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IHiS (Indonesian Historical Studies) 6 (2), 45-59 © 2022 | E-ISSN: 2579-4213  

PNI Political Strategy to Win the 1955 Election in Indonesia                                                    | 45 

 

Received:  
April 9, 2022 
 
Revised:  
May 31, 2022 
 
Accepted:  
June 2, 2022 

PNI Political Strategy to Win the 1955 Election in Indonesia 
 

Agustina Wilujeng Pramestuti*, Yety Rochwulaningsih, Singgih Tri Sulistiyono 
Doctoral Program of History, Faculty of Humanities, Universitas Diponegoro 

Jl. Prof. Soedarto, S. H. Tembalang, Semarang, Central Java - Indonesia 
 

*Corresponding Author: awpbening@students.undip.ac.id 
DOI: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v6i1.14043 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
  
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Introduction 
Democracy always needs a balanced structure of strength and flexibility to translate 
public opinion as the highest sovereignty holder of the state, so that effective policies 
can be established and protecting the rights of all groups and individuals. For the new 
democracies, establishing balance is a daunting challenge. In this context, political 
parties have become an essential component (Reilly, 2003, p.3). Political parties play a 
crucial role not only representing various interests, combining choices, and forming 
governments, but also resolving conflicts and supporting a stable political life.  

Meanwhile, van Biezen (2012) referred to political parties as political institutions 
in a modern democratic state which is an expression and manifestation of political 

Abstract 
 

This article aims to reveal the reason and how the Indonesian Nationalist Party 
(PNI) succeeded in becoming the winning party of the General Election (Pemilu) 
in Indonesia in 1955 by gaining the most votes as many as 8,434,653 votes, 
followed by the Indonesian Muslim Shura Council Party (Masyumi) of 7,903,886 
votes and Nahdlatul Ulama Party (NU) of 6,955,141 votes. The 1955 election was 
the first direct election in Indonesia to be the most democratic in history since the 
campaign did not only take place in big cities, but had reached villages and even 
remote villages. The atmosphere of contestation was very strong, but it was not 
accompanied by a violent conflict even though the contestation was from political 
parties with very different ideological backgrounds. In this context, the political 
strategy pursued by the PNI is very interesting, that is by consolidating politics 
both internally and externally. To examine the problems, historical methods were 
used in which data were excavated from primary sources including news and 
articles in newspapers and magazines, as well as minutes of parliamentary 
meetings regarding the Election. The results of the analysis showed that the PNI 
performed politics consolidation through cooperation with various groups and 
political parties of any ideology. In addition, the PNI also adopted the conception 
of Sukarno's thinking to mobilize supporters, including through meetings, open 
meetings attended by the people by presenting prominent nationalist figures as 
their orators. The issues raised in the campaign had distinctive characteristics of 
nationalism, citizenship, and mutual cooperation. 
 
Keywords: PNI, Strategy, Nationalism, Elections 1955. 
 



 
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participation and pluralism. Pasquino (2012) said consolidation efforts towards 
modern democracy always occur in countries that are mainly free from authoritarian 
regimes recently. The main focus is on political, social, and economic organizations. In 
a more recent development, the consolidation efforts towards modern democracy are 
rested on the movement of political figures in a political party. The direction of 
consolidation of political parties is mainly focused on influencing and building public 
awareness regarding an ideal political and democratic life (Pasquino, 2012, p. 42). 

Reilly (2003) exemplified some countries with quite dynamic democratic 
evolution in Asia Pacific along with their problems. These countries are Papua New 
Guinea which has hundreds of languages; Indonesia with separatist movements that 
threaten its unity; the Philippines which seeks to balance the interests of parties and 
social problems; and Thailand which is dominated by the power of one political party. 
The main discussion of Reilly's study on Indonesia is focused on political constellation 
during the period of Liberal Democracy. 

Previous studies have shown that both the system of government and democracy 
in Indonesia have undergone several transitional periods, especially in the early days 
of independence (Benda, 1964). However, not all those transitional periods received 
attention. Lev (1967) provided an overview of the study on political parties in 
Indonesia which is more directed at the dynamics of political parties during the 
Guided Democracy and PKI received the greatest attention. Meanwhile, there are very 
few studies of post-revolutionary political parties. Lev (1967) cited the emergence of 
parties in Indonesia as a political component since the enactment of Ethical Politics by 
the Dutch Colonial Government in the early 20th century. In the 1910s to 1920s, the 
Nationalism, Islamism, and Communism movements grew and raised hostile to the 
Dutch. Its activities were centered in Java and spread unevenly in Sumatra, 
Kalimantan, and Sulawesi. 

In the 1930s, the movement of non-cooperative nationalist organizations received 
pressure from the Dutch Colonial Government and was prohibited through verbod 
vergader and led to the arrest of Sukarno (Utomo, Supriyono, & Indriyanto, 2021). 
Nevertheless, the pressure was actually increasing the stir of movement of the 
organizations to carry out propaganda actions to raise the spirit of nationalism, both 
in the form of speeches and writings on mass media articles. During the Japanese 
occupation, the political components were barely given space and only Islam was 
encouraged to form an organization.  

Only in 1945, after Indonesia's independence was proclaimed, political 
components which were initiated by national movement figures rose and political 
parties began to be established. Vice President Notice No. X of 1945 concerning the 
election of members of the House of Representative in January 1946 became one of the 
manifestations of democratic consolidation. After the presidential cabinet was 
replaced by a parliamentary cabinet led by Sjahrir, the general election was used as a 
government program as contained in Government Notice dated November 14, 1945 
which, among other things, reads, “Other democratic actions must immediately be 
used as a way to hold general elections, so that the representatives who are elected in 



 
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an independent manner can take the right part in carrying out the politics of the 
government and the course of the country" ("Pemilihan umum dan fungsinya," 1952, 
p. 3). 

Post-enactment of the Government Notice of 14 November 1945, political parties 
began to be established. The nationalist wing raised the banner of the Indonesian 
Nationalist Party (PNI). There was also the Indonesian Muslim Shura Council Party 
(Masjumi), an Islamic ideology party that also accomodated the Islamic Association 
Party of Indonesia (PSII), Nahdatul Ulama (NU), and Muhammadiyah. In 1947, PSII 
separated and stood as an independent party followed by NU in 1952 (Believer, 2015, 
p. 487-494). In the next political contestation, the Indonesian Muslim Shura Council 
Party (Masyumi) became a strong rival of the PNI. 

This article examines the political strategy carried out by one of the major parties 
in Indonesia which became the winner in the first General Election in Indonesia, 
namely the PNI. According to Ufen (2008), political parties are the link between the 
state and the people. Therefore, the analysis of various consolidation efforts made by 
political parties, especially before the election, is a necessity. It is also stated in various 
mainstream literature of political science that well-functioning political parties must 
be able to recruit political elites, organize opposition, defuse conflicts by establishing 
connections with representatives of other political organizations or parties, offer 
accountability, and combine various interests. In the theory of democratic freedom, it 
is stated that general election is a link between the principle of people's sovereignty 
and the practice of governance by a small number of officials. In this context, the 
people elect their leaders (Liddle, 1978). Therefore, it is very natural that in Indonesia, 
during the period of liberal democracy, many parties fought to become the champion 
and defender of democracy, in the expectation of attracting people's sympathy 
("Anggaran negara dan perdjuangan untuk demokrasi," 1952, p. 5). 
 
Method 
To examine the problems in the article, the historical method was used which is a set 
of principles containing systematic principles to find, test, and critically analyze past 
records and relics and then constructed them into a historical story (Garraghan, 1959, 
p. 33). The historical method consists of four stages, namely: heuristic, criticism, 
interpretation, and historiography.  

Heuristics was done by searching newspapers and magazines archives, both 
offline and online. Newspaper and magazine articles published in Indonesia, such as 
Merdeka, Merah Putih, Madjalah Merdeka, and Sikap Mimbar Indonesia regarding the 
1955 election was accessed in the National Library of the Republic of Indonesia (PNRI). 
In addition, articles from foreign media were obtained online, such as The Advertiser 
(Adelaide), The Guardian, and so on. These sources were used to obtain facts about the 
1955 elections and the consolidation carried out by the PNI. Meanwhile, to provide a 
broader context and as an analysis tool, articles from journals both national and 
international were used that were relevant to the research topic. 
 



 
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Political Parties and Elections 1955 
As the first general election in Indonesia, the 1955 election becomes a very strong 
magnet and attracts the attention of both the Indonesian people and political observers 
abroad. The legal basis for holding of the 1955 Elections is article 19 of the Provisional 
Constitution (UUDS) of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, reads: 
"Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression" (Wirata, 1952). 
Meanwhile, technically, the Election Bill began to be discussed in parliament in the 
second semester of 1952 (Wilopo Cabinet).  

The general elections had been a concern since Indonesia's independence was 
declared. Nevertheless, general elections cannot be held immediately for a number of 
reasons. The most powerful reason is because Indonesia has to fight the Allies during 
the revolution; secondly because there is no law governing the conduct of general 
elections. The bill governing the general election received attention only during the 
RIS period and was often delayed in its discussion as a result of political instability in 
Indonesia (Feith, 1954, pp. 236-254). On the other hand, from the observers’ point of 
view in Indonesia, the general election is the only way to form an ideal cabinet in the 
midst of multiparty system. Hatta himself as a cabinet formateur stated that it is very 
likely that there is a "cow trade" in structuring the cabinet considering the party 
atmosphere in Indonesia which is feared to make politics a goal, instead of a path to 
national interests (“29 hari sebelum 26 September 1955,” 1955, p. 5). 

The bill governing general elections was proposed by the government during the 
period of Natsir Cabinet with a view to the 1948 law (Hatta Cabinet) on indirect 
general elections. However, the bill was rejected by the parliament before being 
discussed in the plenary meeting because they expected a direct general election. 
During the period of Wilopo Cabinet, the bill and the country's articles of association 
for the general elections of parliamentarians and constituents were again discussed in 
parliament at the insistence of various parties due to the unstable political situation in 
Indonesia (“Pemilihan umum dan fungsinya 1952, p. 2). 

Sikap Mimbar-Politik magazine described the precarious situation that occurred in 
various areas in the early 1950s, including the events of the demonstration of October 
17, 1952, followed by the events of the Brawijaya division of East Java, and the events 
of the division of Territorium VII of Makassar. The event had led many parties to urge 
the government to take a stance that could bring Indonesia to political order. One of 
them was through the discussion of the Law and the Articles of Association of the State 
aimed at public elections (“Anggaran negara dan perdjuangan untuk 
demokrasi,”1952, p. 5). 

In the second semester of 1952, the government began proposing an Election Bill 
(RUU) for Constituent Members and the House of Representatives or known as the 
General Election Bill to the parliament. In general, the bill from the government 
(Wilopo Cabinet) did not get rejection from the factions in the Provisional House of 
Representatives (DPRS). That was because the General Election mechanism that 



 
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involved the people to vote directly had been expected by the DPRS for a long time. 
The first meeting, which was still conducted in a closed manner, discussed the 
conception of 15 electoral districts proposed by the government including East Java; 
Central Java; West Java; South Sumatra; Central Sumatra; North Sumatra; West 
Kalimantan; South Kalimantan; East Kalimantan; Sangihe-Talaud (has electoral 
subdistricts: Minahasa, North Sulawesi, Donggala, and Paso); Luwu (Mandar, Pare-
Pare, Makassar, Bone, Bonthain, and Southeast Sulawesi); North Maluku (Central 
Maluku and Southeast Maluku), Former Timor Residency (Timor, Sumba, Flores, and 
surrounding islands); Bali (including Lombok); and West Irian. In determining the 
number of representatives, the minimum number was not applied but rather, adjusted 
to the number of residents of the chosen area. The general election committee consisted 
of party representatives and people's organizations ("Rantjangan Undang-Undang 
Pemilihan Umum," 1952, p. 4).  

Regarding the conception of the electoral district, there was one party which had 
different opinion from the government, namely the Indonesian Socialist Party (PSI). 
PSI proposed that approximately 40 electoral districts could be designated. The PSI 
conception allowed each region to have a minimum of one seat in the House and two 
seats in the Constituent Assembly. Nevertheless, the issue of electoral districts did not 
lead to much debate in the end. A debate took place when it came to establishing the 
manner in which minority representatives were nominated and elected. Anyone who 
wanted to be elected must submit a guarantee of Rp250 for individual candidates and 
individual candidates in the first list as well as Rp100 for candidates in the second list 
and so on. The existence of guarantees had caused debate from various parties. This 
was related to the number of voters from the electoral district who might also be 
included in the nomination requirements, that a minimum of 100 voters for individual 
candidates and 25 voters to nominate on the next lists. A quite interesting discussion 
was the opinion of a representative of European descent who expected the government 
to appoint one of their groups specifically for West Irian ("Rantjangan Undang-
Undang Pemilihan Umum," 1952, p. 4).  

When Ali Sastroamidjojo Cabinet fell a month before the planned general election 
time, concerns arose from parties who wanted elections to be conducted immediately. 
Moreover, the cabinet which replaced Ali Cabinet led by Burhanudin Harahap once 
stated that it took time and thorough checking of election preparations so that there 
was the possibility of the election being postponed ("Pemilihan umum dan alat 
permainan politik," 1955, p. 3). In order to review the preparation of the elections, 
Burhanuddin Harahap appointed an adhoc committee chaired by the Minister of Home 
Affairs, Sunarjo. The purpose was to oversee the performance of the Indonesian 
Election Committee (PPI) chaired by S. Hadikusumo. Members of the PPI themselves 
consisted of representatives of parties contributing to the 1955 election. The 
establishment of the adhoc committee itself marked Masyumi's dissatisfaction with the 
composition of the PPI which according to them was dominated by PNI 
representatives (“29 hari sebelum 26 September 1955, 1955,”1955, p. 5). 



 
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The planned postponement of elections by some circles was considered to be the 
effort of Burhanuddin Harahap to consolidate his forces in order to be better prepared 
for the elections. In fact, the Burhanuddin Harahap Cabinet has Seven Work Programs 
of Cabinet mandated and emphasized by the Vice President Mohammad Hatta when 
appointing. One of the articles in the Seven Work Programs of Cabinet is to carry out 
the general elections according to the established plan and hasten the formation of a 
new parliament (“Susunan dan program Kabinet Mr. Burhanuddin Harahap, 1955). 
Based on the mandate and insistence of various parties, the Burhanuddin Harahap 
Cabinet finally held the elections according to the set time on September 29th for the 
Election of Members of the House of Representatives and on December 15th for the 
Election of Members of the Constitutional Assembly (Ayu, Sulistiyono, & Alamsyah, 
2020, pp. 32-42). 

The 1955 election has been a catalyst that was able to attract parties to consolidate, 
both internally and externally (“Opposisi hendaki intervensi negara-negara Barat,” 
1954). Approaching the 1955 election, campaign became the main agenda in every 
activity organized by political parties. The meetings were held not only to propagate 
their ideology, but also as a means of evaluating the extent to which the people knew 
their party, so that its activities were aimed at obtaining as many votes as possible. It 
was not uncommon for political parties to also give opinions about the state of the 
country through articles published by their propaganda newspapers. 

The analyses delivered by political party leaders who did not support the cabinet 
regarding the domestic situation were signaled to be a series of interrogations in order 
to face the election, so that it seemed exaggerated. There were party leaders who used 
ways that were considered less constructive in campaigning ("Kampanje pemilihan," 
1954). Nevertheless, various campaign activities were logical consequences of the 
election where people's sympathy was urgently needed. In a democratic country, the 
people were the determinants of the election and became the actual judges, so it was 
reasonable that political parties competed for the sympathy of the people (Muljani, 
Liddle, & Ambardi, 2011, p. 41). 

One of the facts that concerned the public and even Western media was the 
competition between Masyumi and PKI. Both parties that were born from different 
ideologies claimed each other to win the election before the election was held (Tan, 
1955). The belief in winning the election was conveyed by Burhanudin Harahap from 
the Masyumi, considering that Indonesia is a country that has a Muslim-population. 
On the other hand, if working hard, PKI was predicted to achieve success in the 
election. Two years before the election, tens of thousands of PKI sympathizers led by 
D. N. Aidit had done penetration in various cities. The coverage was also very deep 
up to the level of villages and hamlets (McCann, 1955).  

The final result of the 1955 election was the majority vote for the PNI, which 
mainly came from Java. Meanwhile, Masyumi took second place with the majority 
vote from Sumatra. Masyumi managed to get 37 seats out of the 260 contested seats. 
The third position was the Nahdlatul Ulama Party (PNU). Meanwhile, surprising 
results were achieved by the PKI with more than five million votes and brought it to 



 
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the top four (McCann, 1955). The contestation between Masyumi and the PKI took 
place on the basis of Cold War ideology and alliances. Masyumi was known as an 
Islamic ideological party that although echoing neutrality, had a political preference 
for the West. This party was also known to have an anticommunist attitude so it 
rejected the existence of PKI. Meanwhile, PKI had been known as a party in alliance 
with Peking. 

The first elections in Indonesia held 10 years (by Western researchers called 
"only" a decade) after Sukarno and Hatta declared Indonesia's independence had 
shown a good and dynamic progress in the democratic life. It became more and more 
interesting when looking at the contestation that occurred between parties that 
competed in the 1955 election, especially the contestation between major parties such 
as the PNI, Masyumi, NU, PSI, and unexpectedly the mass campaign of PKI. Coming 
to the 1955 election, Masyumi continued to express general opinions about the 
performance of the Ali-Arifin Cabinet which according to some circles was Masyumi's 
strategy to take the people's day. 

An article in Merah Putih magazine stated that it was true that political parties 
were part of everyday life. It was also stated that the terms "nonparty" and 
"nonpolitical" had very different meanings. Non-party means non-partisanship and 
everyone was free to vote whether or not to sit in the party. However, non-party people 
did not always mean not being political because politics had a broad meaning and was 
attached to life. The main point of the article written by the editor of Merah Putih 
magazine highlights the contents of Eid al-Fitr Khutbah at Lapangan Banteng which 
was considered to contain political contents. The editor interpreted the contents of the 
Khutbah as an attempt to influence the audience to lean towards one of the political 
parties. It was pointed out that the party was an Islamic party but did not join the 
cabinet. The contents of the khutbah were considered inappropriate, especially 
because political orations or speeches should be carried out in forums, meetings, or 
congresses that involved the people to speak. The description was an example of how 
political parties leading up to the 1955 election tried hard to compete for the people's 
attention by consolidating various forces (“Politik kepartaian djanganlah menganggu 
ketenangan suasana,” 1955).  

 
Foundation and Direction of PNI Political Strategy 
Before the election, the PNI, which at that time became a government party, had to 
face political turmoil and economic crisis. Political and economic instability, as well as 
the threat of disintegration of the separatism movement in various areas led to the 
distrust motion proposed by Burhanuddin Harahap CS which was presented to the 
Ali-Arifin Cabinet. The unstable political and economic situation and the protests 
waged by the opposition had forced P.M. ALI SASTROAMIDJOJO to resign from his 
post in August 1955.  

On August 11, 1955, Vice President Moh. Hatta confirmed Burhanuddin 
Harahap's cabinet. One of the articles in the seven programs mandated by 
Burhanuddin Harahap cabinet was to carry out general elections according to a 



 
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predetermined plan and hasten the formation of a new parliament. (“Susunan dan 
program Kabinet Mr. Burhanuddin Harahap, 1955).  

The Central Council (DP) of the PNI itself interpreted the Election not as a 
"celebration" with passion, but rather a bridge that could plunge the PNI at any time 
into a deep abyss. The reason was the various problems faced by the Ali-Arifin cabinet. 
The PNI admitted that social and economic problems that ensnare the community 
were very likely to bring government support parties into defeat, especially the PNI as 
its matador and pioneer. Indonesia's political and economic instability in the early 
1950s until the 1955 elections was not merely the fault of the PNI. In the cabinet itself, 
there were other parties, big and small, ranging from NU to the United Republican 
Party of Indonesia Raya (Partai Persatuan Indonesia Raya). Moreover, during the time 
of Ali-Arifin Cabinet, there were several corruption and nepotism violations that also 
received a spotlight. However, these issues did not necessarily discourage the PNI in 
supporting the 1955 election (“P.N.I. menghadapi Pemilihan Umum,” 1955).  

In the VII-th Congress held in Bandung, Sidik Djojosukarto reaffirmed several 
policies, attitudes, and patterns of PNI struggle for two years after the congress in 
Surabaya. The ideology of PNI was marhaenism with the symbol of the head of a bull. 
In the context of domestic affairs, the PNI moved based on close cooperation with all 
parties and groups. Broadly speaking, the PNI wanted cooperation in realizing 
national revolution that included three mainstream ideologies, namely national, 
religious, and socialist (“PNI sedia kerdjasama dengan partai partai manapun,” 1954). 
The desire to cooperate with all groups had become the foundation for the PNI to be 
cooperative towards PKI. This attitude then became the consumption of opposition 
propaganda to attack the PNI (“Opposisi hendaki intervensi negara-negara Barat,” 
1954).  

The foundation of PNI consolidation was clearly the national unity that had 
always been presented in every speech of Sukarno. However, as a party leading up to 
the 1955 election became a government party before it was finally replaced by 
Masyumi, the PNI tried not to exalt Sukarno's perception. This was evidenced by 
providing the right of political parties that had different views in terms of the principle 
to oppose. National unity is not always built by forcing ideological unity, party unity, 
and class unity. The national unity is emphasized in gathering national resources (both 
party and non-party) to carry out national duties (“Dengan kekuatan PERSATUAN 
Nasional,” 1955, p. 1). 

Responding to the harsh reaction of anticommunist political parties, especially 
Masjumi, the general chairman of the PNI stated that “PNI is not communist but also 
not anticommunist”. The reason was simple, as an effort to consolidate national power 
("Indonesia's Difficulties," 1954). Masjumi and PNI were known to have different 
views in many ways so that the nuance of competition between these two big parties 
was very strong. These differences concerned foreign politics, the economy, defense, 
and security, etc. Regarding foreign politics, PNI and Masjumi differed in their views 
on how to deal with the Dutch. The PNI had the courage to be harsh towards the Dutch 
who had many interests in Indonesia, including the West Irian. Meanwhile, Masjumi 



 
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argued that if Indonesia was too harsh to the Dutch, it was afraid that Indonesia would 
not achieve better results, based on the consideration that the Dutch was stronger 
because it had the support of large countries. As a result, these two big parties accused 
each other of leaning to a certain block. Masjumi accused the PNI of leaning towards 
the Eastern Block despite the fact that it was running an active-free foreign politics. 
Instead, the PNI accused Masjumi of having a tendency to side with the Western Block. 
Differences in views on foreign politics had also resulted in different attitudes in facing 
the separatism movement of Darul Islam /Indonesian Islamic Armed Force of 
Indonesia (DI/TII) (“Kabinet jang akan datang,”1956). 

Various issues of foreign politics and domestic security (separatism movement) 
and West Irian were also the subjects of discussion in the consolidation carried out by 
the PNI. The first election in Indonesia itself by the PNI was interpreted as an effort to 
harmonize various political forces for the purpose of the country which also became 
an anticipatory attitude so that there was no cabinet crisis as happened before ("Crisis 
in Indonesia, 1955). 

The ideological contents of nationalism were always conveyed in grand meetings 
held in various regions. In a meeting held in Pati, Sidik Djojosukarto (general 
chairman) voiced a general view of the foreign imperialism schools which were one of 
the sources of difficulties in Indonesia. The PNI was not hostile to parties allegedly 
ridden by foreign imperialism forces, but might remain vigilant and stick to the 
"marhaenism" believed by the PNI (“Imperialisme diluar dan dlm negeri musuh PNI,” 
1954). 

The culmination of the consolidation of the PNI was an effort to support the 
holding of the People's Congress initiated by Sukarno. On the basis of the National 
Revolution, the PNI invited all political parties and community organizations to be 
actively involved in the People's Congress. In a speech at the introductory reception of 
the all-Indonesian People's Congress committee chaired by Arudji Kartawinata (PSII), 
Sukarno stated that the People's Congress was held with the aim of building national 
unity. Sukarno explained that the Indonesian national revolution had not ended. He 
exemplified the struggle of national figures that played an important role in 
Indonesia's independence efforts from various groups (“Kepertjajaan kepada potensi 
rakjat jg pernah berevolusi,” 1955).  

PSII's support for the Indonesian People's Congress was echoed at the PSII 
Congress held in Surakarta in April 1955. The results of the congress showed support 
for government programs that were also the focus of discussion in PNI congresses and 
meetings, including: the protocol for the dissolution of the Dutch- Indonesian Union, 
the Indonesian People's Congress, and the Asian-African Conference in Bandung. 
Furthermore, PSII emphasized the importance of national unity in order to carry out 
the national revolution (“Kongres PSII," 1955). Through speechs and concrete steps in 
promoting national unity, it was clear that the PNI had a consolidated direction that 
adhered to the spirit of nationalism. 

The PNI itself tried to serve the interests of the community from all walks of life. 
This was evidenced by the victory of the PNI in North Sumatra. Although it was 



 
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ranked second after Masyumi, it was an achievement considering Sumatra was the 
basis of the Masyumi mass with the majority of the population was Muslim. The 
campaign strategy carried out by the PNI was generally the same as PKI, which 
targeted the lower class. For example, at the time of the bulldozing case conducted by 
the Governor Hakim, the PNI was among those who rejected the action. This made the 
people who were victims in that case easily put sympathy to the PNI (Lazuardi & 
Rochwulaningsih, 2020, pp. 11-21).  

The strength of the PNI in campaigning was also influenced by the mass media. 
The daily newspaper Waspada became one of the most vivid newspapers voicing 
propaganda against the achievements of Ali cabinet and uncovering Masyumi's 
vicissitudes as an opposition party. Merdeka newspaper reported about the congresses 
and PNI resolutions in facing the 1955 elections. Merdeka newspaper and Merah Putih 
magazine also countered Masyumi's accusations to the mass media. 

In general, the political strategy of the PNI in winning the 1955 Election was 
formulated in two ways, that were by voicing the Marhaenism ideology and enticing 
the people with Sukarno. Meanwhile, each region had its own peculiarities in the 
strategy of winning the general election. For example, Central Java, especially 
Semarang, also took steps to support the PNI strategy. These steps included holding 
group meetings in sub-districts or villages that were still not well acquainted with PNI. 
In addition, PNI cadres also held night patrols while reminding the community to 
choose PNI (Dewantarina, 2012, pp. 71-77). 
 
Consolidation of Political Power to Achieve National Goals 
Towards the 1955 election, political parties were established with various names 
sprung up like mushrooms. It was said to be like mushrooms because various 
questions arose, one of which addressed the ideology of political parties. In a speech, 
Sukarno questioned the basis of the political parties which were busy to attract the 
sympathy of the people. According to Sukarno, the ideology that developed in 
Indonesia in fact was not as much as the name of the party that emerged. The large 
number of competing parties had led to separate concerns, especially with regard to 
the number of cadres that were certainly reduced. As a result, the parties sought 
sympathizers by not considering personal qualities.  

Many people who were actually not qualified as mature leaders also reaped the 
benefits of being politicians. In this context, the interests of the party had become the 
main goal, while loyalty to the actual goal, which was the goal of the state, became less 
prioritized. A lot of people were fussing about the political struggle. In fact, according 
to Sukarno, political struggle was only a tool to achieve the common interest which 
was the goal of independence. Development that was necessarily a common purpose 
had escaped scrutiny. In the event of a mistake, the negligence of other people became 
the center of attention, instead of doing introspection. Indeed, that by being political 
then one had made use of his democratic rights. Nevertheless, all of them should be of 
equal size. (“Politik dan pembangunan,” 1955).  



 
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One indicator of the neglect of the country's goals was leaders who transferred 
from one party to another because they saw good possibilities in the new party. It 
proved that there were some people who took advantage of political struggles to 
compete for power, so they forgot the state’s goals. In carrying out national goals, the 
PNI placed their cadres in various regions and prepared them since they were young. 
Since the early 1950s, the Marhaenism movement and the Indonesian Democratic 
Youth (Pemuda Demokrat Indonesia) had held congresses and various trainings to 
prepare the cadres who would enter on the political stage. Although the two 
organizations were not directly affiliated with the PNI, the PNI had a basic movement 
based on Marhaenism. Congress had been conducted even outside Java to avoid the 
impression of "Java centric" (Mangunsarkoro, 1952). 

This was done to avoid the stereotype "Java centric" in the body of the PNI. The 
PNI had stereotyped itself as an opportunist, conservative political party, and was 
dominated by Javanese priyayi elites. The PNI seemed to realize that the stereotype 
was very strong, so that in the early 1950s, the PNI held an expansion of supporters. 
PNI co-opted groups from various regions ranging from North Sumatra to South 
Sumatra, as well as North Sulawesi and Bali. When the PNI appeared as a government 
party, the PNI might utilize its bureaucratic base to organize branches in various 
regions, especially outside Java. The effort proved successful with the joining of former 
federal leaders from outside Java who decided to join the PNI. The mass expansion of 
members was increasingly carried out in 1954 with the awareness that the victory of 
the PNI in the 1955 election depended heavily on funds that were successfully 
collected and from the support of party members (Rocamora, 1970, pp. 143-181). 

Internal consolidation carried out by the PNI included plenary meetings, both by 
central and regional governments through Regional Councils and congresses held 
annually. The Plenary Regional Council of the Central Java PNI, in its hearing in 
Semarang in August 1955, examined the domestic affairs, especially regarding 
corruption. On the other hand, the PNI fully supported the efforts to eradicate 
corruption but also feared that these measures would be abused by some people or 
groups to bring down political opponents. Therefore, the corruption issues might be 
addressed by law enforcement bodies so that its decisions could be accounted for. On 
that occasion, the Plenary Regional Council of the Central Java PNI sent a letter to the 
president, parliament chairman, attorney general, and other officials. A statement 
letter was also sent to the PNI DP containing recommendations that the non-
participation of the PNI in the cabinet should be accepted with sincerity and should 
instead be used to provide control to the government. The position of the PNI at that 
time as affirmed in the statement letter was not only as a mere opposition, but also 
exercised the functions of control and correction of cabinet actions in the interests of 
the nation and state (“PNI mengawasi tindakan kabinet,” 1955). Meanwhile, regarding 
the general election, the PNI invited the people to move simultaneously to promote 
the implementation of the election and reject the resignation of the election for any 
reason. The PNI recognized that the authority of the government relied heavily on the 
trust of the people.  



 
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Nationalism and Pancasila as the Basis of the PNI Struggle 
Both in running the government and facing the general election, the PNI always 
consistently and obediently adhered to the ideology of nationalism. This is stated and 
implied in the discussions of the PNI meetings. The concrete step taken by the PNI 
from the beginning was to establish cooperation with various groups and political 
parties from various schools (“P.N.I menghadapi pemilihan umum,” 1955). 

At meetings held in various regions, the PNI always provided a good picture of 
cooperation with NU and PSII. For example, when meeting in Banten, Gatot 
Mangkupradja explained the good relationship between Marhaenism and Pancasila. 
Both ideologies had become the foundation of the PNI that could accept the 
establishment of NU and PSII, especially because government laws and regulations 
were also drafted based on religious law (“Gatot Mangkupradja: Kerdjasama PNI,” 
1954). The consolidation of PNI was also contained in PNI resolutions proposed since 
the VI-th PNI Congress in Surabaya.  

The most important PNI resolution was the unilateral cancellation of conditions 
that harmed Indonesia's interests in Indonesia's economic and financial agreement 
with the Netherlands. This was related to the attitude of the Netherlands towards West 
Irian. The PNI also fully supported the Afro-Asian Conference which was followed by 
the Ali-Arifin Cabinet. The conference held in Bogor and attended by five Prime 
Ministers (Birma, India, Indonesia, Pakistan, and Sailan) was fully supported by the 
PNI in order to face the international political constellation ("Resolusi2 PNI," 1954). The 
PNI resolution that sought peaceful coexistence was fully supported and affirmed at 
the VII-th PNI Congress held in Bandung. 

The conception of co-existence was approved by considering several things, 
including: the international world political situation which was covered by the conflict 
between the Western and Eastern Blocks; the threat of the Third World War which 
certainly endangers the country's independence and sovereignty; active-free foreign 
politics which led to independence as a whole; cooperation with countries that have 
the goal of world peace; as well as "goodneighbourpolicy" and "Afro-Asian" politics. 
Based on these considerations, it was agreed that the principles of peaceful co-
existence; non-interference in the domestic affairs of a country; mutual respect for state 
sovereignty; mutually beneficial cooperation with each other; and a country did not 
conduct aggression in any form against other countries (“P.N.I. menghendaki ko-
eksistensi setjara damai,” 1954, p. 1). 

The Asia-Africa Conference was part of the conception of Sukarno that had 
inspired the PNI. In every campaign activity, the PNI almost always voiced Sukarno's 
conceptions. Although Sukarno was not structurally included in the members of the 
PNI, Sukarno's ideology and conception were an integral part of the PNI. It was seen 
in the election campaign of the Constituent Assembly after the election of members of 
the House of Representatives. Each political party proposed a basic conception of the 
state that would be fought for in constituent hearings. In this regard, the PNI was the 



 
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only party that absolutely followed Sukarno's conception, in order to maintain 
Pancasila as the basis of the state.  

Soyomukti (2012) stated that Pancasila is the basis of the state that is very 
"sophisticated". This is mainly the nature of Pancasila which is a meeting point with 
humanity. Pancasila was created by the founders of the nation who aspired to an anti-
colonial and anti-oppressive spirit. The founders of the nation were people who did 
not oppose to anti pluralism and religious pluralism. H.O.S. Cokroaminoto, for 
example, once wrote about Islam and socialism. Haji Misbach once called for an 
Islamic-Communist regime. Meanwhile, Sukarno recognized nationalism, Marxism, 
and Islam. Thus, the figures of basic constituents of the state consisted of people from 
various backgrounds, ranging from religion, ideology, beliefs, ethnicity, to race. The 
opinion of Soyomukti (2012) confirmed that Pancasila does have relevance to the basics 
of the struggle carried out by the PNI as a party that stands in the axis of nationalism. 

However, Pancasila is a national policy that encompasses all groups. According 
to Sukarno, either the party with the ideology of nationalism or socialism have to 
maintain the basics of nationalism under the Pancasila. Everyone could give 
interpretations to each of them according to their religious understanding and beliefs, 
but they were not allowed to make a new state policy other than Pancasila. According 
to Muhammad Natsir, Pancasila is part of the Islamic goal that Masyumi fought for. 
Meanwhile, according to NU, nationalism under Pancasila is the basis of the state's 
view that must be completed with Islamic laws. For PNI, Pancasila is a basis that can 
be accepted by all Indonesian people. Therefore, the PNI consolidation movements 
were actually inspired by national movement figures who although different in 
direction and ideology, they had the same basis and purpose. It seemed that the PNI 
leaders were very aware that the party whose embryo had existed since the time before 
independence, has a sucessfull period mostly because it adhered to the opinion that 
the PNI was "the party of Sukarno and Hatta". This was also approved by foreign 
scholars (Anggara, 2017, p. 662).  
 
Conclusions 
The success of the 1955 election had also shown the maturity of the Indonesian in 
democratic life. The PNI's support in the 1955 election proved that the nationalism 
ideology based on Pancasila was a middle course that was able to accommodate 
various schools and thoughts. The 1955 election is at the same time a sign that 
nationalism and Pancasila are the most relevant ideology and basis of the state for the 
Indonesian people. Those two things were the foundation and direction of PNI 
political consolidation, so that it was able to achieve a glorious victory in the first 
election in Indonesia which obtained recognition as the most ideal and democratic 
election. In addition, PNI also targeted people from various groups, especially from 
villages as Marhaenism was promoted by PNI leaders. Approaching the election, the 
PNI expanded supporters to outside Java by engaging various organizations and 
community groups to remove the stereotype of "Java centric". 
 



 
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