular and fastest growing types of tourism among global travellers (zhu, 2021), because this type of tourism offers unique and unforgettable experiences (arumugam et al., 2023). global tourists do not just want to have fun or rest and relax; they also seek something new that provides an experience world citizens, mobilizes destination residents as fellow citizens (kemenparekraf, 2022). these efforts are expected to create resilient and sustainable mass tourism (weaver et al., 2021). in addition, today’s travellers are capable of becoming producers and have the technical tools to reconstruct their travel experiences. travel experience, travel enjoyment, and travel satisfaction are key factors in today’s travel trends (pai et al., 2021). the bongal site is an area rich in world historical heritage, where in 2019, a 'lost ancient port city' was discovered at the site. the bongal site is located on the coast of tapanuli bay, precisely in jago-jago village, badiri sub-district, central tapanuli regency, north sumatra province. bongal is the name of a hill 324 metres above sea level (amelia et al., 2024). it is approximately 60 kilometres south of barus, with coordinates: 01º35’30.9”n, 98º49’42.1”e (soedewo et al., 2025). the three great civilizations of the world, namely the middle east, india, and china are brought together at this site, as evidenced by the discovery of millions of artifact fragments such as umayyad dynasty and abbasid dynasty coins, 7th-century persian jars, tang dynasty chinese ceramics, statues, ancient islamic medical equipment, inscribed manuscripts and wooden boards, ancient chinese coins, shipwrecks, pottery, beads and various other artifacts that number in the thousands (azhari, 2021; soedewo, 2021). the bongal international site boasts a very charming landscape, featuring a stretch of coastline and hills, which further enhances the attractiveness of the region to both local and international tourists (azhari et al., 2020). the enormous potential of historical and natural tourism at the bongal site will undoubtedly be highly beneficial for the economic growth of local and national communities. the involvement of the bongal site in the ancient spice route network, as evidenced by the discovery of various artefacts, represents a valuable historical tourism asset. this site can be developed into a ‘world-class historical tourist destination’ that can attract both domestic and international tourists to visit. the development of historical tourism at the bongal site in line with the government’s efforts to realize the spice route of the indonesian archipelago as a unesco world ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 28-42 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 development of historical tourism based on augmented reality (ar) and virtual reality (vr) | 30 cultural heritage site (wapresri.go.id, 2024). amid the massive development of technology and the digital world today, one effort that can be made to develop the historical tourism potential of the bongal international site is through virtual technology. this technology is accessible through android, ios, or pc, providing visitors with a unique and memorable experience. augmented reality (ar) and virtual reality (vr) are currently the most widely used virtual technologies in tourism development, aiming to attract tourists. ar and vr offer a highly interactive experience that combines the natural and virtual worlds (wedel et al., 2020; verma et al., 2022). through android-based mobile phones, tourists can easily use ar and vr applications while visiting destinations. virtual reality (vr) makes it easy to access distant tourist destinations. tourists can enjoy the tourist experience without having to visit the tourist location (atzeni et al., 2022) and prepare a large amount of money for travelling costs (siddiqui et al., 2022). augmented reality (ar) is a technology that focuses on modifying the perception of real-world images and adding a layer of digital data on top of them (dargan et al., 2023). overlaying digital objects on top of real-world images can enhance functionality and provide additional information that can enrich the content of the object (al-ansi et al., 2023). augmented reality (ar) utilises synthetic images (virtual objects) to overlay them on real images, thereby projecting virtual objects as part of the real world (wedel et al., 2020; verma et al., 2022). additionally, ar technology can also augment or replace real objects with virtual ones (verma et al., 2022). ar is used on smartphone devices through applications or social media by relying on camera sensitivity (octaviani, 2023). for historical tourism that showcases artefacts, historical objects, and cultural heritage, the use of augmented reality can expand the number of collections and complement artefacts that cannot be displayed offline. in addition, the use of ar during the visit can also facilitate the provision of additional information about artefacts that have limited textual narratives (chen et al., 2024) and animations that make them more attractive and memorable (boboc et al., 2022). virtual reality is a computer-generated three-dimensional virtual environment that users can interact with through a head-mounted device and sensors (hamad & jia, 2022). ar will be more optimal when combined with virtual reality (vr) applications, where tourists can experience virtual tourism through 3d presentations and create virtual space (daassi & debbabi, 2021). vr focuses on the total immersive experience, whereas ar involves interaction between the user, digital content, and the real world (xiong et al., 2021). ar technology is spatial, while vr is 3d. vr distinguishes between real and virtual illusions, while ar displays virtual images in the real world. the use of ar and vr applications engages multiple human senses, including sight, hearing (or sound), touch, and smell, to provide visitors with an immersive experience (fan et al., 2022). the use of ar and vr can enable visitors to enjoy a more attractive, enjoyable and memorable experience (boboc et al., 2022). ar and vr also and contribute positively to expanding promotion through websites and social media platforms ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 28-42 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 development of historical tourism based on augmented reality (ar) and virtual reality (vr) | 31 (chen et al., 2024). tourists can easily enjoy various historical tourist attractions online using their smartphones or pcs without having to visit the area. the use of ar and vr also has a positive impact on the preservation of historical artefacts, as it reduces physical contact that can damage sites (karaman & deniz, 2025). based on these factors, ar and vr technology are well-suited for application at the bongal international site, which is rich in various relics of indonesian history dating back to the early centuries ad. this research aims to describe how the process of developing historical tourism at the bongal international site using augmented reality (ar) and virtual reality (vr) technology. method the method used in this research is the research and development (r&d) method, which aims to develop new products, processes, or services (kainulainen, 2023). the stages used for prototyping consist of three stages: pre-production, production, and post-production. the pre-production stages include potential problem analysis, data collection, 3d object design, and planning. to analyse potential problems, observations and interviews were conducted to assess the potential of historical tourism at the bongal international site, which will be developed for ar and vr applications. in analysing the potential problems, the proposing team also conducted a literature review to strengthen the research hypothesis and inform the design process of the ar and vr-based bongal site history tourism prototype. after the problem was identified, the next step was to collect data on the artifacts and landscapes of the bongal site through photos and videos. these data will be input into the 3d object design plan. the production stage involves manufacturing for 3d object modelling. the post-production stage involves encoding 3d elements so that they can be displayed during the scanning process. the end of the post-production stage involves creating the unity application format and establishing the thesis website link for testing. there are several stages in designing augmented reality (ar) artifacts for the bongal international site. these stages are preparation (install unity 3d and vuforia apk then create an account), create new project (creating 3d artifacts on unity apk), project configuration, vuforia activation, ar target import, creating ar objects, object configuration, creating scripts for ar interaction, ar project test, and ar app optimization and distribution. in addition, there are three stages in designing a virtual reality (vr) link to the bongal international website, which are 360° image capture (using street view app), creation of a 360° virtual tour (using theasys.io website), and virtual reality (vr) testing. potential of bongal site as a historical tourism destination in north sumatra the discovery of the bongal site in 2019 benefits historical tourism in central tapanuli regency. the discovery of thousands of historical artifacts found by residents or the result of excavations by archaeologists and historical research, can unlock new historical tourism potential in central tapanuli. the bongal site has the potential to be ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 28-42 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 development of historical tourism based on augmented reality (ar) and virtual reality (vr) | 32 developed into a world-class historical tourism destination. this tourism potential contributes positively to historic preservation efforts at this site. it is also expected to have a positive impact on the economies of the surrounding communities as well as those of north sumatra and indonesia. the bongal site played a crucial role as an ancient port city in the nusantara spice route trade network during the early centuries ad. the three great civilisations of the world—namely, the middle east, india, and china—are brought together at this site. this fact is supported by the discovery of various artifacts from the three world civilisations at the bongal site. this factor made the discovery of the bongal site in 2019 so shocking to the world of history and antiquities. excavations carried out since 2021 have yielded millions of artifacts of international standard at the bongal site. based on the results of research and excavation, the bongal site is the only site in the archipelago that contains the oldest evidence of interaction between sumatra island and the region of islamic origin (middle east). these facts have the potential to offer a new perspective on the history of islam’s entry into indonesia. the artifacts found at the bongal site include: 1) the ancient dinar and dirham currency of the ummayah and abbashah dynasties' leaders, dating from the 7th to 9th centuries ad. these coins include coins of the umayyad dynasty dated 75-95 ah (694-713 ad); abbasid dynasty (caliph abdullah al-mansyur) coins dated 143 ah (760 ad), 147 ah (764 ad), 149 ah (766-767 ad), 154 ah (771 ad); coin of the abbasid dynasty (caliph muhammad al-mahdi) dated 166 ah (782 ad); the coin of the abbasid dynasty (caliph muhammad al-amin) is dated 195 ah (810-811 ad); abbasid dynasty (caliph al-ma'mun) coin dated 204 ah (819-820 ad) (azhari, 2021; soedewo, 2021; arrumdani et al., 2022). the next artefact found at the bongal sites was ukkiyah. ukkiyah is the middle eastern unit of measurement for dinars and dirhams. it was an ancient financial institution that controlled the monetary system in this lost city. other artefacts are neyshabur urn from persia/iran (vii-ix century ad); alembic (distillation device); ancient islamic medical equipment; a teapot or kettle made of glass from the middle east, x-xi century ad; serahi (small bottle) was made in syria or egypt in the x-xi century ad; ganesha figurines, pandya coins, and ancient indian jewellery; wooden board inscribed with pallawa script, vii-viii century ad; tin sheets are written in post-pallawa (old sumatran) script and old malay and sanskrit from the 8th-ixth centuries ad; tang dynasty ceramic bowl, 8th-xth century ad; ancient chinese coins; copper weights (dacin); ancient ship body fragments and dhouw; a wooden structure thought to have served as a dwelling or dock; various types of artifacts are made of pottery, ceramics, stone, wood, and metal (gold, silver, tin, copper, and bronze) (azhari, 2021; soedewo, 2021). the richness of historical narratives and cultural heritage associated with the bongal site in the world spice route network is a precious asset in indonesian tourism. this potential can be developed into a 'world-class historical tourism destination' that attracts national and international tourists to visit this site. this effort aligns with the ministry of tourism and creative economy’s program, which aims to revive the spice ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 28-42 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 development of historical tourism based on augmented reality (ar) and virtual reality (vr) | 33 route, once the pride of indonesia, and to realise the archipelago spice route as a unesco world cultural heritage by 2024/2025. indonesia spice up the world (isutw), which runs until 2024, is one of the spice route tourism activities organized by the ministry of tourism and creative economy (henry, 2024). the tourism potential of the bongal site is also closely related to the 2018-2028 regional tourism development master plan of central tapanuli regency, which aims to make central tapanuli a world-class cultural tourism destination in indonesia (peraturan daerah tapanuli tengah no. 9, 2009). this effort is expected to contribute positively to the preservation of history at this site and to encourage regional development that can have a positive impact on the economies of the surrounding communities, as well as north sumatra and indonesia. development of augmented reality (ar) and virtual reality (vr) based historical tourism at bongal site development of augmented reality (ar) prototype through unity application bongal site in developing ar applications, device specifications are required. hardware used in the development of prototype ar: asus laptop type rog strix, processor inter core i7, memory 16 gigabyte, hard drive 3 terabyte, graphic card rtx 2060 6 gb. hardware used in ar prototype testing: all types of laptops and cell phones can be used in testing if they are connected to the internet. next are the steps for creating and using augmented reality, such as (1) photographs of artifacts taken directly at the bongal international site, jago-jago village; (2) download and install unity 3d from the official unity website. create a vuforia account on the vuforia developer portal site (https://developer.vuforia.com). download the vuforia sdk and corresponding license from the vuforia developer portal; (3) open unity and create a new project by selecting "file" > "new project". select an appropriate template, such as "3d". once the project is open, ensure that you import the vuforia package into the project. to do this, go to the "assets" menu > "import package" > "custom package", then search and select the vuforia package that you have downloaded; (4) inside the unity project, go to "edit" > "project settings" > "player". in the "more settings" tab, change the "script runtime version" to "equivalent". net 4.x". in the "xr settings" tab, enable "vuforia augmented reality supported"; (5) inside the unity project, go to "window" > "vuforia configuration". click "add license key" and enter the vuforia license obtained from the vuforia developer portal. enable "digital glasses" if developing a dedicated ar device such as hololens or magic leap; (6) download ar targets from the vuforia developer portal. these can be image targets or physical objects. import the ar target into the unity project by right-clicking inside the asset, and selecting "import package" > "custom package," and then selecting the downloaded ar target file; (7) create or import 3d objects that you want to display when an ar target is detected. make sure the objects are in the correct hierarchy. usually, it places the object as a child of the ar target, so the object appears when the target is detected; (8) ar camera: add the "ar camera" component to the object hierarchy. inside the inspector, ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 28-42 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 development of historical tourism based on augmented reality (ar) and virtual reality (vr) | 34 set the camera mode to "device" so that the device camera is used for ar. in the "data set loading behavior" section, add a data set containing the imported ar targets; (9) create a c# script that will control the interaction of ar objects when a target is detected. you can use methods such as ontrackingfound() and ontrackinglost() to control the behaviour of objects when a target is detected or lost; (10) connect an arenabled physical device to your computer or use an ar emulator if available. run the project in unity and point the device camera at the ar target. you should be able to see ar objects appear when a target is detected; (11) during development, ensure the project is optimised for optimal performance and user experience. once you have finished developing your ar project, you can distribute it to target platforms, such as ios, android, or others, as needed. follow the platform distribution guidelines that are appropriate for the platform you are targeting. here are the steps to create and use augmented reality. figure 1. photo of the excavation site of the gold mine at the bongal site. figure 2. artifact photos that have been used in making ar-vr applications. after creating the application, a trial is required. the steps include: open the bongal site unity application, then point the lens at the qr code. the following are the results of the ar test of the artifacts found at the bongal international site: ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 28-42 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 development of historical tourism based on augmented reality (ar) and virtual reality (vr) | 35 figure 3. display of ummayah and abbasid coins in the application that has been made. based on the picture above, if you scan the qr listed through google lens, the desktop or mobile screen will switch to ar, which contains a 3d display of ummayah and abbasid coins. the coins can be seen, with a circular movement (both the front and the back are visible), indicating no failures in the ar trial. figure 4. display of cepu artifacts in the application that has been made. based on the picture above, if you scan the image listed through the vuforia application, the desktop or mobile screen display will switch to ar, which contains a 3d display of the cepu coin. the cepu can be seen, with a circular movement (both the front and the back are visible), so that nothing fails in the ar trial. figure 5. display of mini statue artifacts in the application that has been created. based on the picture above, if you scan the qr code listed through google lens, the desktop or mobile screen display in the instagram application will switch to ar, ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 28-42 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 development of historical tourism based on augmented reality (ar) and virtual reality (vr) | 36 featuring a 3d display of mini statue artifacts. the mini statue can be seen clearly, with a circular movement (the front and the back are visible), so there is no failure in the ar trial. figure 6. display of amoghapasa artifacts in the application that has been created. based on the picture above, if you scan the qr code listed through google lens, the desktop or mobile screen display in the instagram application will switch to ar, which contains a 3d display of amoghapasa artifacts. the amoghapasa can be seen clearly, with a circular movement (both the front and the back are visible), so there is no failure in the ar test. figure 7. field data collection process in jago-jago village. virtual reality (vr) prototype development through theasys website application the virtual reality (vr) environment comprises two primary locations: the bongal international site and the fansuri museum, alongside several artifacts equipped with qr codes. the hardware specifications necessary for the development of the vr prototype include a computer or laptop with internet connectivity, with all types of laptops suitable for vr creation. for testing the vr prototype, the hardware utilized was an iphone, model 7 with 128 gb storage, operating on ios 15.7.8, featuring an imei of 35 532608 106001 4, a 12 mp camera, a six-core graphics gpu, wi-fi 802.11 ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 28-42 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 development of historical tourism based on augmented reality (ar) and virtual reality (vr) | 37 a/b/g/n/ac, dual band, and mobile hotspot capabilities. the 360° virtual tour image capture was conducted in person by researchers at jago-jago village, located within the bongal international site. the 360° image capture process employs the street view application, which involves capturing a comprehensive view of the user's surroundings. this method produces images that are more complete than those produced by traditional photography. the procedure includes opening the street view app, selecting 'create,' pressing the camera icon, taking a series of photos, and then selecting 'done' to merge and store the 360° photos as "private." creating a 360° virtual tour can be done in various ways. the first way is to create online through the web, such as theasys.io and other service providers. the second way is to create a 360° virtual tour using 3d vista software and similar tools. steps to create a virtual tour in theasys include: first, sign up for an account and activate it. next, upload 360-degree panoramic photos, ensuring they are named systematically for easier management. then, link the 360-degree photos together. configure the look and functionality of the virtual tour. install and activate the necessary plugins. request an api token and install it in the theasys plugin. finally, input the short url of the completed virtual tour. virtual reality/vr trial some artifact links that have been vr-ized have been loaded in the form of qr (quick response). the results of the virtual tour trial are as follows. situs bongal the bongal website has a link: https://ths.li/zurdkev. based on the figure 8. above, if you click on the link listed, the desktop or mobile screen display will switch to theasys website on the way to the bongal international site. the interactive buttons appear and function correctly, and the view can be seen in 360 degrees, indicating no failure in the link test. figure 8. jago-jago village view in the application that has been created. fansuri museum the fansuri museum website has a link: https://ths.li/s5ncwr4. based on the figure 9. above, if you click on the link listed, the desktop or mobile screen will switch to theasys website at fansuri museum. the interactive buttons appear and function correctly, ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 28-42 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 development of historical tourism based on augmented reality (ar) and virtual reality (vr) | 38 and the view can be seen in 360 degrees, so there is no failure in the link test. figure 9. display inside the fansuri museum in the application that has been made. the atmosphere of bongal traditional gold mining figure 10. qr code for testing the ar-vr application at the bongal site gold mine. if you scan the qr code from figure 10. listed through google lens, the desktop or mobile screen will switch to google drive, which contains a short video about ancient glass flakes. interactive buttons appear and function correctly, and a slide-shaped view is in full view, so that nothing fails in the qr trial. ancient 8th century glass flakes if you scan the qr code from figure 11. listed through google lens, the desktop or mobile screen will switch to google drive, which contains a short video about ancient glass flakes. interactive buttons appear and function correctly, and a slide-shaped view ihis (indonesian historical studies) 9 (1), 28-42 © 2025 | e-issn: 2579-4213 development of historical tourism based on augmented reality (ar) and virtual reality (vr) | 39 is in full view, so that nothing fails in the qr trial. figure 11. qr code for ar-vr application trial at bongal site conclusion the bongal site is an ancient port city located on the nusantara spice route, a trade network that united three major world civilisations: the middle east, india, and china. this fact is evidenced by the discovery of millions of artifacts from these three great civilisations in the bongal site area. the discovery of these artifacts also confirms bongal's position as a world-class international site with very high historical tourism potential. technological advances in modern times provide numerous benefits, including the ability to be felt directly, as exemplified by the development of historical tourism at the bongal international site, which utilises augmented reality and virtual reality technology. the development of bongal international site history tourism with ar and vr models is expected to provide tourists with an accurate picture. through this ar/vr-based application, tourists can learn about and discover the bongal international site, a historical site rich in world historical heritage. the creation of ar and vr prototypes for the bongal international site is expected to futher develop the site landscape, allowing tourists to experience more immersive sensations, such as being in the actual location of the site. referrences al-ansi, a. m., jaboob, m., garad, a., & al-ansi, a. 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(2021). heritage tourism: from problems to possibilities. cambridge university press. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108914024. 166 received: november 13, 2022 revised: january 01, 2023 accepted: january 01, 2023 venereal diseases treatment for merauke’s marind (marind-anim) tribe in the dutch colonial period rosmaida sinaga*, hafnita sari dewi lubis, yushar tanjung, lister eva simangunsong study program of history education, faculty of social sciences, universitas negeri medan percut sei tuan, deli serdang, north sumatra indonesia *corresponding author: rosmaidasinaga@unimed.ac.id doi: 10.14710/ihis.v6i2.16428 abstract this article provides some proofs that influenced the increasing number of marind-anim people who suffering from venereal diseases. it also provides factual efforts that had been done by the colonial government as well as catholic missionaries in merauke to overcome this problem. this study applies historical methods with four stages: heuristics, verification (internal and external criticism), interpretation/explanation and historiography. primary sources obtained from national archives of the republic of indonesia i.e., memorie van overgave van het bestuur over de afdeeling zuid nieuw guinea; letter of the minister of colonies to the governor general of the dutch east indies; report of assistant resident zuid afdeeling nieuw guinea to the director of government; and official printed sources, e.g., volkstelling 1930. michel foucault's power relations theory is used to analyze the causes of venereal disease in the marind tribe. the results shows that the cause of the increasing number patients who had venereal disease in the marind tribe, merauke, was related to their traditional understanding which legalized free sex and deviant sexual activities in the marind tribe. the imbalanced power relations between men and their wives and between men and adolescence men causing venereal diseases and sexual perversions in the marind tribe. the strategy implemented by the colonial government was to involve catholic missionaries who were trusted to overcome the disease by building a housing model that can only be occupied by nuclear families who are not infected with venereal diseases. the colonial government demolished men’s houses because there were possibilities of homosexual intercourses which become one of the causes of venereal disease among the marind tribe. in addition, the government required the cenderawasih bird hunterers to have their genital health checked as a hunting permit. the government built hospitals and clinics and invented doctors who specialize in venereal disease to treat the patients. these strategies has succeeded in treating and eradicating venereal diseases among the marind tribe. keywords: venereal diseases; marind (marind-anim) tribe; dutch colonial government; catholic missionaries; merauke. 167 introduction sexually transmitted diseases are diseases caused by germs that are transmitted through sexual activity. one type of venereal disease is hiv/aids (piot et al., 2001, p. 971; ruxrungtham et al., 2004, p. 69). the existence of hiv/aids in papua is severe since the number of people living with hiv/aids has been increasing from since 1979. papua has always been in the top five provinces with the highest number of hiv/aids cases in indonesia (sahiddin & resubun, 2018, p. 1; zeth, 2010). in 2020, hiv cases in papua are in fourth place nationally with a total of 37,662 cases, while aids cases in papua are in the top position with a total of 23,629 cases (purba, 2018). although it is not a category of hiv/aids disease, venereal diseases have hit the marind (marind-anim) tribe. during the colonial period in papua, the marind tribe suffered from venereal diseases. the marind tribe is a local resident of merauke in the south coast of papua (hapsari, 2020, p. 263). the venereal disease suffered by the marind tribe has greatly worried the colonial government. the colonial government was worried that the local population would become extinct if the venereal disease was not addressed (gritantin, 2022, p. 1830). the government’s concern can be traced based on population census data which indicates that the childbirth rate is very low, while the population death rate is very high (rumansara, 2015). venereal diseases in merauke have caused the region's population to decline drastically. therefore, the colonial government implemented various policies to overcome it (boomgaard, 2007, p. 25; jaelani, 2019). the policies implemented by the colonial government in tackling the venereal diseases in the area have proven successful. therefore, the author is obligated to write a study entitled “treatment of venereal diseases of merauke’s marind (marind-anim) tribe during the dutch colonial period”. several previous studies related to this topic will be elaborated to find gaps and add to the novelty of this research. in papua new guinea, jeffrey clark discusses how concepts of pollution and sexuality have affected, and been affected by, the encapsulation of huli people by the colonial and postcolonial state. hundreds of huli people from the southern highlands province arrived at mt. kare goldfield to take advantage of the fortunes. clark examines the gold’s incorporation into huli mythopoeia, relates it to men’s explanations of the illnesses they suffered at the goldfield, and shows how gold became analogous to menstrual blood as an agent of pollution. it is proposed that the polluting aspect of gold provides a metacommentary on the huli experience of colonialism and new structures of power, and that this experience is interpreted through metaphors of gender. at mt. kare, male illness is attributed not only to the presence of women but to the extent of illicit sexual intercourse and prostitution. the men who cohabit with women are also at fault and broke the taboo, but because women are not supposed to be at mt. kare, it is they who figure prominently in male explanations of illness. clark found that male illness more logical caused by gold dust contamination coming from women’s fingernail during the service their men (feeding and sexual prostitution) than consequences of breaking the taboo at sacred site of mt. kare (clark, 1993, p. 742–746). 168 in west papua, many cultural meanings and norms surrounding sexuality and reproduction have been affected by colonialism. christianity and indonesian cultures have had a significant impact on middle-class papuan’s culture in urban manokwari, a long-established christian missionary station and the current capital city of the bird's head region (richards, 2004, p. 80). these coastal papuans regard chastity and christian values as crucial strategies to preserve their identity as papuans among an expanding community of non-papuan migrants. they have ancestry in several of the places near manokwari. however, they also set themselves apart from the portrayed as hostile and traditional residents of the nearby mountains. in the central highlands of papua, young people are impacted by the attitudes toward sex and sexuality that leslie butt and munro refer to as a "shame culture," in which indigenous sex and sexuality are stigmatized as primitive and unrestrained and young women experience intense shame over premarital pregnancy (butt & munro, 2007, p. 591). in mimika district (west papua), katmo, et al. analyses the impacts of colonialism on the kamoro people reproduction and sexuality which by colonial interventions directly and indirectly had changed systems, practices and norms that guided kamoro sexuality and reproduction. social institutions, norms, gender roles and responsibilities that regulated relationships, including sexuality, which were present in marriage, family, and courtship practices, have been forcibly changed or discontinued. instead of an interconnected, matrilineal clan system, the introduced institutions promoted patriarchal individualism. before beginning the marital process, sexual activity was not permitted in the prior era. any infraction of these guidelines would result in traditional penalties. however, these customary sanctions were outlawed when colonial legal systems were adopted. these modifications have influenced modifications in sexual behavior. they have harmed traditional structures, eroded social cohesion and social control, destroyed previous modes of sexual expression and sexual education, and given kamoro men privilege as the head of their families. pornography has increased public awareness of sex, but this awareness has not been matched by sufficient focus on sex education. inadequate practical attempts are made to empower young kamoro in addition to their substandard education. the use of condoms is taboo and stigmatized, which restricts access to this method of safer sex. additionally, the definition of sexual activity has evolved. while younger people use it for power, love, or pleasure, older generations tied it to procreation (katmo et al., 2022, p. 335). method this study applies the historical research method which refers to four stages: heuristics, verification (internal and external criticism), interpretation/explanation and historiography (sulasman, 2014, p. 75). in the heuristic stage, the author lists and collects historical sources related to the factors which cause the increasing number of marind (marind-anim) people suffering from venereal diseases and the strategy of the dutch colonial government and catholic missionaries in overcoming the disease. the primary source of this research was obtained through tracking at the national 169 archives of the republic of indonesia (arsip nasional republik indonesia – anri) in jakarta. the primary sources found include memorie van overgave van het bestuur over de afdeeling zuid nieuw guinea (the memory of handing over positions of the government officials in afdeeling zuid nieuw guinea), letter of the minister of colonies to the governor general of the dutch east indies, report of assistant resident zuid afdeeling nieuw guinea to the director of government, and official printed sources, e.g., volkstelling 1930. the secondary sources used are books at the national library, jakarta. in the second stage, source criticism is conducted through internal criticism and external criticism. internal criticism is done by reading the contents of the document to find out the truth of the contents of the document in accordance with its original form. external criticism is conducted by looking at the date of manufacture of the document, the place of manufacture, the official of the maker, and the material for making the document (e.g., paper type). at the interpretation stage, an interpretation of historical facts is conducted to determine the interrelationships between historical facts, which are then analyzed and assembled into a single logical and harmonious whole of facts. at this stage the writer seeks and arranges a causal relationship according to the sequence of events from each fact that has been obtained. the last stage is the writing of history. here, the compilation of facts in a complete synthesis, so that it becomes a historical story that tells about the prevention of venereal diseases of merauke’s marind community during the colonial period. causes of venereal diseases of merauke’s marind tribe during the colonial period the marind tribe (tugeri tribe) is the largest tribe in the southern part of papua, which occupies areas along the southern coast of papua to rivers in the hinterlands (bulaka river, bian river, kumbe river, and maro river). as the largest tribe, of course the marind culture influences the surrounding tribes, e.g., body ornaments and clan organizations. the marind tribe is genetically tall and large. in addition, the posture of the marind tribe is of course also influenced by the availability of abundant natural resources in their residential areas (ramdhani, 2019). even though the natural resources in the area where the marind live are abundant, the population of the area has been in decline since 1915. the decline in the population is marked by a high death rate, while the birth rate is almost non-existent. on his first visit to merauke, resident assistant l.m.p. plate (assistant resident of afdeeling zuid nieuw guinea from 6 -7-1912 to 15-10-1915), obtained information about the general decline in the population of the afdeeling zuid nieuw guinea region, especially in merauke which was caused by many local residents suffering from venereal diseases (plate, 1915). in the memory of the handover, plate wrote that many local residents in afdeeling zuid nieuw guinea (southern papua region) suffer from venereal diseases. the cause of the venereal disease is related to the traditional rituals of the marind tribe. as for the traditional rituals referred to, e.g., at a wedding, the bride must do sexual intercourses with men of her clan. plate proposed a plan to 170 control of the venereal disease to the colonial government because he was worried that the marind tribe would become extinct (jaelani, 2013; sinaga, 2013, p. 104). in line with plate, baal also explained that many marind people suffered from venereal diseases because the marind tribe's traditional marriage rituals the allowed the practice of sexual deviations (baal, 1939). the indicator of sexual deviation in the marind marriage ceremony is the ritual of jus primae noctis (rights on the first night). on the night of the wedding day, male guests from members of the bride’s clan have the right to do jus primae noctis to the bride. the men from the members of the bride’s clan have the right to have sexual intercourse with the bride in turn on the first night. if there are men who have not had the opportunity to have sexual intercourse with the bride on the first night, the ritual will be continued on the following night. at the beginning of colonial rule in southern papua, there was a case of a bride having sexual intercourse with 30 men on the first night. the sex ritual was continued the following night until the bride had sex with all the male guests from her clan. another customary leniency of the marind tribe that allows free sex is that when a family clears a field or builds a house, the head of the family (husband) is obliged to give his wife to the workers overnight to have sexual intercourses. in addition, if there were guests, those guests were welcome to sleep with their wives. sometimes a marind husband was willing to give his wife to a villager just for tobacco. in fact, in traditional parties and traditional dance parties, women had to serve many men (baal, 1939, p. 315–316). marind tribe women are often required to change sex partners in traditional ceremonies, so women are vulnerable to sexually transmitted diseases. newly married women are prone to contracting venereal diseases and experiencing uterine damage for having numerous sexual intercourses with many men at their wedding. this is one proof of gender inequality in the marind community. women are the victims who are greatly disadvantaged in the traditional ceremonies of the marind tribe. the wives must obey the orders of their husbands because the dowries of the wives have been paid by their husbands. wives must be willing to serve men who are not their husbands at the behest of their husbands. husbands can ask their wives to serve others. such conditions show an unequal power relationship between adult men and their wives in the marind tribe. this unequal power relationship is because the husband has paid the dowry to his wife, so that the husband has full power over his wife. the relationship of power in the marind tribe’s social environment shows that the relationship that develops between husband and wife is not balanced. the dowry that had been paid by the husband makes him legitimate to the power to regulate and determine the fate of his wife. the wife must accept the domination of power from her husband as a consequence of the dowry she has received. another sex deviation which caused venereal disease in the marind tribe is homosexual practice among the marind tribe. according to the customary rules, adolescence men who just hit puberty (when their pubic hair begins to grow) must stay in the youth initiation house (gotad). in general, the youth initiation house (gotad) 171 was built at the back of the village, where it was not visible to the women. in gotad, adolescence men who enter puberty live with other youngsters. before the initiation ceremony, in gotad the youths received education about the life of men. moreover, in gotad the youths started homosexual relationships with their patron fathers and among fellow youths (baal, 1939, p. 317–318). here, the venereal disease was passed on by their patron father to the youngsters who had just entered their puberty period through the homosexual intercourses. the youths in the initiation house were powerless to reject the homosexual relations with their patron father or with the other older youngsters. this proves that there was a power relation of the patron father and the older youngsters over the new adolescence members of the initiation house who just hit puberty. as a result, the new members of the house were also infected with venereal diseases. this means that both young women and young men got the venereal diseases because of the marind tribe's traditional rituals and unequal power relations. the grown man who becomes a patron father has the complete power over his foster children in gotad based on his knowledge of the life of ha anim (true men). the power relationship between the patron father and his foster children in gotad is unequal. mature men who have knowledge of true men life are considered omniscient the man entering puberty accepts the dominance of power from his patron father and other older men as a consequence of the knowledge he gains from their patron father. another factor that causes venereal disease is an intoxicating drink made from wati (piper methyscum forst). the wati plant is a plant similar to kava in melanesia. the marind tribe consumed it as a traditional drink that can make you drunk. to obtain the raw materials for this wati drink, the marind tribe chews the roots and stems of the wati plant to extract the water. the water from the wati plant is poured into a coconut shell container. the person who chews wati must be in the same family as the person who will drink it. the wati plant as a traditional drink has an important role in the traditional ceremonies of the marind tribe (baal, 1939, p. 312–313). the wati drink is often used during traditional meetings or when conflicts occur within groups or between ethnic groups. if the person who chews the wati suffers from a venereal disease, it is possible to transmit the venereal disease to someone who drinks the water. the colonial government’s strategies in overcoming venereal diseases of the marind tribe assistant resident afdeeling zuid nieuw guinea, l. m. p. plate, concerned about the extinction of the local merauke population due to venereal disease would become a reality since childbirth rates were very low in the region. the number of local residents in the afdeeling zuid nieuw guinea region was decreasing every year. this can be seen from the results of the census as follows. 172 table 1. results of the population census in afdeeling nieuw, south guinea region population 1915 1916 1917 merauke 1034 1000 844 kumbe 2420 2328 2289 okaba 3750 3672 3674 total 7204 7000 6807 source: data processed from archive inventory of algemene secretarie serie grote bundel telegram gouvernement secretarie, 2013. based on the data from the table, it is known that the number of local residents of merauke has decreased every year. during the two years from 1915 to 1917 the population of merauke decreased by 190 people or decreased by about 18.4% (yambeyapdi, 2019). the decline in the population of merauke in particular and afdeeling nieuw of southern guinea in general, prompted the colonial government to eradicate venereal disease among the local population. assistant resident l. berkhout who served as assistant resident of afdeeling niuew south guinea from 15 october 1915 to 26 january 1918, proposed the following actions (sinaga, 2013, p. 105–106): 1) all residents and all those who visit the hinterlands must be checked for health and punish patients who refuse to be treated, 2) health checks must be conducted in the hospital, 3) local residents are required to stay at home with their families, 4) healthy residents were ordered to live in separate villages, 5) promote youth marriage, 6) sentenced to forced labor for 3 months for those who violated the bride on her wedding day, 7) prohibit the establishment and management of brothels (report of resident assistant l. berkhout submitted to the government through a letter from the director of government no. 3370, 1918). based on the proposal of assistant resident l. berkhout, it is known that various policies were taken by the colonial government to eradicate venereal disease among the marind tribe. all residents must be checked for venereal health so as not to infect people who are still healthy. local residents are required to live with their families since young men who enter puberty had become victims of homosexual relationships by their patron fathers and fellow older youngsters in gotad (misbahuddin et al., 2021). therefore, the government requires local residents to live with their families. the imposition of a 3-month forced labor sentence on a person who commits an offense against the bride on her wedding day is intended so that male guests from female clan cannot have the jus primae noctis to the bride on her wedding day (fibiona et al., 2020). sentenced to forced labor for 3 months was, of course, very hard for the marind tribe since they are not used to work hard to meet their food needs. the marind tribe does not need to work hard for the natural resources on their settlement are abundant. the sea has rich source of protein (various types of fish, shrimp, crabs, and others) and around the coast grows coconut and sago as their source of carbohydrates. the prohibition on the establishment and management of brothels proves that during the colonial government, brothels had already been established and managed 173 in merauke. the establishment and the management of brothels in merauke was of course intended to meet the demands of traders and cendrawasih bird hunters in merauke’s forests. in general, traders and bird hunters who come to merauke did not bring their families/wives with them. such conditions allow brothel businesses to be opened and managed because there was a market share (handoko & hasirun, 2019). in following up on the government’s proposal regarding an order for healthy residents to live in villages that are separate from settlements of people suffering from venereal diseases, the inspector of the public health service conducted the establishment of a new village for the marind tribe who are still healthy, especially for the younger generation (sumantri et al., 2022). the establishment of a new village for healthy young people aims to free the younger generation from the transmission of venereal diseases and eradicate immorality. another strategy adopted by the colonial government to eradicate venereal disease among the marind tribe in merauke was to impose penalties on people who committed sexual perversions and by forcing people with venereal diseases to have their genital health checked regularly by the doctor (sinaga, 2013, p. 106). genital health checks are not only aimed at local residents, but also for bird hunters who come to the area. this was written in the letter of the inspector of the public health service to the governor general of the dutch east indies number 4031, dated march 31, 1920. in the letter it was written that bird-of-paradise hunters were required to have their genitals checked before obtaining a permit to hunt birds of paradise in the afdeeling new guinea region of south guinea. if the bird hunter was proven to be a source of infectious disease for the local population, the government will revoke their permits as the bird hunter. the colonial government implemented a very short period of validity for hunting permits. when the expiration date for a hunting permit has expired, the permit holder must return to have his genital health checked. a new hunting permit would be issued by the colonial government after a genital health examination was conducted and was declared as healthy (sinaga, 2013, p. 106). the colonial government's strategy in tackling venereal diseases in the marind tribe in the afdeeling nieuw guinea region of south guinea was to assign venereal disease experts to the area. the venereal disease doctor assigned to the afdeeling nieuw guinea region of south guinea were dr. n. cnopius and dr. m.u thierfelder and their wives. the venereal disease doctors were succeeded in combating venereal diseases of the marind people. in addition, the strategy of the colonial government in overcoming the venereal diseases of the local residents of afdeeling nieuw, south guinea, especially in merauke region was also cooperated with the catholic missionaries who worked in the area (sinaga, 2013, p. 106). evidence of cooperating with the catholic missionaries to eradicate venereal disease of marind people is based on the written evidence of catholic missionaries in eradicating venereal disease in the region. catholic missionary strategies in overcoming venereal diseases of the marind tribe 174 catholic missionaries conducted evangelism in the afdeeling new guinea region of south guinea. evangelistic work began in that area which was marked by the presence of pastor h. nollen, pastor p. braun, brother roessel and brother oomen in merauke on august 4, 1905 (vriens, 1974, p. 611–613). at the beginning, the missionaries taught religious, ethical, and general subjects, e.g., writing, reading, and arithmetic to the local population. the lessons conveyed by the missionaries were aimed to direct the younger generation to abandon their old habits and beliefs. in conducting their evangelistic work, the missionaries were supported by the government. the government support was marked by the provision of subsidies to schools run by the missionaries (baal, 1939, p. 101). the provision of subsidies proves the cooperation between the government and missionaries in the field of education. in other words, the government and missionaries are working together in developing human resources in the afdeeling nieuw region of southern guinea. the cooperation between the missionaries and the colonial government was not only in the field of education, but also in the prevention of venereal diseases of the local population of the afdeeling nieuw region of south guinea (budi, 2017, p. 114; manurung, 2022). the colonial government took the missionaries to deal with venereal diseases suffered by the local population. the engagement of catholic missionaries was based on the work of the missionaries in the region. therefore, dr. n. cnopus, an expert on venereal diseases assigned to the area, suggested to the colonial government that the services of catholic missionaries can be used as the guidelines for eradicating venereal diseases among the local population. the missionaries built a model village to accommodate younger generation who had not contracted to the venereal disease. teachers on duty at schools run by the missionaries are tasked with educating students at school, preventing traditional ceremonies that are considered immoral, prohibiting homosexual relations, and encouraging local residents to wear clothes (baal, 1939, p. 346). in other words, the teachers at missionary schools are not only on duty at school, but also on duty to make people aware of the better life. the strategy adopted by the catholic missionaries to deal with venereal diseases of the marind people was to treat people who have contracted venereal diseases in the designated hospital. another strategy adopted by catholic missionaries in tackling venereal diseases is to separate the marind people who are still healthy from those who suffer from venereal diseases. marind people who are still healthy are placed in the new settlements called “desa teladan” or model villages. marind people who are still healthy are asked to remove the jewelry from their old customs and wear ordinary clothes. removing the traditional jewelery is not an easy matter for the marind-animha (true marind) people. removing the traditional jewelery is considered very shameful. other marind people view marind people who give up their old traditional jewelery as marind-puanim (foreign marind) or as apostates. another requirement for living in the model village is that every healthy family is placed in one house. a family consisting of father, mother and children is placed in a separate house. previously the men’s and women’s houses were separated, but in the model village the husband, wife and their children were placed in one house. this 175 caused the husband to no longer be able to escape his wife’s scorn, and the wife also constantly had a husband in the house who constantly issued orders. the placement of marind people who are still healthy in the model village has increased the number of healthy marind people, because only in this model village are new healthy babies born, whereas outside the model village no babies are born. in father petrus vertenten’s diary, it is recorded that in 1917 the number of people in the model village in merauke had only reached 20 families and in 1919 the number of people in the model village had reached 100 families. (duivenvoorde, 1999). the coping strategy adopted by catholic missionaries to overcome venereal disease of the marind tribe in merauke has succeeded in overcoming the extinction of the marind tribe. in the management of model villages, pater vertenten compiled various programs as follows: 1) the model villages were established in merauke, kumbe, okaba and wambi, 2) each model villages have a school for their children, 3) youth initiation houses (gotad) were removed, 4) people who are still healthy build a family home, 5) control is expected from the local government, 6) religious freedom is guaranteed. in conducting his program, father vertenten received a subsidy from the colonial government for five years (duivenvoorde, 1999). providing subsidies to catholic missionaries in overcoming venereal diseases suffered by the marind tribe proves that the colonial government took missionaries in hand. cooperation between the missionaries and the colonial government proved to be able to overcome venereal diseases of the marind tribe, so that the number of sufferers of venereal diseases in merauke did not increase. the success of the colonial government and catholic missionaries in overcoming venereal diseases can be seen from the increase in the number of local residents in the region. the increase in population can be seen from the results of a population census conducted by the colonial government in 1930. based on the census results, it is known that the local population of the afdeeling nieuw of southern guinea region is 15,817 (volkstelling 1930 deel v, 1935, p. 124). the results of the population census prove that the population of the area is increasing. conclusions the cause of the merauke’s marind tribe suffering from many venereal diseases during the colonial period was the traditional ritual of jus primae noctis (right on the first night) for the brides. the male members of the bride’s clan have the right to have sexual intercourses with the bride on the first night. another factor is the persistence of homosexual relationships among young men entering puberty and their patron father and fellow youngsters in youth initiation houses (gotad). the next factor is the customary leniency of the marind tribe which allows free sex, e.g., during the establishment of the fields, building houses, and/or receiving male guests, the head of the family (husbands) is obliged to present their wives to their helpers or guest overnight. sometimes a marind tribe husbands were willing to trade their wives for tobacco. in fact, marind tribe women were often required to have multiple sex partners in traditional ceremonies, leaving women vulnerable to sexually transmitted diseases. 176 the colonial government’s strategy in overcoming venereal diseases were by examining the health of all residents and all those who went to the interior at the hospital; punish patients who refuse to be treated; obliging local residents to stay at home with their families; obliging healthy residents to live in separate villages; promoting youth marriages; impose a three months forced labor sentence on a person who commits an offense against the bride on her wedding day; and prohibiting the establishment and management of brothels. the strategy of catholic missionaries in overcoming venereal disease were to treat marind people who suffer from venereal disease in hospitals run by catholic missionaries and to separate marind people who are still healthy from those who suffer from venereal disease. marind people who were healthy were placed in a new settlement called “desa teladan” or model village. the provision of subsidies to catholic missionaries in overcoming venereal disease suffered by the marind tribe proves that the colonial government cooperated with missionaries to overcome venereal disease suffered by the marind tribe in merauke. the strategy of overcoming venereal disease carried out by the colonial government together with catholic missionaries succeeded in eradicating venereal diseases suffered by the marind tribe. references baal, j. van. 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approximately 500 years. there are two versions regarding the origins of jepara’s woodcarving craft. the first version attributes its creation to tjie wie gwan, a mahapatih of kalinyamat and the adoptive father of sunan hadirin (maziyah et al., 2015, pp. 13-23). the second version credits a figure named prabangkara. in the early 20th century, which marked a significant turning point in the international development of woodcarving, r.a. kartini began introducing jepara’s carved furniture to dutch government officials and other prominent visitors to jepara. following this introduction, local artisans were gathered and instructed on how to produce crafts that met the desired standards, particularly those artisans living in the mountainous regions, who were known specifically as macan kurung carvers (priyanto et al, 2013, pp. 139-147). during the dutch colonial period in the dutch east indies, a carpentry school was established in jepara on june 1, 1920. this educational institution focused on abstract this article examines the process of degradation in jepara’s ornamental woodcarving, driven primarily by internationalization. in this context, degradation refers to the decline or deterioration of the traditional jepara woodcarving motifs as a result of modernization. using historical methodology, the study reconstructs the factors that have contributed to the decline of jepara’s ornamental woodcarving. the degradation process began with the arrival of foreign investors. on one hand, these investors facilitated the global marketing of jepara carvings. however, this also required jepara’s woodcarving products to conform to international market tastes, leading to a shift towards minimalist or even plain designs without traditional carvings. the changing consumer preferences gradually displaced the distinctive jepara motifs, which were perceived as outdated, less appealing, and less competitive compared to foreign products. this decline in quality was further exacerbated by the export boom at the end of the 20th century. the findings reveal that the degradation of jepara's ornamental motifs has significantly impacted the lives of local artisans, both in terms of the diminishing value and quality of their work, and in their struggle for survival by adapting to market demands. keywords: degradation; carving motifs; internationalization; jepara. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 155-170 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 internationalization and the erosion of jepara carving traditions | 156 teaching various decorative styles and motifs, ranging from those of the majapahit and mataram eras to those characteristics of bali, while still preserving the unique jepara designs (alamsyah, 2023, p. 65). skilled artisans trained at this institution were subsequently employed by several family-owned businesses and enterprises established by the dutch government. one notable example is the jepara’s houtsnijwek en meubel markt regional company, founded in 1932 (drieënhuizen, 1955, pp. 163175). to further empower the woodcarving craft, in 1963 and 1964, the head of the regional cooperative office for central java established the woodworking industry cooperative in panggang, jepara, followed by the founding of the “sido dadi” woodworking cooperative in sukodono. in the same year, the “suka damai” woodworking industry cooperative was also established in mantingan, jepara (alamsyah, 2023, pp. 24-30). entering the 1980s, the development of the carving craft in jepara began to show changes due to the presence of foreign investors. their arrival in jepara cannot be separated from the jepara carving exhibition in nusa dua, bali, in 1989, which attracted many foreign entrepreneurs to jepara to witness the creation and products of carving. during the period from 1980 to 1989, jepara carving art was not widely known by international consumers. this was due to the lack of platforms and access providing marketing at the international level. additionally, jepara carvers were predominantly from lower and middle classes, so their production could only meet local market demand (alamsyah, & indrahti, 2000, p. 34). in 1990, jepara carving crafts gradually gained recognition in the international market as foreign entrepreneurs opened up marketing access, leading to orders from various countries (“bridge,” 1990, p. 7). international consumers were more interested in buying jepara carvings due to their antique and unique decorative motifs (maziyah, 2015, pp. 78-80). this trend continued in subsequent years until 1999, when the export boom occurred, a condition where the demand for jepara carving exports increased drastically. on the one hand, this increase was a blessing as it expanded the market for jepara carving crafts. however, on the other hand, it also led to a decline in the value of jepara carving motifs. at the beginning of the 21st century, jepara carving products were known to be less competitive due to a shift in international market demand, favoring chinese, japanese, and italian carving products. this resulted in a decrease in orders for jepara carvings. this marked the starting point for the degradation of jepara carving motifs (riyoko, 2012). therefore, the problem of the degradation of jepara carving motifs is not solely caused by a decline in creativity but also by the need to face global competition. the presence of foreign investors in jepara, which was supposed to strengthen and enrich jepara carving motifs in the international market, enabling them to compete with other products like chinese, japanese, and italian carvings and cater to the tastes of international consumers, has instead led to a decline in their motifs. this is due to the emergence of international consumer preferences favoring plain carvings, following the trend of modernization. what were the causes of the degradation of jepara carving ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 155-170 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 internationalization and the erosion of jepara carving traditions | 157 motifs? how did the degradation of jepara carving motifs unfold in the context of internationalization? what were the impacts of the degradation of jepara carving motifs on the lives of those involved in the jepara carving industry? method this article is compiled using the historical method. the historical method is a method used to research, reconstruct, and analyze past events (gottschalk, 2008, p. 39). the historical method includes four steps: heuristics (source collection), criticism (source testing), interpretation, and historiography (historical writing). heuristics is the process of collecting data sources and finding sources relevant to the problem, which can be written and oral documents from past events as historical sources (wasino, 2005, pp. 11-12). written primary sources include archives and newspaper articles. archival sources were obtained from several jepara regency government agencies, such as the establishment deeds of carving cooperatives and statistical reports. other primary sources used are newspaper articles, such as gelora bumi kartini and the birmingham daily post. articles from these newspapers provide information about the trade activities of jepara carving crafts to export destinations. non-written or oral sources are used to provide information that cannot be found in written sources. oral sources were obtained from interviews with actors, including entrepreneurs and workers, communities, community organizations, and local government institutions. therefore, this research is also conducted using the oral history method to capture the development of the carving craft industry during the research period based on information from economic actors who are still alive to further complement contemporary written documents. secondary sources are obtained through the literature review process, which comes from books, articles in national and international journals, and other literature materials from previous research to support the writing of this article (suryomihardjo, 1975, p. 139). the approach used in this research is a socio-economic approach, encompassing the scope of the carving artisan community, local government, jepara carving art, marketing, production, international relations, and so on. the socio-economic approach is useful in this research because it can help analyze socio-economic activities, especially those related to community activities from an economic perspective, such as sales, promotion, international trade management, competition, and so forth in the degradation of jepara carving motifs in the context of internationalization (kocka, 1973, pp. 341-351). factors leading to degradation of carvings in jepara according to the indonesian dictionary, degradation means decline, deterioration, or decrease. furthermore, according to dymitrow (2017), a researcher in the field of environmental culture from gothenburg university, degradation is the decline or fading of cultural values in an object or group within a community that will give rise to a new culture such as consumerism, materialism, individualism, and hedonism. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 155-170 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 internationalization and the erosion of jepara carving traditions | 158 degradation can occur in various places and in various forms, such as moral, land, and cultural degradation as a result of modernization. based on the explanation of the concept of degradation, it can be formulated that degradation is the decline or fading of cultural values in an object or group within a community that will give rise to a new culture as a result of the influence of changes in people’s behavior and thinking (dymitrow, 2017, pp. 36-37). the degradation experienced by the carving craft in jepara is caused by the demands of buyers or consumers. in this context, consumers prefer furniture in jepara according to the design they want, following the trend of furniture craft fashion that is more elegant and luxurious. in general, these modern design models follow trends from the european continent, such as scandinavian furniture models, leonardo da vinci, windmill in the netherlands, and so on (figure 1). models from abroad (western countries) are generally minimalist models, meaning there is not much carving art in the manufacturing process (chrisswantra, 2021, p. 257). this is the background of the degradation of jepara carving motifs. on the one hand, there is consumer demand who view carving with a minimalist style as a trend of modernization. however, on the other hand, it also lowers the quality of jepara carvings or can be said to cause degradation. furthermore, jepara carving artisans also have to survive amidst the onslaught of similar products that are more popular with people abroad (kurniawan, 2018, pp. 91-92). below is a jepara carved furniture motif that is influenced by european style. figure 1. jepara carved furniture european style motifs source: iswahyudi, 2017. from a geographical perspective, jepara has been known as a city of carving crafts, both in indonesia and abroad. this is also supported by the location of jepara regency with a position of 3° 23’ 20” to 4° 9’ 35” east longitude and 5° 43’ 30” to 6° 47’ 44” south latitude. the boundaries of jepara regency are as follows: the west and north are bordered by the java sea, the east borders kudus and pati regencies, and the south borders demak regency (bppd kabupaten jepara, 2005, p. 31). in addition, historically, jepara is also famous as an old maritime city and the birthplace of one of ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 155-170 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 internationalization and the erosion of jepara carving traditions | 159 the figures of the indonesian women’s movement, r. a. kartini. in the field of natural resources, the jepara region is very fortunate to have an abundance of teak, mahogany, sono keling, and other trees whose wood is very suitable and useful as furniture material because it is durable, not easily broken or damaged, and does not easily fade. teakwood, in particular, is the best wood and is often in demand by consumers both locally and internationally. thus, the selling price of jepara carving craft products made from teakwood is certainly more expensive than other types of wood. teakwood that is often sought after by consumers is teakwood with an age of 60-80 years. therefore, it is not uncommon for jepara carving artisans to order teakwood from other regions such as sulawesi, kalimantan, sumatra, and nusa tenggara to fulfill consumer orders. in addition, teakwood in indonesia managed by perhutani is also better than that owned by the community (village teak). thus, many jepara carving artisans also look for teakwood on perhutani land and of course already have a permit (tim jip muj, 2014, p. 22). the abundance of natural resources certainly benefits jepara carving artisans and makes it easy for them to find the main medium for making carving crafts in various forms, especially furniture including chairs, tables, doors, and so on. however, this changed when wood resources started to become scarce due to massive deforestation that occurred in 1998 and 1999. at the same time, there was also an export boom in 1999 which flooded jepara carving artisans with furniture orders. unfortunately, this boom was not accompanied by maintaining product quality due to market demands. degradation process of jepara carving motifs (pre-degradation phase 1980-1999) in the early 1980s to 1989, jepara carvings were not widely known in the international market due to several factors, including the unpreparedness of local artisans in marketing their products due to inadequate knowledge and lack of access to market their goods in the international market. it was only when foreign investors came to jepara and introduced jepara carved furniture products to the international market that orders from international consumers began to arrive one by one. this was reinforced by the jepara carving exhibition held in bali (1989) and singapore, which was already known to many foreign tourists from various countries (figure 2) (priyanto, 2022, pp. 1-2). in 1989, jepara carved furniture was exhibited at the furniture exhibition in nusa dua, bali. at that time, hisyom prasetyo was present as the regent of jepara. unexpectedly, jepara furniture impressed the foreigners who attended the exhibition. they did not expect that carving crafts were not only found in bali but also in jepara. the jepara regional government seemed quite open to the presence of foreign entrepreneurs. they were allowed to invest in jepara carvings with the condition that they had to comply with applicable laws and regulations, including capital issues, by using the foreign direct investment (fdi) system. based on this, foreign entrepreneurs (foreign investors) from various countries came to jepara to invest (setiawan, 2017, pp. 31-48). in addition to exhibitions, the introduction of carving products was also carried out by fulfilling international market orders, one of which was from a singaporean ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 155-170 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 internationalization and the erosion of jepara carving traditions | 160 company called han rose furniture. this company was a privately owned family business run from home with an initial capital of 7,000 usd. in its development, the company then had an outlet in joo chiat complex near geylang syah, a building and workshop in tampines industrial park. han rose furniture then became one of the popular import companies in singapore, with buyers on average being residents of malaysia, china, and india (rachman, 1987, p. 5). figure 3 shows jepara carved furniture ordered by han rose company and then ordered by consumers from china. figure 2. regent of jepara hisyom prasetyo and governor of bali ida bagus oka at the international exhibition of jepara carvings in 1989 source: priyanto, 2022. the products ordered by han rose company from jepara included bedroom sets, dining table sets, living room sets, in addition to selling various items such as wooden calligraphy, telephone tables, and various handicrafts. in the period of 1987, han rose company tended to import goods from indonesia, but its consumers were on average residents of malaysia, china, and india who liked antique and unique carvings from jepara. the dominant motifs were plants, flowers, fruits, leaves, roots, including geometric and abstract. some of the existing price lists, for example, a popular bedroom set with a mattress bed for us$2000, a dining table set for us$1400-us$2000, a living room set for us$750-us$3000, a buffet for us$300, us$600 and us$1000 according to its size. a dressing table with a mirror for us$300, a layer for us$600 and a telephone table for us$300 (1987). the names listed on the carved furniture were very exotic and romantic. examples include sofas, dining tables, and beds named kecapi, romawi, anggrek, kursi gajah, istana perancis, antic rota, sofa cleopatra, and pilipinemadura; dining tables named anggrek, untir, jaya; bedroom sets named rambangan bunga, italy, mahkota bulan rambang, puteri rahayu, brawijaya, raja, romawi, raffles, saloom eropah, and mahkota bulan bintang (rachman, 1987, p. 5). in addition, entering 1990, there were carving motifs that were favored by international market consumers, namely leaf motifs, fruits, roses, lotus flowers, cliffs, lemahan, and so on, as seen in figure 4. ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 155-170 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 internationalization and the erosion of jepara carving traditions | 161 figure 3. jepara furniture in singapore ordered by han rose company, 1987. source: rahman, 1987. figure 4. leaf and rose shaped jepara furniture carving model 1990-1999 source: archival documentation research report on jepara carved furniture, 1999. in 1990-1999, jepara carved furniture craftsmen began to consistently produce carved products to meet the demands of international market consumers. at that time, international consumers considered jepara carving products to be unique, antique, and contain high creativity value, making them very suitable as room decorations that add to the aesthetics of homes, restaurants, and entertainment venues. this then led to an increase in the use of teak, mahogany, and other woods (tim jip muj, 2014, p. 22). problems then arose in 1997-1998 when perhutani stopped providing stocks of teak, mahogany, and other woods to jepara carving artisans. the reason was due to dwindling wood stocks, while the demand for teak exports abroad was booming. the ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 155-170 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 internationalization and the erosion of jepara carving traditions | 162 strengthening of the dollar had caused export and import activities to slump, impacting economic profits. one of those affected was perhutani. because perhutani stopped the supply of teakwood stocks, artisans had to look for teakwood and other types of wood elsewhere (“meubel,” 2000, p. 18). this condition worsened at the end of 1999 when there was massive looting of teakwood due to the global economic crisis, making it difficult for jepara carving artisans to meet the very high demand for orders at that time. at that time, there was also an export boom. as a result, many carving artisans made carving products freely, carelessly, and did not comply with regulations. the decline in carving quality then disappointed consumers. the carvings that were considered to be of less value then made international consumers prefer plain or minimalist models. international consumers also eventually switched to chinese, japanese, and italian carvings which were considered to be better (badan perencanaan pembangunan daerah kabupaten jepara, 2005, pp. 85-86). previously, the degradation of carving motifs in jepara began in early 1999 where the glory of the jepara carved furniture industry began to fade, especially in terms of competitiveness in the international market. jepara furniture products previously had a high bargaining position and always sold well in the international market because there were no other regions that had similar production with the same quality. however, in its development, there was a shift (badan perencanaan pembangunan daerah kabupaten jepara, 2005, p. 90). the entry of various orders from abroad at first glance seemed profitable for a few groups, but in its development, price competition actually harmed entrepreneurs and benefited exporters (buyers) because they could choose goods at cheap prices. this condition did not last long because, in its development, this price competition was also followed by a decline in quality due to very low prices. this condition certainly harms both the entrepreneurs themselves and buyers as well as the carving craft industry (badan perencanaan pembangunan daerah kabupaten jepara, 2005, p. 91). degradation has led to a decline in exports as international market demand has shifted according to their own tastes, namely minimalist or plain, so that the interest in jepara carving products has decreased, resulting in a decrease in overseas orders. in 1998, orders reached 800 containers per month, but in 1999 only about 50% (“profesional”, 1999, p. 12). during the strengthening of the dollar against the rupiah, raw and supporting materials such as glue, paper, and cloth experienced price increases that exceeded the limit. in fact, these goods were still obtained through imports. when the dollar depreciated, craftsmen had to bear the brunt from two sides. on the one hand, craftsmen were pressured by the high prices of supporting materials, and on the other hand, furniture prices in the market were also pressured by buyers from abroad. the saturation that emerged in overseas markets was caused by an excess of goods, especially for garden furniture (irawati, harini, & purnomo, 2012, pp. 99100). to follow up on this issue, the indonesian woodworking community (mpi) has tried to help procure raw materials and capital through cooperatives, especially related to the distribution of assistance in the form of soft loans. this step also needs to be ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 155-170 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 internationalization and the erosion of jepara carving traditions | 163 balanced with detailed arrangement and calculation of the real need for raw materials for the furniture industry. because there are indications of a decline in the quality and delivery of furniture, asmindo then designed technical and managerial training or guidance in the furniture business sector. however, the level of success depends on the active role of the industry players themselves, namely: how much they need to improve themselves in relation to business management, considering that so far the prevailing business management is still instinctive (learning from everyday habits) (iswahyudi, 2017, p. 51). degradation process of jepara carving motifs (degradation phase 2000-2010) entering 2000 to 2010, carving motifs to meet international market demand did not experience significant development. almost 80% of international market demand was mostly plain furniture, and only 20% used carving decorations. in the period 20002010, jepara carved furniture mostly followed the demands of market consumer orders. from the perspective of the local community, the establishment of foreign companies was not considered detrimental to local entrepreneurs, but rather was considered to provide more benefits. the benefits that can be obtained by local residents include several things. first, local residents can be absorbed as workers in foreign companies. this not only solves the problem of employment but also allows these workers to absorb knowledge from foreigners. second, foreign companies were not allowed to produce finished products, so these companies still had to cooperate with local companies. third, the presence of foreign companies was considered to encourage the spirit of local entrepreneurs to compete healthily (hayati, 2000, p. 62). however, there were also losses felt by local entrepreneurs, namely the increase in wages. with the presence of foreign companies, artisans who were considered skilled were given the opportunity to work in foreign companies with relatively high wages. the provision of relatively high wages also influenced artisans working for local entrepreneurs to demand the same wages as their colleagues working in foreign companies. the increase in wages caused production costs to increase, even though the selling price of goods could not be increased. meanwhile, if the price is increased, there is a concern that the goods will not sell due to the high competition among entrepreneurs (sulistyorini, 2016, p. 135). in 2000, industrial growth based on statistical reports from jepara in figures did not experience significant changes even though there had been degradation of carving motifs. thus, the degradation of carving motifs in the context of internationalization did not have a significant impact on the carved furniture industry. this can be seen from the number of exporters, destination countries, volume, value, and pma/pmdn which did not show a decrease. the decline in volume occurred in 2000-2001 reaching almost 50%, but this decline was not significant enough in each year. the growth of the carved furniture industry in terms of business units, workforce, volume, and its value in rupiah, entering the years 2000-2004 did not experience much change, as shown in table 1. jepara carving motifs in the early 21st century after the export boom and timber ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 155-170 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 internationalization and the erosion of jepara carving traditions | 164 looting declined further, especially in international orders, experienced a shift as seen in figure 5. products competitors who are superior and modern competition becomes tight. the shift in consumer tastes is the most decisive factor. jepara carvings which still maintain their traditional nature both in terms of manufacture and motifs find it difficult to survive. only craftsmen who are able to meet consumer tastes survive (roda et al, 2004, pp. 21-22). jepara carvings in turn are considered ancient and do not reflect the trend of modernization, different from carving products from china or japan which are considered better than jepara. therefore, as an effort to survive, jepara carving craftsmen only follow orders whose models are in accordance with consumer tastes. as a consequence, jepara carving varieties have also begun to be abandoned (roda et al, 2004, p. 25). table 1. growth of the jepara carving industry in 2000-2004 based on business units, workforce, volume, and value (rp) no type of commodity year 2000 year 2001 year 2002 year 2003 year 2004 1. household furniture from wood business units 3,400 3,008 3,120 3,597 3,776 workforce 57,000 43,916 58,210 50,063 59,210 volume (pieces/sets) 1,957,000 1,967,070 868,446 2,494,000 2,495,000 value (rp 000,-) 1,174,200 1,045,440 742,500,000 749,925.000 748,500,000 2. wood carving crafts business units 210 131 154 155 150 workforce 791 791 945 945 1,092 volume (pieces/setsl) 189,625 189,523 190,953 36,825 36,900 value (rp 000,-) 170,662,500 162,983,780 171,857,700 2,950,000 4,428,000 source: department of industry, trade, and cooperatives, jepara, 2004. jepara carving motifs in the early 21st century after the export boom and timber looting declined further, especially in international orders, experienced a shift as seen in figure 5. products competitors who are superior and modern competition becomes tight. the shift in consumer tastes is the most decisive factor. jepara carvings which still maintain their traditional nature both in terms of manufacture and motifs find it difficult to survive. only craftsmen who are able to meet consumer tastes survive (roda et al, 2004, pp. 21-22). jepara carvings in turn are considered ancient and do not reflect the trend of modernization, different from carving products from china or japan which are considered better than jepara. therefore, as an effort to survive, jepara carving craftsmen only follow orders whose models are in accordance with consumer tastes. as a consequence, jepara carving varieties have also begun to be abandoned (roda et al, 2004, p. 25). ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 155-170 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 internationalization and the erosion of jepara carving traditions | 165 figure 5. on the left is a scandinavian-style sofa chair furniture model from pt singa jati, on the right is a miami furniture model from pt umafindo, and at the bottom is a european-style bed model from pt habitats indonesia, 2010 source: pt umafindo and habitats indonesia, 2023. based on figure 5, it is evident that there has been a shift in consumer preferences when ordering jepara’s carved products. two jepara-based companies, pt. umafindo and habitats indonesia, have both adopted minimalist and plain carving models in their marketing promotions. this shift is driven by consumer demand, particularly in the international market. jepara’s woodcarving artisans must adapt to market trends to remain competitive with products from china, japan, and italy, which are perceived as more beautiful, modern, and precise due to the use of advanced technology in their production (chrisswantra, 2021, pp. 254-269). chinese carvings, characterized by traditional styles featuring dragon motifs—a sacred symbol in china—exemplify unique design strategies crafted by artisans to attract consumer interest (achdiawan & puntodewo, 2011, p. 32). the presence of superior, higher-quality competing carvings has made it difficult for jepara’s woodcarving artisans to survive, as they have prioritized maximizing economic profit over developing innovations. jepara’s furniture carving craft is also unable to compete with products from countries like china and japan, which utilize modern technology, such as machinery, rather than handicrafts, enabling faster production of a large number of products. on the other hand, most of jepara’s carving furniture industries still rely on traditional tools and human skills, with most carving industries operating as small to medium-sized home-based businesses employing between 2 and 50 workers. therefore, in facing the highly dynamic global competition, jepara’s furniture carving industry must develop strategies to compete with industrial ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 155-170 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 internationalization and the erosion of jepara carving traditions | 166 enterprises, especially those from developed countries (iswahyudi, 2017, pp. 45-48). the degradation of jepara’s carving decorative styles has also become more apparent due to the instability of international export markets, especially in the carved furniture sector, following the global economic crisis of 2008-2010 (bill, 2004, p. 77). this situation was further exacerbated by the withdrawal of foreign investors back to their home countries, leaving the artisans without access to market their products. the dependence on foreign entrepreneurs eventually led to the collapse of jepara’s woodcarving industry. the artisans were affected by layoffs from various woodcarving companies in jepara after foreign entrepreneurs returned to their countries (sulistyorini, 2016, p. 135). impact of decorative style degradation on jepara's woodcarving artisans the degradation of jepara’s decorative carving styles has significantly affected the woodcarving business activities. this degradation is essentially a survival strategy; if the artisans continued to produce only highly intricate carvings without accepting orders for minimalist or even plain designs, they would not earn any income. however, the degradation also represents a decline in the value of jepara’s carvings in the international market. the widespread popularity of minimalist and plain furniture has gradually stifled artisans’ creativity. as this trend continued, artisans were criticized for their inability to maintain the aesthetic value of their carvings and instead focused solely on catering to consumer preferences. however, the shift from classical to contemporary styles must be seen as a survival strategy for jepara’s artisans in adapting to changing times. this adaptation is accompanied by a high level of flexibility in responding to market demands, resulting in the production of modern carvings with simple designs (karmadi, 1985, pp. 43-50). this challenge was met with innovation in carving production that followed market preferences while still incorporating jepara’s distinctive carving accents. the impact of the degradation of jepara's decorative carving styles can also be observed in the export figures for jepara’s carved furniture in the international market from 2000-2010 (table 2). the impact of jepara’s decorative carving style degradation is also echoed by two jepara woodcarving artisans who engage in business with foreign entrepreneurs, a trend driven by the emergence of new furniture designs by jepara artisans. these artisans, named rositta (also known as sitta) and farida, are both involved in the carved furniture business. sitta started her woodcarving furniture business with her american husband, mr. hans, and since 2006, there has been a continuous decline in the variety of jepara’s carved furniture designs. the primary cause is market demand for modern furniture designs that lack decorative carvings. sitta also noted that consumers perceive modern designs of jepara furniture as more attractive compared to the carved furniture, which is considered classic, old-fashioned, and traditional. another reason is that consumers ordering jepara furniture from abroad are capitalists or individuals who prioritize economic profit over cultural preservation. the furniture purchased from jepara is used in restaurants, hotels, luxury homes, entertainment venues, and other establishments. sitta also mentioned that most of the jepara ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 155-170 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 internationalization and the erosion of jepara carving traditions | 167 furniture is exported to the united states. she is unable to do much because if she does not fulfill consumer orders and relies solely on jepara’s woodcarving furniture, her business would not be able to thrive (rossita, 2023). table 2. fluctuations in the export volume of jepara's carved furniture, 2000-2010 source: central bureau of statistics, jepara in figures, 2000-2010. farida, who started her woodcarving furniture business in jepara with her french husband, mr. gael, corroborated sitta's statement. she said that it is rare for consumers (export orders) to request furniture with decorative carvings, as they prefer modern and trendy designs. in response to this situation, farida and mr. gael continue to introduce jepara’s decorative carved furniture to consumers, hoping to spark their interest. however, it ultimately depends on consumer preferences. farida also revealed that during the golden era of jepara's woodcarving furniture, from around 1990-1999, many carved designs were sought after by consumers due to their unique, antique, and creative qualities (farida, 2023). conclusions the degradation of jepara’s decorative carving styles did not occur suddenly; rather, it was influenced by several contributing factors, rooted in historical contexts, that led to the decline of jepara’s woodcarving art. the first factor is the availability of natural resources, particularly the abundance of diverse tree species such as teak, mahogany, and sono keling, whose wood has been traditionally used as the primary medium for carving. this wood was sourced from two main suppliers: village-owned trees and state-managed forestry. initially, this supply chain operated smoothly, as jepara’s woodcarving artisans had no difficulty accessing the necessary raw materials. however, by the late 20th century, the state forestry agency began to reduce the supply of wood to the artisans due to the diminishing number of trees. this situation was exacerbated by illegal logging activities, which further depleted the availability of high-quality woods like teak and mahogany for carving. as a result, consumers became dissatisfied with the products created by jepara’s artisans, leading to a shift toward minimalist and plain designs. besides environmental factors, economic factors also played a role, including competition from foreign carved products in the no year number of exporters nunmber of destination countries volume (kg) value (us$) 1 2000 436 71 35,773,970 74,737,879 2 2001 451 88 38,956,277 76,110,290 3 2002 325 78 49,852,973 107,816,151 4 2004 343 78 61,817,687 134,500,648 5 2006 265 68 55,765,736 111,842,200 6 2008 248 68 37,847,093 100,334,715 7 2009 254 67 36,297,275 91,309,963 8 2010 252 60 35,209,331 90,498,084 ihis (indonesian historical studies) 8 (2), 155-170 © 2024 | e-issn: 2579-4213 internationalization and the erosion of jepara carving traditions | 168 international market, particularly from china, japan, and other countries. the process of jepara’s decorative style degradation can be divided into two stages. the first stage, the pre-degradation phase, occurred between 1980 and 1999, during which jepara’s woodcarving artisans began establishing their presence in the international market with the support of foreign investors. these investors played a significant role in representing consumer preferences for carved products in various countries and facilitated access to international marketing, particularly in the export sector. thus, the presence of foreign investors greatly benefited the growth of jepara’s woodcarving industry in the global market. in 1999, jepara’s carvings experienced an export boom, marking the beginning of the degradation of decorative styles in the early 21st century, from 2000 to 2010 (the degradation stage). during this period, the high volume of orders was not matched by the quality of the carvings, coupled with limited raw materials, leading to disappointment among international consumers. this was compounded by the emergence of superior and more modern competing products, such as those from china, known for their dragon carvings, and japan, known for lotus or cherry blossom motifs. consequently, from 2000 to 2010, many carving orders shifted from classical to contemporary styles, characterized by modern, minimalist, and plain designs intended for use in restaurants, hotels, and other establishments, as these were considered modern, not outdated, and elegant. the degradation of jepara’s decorative carving styles has significantly impacted the lives of jepara’s woodcarving artisans. this impact can be understood from two perspectives. first, the degradation has led to a decline in the value and quality of jepara’s carvings, as international consumers now perceive them as outdated and less in tune with current trends, making them less suitable for placement in hotels, restaurants, cafes, and similar venues. this contrasts with the past when jepara carvings were regarded as unique, antique, and creative. this shift in consumer preferences has been influenced by the competitive quality that shapes the tastes of the international market. second, the degradation of jepara’s decorative carving styles has forced the artisans to work harder to sustain their businesses by accepting all orders from the international market. failure to do so would threaten the survival of their businesses, leading to their eventual closure. acknowledgements the author 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(2022, may 4). hisyom prasetyo bupati jepara perintis ekspor mebel ukir jepara”, suarabaru.id. retrieved from http://suarabaru.id/2022/05/04/hisomprasetyo-bupati-jepara-perintis-ekspor-mebel-ukir-jepara. contested space of transborder fishing in timor and arafura seas shiskha prabawaningtyas paramadina graduate school of diplomacy universitas paramadina corresponding author: shiskha.p@gmail.com abstract the continuity of indonesian transborder fishing activities into australian fishing zone (afz) highlights the rooted dispute of maritime border when contested space of boundary shared by local, state and international actor is confronted. therefore, the prevailing of multilayer perspective of maritime boundary should not be easily neglected. the colonial project in early 19th century in southeast asia that initiated the foundation of modern state-formation had challenged the prior-political and economic construction of the region, specifically on the issue of territoriality. the modernization of shipping and fishing activities of which relied on technology and capitals had generated political and economic competitions and later persuaded state’s actors of applying the strategy of the territorialisation of the sea in order to ensure control. unavoidably, securitization of transborder fishing became preferable solution. transborder fishings are further subjected into state control relied on territorial sovereignty. this paper examines the transformation of transborder fishing in timor and arafura sea to demonstrated the contested space of which interplayed by local, state and international actor. state regulations had transformed transborder fishing into political space of authority competition relied on territorial sovereignty, while socio-cultural heritage reminds exploited within fluid space of livelihood survival when state function is just absent. keywords: transborder activities; deteritorialization; traditional fishing; arafura sea. introduction baco muin, a 51 year old bajonesse living in bokori village, kabupaten konawe, southeast sulawesi took the risk of transporting migrants to australian waters in order to ensure the educational fund for his children. being offered the payment of rp 35 million, it was a very lucrative deal against the decreasing price of shark fins received: 24 april 2017 accepted: 30 may 2017 mailto:shiskha.p@gmail.com fishing. being detained in australia prison at darwin for illegal shark fins fishing in australia fishing zone did not stop jusri, 32 years old bajonesse living in mola village, kabupaten wakatobi, to take the offer of transporting migrants to australian water again, although it turned out to be cancelled after the boats suffered a machine breakdown. it is a secure feeling in experiencing australian’s treatment that contributes to his calculation to take the offer. these two cases do not only illustrate the transformation of indonesian transborder fishing in timor and arafura seas, but also confirm the complexity on how “boundaries” is such a contested space shared and interpreted by locals, states and international actor. state border should not be treated in contained physical space, but also social space that has been established even before the delimitation of that modern state border. joel s. migdal (2004:5-6) asserts the prevailing checkpoints and mental maps that attached to boundary. this paper examines the transformation of transborder fishing in timor and arafura seas to demonstrated the contested space of which interplayed by local, state and international actor. state regulations had transformed transborder fishing into political space of authority competition relied on territorial sovereignty, while sociocultural heritage reminds exploited within fluid space of livelihood survival when state function is just absent. results and discussion the transformation of transborder fishing in timor and afarura seas transborder fishing, used in this paper, refers to fishing activities that is conducted across state border of modern nation-state in the wake of decolonization in the post of world war ii. while australia has gained its autonomy of governed from the british colonial in 1901, indonesia just declared its independent as new nation-state of which inherited the administration of the dutch colonial in august 1945. it was only in december 1949 that indonesia gained de jure recognition as new nation-state of which australia was one of the strong supporters, beside india, of its diplomatic struggles in united nations, an international regime of world order in the post of world war ii. therefore, transborder fishing mainly refers to fishing activities across australia and indonesia maritime’s boundary that lies in arafura and timor seas. arafura and timor seas geographically situate between the southern part of indonesia and the northern part of australia. lying in adjacent to each other as illustrated in below map, the seas linked indonesia archipelago with australia. timor sea lies between the southern part of indonesian province of east nusa tenggara and two states of western australia and northern territory, while the arafura sea position between indonesia province of maluku and west papua and state of northern territory and queensland. the torres strait links australia and papua new guinea frequently used by australian vessel to approach arafura sea. approximately covers the surface area of 610,000 km2 or 240,000 sq mi, timor sea has number of reefs, strands of uninhabited island and rich hydrocarbon reserves. having its deepest depth of 3,200 m or around 10,500 feet, the part of timor gap is famous known as riches natural resources of oil of which later became the strongest political economy magnitude of border conflict in 1970s. the length of arafura sea is about 1,290 km, while it has 560 km of width. its depth in average is about 50-80 m (165-265 feet) while it increases toward the west. arafaura sea is known as one of the place in southeast asia where strong seasonal upwelling1 take place despite in banda sea (butcher 2004:12) that influence the food chain system determining fish stocks (see map in figure 1 below). figure 1. map of timor and arafura sea source: http://easttimorlegal.blogspot.de/2011/01/timor-sea-program-amendment-gets-ok.html as political decision, maritime boundary between australia and indonesia had only been imagined, established, negotiated and delimited between two states after australia declared its sovereignty over continental shelf in 1953 and followed by indonesia through djuanda declaration on 13 december 1957 imposing the concept of archipelagic states. in concomitant with the ongoing negotiation to establish new international regime on the law of the sea under united nations conference since 1958, australia and indonesia entered bilateral negotiation to delimit maritime boundary despite of unilateral claimed maritime boundary by each state such as law no.4/1960 on indonesia waters, the expansion of australia fishing zone (afz) from 3 nm to 12 nm in 1968 and from 12 nm to 200 nm on 1 november 1979 and indonesia exclusive economic zone in 1980. on 9 october 1972, australia and indonesia signed an agreement of establishing certain seabed boundaries in the area of the arafura and timor seas. confronted with continuous “illegal” transborder fishing activities of indonesia fishermen into afz, both countries agreed to compromise of recognizing the indonesian traditional fishing right. under the memorandum of understanding between the government of australia and the government of the 1 upwelling is one the processed when nutrient (element needs for the growth of phytoplankton a part of source of food in marine ecosystem) are brought to the upper level where there is sunlight. republic of indonesia regarding the operations of indonesian traditional fishermen in areas of the australian exclusive fishing zone and continental shelf signed in 1974, indonesian fishermen were allow to keep fishing in limiting area within the 12 nm territorial sea adjacent to ashmore and cartier islands, seringapatam reef, scott reef, browse island, and adele island in subsistence level. later, the regulation was named as mou box 1974. it is clear that transborder fishing become the keys concept to understand the complexity of problem emerges timor and arafura seas. to sum up, the physical map of maritime boundaries between australia and indonesia imagined and visualized in figure 2 below. map 2. maritime agreements between australia-indonesia in the timor and arafura seas. source: stacey, 1999:341. transformation of transborder fishing will be to be examined through four aspects relating fishing activities (butcher 2004: 1-2). first is the object of what and how to be caught. it strongly relates to the application of technology of fishing vessels and gears. secondly, it concerns about the volume of the catches. the third is the subject who conducting fishing activity. fourth is the space or location of the fishing ground and the time or the prevailing fishing regime in certain fishing ground in order to answer where and when fishing activity is taking place. the transformation is basically triggered by the expansion of the function of the sea from mainly porous of commerce and market network into centre of state security, resources extraction, environmental protection and humanitarian responsibility. consequently, the more function attached to the sea, the more set of interests and interpretation prevail. i argue that it is territorialisation of the sea and the industrial revolution and that transform the sea’s function. the colonial project in early 19th century in southeast asia that initiated the foundation of modern state-formation had challenged the prior-political and economic construction of the region, specifically on the issue of territoriality. the modernization of shipping and fishing activities of which relied on technology and capitals had generated political and economic competitions and later persuaded state’s actors of applying the strategy of the territorialisation of the sea in order to ensure control. unavoidably, securitization of transborder fishing became preferable solution. transborder fishings are further subjected into state control relied on territorial sovereignty. indonesian fishing activities to afz had rooted since 18th century when maccassan voyage had reached australian coast for trepang collection to satisfied chinese market. yet, the inception of british political and economic interest in australia had forced the abolishing of macassan voyage and marginalized the local and non-state fishing activities. the expansion of japanese shipping and fishing activities in indonesian water in 1880s gave further pressure to local fishing activities. forcedly, local and non-state fishing activities occupy a peripheral position against state-sponsored fishing activities. territorialisation of timor and arafura sea both by post-colonial state indonesia and australia had made transborder fishing activities under strong state’s regulation both on the subject of access to fishing ground and the use of fishing gears. on one hand, immigration approach unavoidably made transborder fishing fall into criminalization if violations are found. on the other hand, the existence of market demand for marine products operates beyond the logic of geographical space of state’s territorial sovereignty. historical legacy and traditions are often used to justify today “illegal transborder fishing” by the locals. in colonial period, fishing activities in timor and arafura sea were gradually intervened and regulated by the colonial state and later triggered diplomatic confrontation between the dutch and british empire. this course of action was mainly motivated by two circumstances. first, it is territorialisation of the sea by (colonial)-state (adhuri & visser 2006: 114-115). the early 19th century marked the territorial expansion of the dutch and the british to consolidate their colonial sovereignty by encroaching politic of mapping to subjugate local-indigenous political authority into colonial administration and defining state border to solve their conflict of competition (cribb 2000). fishing gradually was not only subjected to taxation for state revenue, but also investment and subsidy for expanding colonial economy. secondly, the introduction of fishing technology was internationally applied and spread. the invention of machine boats and modern fishing gear in 18th and 19th century had inevitably forced modernization of fishing activity (butcher 2004). new fishing grounds are opened, variety of catches is expanded, volume of catches is increased, and more state regulations are applied. fishing activities was later challenged by the expansion of sea exploration as well as environmental activitism for sustainable development. the right of coastal and archipelagic state to claim and exercise authority within continental shelf (cs) and exclusive economic zone (eez) is internationally acknowledged after the introduction of geneva convention in 1958 and the united nations of the law of the sea (unclos) in 1982. this international regime has further strengthened the territorialisation of the sea by state, not only for exploiting the marine resources both fishes and minerals, but also for ensuring sustainability of sea ecosystem. soon, this newly state centric regulation prove to create loophole in anarchic nature of world system because of the divergence interpretation to the means on how to exercise the sovereignty right in opposite to the right to be sovereign on the sea including in timor and arafura sea. state interest remains determining on how the act of fishing within the cs and eez should be regulated. in timor sea, indonesia and australia confront with overlapping claim of eez as the length of the area is less 424 nm from the outer limit of their territorial sea and the preference of australia to use the principle of prolongation of sea bead under cs than the equidistance of eez arrangement. this regime has further clustered the sea into state control of territorial jurisdiction by delimiting seas based on water column and seabed prolongation, for example the newly concept of australian fishing zone (afz). consequently, this arrangement of who, what, how and where the act of fishing can be legally conducted become sources of transborder fishing conflict. diplomatic confrontation frequently resumes between indonesia and australia in early 2000s as the push of boat people has complicated the intention of both states to regulate indonesian transborder fishing activity in australian fishing zone. expansion of fishing ground: 1800s to 1940s the network chain of transborder fishing in these seas is determined by the species of marine resources to be collected and the prevailing demand of distant market. as will be discussed below, transborder fishing more likely falls under industrial type of fishing activity than artisanal. it simply means that fishing activity is more motivated by export-driven market than to fulfil the need of own-household and domestic market demand. the agency of transborder fishing network was actually established when the fishing vessel always employed local labour normally as the collector species, while the owner of fishing vessel and the end-consumption of the product situate far away beyond the fishing grounds. later, in early 20th century, joint ventures of fishing company between foreign and local investor become a customary practice in confronting with the need of fishing license imposed by the colonial’s state authority. the first recorded transborder fishing in timor and arafura sea of which began in 17th century is the collection of trepang23 to meet the distant market of chinese cuisine. the expansion of the makassarre to seek new resource and fishing ground partly had been forced by the voc’s monopoly policy on spice’s trade that destroy the role of makassaree under the sultanate of gowa. c.c.macknight’s study (1972; 1976) concludes that indonesian fishermen mainly from makassar had been sailed all 2 the term trepang comes from malays words, teripang. other might named bêche-de-mer from portuguese word bicho da mar or sea worms. it is also known as sea cucumber or sea slugs. trepang is echinoderm from the class of holothuroidea that live in sea floor or swallow water that exposed to low tide shallow water in mostly southeast asia’s sea. one dutch scientist once had collected names applied for this animal and listed about 112 throughout indonesia (macknight 1976:3). its length is usually around 10 to 50 cm, although one might get about 1 m or more. the colour of trepangs would have such variety and depend of the species from black, white, grey, brown blue or red. the way from south celebes (sulawesi) for collecting trepang near the coastal between cobourg peninsula and the sir edward pellew group from around 1720 to 1906. the land of these coastal areas was called as arhnem land or today northern territory of australia. the commonly visited site was groote eylanda, while the visit to melville, bathurst and the wellesley island was not frequent. it is not coincident that arhnem land was later part of the first british’s colony established in 26 january 1788 following captain james cook’s first visit in 1770. trepang industry might have invited such interest to open colony settlement after the expedition of willem janszoon blaue in 1606 and 1618, the first european recorded journey to australia who had served as governor of the netherlands east indies in 1603-1616 including act as governor of fort henricus in solor. as navigator, his journey map has provided knowledge of navigation to reach australia continent for european’s expansion. calling the activity as the voyage of marege (named used by the makassan to call arnhem land), macknight explains that this fishing activity also invited the involvement of local resident, the aborigine, and later known as the first fishing industry in australia (worsley, 1955:2 as quoted in russel, 2004:1). the locals called the makassans as “manggadjara” or “munanga”. throughout the years, trepang industry had been developed considerably or in word of macknight that the size, stability and sophisticated was impressive (1976:1). matthew flinders, a british navigator who conducted survey of gulf of carpentaria and cape wilberforce, the northeastern of arhnem land, discovered six praus or sailing vessel from macassar from south celebes on 17 february 1803 as part of seasonal voyage collecting for trepang (macknight, 1976:1). although people from this voyage are mentioned as malays by flinders, macknight suggest that most of the fishermen were actually makarasse. yet, the term maccassan itself, as macknight argues, do not exclusively refer to racial or ethnicity affiliation because other ethnic such such buginesse and bajo might also had joined this voyage (1976:1). this trepang industry was later expanded in several different part of the australia costal despite of the arhnem land. the makassans had also seen in the kimberley coast of western australia, south of cape londonderry of which called by kayu jawa by them (macknight 1976:33), and queensland. macknight (1976:29) estimated that there were around 1000 makassan’s fishermen doing the fishing in australian coast in the 19th century. the route of this marege’s voyage to collect trepang from australian coast in colonial period was identified to take at least six path of navigation (macknight 1976, fox 1998, stacey 1999 and russel 2004) before reaching back the final destination of makassar port to load their catches and later taken to chinese market. first route started from makassar passing through banda sea toward kei and aru islands in arafura sea, and finally anchored in arnhem land or groote eyland. second route was from makassar sailing through alor island and the eastern part of timor islands before heading right direction to melville islands or arnhem land. third is the same route taken with second route, but after reaching the eastern part of timor island they took left direction to kimberly coast. the fourth began from makassar crossing banda sea to the eastern part of flores island through flores strait, sailing down to rote strait between roti and timor island or mostly anchored in kupang port before continue the voyage to kimberley coast. between kupang and kimberley coast, the voyage frequently anchored in ashmore islands or reef to add supplies of water. fifth route was identified taking the same path of fourth route but after anchored in ashmore reef or other nearby island, the voyage would take to left and sailing down to reefs of islands in northwest of kimberly coast. the sixth path would started the journey from makassar to madura island, passing through the sape strait between the eastern edge of sumbawa and komoda island, sailing down to coastal water of sumba islands passing through sumba strait to reach rote island, and later continue heading to the ashmore reef before finally reached the reefs of surrounding islands of northwest of kimberly coast. they took the advantage of wind power of east monsoon around the month of august to december. those routes of voyages that took months would usually make a visit in certain land for reloading logistic and seeking labour supports (fox, 1977). for example, the fourth and fifth route would anchored in flores island and kupang to took labour, while loading food supplies in ashmore reef before heading to kimberley coast (stacey 1999). in 1728, voc’s officer in kupang wrote that he had encountered bajau people sailed heading to northern australia for collecting trepang (mcknight, 1976). even in 1750, voc’s document recorded the issuance of letter to maccassan fleet arriving in timor to get passage before sailing to rote island (fox, 1977). captain phillip king, for example, also witnessed a fleet of perahu in timor in 1927 and was informed that around 200 perahu had sailed annually from makassar to eastern arnhem land (1827:135-6 as quoted in russell, 2004: 6-7). other study suggests the possibility of the presence of people from timor and aru in makassan transborder fishing practices (berndt & berndt, 1954:40 as quoted in russell, 2004:8). the path of passing through transit points such as islands of aru, kei, madura, flores, alor, sumba, sumbawa, timor, and rote played significant function to the establishment of network chain to reproduce knowledge about fishing voyage to australian coast. customarily, it was through oral tradition that information about marine resources and navigation was inherited among indonesian fishermen. in following years, kupang and pepela in rote island became some of the starting of port of transborder fishing to australia fishing zone (afz) to collect turtles and shark fishing. in 1906, the makassar trepang industry collapsed after the australian government officially stopped it after serial of policies in previous years. the official reason was the growing threat of disease and alcohol brought by makassan. yet, some observers believe that the closing of makassar’s trepang fishing motivated by the nationalization of the industry (berndt & berndt, 1954: 78 as quoted in russell 2004: )including the growing competition with shell-pearling industry that was started around 1860s in kimberley coast. there is written records telling story about captain francis cadell, australian fishing vessel’s owner, who in in 1867 had persuaded the south australia authority to stop makassan fishing vessel from collecting trepang (mullins, 2001: 9). captain cadell was known as one of australian fishing vessel’s owner that involved in shell-pearls industry. previously, in 1863 south australia annexed northern territory where most activities of makassan fishing vessel colleting trepang were operated. the discovery of silver and copper in south australia in 1840s and the opening of gold industry in 1851 in victoria after its separation with south australia colony might contribute to pressure of nationalizing the trepang industry. mac knight suggests that the actual reason relates to the colony authority to protect their coastal area and provided favourable incentives to the pastoral development that was more interested to mineral-land industry and shellpearls. the growing of diverse industry in australia had created the need for labour supply. consequently, it invited the state’s authority to regulate industry activities including labour. it was labour issues of which later drawn common interest of colonies to established a federal state of commonwealth australia under the british empire in 1901 and enacted its constitution of governing including immigration restriction act 1901 (schloenhardt, 2003: 55). this political constellation had promoted such confident for australian government to protect their territory against foreign activities in the name of national interest. as mentioned above, shell-pearl industry was the second fishing industry developed in australia of which involved transborder activities. it was industrial revolution in mainland of british empire that had opened new market of shell-pearls. not only that shell-pearl valued for its pearls for jewellery, but also as rough commodity for buttons and other fancy ornament. buttons industry was developed as demand for victorian’s style fashion widespread among british community of which later expand to united states. it was part of cultural revolution in modernization world. the shell-pearls industry was immediately established and become the second of most important transborder fishing industry in timor and arafura sea than trepang. in contrast to trepang industry, shell-pearl industry was developed in favour of incentives provided by the impact of industrial revolution and the opening of suez canal. it was initiated by australia and british capital. the industry soon displaced the artisanal type of aboriginal fishing activity of collecting shell-pearl for limited household’s demand into a highly commercialised and exportorientated industry for distant market on one hand. while on the other hand, it stimulated competition to prevailing trepang industry for its overlapping location of its fishing grounds. ronald moore (1994) concludes that australia shell-pearl was firstly set up in shark bay (around 540 km from perth) and north west of nickol bay (1000 km from perth) after the expedition of lieutenant grey in 1837-1938 to nickol bay. this area was initially part of new holland that was established as british colony in 1825, but later named as western australia in 1832 (in 1829 it was called swan river colony). later in 1861, he returned to the nickol bay and start to collecting shell-pearl with financial support from royal geographic society and british government. later in 1864, flow of pastoralist had flooded into nickol bay. an advertisement in newspaper on 22 october 1866 about shell-pearl had invited more interest for its high return profit. the species collected in shark bay was identified as margaritifera carcharium of which live densely but limited in swallow water, while in nickol bay, it was margaritifera maxima lying in deeper water with large amount of supply. the margaritifera maxima values more expensive compare to margaritifera carcharium in the market’s price. in 1867, it was reported that one vessel named tays could collected 2 tons per 4 days and valued about 1000 pounds. in 1868, there were around 10 vessels operating in nickol bay collecting shell-pearls. the aboriginal people were recruited to dive reaching deep water in order to satisfy market demand. the highly commercial scale of this industry could be seen not only from the application of modern fishing vessels and gears, but also the expansion of labour to recruit asian labour mostly malays and japanese than only aborigine. asian divers were acknowledged for their skill and lung capacity for having able to dive below the sea depth of 12 metres (butcher 2004). it was pastoral development that accelerates the volume of catches and expand the size of the industry. although concern over stock depletion had daunted the industry in 1870, conversely shell-pearl industry grew even more massive. they started to recruit malays divers. in 1875, it was recorded that around 1000 malays employed in shellpearl collection in this area. yet, received report of bad treatment for the malays’s labour had made the dutch authority prohibited the further employment of which the application decreased the number of malays working in this shell pearl. in 1887, more japanese divers were recruited along with the introduction of diving dress and the pressure of more regulated condition for malays labour proposed by the dutch authority. it was augutus siebe who invented the technology in england in 1839 (butcher 2004:125). the diving gear consist of diving dress made of waterproof canvas, a helmet, a corselet, weighted shoes, a hand pump, a rubber hose and a lifeline. (butcher 2004: 125). a rubber hose was connected to hand pump to deliver the air to the helmet, while the hand pump was placed and operated on board. the diver was tugged by a rope function as lifeline. although the shell-pearls industry in nickol bay had still operated, new fishing ground was already opened in broome in 1880s. in broome, new fishing technology was firstly introduced using floating station and apparatus method (diving dress and mechanical pump of compressor) in order to extend time of diving for more collection in deep water. later, other new fishing ground opened in queensland especially around the torres strait when australian shell-pearl industry new technology of diving gear. at this point, shellpearling fishing had expanded their fishing ground from swallow into more depth water and move further distant from the coastal area. due to attractive economic values of the industry, the colony authority of western australia and queensland applied high taxation to the industry in 1889. in 1914, there were 1115 japanese, 585 malays and 247 koepangers who worked at shell-pearl industry in western australia (martinez 2009: 98) ronald moore (1994) and steve mullins (2001) believed that the issuance of high taxation to shell-pearling had further forced australian vessel of shell-pearls collection to seek new fishing ground in addition the threat of depletion on available known fishing ground in australia. in addition, the publication of british naturalist, alfred russell wallace’s expedition to the malays’s archipelago between 1854-1862 also promoted a wide spreading knowledge about the abundance natural resource along this strands of island including shell-pearls in aru and kei island. in the word of wallace the bottom was absolutely hidden by a continuous series of corals, sponges, actiniae, and other marine production, of magnificent dimensions, varied forms and brilliant colours. the depth varied from about twenty to fifty feet, and the bottom was very uneven, rocks, and chasms, and little hills and valleys, offering a variety of stations for the growth of these animal forests. in and out among them moved numbers of blue and red and yellow fishers, spotted and banded and striped in the most striking manner, while great orange or rosy transparent floated along near the surface (wallace 1890: 226) year later in early 1880, several attempts of australia expedition had been conducted sailing to aru island for example the story of fishing vessel jessie (1872) and franz (1872). in between 1880-1881, clara crawford, another australia fishing vessel was forced out the left aru island. as a counter response, the dutch built a post in aru island. previously, in 1828, the dutch also had built fort du triton and declared makassar, ambon, bandanera and ternate as free port. in 1878, it was reported that five australian fishing vessel namely onward, good luck, ajelia and caft had been forcedly anchored for three year doing other possible activities in makassar after denied of collecting shell-pearl before paying tax to the dutch. another australian fishing vessel under the command of captain cadell was ended by him getting killed by his own crew in their attempts of harvesting shell-pearl in kei island in 1879. the operation of australian fishing vessel in arafura sea heading to aru island invited strong response from the dutch government. one of the reasons was believed to be related to information of the bad employment condition of indonesian recruited by the australian fishing vessel. it was only in 1886 that australian fishing boats had anchored in aru island in their way back from kimberly area to torres strait after their collection of shell-pearl there were still not satisfied their target of beneficial return. since then, there was a discussion in dutch government whether orang kaya in aru (a kind of rich and community leader) could legally transfer their communal rights of fishing to foreigner, respectfully to australian fishing vessel. in 1891, the dutch concern over australian shell-pearl fishing vessel came into tested. steve mullins (2001) had comprehensively described episode of the dutch and british rivalry over access to shell-pearl fishing ground. confronting to high tax of shell pearl issued by western australia and queensland under the extra-territorial act of 1889 and the amendment of 1875 kindnapping act that prohibited employing pacific islander on oneh hand, while on the other hand shell-pearls and pearling industry in england grew more lucrative, a london jewellery entrepreneur, edward streeter decided to involved into this fishing industry. his pearling & trading company, ltd. legally registered in british set up a fleet of sree pas-sair consists of mavis and flowerdale fishing vessel that soon would despatched to aru island. they employed around 61 solorre divers recruiting in kupang. possessing an elite circle, the company’s chair of board director, t.h. haynes lobbied the british’s foreign secretary, lord salisburg in 1891 by writing him about his company intention to sail to aru island for collecting shell-pearl and saying about the presence of dutch vessel of which probably operated beyond 3 nm as and to be considered against customary law of high seas. his action might be strongly motivated by the incident of costa rica packet vessel that was wrongly arrested in ternate and put into detention in makassar. he requested for compensation of protection and cessation from any interference. yet, lord salisburg replied in 28 july 1891 by saying any future stage of affairs should be addressed in the court since the british, in position, to develop friendly colonial relations with the dutch after border conflict in bornea (kalimantan) that came into the signing of the 1891 border agreement. this replied turned to dissatisfy t.h. haynes by saying neutral position in the situation of possible future conflict would be perceived as invasion to british’s right in the high seas. this kind of physiological warfare on the activities of australian shell-pearling fishing vessel, to steve mullins (2001), created by the perceived image about each other. the dutch inclined to be in hostile relations as they had seen australian of being abusive to malays labour and lawlessness, while australian had always seen the dutch authority of being decay empire with jealousy and unfairly hoarded resources. the predicted course of conflict actually came to happen. in march 1893, the dutch resident of ambon, baron van hoevel in aru, received complaint from rajah oejir in dobo about the work of mavis. at the time of receiving complaint, the dutch warship java was anchored in dobo. responding to the complaint, hoevel invited mackellar, the vessel’s officer, to discuss the matter in the presence of raja of oedjir as well. mackellar explained that the current activities was his second attempt of collection shell-pearl after previously raja of oedjir himself had granted him permission in return of receiving payment. he argued that it should not be a problem after the prevailing agreement. considering his explanation, hoevel suggested mackellar to give another payment for his second course of action of which he agreed. but, rajah had different proposition to completely stop the activity by saying his concern about environmental impacts. the meeting was assumed to reach the agreement of stopping any kind of future fishing activities. on 12 may 1893, o’kelly, friend of mackellar sent cable to hayes about the incident and saying he would keep continuing the fishing activity. receiving the cable, hayes wrote again to lord salisburg about the act of harassment and required british’s protection. the foreign office responded by saying that such action could only be done when evident of the harassment was received. hoevel found that mavis still kept operating the collection of shell-pearls when later he visited dobo. this time, it was reported that the payment was made to orang kaya, not the rajah. quickly responding to the situation, hoevel summoned o’kelly, but this time directly to the java’s warship with the presence of dobo postholder. o’kelly claimed that he had paid for the collection in return for permission that had been granted by orang kaya. he testified that dobo postholder himself who suggest him of asking permission from orang kaya instead of raja. further, mackellar claimed that he had also made payment to dobo postholder himself for 2 pounds per ton of collected shell-pearl. highly disturbed by the way mackellar explained the situation both of his temper and abusive way of behaviour and the accusation of bribery made to his subordinate, hoevel decided to dismiss the meeting. following up the situation, hoevel sent report to dutch authority in batavia that australia had been showing such complete contempt for the dutch authority (mullis 2001:15). he described the situation that both o’kelly and mackellar had intimidated the postholder; instilled fear into the pro-dutch population; insulted the dutch government, and had created the orang kaya by taking more shell-pearl than the actual price they had paid. he also wrote that around 500 australia boats were expected to arrive from australia. in turn, batavia authority had responded the report seriously by instructing the commander of the netherlands indies navy, vice admiral roell to immediately dispatched sumatra, navy fleet equipped by torpedo trial off madura. another two warships, trompe and pontianak, had also been dispatched. examining the situation, vice admiral roell suggested that the only possible course of action was escorting the lugger skipper backed to the mother vessels. to completely forced them out the area including the mother vessel that stationed beyond the 3nm of dutch water would impossible, unless a new law would be passed outlawing the act of fishing within the 3nm of dutch water. roell acknowledged the customary law of 3nm and the high sea. what actually happened on the incident was unclear. the northern territory times wrote the testimony of captain lumsden, from flowerdale, that they had managed to kept situation in order and returned with shell-pearl worth around 3000 pounds. while the soer, a newspaper in batavia, referred australian as freebooter who doing act of robbery. although in the fisrt place, hovel intended to pursue the rights of aruese over shell-pearl outside the 3nm of dutch water as time immemorial, but the dutch authority in batavia opted not to have that position. one of the reasons relates to the 1886 colonial regulation stating that people of aruese possessed no legal right over shell-pearl beds on the sea water. in addition, the hague also expected to build a friendly relation with the london. on the follow up of diplomatic communication, both baron hoevell and t.c.hayes admitted that the course of action took place within the 3 nm of dutch water. hayes also added that the shell-pearl collection had only been executed after permission was granted. the state of affair ended by the dutch authority issued an ordinance no.261/1893 legally claimed the dutch territorial water of 3nm on 5 october 1893. after this course of diplomatic tension between the dutch and british, the shellpearls industry gradually transformed into new arrangement of transborder fishing activities. the operation of celebes trading co. began in 1905 interestingly deciphered this transformation taken from the relationalist point of view. established in 1905 by james clark, an australian entrepreneur, celebes trading co. started the successfully path in fishing industry by incorporating the core concept of transborder fishing activities in term of subject. james clark had his ownership share at the pearling and trading trading co. there were a meeting in london with the presence of edward street, e.h. haynes, and a.l.coventry (clark’s manager) before the established of the new company. later, james clark expanded his fishing industry by introducing shared ownership through license and capital share. by registering his company in batavia, james clark was able to obtain concession of exclusive right harvesting shell-pearl in aru’s fishing ground from the netherlands east indies authority. the initial asset of the company was equipped by 7 schooner fleets consisting of around 115 vessels. later in 1907, the capital ownership was expanded when his bother a.j. john and local indonesian, said bin abdullah baadila from banda joined the industry by operating there more fleets and made the company now possessed 135 vessels collecting shell-pearl in water of northern arafura sea. the baadilla family, some arabs living on banda island actually had formed some kind of small company or firm that received concession from the dutch authority to collect pearl-shell (butcher 2004: 129). the company also opened a branch office in dobo, aru’s port, employed around 700-1500 local people and operated until 1916 when this capital consortium finally collapsed. later, the company established new smaller capital ownership and worked until pacific war that had forced the company to stop their fishing operation. the strong gesture of the dutch colonial to administer and control the fishing activities within their self-view of territorial water had further strengthened by the following serial of ordinance after the one in 1893. after confrontation with the british, the dutch authority conducted survey that brought facts about the prevailing practice of local authority such as sultan of tidore and ternate, and the raja in east cost of sumatra (around riau islands) to possess and exercise exclusive rights to collect pearl-shell, pearl, trepangs and other marine resources. as a response to exercise central authority and impose monopoly, batavia denied self-governance practice of having own sea territorial in 1902, and issued ordinance no.822/1919 stated that only central government who own the authority and right of regulating sea territorial. relying on speed and volume, the operation of japanese fishing vessel that was perceived within the netherlands east indies water had triggered a quite wide spread complaint from local fishers. they caught sea bream, scads, tuna, and even sharks by developing mobility to several fishing technique from muro ami, trawling, pursue seining, pole and line and longline fishing. this practice had accumulated pressure to regulating transborder fishing activities mostly refer to the conduct of fishing by non-dutch subject. as further state’s response, batavia issued another ordinance (no.127/1927) that declared territorial water of the netherland east indies was included water within 3 nm of rocks, reefs, and banks. further authority on the sea was claimed by the dutch through the endorsement of the territorial sea and maritime districts ordinance no.497/1935. this ordinance introduced a new concept of territorial sea of which is defined as the band of waters around each island and extending out from lines across the entrances to bays and estuaries. the concept referred to both idea of territorial sea and internal waters. in the outbreak of world war ii, batavia again revised the concept and enacted territorial sea and maritime districts ordinance no.422/1939 of which defined territorial sea to be measured from the low tide line of each individual islands into 3 nm length. this shell pearl industry gradually collapsed following the world word ii when new invention of plastic had provided cheap substitution for buttons industry (butcher 2004:135). japanese soon started to develop a new pearling industry by adopting technology of genetic engineering to grow cultured-pearls, so that they could reduced the cost of finding traditional pearl-shell deep under the sea water and sustain the volume of the production to prevent depletion and environmental harassment. it was actually a british naturalist of marine biology, william savilleken who firstly invented the technology of breeding cultured-pearls. his working experience as commissioner of fishery in several state of australia from tasmania, queensland and western australia from around 1884 to 1895 had brought his interest to pearling as depletion of shell-pearl became the major issue of australian pearling industry at that time. yet, it was tokishi nishikawa who later made the patent rights of the technique of cultured pearl after learned from saville-ken and applied the technique to develop cultured-pearling industry in japan. the collapse of trepang and shell-pearls industry was later replaced by other marine commodity such as tuna (skipjack and yellowfin), sharks (initially as by catch product of tuna fishing), and scads in timor and arafura sea to meet the opening of new fishing market. securitization of transborder fishing: post-colonial indonesia to unclos the outbreak of second world war and japanese military invasion to southeast asia had temporarily destroyed the fishing industry in this area between the years of 1942 to 1945. many of fishing vessels had been destroyed, the primary of western market was collapsed and the safety of navigation around southeast asia water had strongly been under japanese surveillance. economic activities including fishing had been discouraged and centralized to supply military logistic of japanese in pacific war. as the war finally ended in 1945, economic recovery become the key issue in the postwar rehabilitation and reconstruction including fishery and the expansion of sea exploration. it was the united states through the truman declaration who firstly declared the expansion of territorialisation of sea by claiming the sovereignty rights along the prolongation of continental self-seabed on 28 september 1945. later, the issue had brought states to convene discussing the establishment of the law of the sea in serial of multilateral negotiations in 1958, 1960, 1973 and 1982 under the framework of united nations system that known as the united convention on the law of the sea. daunted with the fear of future devastated war, international regime to deter aggressive action of state was established through establishment of united nations (un). relied on respecting state’s sovereignty, soon un became an influential international arena to (de)construct new world order. this international gesture had deepened the territorialisation of the sea under state control. it was not surprising that later territorialisation of the sea developed into part of national identity as delimiting border in the sea for coastal state become the source of territorial sovereignty. actually, transborder fishing industry in indonesian water had already resumed in 1947 when the small japanese pole-and line fishing vessel was re-established by the dutch soon after end of the war. based at aertembaga, north sulawesi, several fishing vessels started to caught skipjack tuna near the water for domestic market. in 1950, this company was nationalized by indonesia authority soon after the signing of round table negotiation in 27 december 1949 when the dutch recognized indonesia independent. in 1951, indonesia also built longliner fishing company to catch tuna at indian ocean. later in 1961, indonesia built another new pole and line fishing company in ambon. in 1962, another longliner vessel had expanded into water near christmas island catching tunas. christmas island had been under australia’s possession after being transferred from singapore’s possession in october 1957 by british colonial. the british itself annexed the island on 6 june 1888. however, massive scale transborder fishing industry just took place when japanese fishing company started their longlining operation soon after the lifted of macarthur line in 1952.3 motivated by post-war economic recovery and growing domestic market demand, japanese fishing industry found rich fishing grounds of which included indian ocean in the south of java (butcher 2004:215). it is important to underline that japanese fishing industry was 3macarthur line refer the decree issued by macarthur the supreme commander of allied forces in 22 june 1946 to limit the area of which japan could conduct fishing and whaling activities as the repercussion of war sanction. strongly supported by government incentives including subsidy since 1898 under meiji japan regime. there were ten longliners and kaiko maru mothership began their fishing activities in seas of celebes, banda and moluccas including sea and arafura timor in 1952. while later in 1954, the mothership of saipan maru operated in south of java and equipped with five longliners boats. the revival of japanese fishing industry in the post-war demonstrates the transformation of transborder fishing practice with more sophisticated system involving mothership which carried smaller boats on its deck of which then later despatched into the water when fishing grounds were found. they would either be towed nor lifted back on deck when started moving to another designated fishing ground (butcher, 2004:215). the japanese mothership’s operation is best illustrated below. the mother ship receives the catches of the fleet on the fishing ground, supplies them with fuel, oil, water, store, bait and ice and keeps in daily radio contact receiving details from them of daily catch, fishing condition, and oceanographical and meteorogical information. the director of the operations advises the catchers of the most suitable fishing areas and arranges the time for each catcher to transfer its catch to the mother ship. he may also direct several of the catcher boats to reach for better fishing area (beare, et.all 163:14 as quoted at butcher 2004: 216) they caught tunas from yellow fin, albacore to southern blue fin along southeast asia water in adjacent to indian oceans. in timor and arafura seas, they fished yellow fin tuna. later in 1957, the operation was confronted by indonesian declaration to expand the territorial sovereignty based on the concept of archipelagic state of which include timor and arafura sea as internal water. on 13 december 1957, indonesia proposed the concept of archipelagic states under the djuanda declaration. indonesia basically would close its internal water mainly straits and seas between islands stretching from karimata strait in the west to arafura sea in the east for the passing of foreign vessels without notification. the concept derives from the point of view that strands of indonesian archipelagos must be seen as a unity of territory. by proposing the baseline technique, indonesia would delimit their territorial water by drawing baseline that connected the low-tide points of its front islands; so that internal water inside the baseline referred as the archipelagic water. in return of concession, indonesia would regulate the act of innocent passage to guarantee the security of united indonesia archipelago. this declaration was initially motivated to stop the passing of the dutch warship in java sea following the escalation over papua’s campaign with the dutch.4 although the concept of archipelagic state was soon strongly rejected by many states, yet the concept was later internationally recognized as new law of the sea after almost 25 years of negotiation process under the auspices of un’s system. actually in 1961, philippines followed indonesia stance of claiming themselves as the archipelagic states as well. japan quickly condemned indonesia unilateral 4interview with havas arif oegroseno, indonesian ambassador to the belgium and luxemborg, 19 march 2103 in belgium. declaration as violating its traditional fishing right and brought first fishery conflict in post-colonial indonesia regarding transborder fishing. indonesia started to detain japanese fishing vessel that led to serial negotiation. initially, japan held the position not the recognize the declaration, when they showed lack of interest to engage with indonesia’s proposal for setting up a joint venture company for tuna’s fishing. in their view, signing to an agreement with indonesia would be seen as a gesture to recognize indonesia’s declaration (butcher 2004:220). yet, after series of simultaneous bilateral negotiation, indonesia and japan reached compromise that led to the signing of banda sea agreement in 1968. the gradual shifting of japan’s position most probably was influenced by the going intensive negotiation under the united nations conference on the law of the sea since 1958. the inclination of most state to acknowledge the right of a state to claim continental shelf-seabed under unclos i in 1958 and the ongoing discussion to further regulate claim over territorial sea including fishery right might been assessed by japan as a shifting international attitude to regulate the sea. the agreement allowing japan longliners vessel to catch tuna in designated area of most of banda sea, yet excluded the water within 30 miles of ambon. in return, japan had to pay amount of fee to indonesia authority. for indonesia, the signing of agreement was taken as “de facto” recognition to djuanda declaration, while for japan, it was only treated as retribution fee of obligation to report the volume of their catch after entering indonesian port (butcher 2004:220). acting on behalf of japan’s representative, the national federations of fisheries cooperative of japan and the federation of japanese tuna cooperative associations signed the agreement instead of the japan government itself. this gesture signalled the reluctant of japan government to officially accept the implying recognition to djuanda declaration. this agreement would later renew every years until 1975 after indonesia became unsatisfied of which one of the aspect is the changing of japanese fishing practice. under the pressure of increasing labour cost and fuel price, japanese longliner began to catch bigeye tuna instead of previous yellow fin tuna and directly sent fresh catch to japan’s sashimi market with quickly refrigerated system (butcher 2004: 222). by mid of 1960s, other longliner vessels from taiwan and korean also began to join the tuna fishing industry in indian ocean. following the japanese and indonesia fishery conflict and the (re-)making of the law of the sea under un system, fishing activities within indonesia water became more intensive and the volume of catch sharply increased between 1970s into early 1980s. under the new order regime, indonesia pursued more aggressive policy on fishery to boost their economic growth. several national fishing companies for longliner fishing was established mostly in joint venture arrangement with japanese company as a strategy to overcome problem of capital and technology. pt. perikanan samudra (psb) was established to work with japanesse longliner company under the banda sea agreement. later, pt. east indonesia was established with loans received from world bank and asian development bank and cooperation scheme with united nations development program (undp) and japan government and entered a joint venture agreement with japan’s longliners, nichiro gyogyo kaisha that owned 80% of capital share. as early in 1970s, fishing activities in indonesia water began to use trawl and purse seine to increase the catches. there are at least three driven factor that contribute to massive transborder fishing activities in indonesia waters. first is the steep demand for fishes to meet the population growth. if in 1850s, when modern fishing industry began in the netherlands indies, population in java as the most dense areas was around 9,5 million people, but in early 1970s, indonesia population had reached 130 million people. to compare with bigger scenes, in 1850s population in southeast asia state comprised around 40 million and in 1995 the number had reached 480 million people. second is the export oriented policy of indonesia’s new order regime to increase the amount of export commodity. marine product became one of the priorities after indonesia actively adopted the concept of archipelagic states. thirdly is the competitive nature of fishing industry after the introduction of the cs regime and ongoing negotiation of fishing right under the eez regime. although the second un conference on 1973 failed to reach agreement regarding the limit of territorial sovereignty and fishing zone, in contrary soon after the conference most southeast asia and pacific states had declared their eez. burma, now myanmar became the first declared its eez in april 1977, followed by vietnam in may 1977, cambodia and philippines in 1978, australian in 1979, indonesia in 1981 and malaysia in 1984. inevitably, states inclined to be aggressive to exploit their marine natural resources. thailand would be the first case suffering from this eez claim when their fishing catch sharply fell down in early 1980s. as consequence, thai fishing vessels started to intrude into water of neighbouring states from burma, malaysia to indonesia of which later classified as illegal fishing. ironically, as the biological production circle would predict as the case of trepangs and shell-pearl, stock depletion gradually threatened the industry just in early 1980s. in contrast to state-sponsored transborder fishing company of which operating in modern equipment, capital ownership and massive scale of catches, “traditional” indonesian fishermen were marginalized from this modern-commercial fishing industry. on one hand, the joint venture fishing industry failed to provide adequate labour market that is able to absorb and integrate local fishermen. technology had overcome problem of finding fishing grounds and securing safety navigation on the sea of which previously depend on the skill and expertise of local fishers. most local fishermen were forced to occupy peripheral-small market demand either household consumption or domestic market. on the other hand, the expansion of australia fishing zone (afz) had further limited fishing ground of indonesian fishermen. although mou box 1974 could be seen as international legal base to recognized indonesian fishing tradition, yet the implementation proved to be problematic since the multi-interpretation prevail as the expansion of sea’s function emerged. below is the physical map of the mou box 1974 that regulate fishing activity of indonesian fishers (see detail on figure 2). in the late of 1970s and earlier 1980s, there were events that forced both indonesia and australia to further regulate activities in timor and and arafura sea. first is the wave of refugee coming from prone-conflict countries such vietnam, sri lanka, iran and afghanistan seeking for protection or even asylum seekers. the fall of saigon following war in indochina had ended vietnam war in 1975. soon in 1978, a second wave of vietnam refugee flooded into neighbouring state including indonesia. referred as boat people, the floating boat people caused a humanitarian crisis. indonesia provided galang islands for vietnam refugees. despite united states and canada, australia also become friendly destination to refugees and asylum seeker and began to welcome vietnam refugees. later in 1980s and 1990s, influx of refugee seeking asylum in australia continue as conflict broke in sri lanka, afghanistan (schetter, 2012:5) and iran. they mostly used sea by boats to reach australia while use indonesia as the transit point. the image of australia as “heaven destination” for immigrant inevitably flourished and established into a continuous “traditional route” of keep attracting immigrant. since then, immigrant issues highly politicize into campaign agenda to win australian domestic election (phillips & spink, 2011:5). public opinion in australia shared the perception of threat coming from immigrants into australian society as well as the conduct of human trafficking/smuggling of which received assistance from indonesia fishers. figure 2. transborder map of mou box 1974 source : fox & sen, 2002:9. second is indonesia’s military annexation to east timor in 1975-1976, later know as independent timor leste in 1999. the annexation was claimed to prevent communism spreading after flower revolution broke up in home colonial state, portugal. motivated to establish a good neighbourhood relations, indonesia and australia entered serial of negotiation to delimit boundary on the sea. indonesia sought australia’s recognition to the inclusion of east timor within its territorial sovereignty, while australia sought opportunity to revive negotiation regarding oil reservation in timor gap that had been ignored by portugal (djelantik, 2003). between the years of 1962 – 1970, two consortium conducted serial geophysical survey in timor sea & bonaparte gulf that concluded the area to be petroliferous for oil and gas reserves (king, 2002:1-2). the first consortium consists of arco australia ltd, australia aquitaine pty.ltd & esso australian ltd, while the second was established by woodside petroleum, burma oil company, and anglodutch shell oil company. third is the depletion of marine stocks which push growing awareness to marine protection. on one hand, fishing into australian water kept attracting indonesian fishers as a respond to marine depletion in indonesia water and continuous lucrative market. but, on the other hand, australia declared ashmore reef as australian natural reserves on 16 august 1983 under national park and wildlife conservation act 1975 and become the subject of environmental protection. initially, ashmore reef was only annexed by the british in 1878. on 23 july 1931, ashmore reef together with cartier island was transferred to australia’s possession of which later fell under the authority of northern territory. trepang, trochus, turtles, sharks, seabirds are some of animal under protection and prohibit to be caught in this reef. since then, illegal trespassing within afz and activities in ashmore reef become highly scrutinize and boat burning became of the measure undertook by australian marine patrol to deter future illegal practices. even scholarly work by james fox and anthony reid in 1992 had used the concept of illegal entry to categorize indonesian fishermen detained in australia prison for fishing in afz. in sum, these events had expanded activities in timor sea and arafura sea from initially fishing to passageway of immigrants, mineral exploration and exploitation, and environmental protection. the expanded function of timor and arafura seas inevitability had made activities in the area subjected to further state regulations. security measures are preferably employed to uphold law enforcement and defend territorial sovereignty of the state. the resumption of diplomatic tension between indonesia and australia remains happening. in 2001, the tampa incident retested bilateral relation of indonesia-australia. indonesia’s ferry carried around 433 people from afghan and sri lanka seeking for asylum sank near christmas island. a norwegian cargo ship, tampa came to rescue and sailing to approach chrismas island. yet, australia authority denied authorization to anchor, while the ship’s captain refused to turn back. after 6 days of floating on the sea, those asylum seekers were taken into nauru island and new zealand. since then and following the growing terrorist threat after 9/11 attack in 2001 and bali bomb 2002, mobility through timor and arafura sea turns to further securitized. the graph below illustrates the fluctuation of boats arrivals in australian water both in excised and non-excised place. it is interesting to note that the peak of boat arrivals prevails when diplomatic tension between indonesia-australia and domestic election in australia take place. figure 3. number of boats arrivals in australian waters source: phillips & sink, 2011: 19. in 2003, the death of indonesian fishermen in australian prison after guilty of illegal fishing near ashmore reef invited strong protest from indonesia. table 1 below shows that ashmore reef become the major landing used by boats arriving at australian water. this inclination corroborates the continuation of route taken by transborder mobility in timor and arafura sea since 18th century. table 1. major landing of boat arrival in australia major landing 1998/1999 1999/2000 ashmore islands 17 49 western australia 11 15 queensland 3 0 torres strait 4 0 christmas island 3 10 new south wales 3 0 darwin 1 1 source: schloenhardt 2003:148-157 later in june 2008, indonesian television broadcasted the burning of indonesia fishermen’s boat after apprehended by australian marine patrol following the official visit of australia prime minister to jakarta. the incident actually had took place two years earlier. the diplomatic tension was deescalated after indonesia ministry of foreign affairs officially regretted such broadcast. some of this conflict episode confirmed the transformation of transborder fishing activity in timor and arafura sea. the expanding function of the sea had created complexity in regulating transborder mobility including fishing. conclusion transborder fishing activity in timor and arafura sea has transformed significantly following the intrusion of state authority to expand their sovereignty rights and impose further regulation on the sea. it is the practice of territorialisation of the sea and the application of technology that pressures the transformation of trepang and shell-pearls industry from small scale and traditional into massive scale and modern fishing industry in 19th and 20th century of colonial period. relying on distant market both chinese and british, the industry received strong support from colonial state of which later triggered diplomatic tension between the dutch and the british. the declaration of territorial water was one of the strategies employed by the dutch to settle the conflict and presented new era of sea governing on the area. the depletion of marine stocks threatens the industry of trepang and shell-pearl to collapse in 20th century, despite of nationalization of industry in australia. for shell-pearl industry, it was also the invention of plastic which later close off the market demand. soon, world war ii that led to japan occupation in indonesia had temporarily destroyed the fishing industry in 1940s. post-war reconstruction and decolonization in southeast asia in the middle of 1940s had cemented new world order that bring second wave of transformation to transborder fishing in timor and arafura sea. post-colonial indonesia, like other new post-colonial states in southeast asia, of which claiming of inheriting colonial administration shared strong view on sovereignty rights including territorial integrity on the sea. the introduction of state’s right to cs and eez had been strongly adopted by indonesia as well australia under the new world governance of united nations. immediately in late 1960s and early 1970s, both indonesia and australia had declared and negotiated to delimit their maritime boundary. even in 1982, indonesia’s proposal of the concept of archipelagic states had been succeed to win international recognition. the concept of archipelagic states was originally drawn to deter any unauthorized mobility on the sea for security purposes. inevitably, the sea governance strengthens by employing more regulation to the mobility on the sea. the sea turns to be the magnitude of state’s interest and qualify to be national security. any perceived threat to state’s control on the sea is subject to security issue. while state-sponsored modern fishing industry are able to dominate fishing activity both on the access to fishing ground and the volume of catches, traditional fishing industry suffered from competition and push to struggle between stock depletion, low capital incentives and traditional fishing method. problem of overfishing had increased practice of undocumented, unregistered and illegal fishing as post-colonial indonesia struggle to balance its capacity between the desire of regulating fishing activity and the constraint of implement the regulation itself. the continuous fishing activity of indonesia fishermen into australian fishing zone is essentially be local response against the domination of state authority in attempt to regulating transborder fishing activities. on one hand, confronting with massive scale and modern fishing company, local indonesian fishermen failed to be integrated and marginalized into small scale traditional fishing activities to satisfy a steadily chinese market. on the other hand, growing influx of refugee and asylum seeker had provided lucrative but illicit opportunity to engage with new form of transborder activity for additional income. interestingly, the local fishers keep exploiting the antiquity of transborder fishing to justify their present activities, while the state constantly required local loyalty to abide with present cluster of sea ownership. thus, transborder fishing activity has been transformed into liquid space (houben: 2012) where the network chain of activity is determined by contested interest of certain identities. the timor and arafura seas represent a transition space between geographically contained space and socio-economy construction of subjugated local people within state’s control. acknowledgment this paper has been presented in the international seminar “reviewing the asia pacific maritime world: globalization, nationality, and education dilema”, on 18 september 2013. it was oganized by master program of history faculty of humanities, diponegoro university. references beare, m.j, lorimer, p.d and hynd, j.s. 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