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IHiS (Indonesian Historical Studies) 6 (1), 19-33 © 2022 | E-ISSN: 2579-4213  

Local Cultural Identity Markers in Bagelen during the Ancient Java                                                               | 19 

 
Received:  
January 15, 2022 
 
Revised:  
May 30, 2022 
 
Accepted:  
June 4, 2022 

The Remnants of Ancient Java as a Sign System  
in Bagelen Central Java   

 
Niken Wirasanti 

Department of Archeology, Faculty of Cultural Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada 
Jl. Sosio Humaniora, Bulaksumur, Sleman, Yogyakarta - Indonesia  

 
*Corresponding Author: wirasanti@ugm.ac.id 
DOI: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v6i1.13425 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
  
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Introduction 
In IX-X century AD, South Kedu Region (Central Java) of Bagelen area was part 
of the Ancient Mataram Kingdom civilization. The palace of Ancient Mataram 
Kingdom moved several times as written in the inscription medang ri bhumi 
Mataram, medang ri poh pitu, and medang ri mamratipura (Boechari,1976/2018, p. 
178; Wuryantoro, 2012, p. 128; Poesponegoro, 2009, p. 149). The glory of the 
Ancient Mataram Kingdom has been revealed in a number of inscriptions and 
temples concentrated in the fertile plains on the axis of Borobudur Temple 
towards Prambanan Temple. This means that in these two areas, the intensity 
of temple findings with magnificent and monumental architectures are very 
high, which is known as “the royal temples”, and the palace is estimated to be 
close to the location of the “royal temples”. 

Inscription data show that in the IX-X century AD in Java, there was no 

Abstract 
 

This research explored the cultural traces of the Ancient Mataram 
community in South Kedu, Bagelen region, Central Java. There are 
abundant archaeological data to study these traces – Hindu and Buddhist 
statues, lingga-yoni, lingga pathok, rings, lamps, and five inscriptions, 
namely the Watukura (902 AD, Kayu Ara Hiwang (911 AD), Sipater (circa 
900 AD), Ayam Têas (901 AD), and Pendem (881 AD). In addition, there are 
more than 26 archaeological sites in Bagelen region. Statues, lingga-yoni, 
lamps, and rings are correlated with the contents of the inscriptions, all of 
which show how the system and social structure of the residents worked 
and functioned in Bagelen region. These artifacts are a system of sign that 
describes the religious activities during the Rakai Watukura Dyah Balitung 
period of the Ancient Mataram. The research was aimed to obtain an 
overview of how material culture as a sign system is interpreted by the 
community. The research method used was a structural approach by 
analyzing signs and meanings of artifact data and inscriptions. The 
findings showed how the manifested culture in Bagelan region reflected a 
certain spirituality concept with local and cultural identification. 
 
Keywords: Inscription; Statue; Bagelen; Ancient Mataram; Local Cultural Identity. 
 



 
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centralized administration (Sedyawati, 1985, p. 264), while Kulke (1991 in 
Wirasanti, 2015, p. 103) made an interpretation based on the Canggal Inscription 
(773 AD) that the traditional structure of Old Javanese was a kingdom 
surrounded by several communities (watak). 

Furthermore, the kingdom is a palace and the king ruled in a capital 
called Medang, surrounded by rural areas which at that time was probably 
not an actual urban center, but a large village. An area describing a center 
surrounded by villages is called as bhumi. One of the Ancient Mataram village 
known as watak Watukura, is currently located close to the estuary of the 
Bogowonto River, part of Purwodadi District, Purworejo, Central Java 
(Poesponegoro, 2009, p.123, Munoz, 2009, p. 326). 

Toponym Watukara connects to Rakai Watukura Dyah Balitung, who was 
based Mantyasih Inscription (902 AD), became one of the kings of Ancient 
Mataram. The title rakai bore by Balitung showed that before crowned as the king 
of Mataram (899-911 AD), he was a ruler in (watak) Watukura (Boechari, 2018, p. 
74 ; Wibowo, 1964,  p. 148). Based from this fact, an assumption emerges that 
watak Watukura (Bagelen) was once an Ancient Mataram palace. In addition, 
the work of Penadi (1993, p. 6), which refers to van Der Meulen's opinion from 
Parahiyangan script and Babad Tanah Jawi script about the name of Bagelen 
which is equated with Ho-Ling or Haling that is the short name of Bhagahalin 
(Bagelen), suggests that there was a kingdom located in the valley of the 
Bogowonto River. Moreover, still referring to the writing of Penadi, Bagelen 
is similar to Pagelen as contained in Babad Tanah Jawa (the History of 
Javanese Land), a kingdom that was originally ruled by King Kahulun. 

Regardless of whether or not it was true, it is interesting to study that in 
Bagelen region, there is a fairly large spread of artifacts in the forms of statues 
of Ganesha, Siva-Parvati, Agastya, Lingga-Yoni, Lingga Pathok, stupa, and 
pipisan-gandik, all of which are currently kept in the Tosan Aji Purworejo 
Museum. In 1915, the Dutch (Inventaris der Hindoe- Oudheden) (1914, p. 357) 
recorded the findings of Hindu or Buddhist statues namely Saraswati, Shiva, 
Ratnasambawa, Maitreya, Padmapani, a number of gold rings, silver rings, 
and bronze lamps. It was stated that these objects were brought to the Batavia 
Museum (Jakarta), and some were kept in the Leiden Museum. 

These artifacts which are presented in Tosan Aji Museum each has 
certain meanings in accordance with their functions, either in religious 
activities or daily activities. The relations among these objects can be traced 
from five inscriptions found in the Bagelen area, namely Kayu Ara Hiwang 
Inscription (911 AD) found in Central Boro, and Watukura Inscription (902 
AD) found in Watukuro, Sipater Inscription (approx. 900 AD) found in Jenar 
Kidul, and Pendem Inscription (881 AD) found in Tawangsari. Another 
inscription, which is Ayam Têas 1 (901 AD), was found in Purworejo Region 
of Central Java, but the location of the finding is unknown. Archaeological 
data findings widespread in the Bagelen region with five inscriptions from 



 
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the Ancient Javanese period illustrate that the Watukura Bagalen region had 
an important role in the period. Watukura is a lungguh area of Balitung before 
he become a king of Ancient Mataram. As a watak area, Watukura had a vast 
territory with a number of villages as mentioned in the Watukura Inscription. 

However, the Bagelen region as part of the Ancient Mataram region with 
quite complete archaeological data has not attracted much attention from 
researchers. It means that, so far, the many writings and discussions are 
mainly about the important role of Bagelen during the Islamic Mataram 
period until the independence of Indonesia. In fact, artifacts and inscriptions 
of the Ancient Javanese period found in the Bagelen region are part of the 
historical journey of Bagelen. Therefore, the study of Bagelen in IX-X century 
AD is important to be conducted since it will complete the series of historical 
descriptions and cultural processes of pre-Islamic Bagelen period. This paper 
is expected to begin as well as complete the overview of the community 
activities in the pre-Islamic Bagelen period. 

Artifacts and inscriptions of the Hindu-Buddhist period became markers 
of religious activities as well as showing the role of ritual ceremonies in the 
daily life of the Bagelen people at that time (Geertz, 1973, in Magetsari, 1980, 
p. 438). This is interesting to study, and questions arise on how to "read" the 
markers of the local and cultural products of Bagelen people at that time and 
what elements and kinds of socio-cultural interactions are maintained to 
preserve the local and cultural identity of Bagelen in IX-X century AD. 
 
Methods 
This research was synchronic and conducted by studying the artifacts of the X 
century AD in the South Kedu area of Bagelen, which is currently a district in 
Purworejo Regency. The research locations consisted of Purwodadi District, 
Bagelen District, Banyuurip District, and Ngrombol District. These regions are 
concentrated with archaeological sites, a number of artifacts and five 
inscriptions, three inscriptions (Watukura Inscription, Kayu Ara Hiwang 
Inscription, and Sipater Inscription) with known locations of their discoveries, 
and two inscriptions were found in Purworejo without mentioning the place 
of discovery (Pendem Inscription was found in Kaligesing District, and Ayam 
Têas 1 Inscription was found in Purworejo). At the research locations, there 
are 26 archaeological sites with artifacts that are partially kept in the Tosan 
Aji Museum and some are still at their original locations. 

The data, which are artifacts and inscriptions, were studied by means of a 
structural analysis (Fredinan de Saussure semiotics) which was an attempt to 
identify the structure of various thoughts, expressions, and behaviors of the 
community based on the five inscriptions found in Bagelen region. It means 
that the structural analysis did not take account of the causal relationship of a 
phenomenon, but a concept was viewed as complex and a set of elements that 
were related to one another (Piliang, 2012, p. 152). Statues, Lingga-Yoni, and 



 
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Lingga Pathok can be meaningful when these artifacts are in relation to the 
elements on the inscriptions that arre structured stages in the ceremony of 
establishing a region as a sīma. To determine its structure, the data were 
analyzed and the result was a syntagmatic-paradigmatic axis describing 
religious practices that served to maintain the sustainability of socio-cultural 
relations. Furthermore, the discussion section shows the relations between the 
components that form the concept of religious communities. 

From the discussion, it can be interpreted that the artifacts are associated 
with the contents of the inscriptions, and therefore a series of markers of a 
magico-religious concept is intertwined. This means that an overview of the 
pattern of socio-cultural relations that is continuously integrated forms a local 
cultural identity. 
 
Results and Discussion 
Bagelen is an area that is now administratively the Bagelen District of 
Purworejo Regency, located between the Cicingguling River in the west, to 
the Menoreh Mountains in the east, and the southern slopes of Mount 
Sumbing in the north, to the Indian Ocean in the south. This region has several 
rivers, namely Bebang, Bedono, and Bogowonto. In its history, Bagelen has 
been a fairly large and fertile area. In 1901, Bagelen region was 
administratively removed, and since then Bagelen has been a part of the 
Purworejo Regency (Setyawati, Sudibyo, Ibrahim, 2018, p. 20). 

In the IX-X century AD, Bagelen was a part of the Ancient Mataram 
Kingdom whose territory was comprised of Central Java and parts of East 
Java. Ancient Mataram Kingdom was a kingdom that emerged during the 
reign of King Sanjaya who was given the title Rakai Mataram Sang Ratu 
Sanjaya, enthroned in Medang, and the palace built by Sanjaya was located in 
Poh Pitu (Boechari 1976/2018, p. 159; Poeponegoro, 2009, p. 123; Wirasanti, 
2020, p. 131). The location of Poh Pitu is estimated around the Kedu region 
(Magelang), and during the reign of Dyah Kayuwangi the center of the 
Ancient Mataram Kingdom was moved to the southeast of Kedu and centered 
in medang ri mamrati (Çiwagrha =856 AD), estimated around Prambanan area 
(Darmosoetopo, 2003, p. 37). 
 
Interpreting the Contents of the Inscriptions 
One of the Kings who ruled in Ancient Mataram was Balitung with the title 
Sri Mahārāja Rakai Watukura Dyah Balitung Sri Dharmmodayana Mahasambu ruling 
in 898- 912 AD. As many as 45 inscriptions of stone and bronze created during 
his reign were discovered. The title Rakai shows that Balitung was once a ruler 
with the lungguh area in Watukura, and the location of Watukura is estimated 
in Central Java which currently contains the toponym of Watukuro Village in 
Purwarejo District. This title indicates the position of ruler in a watak 
(Poesponegoro, 2009, p.123; Boechari, 2018, p.91). 



 
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Inscriptions from the reign of the King Balitung found in Bagelen region 
are Watukura I inscription, Kayu Ara Hiwang inscription, Sipater inscription, 
Ayam Têas, and Pendem inscription. The inscriptions record the 
establishment ceremony of Sīma for religious buildings, that is dharma 
Pangastulan building (Watukura Inscription), religious buildings in 
Kayuarahirang (Kayu Ara Hiwang Inscription), and religious buildings in 
Ayam Têas. The Sipater inscription (900 AD) explains the maintenance of the 
dam. 

The word Sīma is derived from the Sanskrit word sīman  which means 
boundary or edge (Zoetmulder, 1982, p. 1092). The word boundary in a 
broader sense is a plot of land that is reserved (Darmosoetopo, 2003, p. 93). 
Through manusuk sīma ceremony, it means that the land is exempted from 
taxes and other obligations by the government with the aim that the locals are 
responsible for the sustainability of maintaining and preserving religious 
buildings. Furthermore, this means that the tax which used to be submitted 
to the government through the tax collector (manilaladrawhaji) now is handed 
over to the caretaker of sīma to be utilized for various purposes of the 
implementation of religious rituals, such as preparing offerings, and paying 
for the cost of building maintenance. 

Sīma for the purposes of maintaining religious buildings is known as sīma 
punpunan. Darmosoetopo (2003) distinguished various sīma land giving: 1) sīma 
makudur (religious ceremony leader) given to makudur who has given 
contribution to the king, 2) sīma kapatihan that is given to patih/vice-regent who 
has given contribution to the king, 3) sīma Kajurugusalyan that is sīma land for 
areas in which metalsmith are managed; this consisted of blacksmith, 
goldsmith, coppersmith, and brass smith. According to Darmosoetopo, the 
term sīma punpunan is always related to Bathāra or religious buildings and 
refers to Boechari (in Darmosoetopo, 2003, p.109); punpunan is an area adjacent 
to the center of the kingdom. Boechari’s opinion on the term punpunan when 
associated with Watukura inscription, which became the lungguh land (watak) 
of Balitung, has attracted the attention of many parties to suggest that the 
lungguh area of Balitung in Watukura was close to the center of the kingdom. 

Based on the inscriptions in Bagelen region there are a number of villages 
designated as sīma lands. Some of the names of the villages can still be traced 
to the toponyms today. In Watukura inscription, the Watukura region is 
comprised of the villages of Babadan, Matapanas, Payaman, Buhara Suwul, 
Buhara Unduh, Buhara Hoya, Buhara Tengah, Buhara Panganten, Bareng, 
and Antulan. The name Buhara Tengah is estimated to be the toponym of 
what is now known as Boro Tengah Village, in which Kayu Ara Hiwang 
inscription was discovered (Atmojo, 1991, p. 21). Still according to Atmojo 
(1984), the name of the villages stated in Sipater Inscription with the current 
toponym are Wlahan Village (Bragolan Village, Purwodadi District), 
Parowutan (Palutan Village, Ngombol district) bordering with Candi Village, 



 
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and Sipater (Kapiteran Village, Kemiri District). The villages written in the 
inscription describe a village (wanua) which was a settlement that merged 
with gardens, rice fields, dry lands, rivers, valleys, meadows, and forests. 
Gardens, rice fields, or forests are selected to be used as sīma lands for 
religious buildings. In his writing, Pradana (2017) interprets the contents 
of Kaladi inscription (909 AD); forests were selected as sīma lands and 
then used as gardens planted with flowers, and these flowers became an 
important part of the means of religious ceremonies called the pancopacara. 
There are two kinds of offerings that must be prepared in religious ceremonies, 
namely fire offerings (for sang hyang Brahma) and offering of goods for sang 
hyang kulumpang in the form of cloth, gold coins, and other equipment 
(Darmoseoetopo, 2003, p. 114). More specifically, these can consist of  
agricultural equipment prepared for sīma ceremony, such as wadung (a tool 
for splitting wood), patuk or betel (for splitting stones), rimbas or pêtèl (a tool 
for cutting or shaping), lukai or kudi (a weapon), têwêk punukan (a machete with 
sharp protrusion on its back), gulumi (fork-shaped tool), kurumbhagi (knife), 
kris (keris), linggis (crowbar), wungkyul or wungkil (a tool for raking soil or 
grass), dom (needle), and tatah (a carpenter's tool). Other sets of equipment are 
tableware and lighting equipment that consist of pandyusan (a metal bowl for 
washing hands), tabas or  talam (an offering tray), saragi panganan (cutlery), 
saragi minuman (drinking utensils), kampil (rice container,) kawab (pan to cook 
dishes), pangliwetan (a tool for cooking rice), padamaran (small lamp of bronze), 
and papanjuan (lamp). The next equipment sets are betel container and 
pancopacana. Equipment belonging to pancopacana are kamwang (flowers), 
gandalepha (boreh), dhupa (frankincense), dipa (duplak lamp for the ceremony), and 
kawitta (?). Sometimes offerings for sang hyang kulumpang can also include 
chicken, goat, and buffalo head. 

Agricultural equipment for sīma ceremony was the equipment used daily in 
the paddy fields, in other fields, or in the forest. The rural environment around 
sīma was comprised of a forest area, rice fields, and dry lands, and this illustrated 
a fertile environment with abundant water sources. The Watukura inscription, 
Kayu Ara Hiwang inscription, Ayam Têas 1 inscription, and Pendem inscription 
implicitly mention that the fertile lands for sīma were designated for religious 
buildings close to the countryside. Other inscriptions, which are Linggasutan 
inscription (924 AD), Sugih Manek inscription (915 AD), and Muncang 
inscription (944 AD), explicitly state that there were rice fields and dry lands in 
rural environment (wanua). The people were obliged to maintain religious 
buildings located near their residence. To maintain and preserve religious 
buildings, a number of caretakers were responsible for this maintenance 
(Setianingsih,1991, p. 3; Wirasanti 2015, p. 39). Setianingsih's study mentions that 
Poh inscription (905 AD) provides complete information about the obligations of 
religious building caretakers in Wanua villages in Poh, Rumasan Village, and Nyu 
Village, all of which were sīma for sang hyang caitya while the village officials were 



 
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responsible for maintaining, preserving, decorating, and organizing offerings 
ceremonies (mahaywa for a king who were “didharmakan” in Pastika. 

Watukura inscription (902 AD) mentions that religious buildings 
caretakers namely sang karmma consist of mamuju, upakada, and dewakarma. 
Mamuju was the person in charge of organizing religious ceremonies and 
offerings during the performing of the ritual to Bhatāra. Upakalpa was the 
person in charge of preparing the ceremony offerings to Bhatāra. The task of 
dewakarmma was cleaning the courtyard of religious buildings. The person in 
charge of caring for and cleaning the religious buildings called byapāra 
(Darmosoetopo, 2003, p. 161; Wuryantara, 2012, p. 132; Pradana, 2017, p. 51).  

Kayu Ara Hiwang inscription mentions people who are known as 
parhyangan who were in charge of praying to call the gods. Ayam Têas 
inscription mentions that wadihati is a religious caretaker who assisted in 
performing ceremonies in villages. In another inscription, the Panggumulan 
inscription, four people are mentioned that they were in charge of preparing 
lights at the time of sīma ceremony. There is also a caretaker called mulawuai 
as a person in charge of providing water during the ceremony (Setianingsih, 
1991, p. 3). The sīma (religious building) caretaker or custodian showed that 
there was an organizational structure of persons in charge who were 
responsible for the sustainability of sīma lands for religious buildings. These 
persons in charge received gifts from the king, such as money and cloth 
(wdihan). 

Preparation of designating a region for sīma was started with defining 
the boundaries of the village. Kayu Ara Hiwang inscription (901 AD) 
mentions a number of villages that became the boundary of the sīma land in 
Kayu Ara Hiwang. In addition, the king awarded the persons in charge who 
had contributed to the maintenance of religious buildings in Parhyangan 
(sīma ni paryan) in a number of villages (Padamuan, Mantyasih, Asampanjang, 
Pupur, Taji, Kasugihan, Lamwar, Panggumulan, Lamwar, Langkyang, Sru 
Ayun, Poh, Kolungan) with cloth (wdihan), one kati (0.625kg) of silver coins 
(pirak kati 1). Some persons in charge received gold coins as much as one 
suwarna and two masa (mas su 2 mā), and a ring of prāsāda type (simsim prāsāda) 
(Pradana, 2017, p. 52; Wuryantoro, 2012, p. 138). 

In addition to the inauguration of sīma, Sipater inscription (900 AD – 
estimated), tells about the expansion (maintenance) of a dam (dawuhan) to 
improve crops in a number of villages, namely Wlahan, Pariwutan, Kayuara, 
Kayuantan, Haluh and Sipater (Atmojo, 1985, p. 233). The existence of this dam 
can be associated with efforts to increase agricultural products. Agricultural 
products, in addition to being daily needs and traded goods, they are also 
used for the purposes of religious ceremonies on the sīma land. Darmosoetopo 
(2003) mentions that the cost of sīma establishment ceremony spent in Taji 
village that was attended by 592 people was 57 kadut rice of, six buffalos, and 100 
chickens (Taji inscription, 904 AD). Many kinds of rices and side dishes were 



 
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served, and there were skul matiman (rice cooked with steamer), skul dinyun 
(rice cooked with jun (pot), and skul liwet (rice cooked with pangliwetan). The 
Watukura inscription (902 AD) mentions a festive dish including a side dish of 
fish (Haryono, 1997; Wurjantoro, 2012, p. 133). 

The menus at the banquet for the establishment event of sīma were 
prepared from farming products obtained from rice fields, dry land, and 
fish ponds from local villages. The surrounding villages of sīma land 
(wanua tpi siring) and villages that utilize water from dams gave an 
overview of the Bagelen area at that time that was fairly densely 
populated and had fertile land and water resources. 
 
Interpreting the Artifacts 
From the structure of the regional or territorial planning of the Ancient 
Mataram Kingdom, it can be reconstructed that the center of kingdom with 
the palace of Sri Maharaja (kadatwan) consisted of watak led by a rakai, and the 
smallest unit of area was wanua consisting of residential sub-units called duku. 
The regional layout describes the conception of a space in which there was a 
center as a core of power that radiates energy outward towards the periphery 
(Raharjo, 2011, p. 26; Wirasanti, 2015, p. 104). Furthermore, the terms center 
and periphery are developed. A center is located in the middle of the culture 
that illustrates the great tradition while group of farmers develop the small 
traditions (Rahardjo, 2011, p. 430; Sadyawati, 2012, p. 282; Bhattacharjee, 2016, 
p. 5). Mostly, small traditions do not develop through reflective ideas. These 
traditions would develop by themselves in a village whose residents cannot 
write, or these are only obtained without full awareness of doing the refining. 
On the other hand, great traditions are developes by a small group of elites 
(thinkers, religious experts, and poets) with full awareness that these should be 
passed down to the next generation (Rahardjo, 2011, p. 249). 

The concepts of great traditions and small tradition are used to describe 
artifacts (especially statues) found in the Bagelen region. Its regional 
structure, the palace and the surrounding areas that consisted of villages 
(wanua or thani and hamlets anak wanua or anak thani) along with the lungguh 
land, is a negaragung or the core area. Outside the negaragung, there were areas 
ruled by the Hajj or a vassal king. Balitung, before marrying the crown princess 
and taking the royal throne, was a Hajj from the Watukura area with the title 
rakai (Boechari, 2018, p. 90; Darmosoetopo, 2003, p. 49). 

Bagelen region in the IX-X century AD as a part of the Ancient Mataram 
civilization is marked by cultural products in the form of statues of Siva-
Parvati, Ganesha, Agastya, Lingga-Yoni, Lingga Pathok (watu sīma), and pipisan-
gandik in a variety of shapes and sizes. The artifacts are now stored in the Tosan 
Aji Purworejo Museum. Iconographically, the statues can be recognized 
through the features of their attributes. However, it can be said that the 
workmanship and creativity of the locals are of high quality. It means these 



 
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locals had the ability to combine various elements to produce a distinctive 
form in the Bagelen region. Workmanship and expression of statues create a 
different binary opposition, such as statues from Prambanan Temple and 
statues from the Kedu area (Borobudur) which are iconographically and 
icononomically similar to the rules of the Silpasastra script (Figure 1). 

Figure 1. From left to right depiction and workmanship of statues Bagelen (Tosan Aji 
Museum), statues from Prambanan (Candi Prambanan), 

 and statues from Banon Temple (Kedu).  
Source: Suroto, 2020; https://candi.perpusnas.go.id/temples/deskripsi-yogyakarta- 

candi_prambanan_8 (retrieved in 2020); Bernet-Kempers, 1959. 
 
According to Soekmono (1986, p. 236), as an art enshrined in religion, 

the prevailing benchmark is not the splendor or the beauty that is generally 
considered to be the core of quality assessment, but its function whether or 
not the work fulfills its function as a religious object according to the views of 
the community. In this case, Sedyawati (1986) adds that there is a power of 
transformation given by the local identity. Another opinion is stated by Raharjo 
(2011) that to understand a civilization as a whole, a society should not be seen 
separately. In fact, small and great traditions always relate to each other 
dynamically. 

Statues, Lingga-Yoni, and Lingga Pathok currently displayed in the 
museum seem meaningless. However, they will be meaningful if these 
artifacts are associated in a network context with the content of the 
inscriptions to form a sign system describing the concept of religious 
ceremonies. Denotatively, the content of the inscriptions with their artifacts 
shows the life of the people at the Hindu and Buddhist period. In this case, 
there was no Indianization process which meant that the local culture adapted 
to the foreign culture, but what happens was that the local culture was able to 
process foreign culture according to the characteristics or in accordance with 
the interests of the supporting communities (Magetsari, 2016, p. 14). One of 
the peculiarities of the local culture can be observed from the statues 
discovered in the Bagelen region (some of the statues are kept in the Tosan Aji 
Purworejo Museum), all of which iconographically also have a distinctive 
workmanship, different from the statues discovered in Prambanan region and 
Kedu region (Borobudur). 



 
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Interpreting the Space of Sīma 
The inauguration ceremony of sīma for religious buildings brought 
consequences that were changes to the status of the land and its supporters. 
This meant that sīma had a legal power; there were fines for those who violate 
or damage sīma; there were no tax levies on sīma land which must be handed 
over to the kingdom. Sīma land designation process is written in the inscription 
attended by royal officials, village officials residing around the area designated 
to be the sīma (tpi siring or siringan), and witnesses from the four villages 
(panyatur desa) or the eight villages (pangasta desa), and these villages would be 
located in the four directions of the wind or the eight directions of wind 
(Darmosoetopo, 2003, p. 94). The process of classifying the universe into five 
and nine groups describes a space as a sign because it has a meaning and is 
conventionally assigned certain functions. Sīma land inauguration with 
witnesses from officials/residents from villages located in the four or eight 
directions of wind was a signifier. The markers of the layout are a concentric 
concept that is an opposition of one village in the middle surrounded by other 
villages in a circular manner. Koentjaraningrat (1984) argues that the dualism 
of the center facing the outer circle can become a chain structure of category 
three when the center is considered as category one, and the outer circle as 
category two, three, four, and five. From this description, it can be concluded 
that the ritual practice of religious ceremonies revolves around the center 
world that connects or bridges the human world and the upper world. The 
purpose is to obtain blessing (slamet), prosperity, and harmony (Setyobudi, 
2013, p. 88). 

Structurally, a space is seen as a structure (Hoed, 2014, p. 113). In the 
designation of sīma whether based on the Watukura inscription or Kayu Ara 
Hiwang inscription or Ayam Têas 1 inscription, there were village boundaries 
that formed a space. A more complete explanation is obtained from 
Panggumulan inscription (902 AD) and Kuramwitan inscription (869 AD) 
which mention the description of the village boundaries marked with 
installations of peg markers pathok (Lingga Pathok/watu sīma) which is often 
called as sang hyang. As for sang hyang watu sīma and sang hyang watu 
kulumpang, they are the middle of witana and precisely at the midpoint of sīma 
land (Darmosoetopo, 2003, p. 136; Soekmono, 1974, p. 319). Kancana 
inscription (860 AD) mentions that sīma stones (sang hyang) were planted in 
the eight directions of wind and overlooking religious buildings and statues 
of Buddha (Suhadi, 1983, p. 152; Darmosoetopo, 2003, p. 121). 

..sira paduka mpungku i boddhimimba an panusuk dharmma sīma lpas irikang i 
bungur lor mwang ikang ing asana tanêmana wungkul asthadeçanya maka don 
pangadêgana sang hyang prāsāda sthana nira sang hyang arca bodha… 
[….Paduka mpungku di Boddhimimba who determines sīma for 
buildings   in Bungur Lor and in Asana, so that the peg stone pathok are 



 
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planted in the eight  directions,  the  purpose  is  to  establish  prāsāda 
of the statue of Buddha..] 

Mamali inscription (878 AD) provides a more detailed information about 
the installation of the sīma boundaries in all four directions (Darmosoetopo, 
2003,p. 122) 

…swasti çakawarsitita 800, marggasira māsa daçami kr sna paksa wurukung kaliwuan 
aditya wara tatkāla nikanang lmah ning kbuan karāman i mamali watak mamali winli 
rakarayan i sirikan…sāma ni kanang prāsāda nira i gunug hyang…i sampun ika 
umadeg ikang rāma makabaiban ing pahing mesuk dwadaçi krsna…sinusukanya ya 
watu sīma srang dū…. [...happy year Saka 800 Marggasira month date 10th 
of the dark moon Wurukung Kliwon Ahad when the garden land in 
Mamali watak Mamali was bought by Rakarayan I Sirikan.   made as 
sīma for prāsāda on Mount Hyang after the rāma standing attending the 
ceremony in the morning (pasaran) Pahing date 12th part of the dark 
moon planted peg stones pathok at every corner point of the sīma …] 

Paradah inscription (943 AD) also mentions sang makudur put sīma stones 
at the boundaries (corners) of sīma land in Pradah and Tagi [i tlas sang wahuta 
hyang kudur umaratistha sang hyang wungkal susuk ing sahinga i pasaga i tagi]. 
Tajigunung inscription (901 AD) mentions that these stones (sīma) were planted 
precisely at the corners of the village designated as sīma (Haryono, 1999, p. 18). 

The term sanghyang kulumpang according to Bochari (1977) is a stone mortar 
that has similar shape to Yoni. In the sīma ceremonial process, sanghyang 
kulumpang is paired with sang hyang watu têas or sanghyang watu sīma, a small 
monument similar to Lingga. Both artifacts became a central marker of ritual 
in the enactment of a sīma ceremony with the sign of the magico-religious 
concept that became the official symbol of the sīma land inauguration. In the 
inscriptions, it is mentioned that all village leaders paid obeisance to the sang 
hyang watu sīma (manamwah ikanang rama kabaih ri sang hyang watu sīma) 
(Kartakusuma, 1996, p. 405). 

From the description, it can be interpreted that sang hyang watu sīma and 
sanghyang watu kulumpang and the statue were placed at the central point of 
orientation in the sīma land inauguration ceremony. The audience were sitting 
in groups encircling watu sīma and kulumpang. In the center of the yard during 
the ceremony implementation, sang makudur cast a spell, cursed those who 
disturbed the sīma land while slaughtering a chicken on sanghyang kulumpang, 
and finally threw a chicken egg on sanghyag watu sīma. Based on inscriptions 
(Darmokusoetopo, 2003; Kartakusuma, 1982), there were sanctions for those 
who violated sīma provisions, and these were in the forme of fines and curses 
symbolized by the act of cutting the neck of a chicken on watu kulumpang, and 
breaking a chicken egg on watu sīma. 

The ceremony ended with a banquet accompanied by dance 
performances (arawan hasta), mask dance (atapukan, matapêl), drum music 
(mapadahi), singing (menmen, manidun), and a comedy show (ma-banol). From 
this description, it appeared that the party supplies that must be prepared 



 
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were quite a lot, especially the dish at the end of the event. The Panggumulan 
inscription (902 AD) mentions a feast of various types of foods, namely 
matiman rice with a variety of salted fishes such as snapper, kadiwas, layar-layar, 
shrimp, and hala-hala as well as eggs. As for the vegetable dishes, two cows 
and a goat were slaughtered and cooked provided (Haryono, 1997, p. 5). 

The inauguration ceremony of Taji Village sīma was attended by 592 
people, required 57 kadut of rice, six buffalos, and 100 chickens (Taji inscription 
901 AD) (Darmosoetopo, 2003, p.133). To ensure food availability, agricultural 
yields through a good irrigation had been increased. Sipater inscription 
mentions the maintenance of a dam (dawuhan) to increase food production in 
Wlahan Village, Priwutan Village, Kayuara Village, Haluh Village, and 
Sipater Village (Atmojo, 1985, p. 233). 

An inauguration ceremony of sīma was a ritual activity marked by the 
order of the ceremony (Haryono, 1999, p. 16; Darmosoetopo, 2003, p. 113; 
Kartakusuma, 1996, p. 408) starting from the selection of sīma land followed by: 
1) giving pasek-pasek (gifts that can be in the forms of money, cloth (wdihan), a 
ring (simsim), 2) offerings equipment; 3) A priest or ceremonial leader sang 
makudur cutting a chicken’s neck and breaking chicken eggs; 4) Sang Makudur 
worshiped sang hyang watu têas, 4) cast curses to those who violated sīma, and 6) 
the sīma inauguration ceremony was ended with a banquet accompanied by 
dance-music performance. 

The phases of a sīma inauguration ceremony carried out one by one in 
the same space and time formed a system of markers that explained religious 
behaviors related to a magico-religious concept. Stage-by-stage sīma 
inauguration was an important ceremony because there is a change from a 
common space to a sacred space related to constructing temples and placing 
statues. These stages are presented in Table 1. 
 
Table 1. The Details of Sīma Inauguration Ceremony 

Preparation                    Implementation                        Closing 
Designating sīma 
land 

Gift hand-over (ring, 
cloth) 

 
 
 
 

Banquet 
 

 
 
 
 
 
magico-religious 
concept 

Preparing 
statues, Lingga- 
Yoni, Lingga Pathok 
watu sīma), rings 

Sitting around watu 
sīma, Statue and or 
Lingga- Yoni 

Preparing items 
for gifts 

Sang Makudur 
conducting rituals 

 
 
Dance and music 
performances 

Preparing offerings Installation of Lingga 
Patkok (watu sīma at 
the four/eight 
directions of sīma 
boundaries 

 
The theory of sacred space explains rules and orders that must be 

obeyed. The order of behavior situated in a space that is interpreted as having 



 
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mystical and spiritual values (Danesi, 2020, p. 324-328). In terms of space, 
there is a sacred space and non-scared space. Sīma land as a sacred space is 
marked by the peak of the event when Sang Makudur cast spells and was 
witnessed by the audience from the villages around the sīma land. The peak of 
the sīma event is a sign of presenting the cosmic force that allows men to build 
a sacred space. 

The order of sīma designation obtained from the inscriptions for religious 
buildings shows similarities from the preparation, implementation, and 
closing of the event with the concept of inaugurating the sacred space. The 
connotative meaning of the solemn atmosphere was then developed 
characterized by the power awaken by sang makudur when casting curses and 
oath spells followed by the slaughtering of chickens and throwing eggs, all of 
which were able to give a certain meaning that was transcendent. The 
phenomenon of sīma inauguration ceremony was then continuously held in 
different spaces and times, and eventually the meaning of this religious 
ceremony (sīma) becomes part of culture and a "myth". 
 
Conclusion 
Bagelen region with the toponym of Watukuro Village became part of the 
cultural history of Ancient Mataram (IX-X AD). The Watukuro Village is 
associated with Watukura inscription and is always associated with the 
lungguh land (watak) of Rakai Watukura Dyah Balitung before crowned a king. 
The evidence of the glory of pre- Islamic Bagelen preiod is marked by five 
inscriptions and artifacts displayed in the Tosan Aji Museum, and some 
artifacts are still located in the historical sites of Bagelen region. 

The artifacts and inscriptions appear to be of no value, but if they are 
deciphered and identified one by one, they become markers of the life of 
ancient Javanese communities during the Hindu-Buddhist period. 
Furthermore, these artifacts become meaningful when strung with 
inscriptions arranged in order (syntagmatic- paradigmatic) forming a 
network of relations into a system of markers a with magico-religious 
concept. In this context, the series becomes a unity of meaning that describes 
the practice of sīma land inauguration ceremony for religious buildings. 
Several inscriptions from different dimensions of space and time explain the 
inauguration of sīma land as characterized by the pattern and structure of 
formal order in maintaining its sacredness. The peak of the event is the casting 
of curses followed by prohibitions that must be obeyed and giving sanctions 
for those who violate the sacred land. The sīma land inauguration ceremony 
involved royal officials, village officials, and all local residents; it was 
witnessed by residents from the surrounding villages showing how the 
community maintained its identity as a religious society. 
 
 



 
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Local Cultural Identity Markers in Bagelen during the Ancient Java                                                               | 32 

Acknowledgement 
We would like to express our gratitude to the Faculty of Cultural Sciences of 
Universitas Gadjah Mada which funded this research, which was conducted 
in the Bagelen region, and the publication of this article. We would also like to 
thank the Department of Archeology of Faculty of Cultural Sciences of 
Universitas Gadjah Mada that facilitated and supported the undertaking of 
this research. 
 
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