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IHiS (Indonesian Historical Studies) 5 (2), 95-104 © 2021 | E-ISSN: 2579-4213  

Social Integration of Indonesian Ahmadiyya Community to Preserve Existence in Jambi, 2003–2013     | 95 

 

Received:  
January 12, 2022 
 
Revised:  
March 8, 2022 
 
Accepted:  
March 9, 2022 

Social Integration of Indonesian Ahmadiyya Community to Preserve 
Existence in Jambi, 2003–2013 

 
Totok Suhadak,* Singgih Tri Sulistiyono, Yety Rochwulaningsih 

Master Program of History, Faculty of Humanities, 
Universitas Diponegoro, Semarang - Indonesia 

 
*Corresponding Author: totoksuhada@students.undip.ac.id 

DOI: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v5i2.13388 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
  
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Introduction 
On December 4, 2013, Indonesians were shocked by heartbreaking and shameful 
sectarian violence perpetrated against the Ahmadiyya community (Harian Jambi, 5 
December 2013). Plans of a rally against the Ahmadiyya community had been 
announced days earlier and there had been attempts to stage a demonstration. During 
the rally, protesters surrounded a mosque and an office of the Ahmadiyya community, 
sealed them off, and removed the signage. 

In 2008 the Government through the Minister of Religious Affairs, the Attorney 
General, and the Minister of Home Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia issued a degree 
containing warnings and orders to adherents, members, and/or administrators of the 
Indonesian Ahmadiyya Community (JAI) and members of the public (Joint Decree of 
Three Ministers, 2008). Followers and administrators of the JAI who ignore the 
warnings and orders as referred to in the first and second dictums may be subject to 
sanctions in accordance with the laws and regulations governing organizations and 
legal entities. 

In 2005, the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI), during its 7th National Conference, 
on 19-22 Jumadil Akhir 1426 H/July 26-29, 2005 AD, issued a fatwa on the Ahmadiyya 
sect, which stipulates that the Ahmadiyya sect is outside Islam, heretical and 
misleading, and that Muslims who follow it are apostates (Djamaluddin, 2003, pp. 98-

Abstract 
 

This study focuses on the social integration of Ahmadiyya Indonesia Community 
(JAI) to maintaine its Existence in Jambi in the period 2003-2013. The issue raised 
in this study is the ability of the JAI in Jambi to maintain its existence at a time 
when Ahmadiyya congregations JAI in several regions in Indonesia suffered tragic 
fates after their places of worship were vandalized and their members suffered acts 
of violence perpetrated by local residents. In this regard, this article will answer 
the questions of why and how JAI Jambi carried out social integration efforts in 
order to maintain its existence. Issues that were subject of this study are the growth 
of JAI in Jambi from 2003-2013 and the social integration of JAI in Jambi to maintain 
its existence. 
 
Keywords:  Social integration; Indonesian Ahmadiyya Community; Indonesian  

Ulema Council; Social Conflict. 



 
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99).  The fatwa also called on those who have already followed the Ahmadiyya sect to 
immediately return to the true teachings of Islam (al-ruju' ila al-haqq), as prescribed in 
the Quran and hadith. It also rules that the government is obliged to prohibit the 
spread of Ahmadiyya ideology throughout Indonesia, freeze the organization and 
close all places of its activities (MUI VII National Conference, 26-29 July 2005). 

Those who support the fatwa is motivated by several factors: first, in 1980 the 
MUI issued a fatwa that Ahmadiyya was heretical and forbidden in Indonesia 
(Djamaluddin, 2003, p. 97) and second, Ahmadiyya was a deviant sect because its 
teachings have deviated from the authentic teachings of Islam. On top of this, MUI 
again issued “13 fatwas”, one of which stated that Ahmadiyya was heretical and must 
be prohibited from existing in Indonesia. The MUI argued that its fatwa was baszed 
on the following reasons: First, Ahmadis believe in the existence of a prophet after the 
Prophet Muhammad. Second, Ahmadis do not follow Islamic teachings, but instead 
follow the teachings of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad (who is believed to be a prophet), Imam 
Mahdi, the Messiah, and Jesus who came down to earth and received revelation. 
According to the MUI, these beliefs clearly deviate from the basic teachings of Islam. 
The MUI said it offered dialogue and conducted scientific studies before taking actions 
that were considered immoral. Dawam Rahardjo stated that MUI had made a big 
mistake with the fatwa, because the fatwa had been used as a tool by a group of people 
to judge and justify attacks against a group of people. In the vein, Gus Dur stated that 
MUI had made a mistake and was institutionally ill (Kurniawan, 2006, p. 5). 

The Ahmadiyya community revealed that attacks, intimidation and acts of 
vandalism were not new to them, not only in Indonesia, but also in several other 
countries. Since the establishment by its founding father, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, the 
Ahmadiyya movement has drawn controversy, especially in its home countries India 
and Pakistan. Many scholars who were initially supportive of Mirza became hostile 
because of his teachings, and conversely, there were those who were initially hostile 
to him became his supporters (Hicks, 2014). Various criticisms of Ahmadiyya 
culminated in the fatwa issued by Rabithah Alam Islami 1978 which stated that 
Ahmadiyya was a prohibited organization. However, when viewed objectively, 
currently one of the Islamic organizations that has the widest network in the world is 
Ahmadiyya. The progress of this organization has grown to almost all over the world 
and its offices are located in about 200 countries. Currently the headquarter is in 
London, United Kingdom. Actually, in the UK itself, its existence invites pros and 
cons, but due to a law on religious freedom, it considers as a community, so that any 
community as long as it does not violate the law has the right to live and develop 
(Audah, 2002, p. 14). 

The arrivals of Ahmadis in Indonesia were greeted with mixed reactions. Some 
communities welcomed them with open arms, but others showed anti-Ahmadiyya 
sentiment (Audah, 2002, p. 17). The presence of the Ahmadiyya community in Jambi, 
setting aside the controversy about the Indonesia Ahmadiyya Community, the MUI 
fatwa issued in 1980, the 2005 MUI fatwa, the 2008 Joint Ministerial Decree, as well as 
the actions of groups against them in 2013, is of particular interest, because few studies 



 
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have been conducted about it from historical perspectives. Such literatures are sorely 
needed in Jambi to reduce clashes and misunderstandings that can lead to the 
disintegration of the nation. Several things are worth asking about the JAI in Jambi: 
How was the existence of the JAI in Jambi Province 2003-2013? Why did JAI integrate 
socially to maintain the existence of its community? And how did the members of the 
Ahmadiyya community respond to the fact that they had assimilated in social life but 
were still being victims of discriminatory treatment in Jambi? 
 
Method 
As part of historical studies, this study applied four stages in historical research 
methods: heuristics, criticism, source interpretation, and historiography 
(Notosusanto, 1984, pp. 22–23). Historical research is a process of reconstructing the 
relics of the past (Gottschalk, 1983, p. 32). The first stage is heuristics, a process to find 
and collect historical sources, both primary and secondary sources. The sources 
collected are those that are relevant to the theme being studied (Frederick and Soeroto, 
1984, p. 467). The heuristic process of searching for primary sources in this study was 
carried out in several ways, including collecting written sources from the JAI archives 
and library in Jambi, oral data through a series of interviews with informants, and 
objects or photos related to historical writing (Kuntowijoyo, 2003, pp. 169 – 171).  

Primary sources in the form of archives, documents and interviews used in this 
study were obtained from the location of the Ahmadiyya community in Jambi, official 
documents, Articles of Association and Bylaws (AD/ART) as well as interviews with 
informants. Meanwhile, secondary sources were obtained from various libraries such 
as the Jakarta National Library, the Ahmadiyya Community Library in Jambi, Jambi 
City Library, University of Indonesia Library, Universitas Gadjah Mada Library, 
Yogyakarta State University Library, Universitas Diponegoro Library, and other 
libraries. Visits to various libraries yielded many literatures on JAI, such as articles 
published in journals, books, magazines, and newspapers. Of course, not all sources 
present data in a way that researchers want because each has its strengths and 
weaknesses. However, researchers should be able to present those sources in a 
compelling way as without historical sources, historians will not be able to piece things 
together (Wasino, 2007, p. 9). 

Source criticism is the second stage in the historical method to obtain authentic 
and credible data. Source criticism is important for researchers to be able to filter the 
information obtained during the data collection process. In this case there are two 
types of source criticism, namely external criticism and internal criticism. External 
criticism is made to determine the authenticity of a document. The authenticity of the 
archives contained in official institutions can be known immediately, for example a 
Decree on the management of the Indonesian Ahmadiyya Community, the Articles of 
Association of the Indonesian Ahmadiyya Community must be verified by studying 
those documents are structured and obtaining confirmation from people who issued 
them. The second criticism is internal criticism, which is to test the credibility of 
historical sources. It is necessary to seriously examine interview sources considering 



 
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that they have their own perspectives on historical events. 
Interpretation is the third stage of the historical method, aimed at making 

connections between similar facts. Historical facts that are relevant to JAI’s social 
integration efforts in Jambi during 2003-2013 are synthesized through imagination, 
interpretation, theorizing to find relationships between one fact and another in the 
framework of chronological and causal relationships. Thus, the dynamics of JAI’s 
social integration efforts to maintain its existence in Jambi can be explained and then 
understood in a comprehensive and complete manner. At this stage, the use of social 
science concepts and theories is useful to help explain facts, including linking the social 
integration of JAI in Jambi as a minority and various pressures on them. This stage 
requires the researcher's imagination to describe a past event, by remaining 
disciplined with the existing traces. 

Historiography is the stage of writing history. This involves verifying sources in 
stages and putting them together in scientific writing. The stages of historical writing 
begin with collecting sources, followed by criticism from various sources obtained, 
then interpreting facts from sources which are then assembled into a historical writing. 
If all stages are passed correctly, the expected historical work will be produced, 
namely a descriptive-analytical historical writing (Daliman, 2015, pp. 28-29). 
 
Growth of Ahmadiyya Community in Jambi 2003-2013      
The Ahmadi community in Sarolangun Jambi emerged from the government’s 
transmigration program initiated during the New Order era in 1960-1980 (Crouch, 
2010). The program was intended to reduce poverty and population density on 
densely populated islands, provide opportunities for people who want to work, and 
meet the needs of manpower to exploit natural process resources on islands such as 
Papua, Kalimantan, Sumatra and Sulawesi (Heren, 1979, pp. 32-38). Transmigration to 
Jambi Province occurred during 1966–1980 affecting areas including Rantau Rasau, 
Singkut, Rimbo Bujang, Pamenang, Dendang, Pamusiran. Areas in Sarolangun 
Regency affected by transmigration including, Singkut and Datuk Nan Tigo Pelawan 
in Limun District, according to a survey conducted by the Directorate General of 
Transmigration in 1973 (Soekasdi, 1980, pp. 29–34). 

Ahmadis in Sarolangu came from Java, especially from Parung in Bogor through 
the transmigration program introduced by the Suharto government in 1978. At the 
beginning, there were only eight families: the Abdurahmans, the Adek Syaifulahs, the 
Mamad Muhammads, the Ukat Sukatmas, the Ahmad Sunaryas, the Mahmudins, the 
Endang Wijayas, and the Iyos. Each family was given a wooden house and one hectare 
of land by the government (Interview with Abdurahman, February 23, 2020). 

The new members were attributed to the births and marriages, and it is common 
for members to come and go from and to other regions due to economic factors. For 
25 years, from 1978-2003, there were around 150 Ahmadis in Sarolangun, becoming 
the largest group in Jambi province. Data collection in Sarolangun was not as accurate 
as that in the city of Jambi due to the lack of education and poverty. Ahmadis in 
Sarolangun did not pay attention to archiving, with frequent changes to religious 



 
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imams (mubaligh) contributing to the problem. Mubaligh were tasked with preaching 
and did not pay attention to administrative matters, which were supposed to be the 
job of community leaders and their subordinates who are elected every three years. 

 In 2003, the Sarolangun branch of JAI began to show its influence, because a 
new regional administration had been formed in the center of Jambi Province. This 
facilitated connections in regional groupings before the Jambi regional administration 
was formed. Whenever an event was held, the Sarolangun congregation went to 
Palembang, South Sumatra for a 10-hour trip. This made it difficult for the 
congregation in Sarolangun to participate in Ahmadiyya activities, thereby slowing 
their progress. It was not uncommon for Ahmadis to leave and stop taking part the 
organization’s activities (Interview with Ukat Sukatma, February 23, 2020). The 
formation of regional administrators in a separate province made the Sarolangun 
branch of the Ahmadiyya Organization even more solid. In 2003 – 2005 there were 
several times of betrayal. The first bai'at (pledge of loyalty) was conducted in 2004, 
attended by 10 people. Furthermore, in 2005 11 more people took the oath of allegiance 
conducted by a Ahmadiyya mubaligh in an event that coincided with the Regional 
Leadership meeting (Interview with Mamad Muhammad, February 23, 2020). 

During 2005-2009 the growth of Ahmadiyya faced stagnation after the MUI 
firmly issued a fatwa against the community during the Second National Conference 
in Jakarta. The fatwa, which ruled that Ahmadiyya was outside Islam, heretical and 
misleading, hurt the expansion of Ahmadiyya (Zulkarnain, 2011, p. 294). During 2010-
2013, Ahmadiyya did not experience significant growth, other than from marriages, 
births and the transfer of members. During that period the size of the community was 
around 215 people. The outbreak of conflict on December 4, 2013 made them even 
more united and strengthened their resolve to maintain their existence. With these 
attacks, the community became increasingly convinced of the truth of their beliefs. 
They likened their sufferings to the early struggles of the Prophet Muhammad in 
spreading Islam. Likewise, the Qadian Ahmadis convinced members, that the Imam 
Mahdi revealed to Mirza Ghulam Ahmad has descended, and they are obliged to 
believe in him and spread the teachings to all mankind. People who believe and follow 
the commandments are on the right path. They took bai'at and were convinced that 
the Ahmadi Islam is a blessing for the universe, while those outsides were deemed to 
have not found the true way of Islam (Interview A. Syaifulah, February 23, 2020). 

 The arrival of a mubaligh named Nurhadi in 1984 from Kerucil, Central Java 
marked the the entry of Ahmadis into Kayu Aro in Kerinci. That year he settled in 
Sungai Penuh and then moved to the village of Bengkolan Dua. He conducted 
religious study sessions and sermons in surrounding villages to convey to the public 
that Imam Mahdi had arrived. At first the sermons were delivered to individuals and 
eventually some of them took bai'at, including the families of Mr. Salib Shahib, Mr. 
Legiman and Mr. Rasmin (Interview with Mubarak Ahmad, February 29, 2020). In 
1987, Nurhadi was replaced by Mr. Sulaiman, leading to the expansion of the 
Ahmadiyya community in Kerinci and the pledges of allegiance by more people 
including Mr. Abdul Syukur, Mr. Darsik, Mr. Suratmin, and Mr. Umurin and their 



 
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families. The expansion happened even more rapidly, including to the villages of 
Sungai Lintang, Batu Hampar, Pasar Minggu, Soko Dua, Kebun Baru, Sungai Tanduk, 
Bengkulan Dua, Pematang Lintang, Semurup, Batang Merangin, and Sungai Penuh. 
From 1988 to 2003 JAI Kerinci experienced three changes of mubaligh but it did not 
work bout well and the size of the Ahmadiyya remained stagnant. Among the 
mubaligh who took charge that year were Mr. Sulaiman, Mr. Jumantoro, and Mr. 
Supriyanto. The number of Ahmadiyya grew through births, marriages and the arrival 
of members from other places until 2003. Over a span of 15 years, from 1984-2003, the 
total number of members in Kerinci reached 205 people (Interview with Agus Salim 
Hasibuan, February 29, 2020). 

In 2003, there were around 205 members of Ahmadiyya in Gunung Kerinci and 
with additional 10 in late December 2004, the number rose to 215. The additions were 
not due to the results of preaching, but members returning to settle in Kerinci 
(Mubarak Ahmad, February 29, 2020). During 2004-2007, their size rose to 230, but this 
was not the result of conversions or bai'at, but members moving from Merangin and 
South Solok (Interview eith Ahmad Wakir, February 29, 2020). 

During 2007-2013 the size of the Ahmadiyya community in Kerinci dropped as 
economic pressures forced many to move to areas that offered jobs. At the end of 2013 
the size of the community dropped to 215. In the period of 2003 – 2013, the size of the 
Ahmadiyya community in Kerinci remained unchanged. In Kerinci, the role of 
mubaligh had been dominant in the growth and development of the Ahmadiyya 
community from the outset. The 2005 MUI fatwa which declared Ahmadiyya to be 
outside of Islam and the 2009 Joint Decree of Three Ministers issued by the central 
government also affected growth. After the conflict in 2013 the Ahmadiyya community 
found it increasingly difficult to expand, because of the negative stigma that was 
propagated through the media. Mubaligh spent a lot of time trying to counter 
accusations directed at the community. 

The establishment of the Ahmadiyya Qadian branch in Jambi city in 2003 
following the arrival of Ahmadiyya mubaligh became the catalyst for the growth of 
community in Jambi Province (Ahmadi, On February 26, 2020). After news of the 
formation of the Jambi city Ahmadiyya branch spread around Jambi Province, other 
Ahmadis around Jambi Province began to join, including Mr. Abdurahman, a member 
of the Ahmadiyya community from Lahat, Mr. Nasrullah Nawir and his son from 
Jamaah Padang, and Mr. Legimin from Lubuk Ciuk, Medan. In addition, on June 17, 
2004, an Ahmadi family with five family members from Medan who lived in Muaro 
Bulian also joined forces (Ahmad, 2006-2007). 

In 2003, the Ahmadiyya Qadian community in Jambi comprised only five 
families. But at that time there were 12 Ahmadis from various areas in Jambi. On July 
15, 2004, the Jambi branch mubaligh oversaw the pledge of allegiance by five people in 
Bayung Lincir, where an Ahmadi family had lived - children of the late Mr. Jailani. On 
March 5, 2005, seven people - the family of Mr. Setiyono - underwent a bai’at by the 
Ahmadiyya Jambi mubalig. Based on the information, it can be concluded that in just 2 
years, from 2003 to 2005, dozens of people registered as members of the Ahmadiyya. 



 
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Then on July 28, 2005, the Indonesian Ulema Council issued a fatwa which reaffirmed 
the MUI fatwa in the Second National Conference (26 May - 1 June 1980), stating that 
Ahmadiyya was outside Islam, heretical and misleading (Zulkarnain, 2001, p. 294). 

In 2005-2009 the Ahmadiyya community faced stagnation, with about 30 
members. They struggled to maintain their existence from the onslaught of the media 
and government regulations that suppressed them. In addition, the issuance of the 
Joint Decree of three Ministers issued by the government in 2009 seemed to add to 
their nightmare. During 2009-2013, the Ahmadiyya community in Jambi Province 
endured various negative stigmas from the public, culminating in rallied by activists 
and the Community Alliance of Jambi Province on December 4, 2013. This affected the 
missionary activities. At that time, only 10 families lived in Jambi City, with the rest 
scattered on the outskirts to escape the increasingly tense situation. Members who left 
finally returned to help protect their families and groups, so that by the end of 2013 
the size of the community rose to 85. About 90% of the Ahmadiyya community in 
Jambi were migrants who lived inside and outside the city. About 8% Javanese and 
Bugis were born in Jambi, and 3% were Jambi natives (Ahmad, 2013, p. 2). 

 
Social Integration of Ahmadiyya Community in Jambi, 2003 -2013  
In its movement, each organization has its own way of assimilating into society and 
the government, allowing its members to exist and grow in a new settlement. Through 
field research, the author observed and participated in JAI social activities directly, 
such as giving herbal treatment, blood donation, eye cornea donation, and conducting 
collaborative activities with the local government (Interview with Ali Rahman, 
February 29, 2020). After the MUI Decree (N0 11/Munas VII/MUI/15/2005) from 2005 
to 2008, JAI's social activities in Jambi Province experienced a decline. Basically, the 
activities of the Indonesian Ahmadiyya Community in various regions are 
experiencing the same situation, especially social activities, due to the stigma created 
by the media that affected the community (Interview with M. Syarif Hidayatullah, 
February 26, 2020). After the 2008 Joint Decree of 3 Ministers from 2008 to 2013, social 
activities of the Ahmadiyya Community remained stagnant and even in decline 
(Interview with Rian Ahmadi, February 19, 2020). They tried to carry out social 
programs as usual, despite the negative stigma from MUI. In fact, the situation 
worsened after the outbreak of protests by a group of activists and community 
members in 2013, causing all Ahmadiyya activities to stop for a while. The protests 
forced them to take down the Ahmadiyya signboards across Jambi Province including 
at mosques. From 2008 to 2013 was a dark period for the growth and social activities 
of the Ahmadiyya Community of Jambi Province. However, the silver lining was that 
the organization became increasingly united in carrying out religious activities 
(Interview with Agus Salim Hasibuan, 29 October 2020). 

After the MUI Decree (No. 11//Munas VII/MUI/15/2005) from 2005 to 2008. The 
MUI fatwa in 2005 was not the first on the Ahmadiyya community, but reaffirmed the 
previous fatwa No. 05/Kep/Munas II/MUI/1980 issued during the National Conference 
II in Jakarta on May 26 - June 1, 1980. At that time, the MUI issued a fatwa affirming 



 
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that Ahmadiyya was a congregation outside Islam, heretical, and misleading (MUI 
Fatwa, 2003, pp. 98-99). The response of JAI Jambi Province regarding the 2005 fatwa, 
according to the missionary representative for the Jambi City region, was that 
Ahmadiyya was not heretical (Rian Ahmadi. 24 February 2020) and called on members 
to ignore it. Ahmadis remained calm and were not worried about its legality in 
Indonesia, because they believed that only the President could dissolve the 
Ahmadiyya organization. What worried Ahmadis were the actions of local 
communities that responded disproportionally to the MUI fatwa, even though the 
institution prohibits all types of anarchic actions against any party or activity that are 
not in line with this MUI fatwa. The muballigh repeatedly emphasized that the 
existence of the Ahmadiyya would always be preserved, although in terms of activities 
from 2005-2008 there were problems. 

The existence of JAI in Jambi Province Post-Joint Decree of Three Ministers in 
2008. During 2008-2013, with the issuance of the Joint Decree of Three Ministers in 2008 
regarding Ahmadiyya, ostensibly aimed to build inter-religious harmony, especially 
between JAI and Muslims in general, Ahmadis encountered obstacles. The biggest 
obstacle faced actually stems from the decree, which was widely misunderstood by 
most people. Many people consider the regulation as an affirmation of the prohibition 
on the existence of JAI (Joint Decree of 3 Ministers, 9 June 2008), eventhough there is 
no prohibition in place. It has led to violence against JAI adherents. The masses wanted 
Ahmadiyya be disbanded during protests in Parung, Bogor and Jambi. The situation 
meant Ahmadis were at risk, as in early 2003-2005. Even after the 2013 protests, all 
mosques with the Ahmadiyya sign were removed to comply with the demands of the 
protesters. However, on the bright side, this had brought more unity to members and 
this resulted in many members performs religious activities more rigorously. They 
were increasingly convinced that Ahmadiyya was on the right path, likening their 
struggle to that of the Prophet Muhammad in spreading Islam (Interview with 
Muhammad Syarif Hidayatullah, February 24, 2020). 

 The Joint Decree of 3 Ministers and cases of violence that befell JAI brings us to 
the question of how the existence of JAI will continue. The existence of JAI can be seen 
through several things such as the existing organizational structure, number of 
members, activities carried out, identity, and others. At that moment, the meeting 
between all members of JAI. They gathered and chatted together after the Friday 
prayer was completed. These activities can strengthen and maintain the motivation of 
individuals. The creation of culture is also carried out by all JAI members through 
family institutions. They are very aware that the formation of a JAI culture can only be 
formed through education taught in the family. One of the forms of culture within the 
JAI family is awareness of the education that is instilled in children and the inculcation 
of Islamic values. The above is a form of the latency function built by the JAI 
organization. The latency function in the JAI organization has also shown a pattern of 
maintenance, improvement of motivation and the creation of culture/habits. All of this 
is done to internalize the values of Ahmadiyya into its adherents. It is this 
internalization that will bring eternity to the organization. The compatibility between 



 
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Talcott Parsons' A, G, I, L concept with the existing system in JAI above, is a sign that 
the JAI organization is able to survive in various conditions such as pressure from the 
2005 MUI Fatwa, the Joint Decree of Three Ministers and the protests by Student 
Action and Community Alliances in Jambi in 2013. Talcott Parsons' assumption, may 
be true, that a system will survive if it has four functions, as evidenced by the 
organization of the Indonesian Ahmadiyya Community. Although religious activities 
have decreased, the existence of the JAI organization from 2008-2013 persists and 
continues to carry out movements. 
  
Conclusion   
The entry of JAI in Jambi Province cannot be separated from migration. The Ahmadi 
congregation's social interaction with the surrounding community who were non-
Ahmadis has been good in all fields except for religious practices. Ahmadiyya 
congregations tend to separate themselves from non-Ahmadis in the religious field. In 
addition, the Indonesian Ahmadiyya organization pays great attention to its 
congregations. Every month the communities get visits from mubaligh who work 
around the congregation in each branch in Jambi Province. 

The growth of the Indonesian Ahmadiyya Community in Jambi Province from 
2003-2013, (After the 2005 MUI fatwa, Decree of Three Ministers and the 2013 Jambi 
Student and Community Action). The most visible expansion of the Ahmadiyya 
Community happened before the issuance of the 2005 MUI decree, the 2008 Decree of 
3 Ministers, and the 2013 Jambi Student and Community Action protests, from 2003 to 
2005, which marked the establishment of the Jambi City branch. They succeeded in 
building what they called the Mission House which also served as a special mosque 
for the Ahmadiyya Community. 

In order to maintain its existence, JAI carries out various social and religious 
activities such as blood donation, herbal medical treatment (homeopathy), and daily 
activities such as village cleaning and competitions conducted with the government. 
Initially these activities went smoothly, but after the issuance of the 2005 MUI fatwa, 
the Joint Decree of Three Ministers, and the 2013 Jambi Student and Community 
protests, they have faced opposition. This has greatly reduced the organization's 
activities, especially after the government and MUI issued an appeal for JAI not to 
carry out missionary activities. Because of media reports, communities harbor distrust 
for the Ahmadiyya organization, especially in Jambi Province. Even so, they manage 
to survive and keep their members to carry out activities as usual, despite the stigma 
attached to them.  
 
Referrences 
Ahmad, M. (2013). Selayang pandang Ahmadiyya Jambi. Jambi: Kantor Wilayah 

Ahmadiyya Provinsi Jambi.  
Audah, H. M. (2002). Ahmadiyya kepercayaan-kepercayaan dan pengalaman-pengalaman. 

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