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IHiS (Indonesian Historical Studies) 6 (2), 116-131 © 2022 | E-ISSN: 2579-4213  

Ideology and Political Orientation of Intellectuals from Koto Gadang 1930-1950: A Prosopography                                 | 116 

 Received:  
September 19, 2022 
 
Revised:  
December 27, 2022 
 
Accepted:  
December 28, 2022 

Ideology and Political Orientation of Intellectuals from Koto Gadang 
1930-1950: A Prosopography 

 
Nazra Cahyani Endah Regita, Herwandi *, Nopriyasman Nopriyasman 
Master Program of History, Faculty of Humanities, Universitas Andalas 

Limau Manis, Pauh, Padang, West Sumatra - Indonesia 
 

*Corresponding Author: herwandi@hum.unand.ac.id 
DOI: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v6i2.15899 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
  
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Introduction 
Nagari Koto Gadang was home to people who were open to European and Western 
education systems. During 19th century, the people of Koto Gadang worked together 
to send their children to secular schools, and to attend schools in Batavia and the 
Netherlands (Singgalang, 2014). Many prominent Minangkabau intellectuals came 
from Nagari Koto Gadang, including Sutan Syahrir and Agus Salim (Graves, 2007, p. 
253). Nagari Koto Gadang is a small village in Minangkabau (present-day West 
Sumatra), home to intellectual figures who contributed to the foundation of the nation 
and dominated the Indonesian intellectual class before independence. The Koto 
Gadang people were intelligent and trustworthy in utilizing unity and consensus to 
gain knowledge, namely by stimulating and increasing the interest of village children 
through education (Fitri 2016). Poverty in Koto Gadang, where most people worked 

Abstract 
 

Koto Gadang is a traditional village in Minangkabau, which has produced many 
Indonesian political figures in the period before and during the early days of 
Indonesian independence. Koto Gadang scholar is an intellectual figure in 
Indonesian politics in various schools of thought. This study analyses the thoughts 
of the intellectuals from Koto Gadang; Yahya Datuk Kayo, Agus Salim, Rohana 
Kudus, Chalid Salim, and Sutan Syahrir; in Indonesian politics 1930-1950. The 
study shows that the variety of researchers' viewpoints is impacted by family, 
social, and instructive natural elements, inside and outside Koto Gadang. Yahya 
Datuk Kayo in the Koto Gadang environment built his region from various 
aspects, one of which was marked by the construction of Studiefonds 
[intellectualship foundations]. Rohana Kudus advances the ladies of Koto Gadang 
through the woman' abilities school, called Keradjinan Amai Setia. Agus Salim's 
considerations on Islam and his patriotism about the goals of an autonomous 
Indonesia. Chalid Salim's writings criticizing the colonial government led to him 
being arrested and imprisoned, in his actions to defend the workers. Sutan Syahrir 
grew up outside Koto Gadang, his nationalism was under the influence of 
socialism through the popular revolution he carried out. 
 
Keywords:   Intellectuals; Ideology; Politics; Prosopography; History of Thought. 
 



 
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Ideology and Political Orientation of Intellectuals from Koto Gadang 1930-1950: A Prosopography                                 | 117 

as farmers and craftsmen, gave rise to dissatisfaction and prompted its residents to 
seek a better life elsewhere so that they could support the education of their children 
outside the village, even as far as the Netherlands. Migrating is no longer for the 
purpose of making a living but also for studying. 

The Minangkabau nature provides life lessons for the people, including life on 
the seashore. Minangkabau people not only leave their hometowns and return, but 
also encourage people to open their minds to the outside world (Nasir, 2007, p. 160). 
The dynamism of the society has been supported by the Minangkabau social structure. 
The people live by the adages "where the earth is stepped on, there the sky is upheld", 
"accept the good, leave the bad". This has contributed to Minangkabau society’s 
openness to change and acceptance of modern Western educational models. The 
migration tradition of the Minangkabau people has also contributed to their their 
dynamic outlook (Nasir, 2007, p. 168). In foreign lands, they were introduced to other 
cultures and saw how people who were free from colonialism lived. This makes them 
more critical and sensitive in overcoming life's problems, especially colonialism. After 
returning from overseas studies, Koto Gadang intellectuals laid the foundation for 
reform in Minangkabau and also in a wider scope, Indonesia in the early 20th century. 
It was these Minangkabau intellectuals who emerged as figures of the national 
movement (Zubir 2011). Who were the Minangkabau figures from Nagari Koto 
Gadang who played an important role in Indonesian politics in the early 20th century?  

Mochtar Naim once revealed that the ancestors of the Koto Gadang people were 
sharp-minded and far-sighted. The Koto Gadang people were good at taking 
advantage of unity and consensus to gain knowledge by encouraging village children 
through education (Etek, et al, 2007, p. 165). This article discusses the thoughts of 
Minangkabau figures who were involved in politics in Indonesia with various schools 
of thought. One of the areas in Minangkabau that from where figures with different 
ideologies emerged is Nagari Koto Gadang. Even after Indonesia became independent, 
Koto Gadang intellectuals still actively engaged in the political field. Who were the 
Minangkabau figures from Nagari Koto Gadang who played an important role in 
Indonesian politics in the early 20th century? Prominent names include Yahya Datuk 
Kayo, Agus Salim, Chalid Salim, and Sutan Syahrir. These figures represent different 
ideologies with their pioneering work and popularity despite their common origin: 
Koto Gadang. What thoughts and ideologies did they embrace and develop? Those are 
a series of questions that underlie the research in this article. 

A number of works related to this research include a journal written by Zusneli 
Zubir titled "Merantau: Embryos of Nationalism in Minangkabau" (Zubir 2011). 
Merantau has had a major impact, as can be seen from the intellectuals who studied 
and gave birth to renewal of the notions acquired while traveling, which later became 
the forerunner to the birth of Indonesian nationalism in the 20th century. 

Journal written by Danil Mahmud Chaniago, et al, with the title "Nationalism; Its 
Roots and Growth in Minangkabau” (Chaniago, et al, 2020) which discusses the 
emergence of the roots of nationalism in Minangkabau, especially those that can be 
seen in real terms since the Paderi War, then shifted in the 19th to 20th centuries where 



 
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Ideology and Political Orientation of Intellectuals from Koto Gadang 1930-1950: A Prosopography                                 | 118 

nationalism became a focus on politics. This is one of the backgrounds for the birth of 
the Koto Gadang intellectual group and the movements that each character has carried 
out. 

Then the journal written by Ema Pratama Agustiningsih, "Women's Movement 
in Minangkabau: The Role of Rohana Kudus in Nationalism during 1912-1972" 
(Agustiningsih 2019) which discusses the beginning of the education movement for 
women carried out by Rohana Kudus in order to eliminate the stigma that women are 
only one housewive according to custom. Through his efforts, Rohana Kudus 
succeeded in establishing the Amai Setia Craft, which became the first pillar of 
education to break the stigma and customs regarding women. 

Finally, the journal written by Jeffrey Hadler, "Uninterrupted Disputes: 
Matriarchy, Religious Reformism, and Colonization in Minangkabau" (Hadler 2013) 
discusses the social situation in Minangkabau which highlights the conflict between 
the customary system or more specifically matriarchy with the introduction of Islam. 
The conceptualization described by Hadler is from home and family, the influx of 
ideas of modernity which is not permanent and can shift if new tendencies emerge, 
such as the Minangkabau itself, from Europe, even from Islam. It began with the Paderi 
War as the beginning of a response to disputes over indigenous people who tried to 
change the matriarchy with religious teachings. 
 
Method 
The method adopted in this study is a historical one as it deals with data from the past. 
More specifically, the historical method is the process of critically examining and 
analyzing past records and relics (Gottschalk, 2008, p. 39). Four main steps of 
sequential historical research are heuristics, criticism or verification, interpretation, 
and historiography (Abdurahman, 2007, p. 54). 

The first method is heuristic, by which the author sought and collected data about 
Koto Gadang intellectuals. Historical sources consist of primary and secondary 
sources. Primary sources are oral and written sources that are contemporaneous with 
historical events (Abdurahman, 2007, p. 54), while secondary sources are indirect 
sources from historical actors (Daliman, 2012, p. 55). The author used written sources 
as primary sources, including books written by the intellectuals of Koto Gadang, such 
as Lima Belas Tahun Digul; Kamp Konsentrasi di Nieuw Guinea written by by I.F.M. Chalid 
Salim, and Sutan Syahrir’s Perjuangan Kita.  

Second, source criticism involves testing the data found regarding the truth or 
accuracy (accuracy) of sources. Testing is carried out through external criticism, where 
testing is carried out for the authenticity of sources or document authenticity, and 
internal criticism is carried out to test the validity of sources (Sjamsuddin, 2007, p. 104) 
regarding information from books or journals relating to the Koto Gadang scholar. 

Third, data interpretation. Data interpretation involves data that have been 
obtained from the field through literature studies analyzed based on cause and effect 
and grouped according to the grouping of sources based on the object studied. Next is 
synthesis, involving assembling or connecting data from existing information. 



 
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Ideology and Political Orientation of Intellectuals from Koto Gadang 1930-1950: A Prosopography                                 | 119 

Fourth is historiography/historical writing. It concerns data that has gone 
through the previous 3 stages to be written down by the author and turn into a written 
work. Writing history will provide a clear picture of the research process from 
beginning to end (drawing conclusions) (Abdurrahman, 2007, p. 76). 
 
Nagari Koto Gadang in Social and Educational Environment  
Koto Gadang is a nagari located in Agam Regency, West Sumatra. During the Dutch 
colonial period it was called Sumatra's Westkust resident. Koto Gadang sits at the foot 
of Mount Singgalang and with terraced rice fields. Geographically, Koto Gadang is 
located west of Fort de Kock, Bukittinggi (Etek, et al, 2007, p. 3). Details of the Koto 
Gadang’s map can be seen in Figure 1. Meanwhile, the highlands consist of mountains 
and hills, valleys and canyons, slopes, land and coast. It is home to two mountains - 
Mount Marapi and Mount Singgalang, and Lake Maninjau, with 3 large rivers called 
Batang Antokan, Batang Masang, and Batang Agam, as well as the coast. Nagari Koto 
Gadang is part of the IV Koto sub-district. Koto Gadang has 3 Jorongs, namely Jorong 
Koto Gadang, Ganting, and Subarang Tigo Jorong. The Dutch government divided the 
Danau Maninjau district which consisted of 10 nagari into two supra nagari or 
keselarasan (harmony) (Minangkabau traditional government system), ie Keselarasan 
IV Koto and Keselarasan VI Koto, with Nagari Koto Gadang belonging to Keselarasan 
IV Koto (Marajo, 2002, p. 41). 

Figure 1. Map of Nagari Koto Gadang 
Source: Afrianus, et al, 2020, p. 4. 

 



 
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Since the beginning of the 20th century, Koto Gadang has been a small village, 
with no more than a thousand inhabitants, occupying a narrow area of land. Koto 
Gadang is located at an altitude of 700-800 meters above sea level with temperatures 
around 210C and 270C during the day. The total area is about 1000 hectares which 
covers 75% of the highlands, and the rest is lowland. In terms of livelihood groups, 
some residents of Koto Gadang work as farmers, traders and craftsmen. Not many 
people chose the farming profession because of limited land that is not suitable for 
agriculture. Because of this, some residents chose to leave Koto Gadang, or work as 
craftsmen and carpenters (Naldi 2006). 

Since the 19th century, the people of Koto Gadang have openly accepted the ideas 
of progress brought by Europeans or the Dutch who came to Indonesia (Suryadi 2013). 
According to the Soeara Kemadjuan Kota Gedang newspaper, which was published in 
1916 in Koto Gadang as the first newspaper there, a village school had already been 
established in Koto Gadang. In 1856, 28 village schools were established in various 
nagari in Minangkabau, including Nagari Koto Gadang. According to Steinmetz's 
report, the most rapid progress in education was seen in Agam's children, especially 
from the Nagari Koto Gadang, whose children were considered diligent and intelligent 
(Chaniago, 2000). This is proof that the Minangkabau people, especially Koto Gadang, 
were open to change, including accepting modern Western educational models. The 
dynamic attitude of society was supported by the Minangkabau social structure 
(Nasir, 2007, p. 168). 

Prior to the establishment of secular schools by the Dutch colonial government, 
the traditional education known in Minangkabau was surau [small mosque] 
education. In its development, the surau became the initial bridge for the emergence 
of religious education or Islamic education in Minangkabau. This institution later 
became the glue that binds the emergence of modern schools with an Islamic 
perspective (Zubir, 2011, p. 17). In short, the emergence of intellectuals in 
Minangkabau was inseparable from the existence of the surau. The surau served to 
socialize Islamic religious values to children in Minangkabau, including in Koto 
Gadang (Undri 2010, p. 107). After the arrival of the Dutch, there was a change 
originating from the interests of the Netherlands for the structure of the government 
bureaucracy. This resulted in the emergence of new jobs, including civil servants in 
Dutch government offices. This change was related to the tradition of the Koto Gadang 
people for travelling throughout the region and provided positive benefits for the 
Dutch colonial government which was in need of people to work in the government 
bureaucracy outside the area, especially in newly conquered areas such as Aceh, Riau 
or Kalimantan (Graves, 2008, p. 254). 

In this new field of work, the people of Koto Gadang had an interest in working 
as employees of the Dutch colonial government compared to other villages. The 
impact of working in the government sector could be seen in the changing mindset of 
the Koto Gadang people who tended to prioritize education as a measure of one's level 
of success. Furthermore, the people of Koto Gadang were generally more proficient in 



 
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Dutch, and they also attended schools in Western educational institutions established 
by the government (Naldi, 2006). 

 
Influences of Various Ideologies/ from Western Educational Systems  
Merantau conducted in Koto Gadang because there was not enough rice fields, and the 
residents left the nagari to trade. Migrating is one way to get influence from outside 
both in education and ideology. Basically, young people would leave their hometowns 
when they were in their teens, either to go to school (in the 19th and 20th centuries) 
and to become craftsmen or traders. Merantau is also seen as the right path to maturity 
and success, as well as a marker of entering adult life (Etek, et al, 2008, p. 40). 

In general, Koto Gadang intellectuals started their education at secular schools 
established by the Dutch colonial government under a Western education system. The 
small number of Indonesian students who managed to study in the Netherlands were 
deeply influenced by the conditions and political ideas they discovered there. This 
impressed them. Sutan Syahrir, one of those who fell for socialism that motivated him 
to study outside the campus while studying in Amsterdam, the Netherlands. He held 
discussions and gatherings with fellow socialists to talk about the ideals of human 
independence (Kahin, 2013, p. 68). This was in contrast to Agus Salim, where he 
acquired his faith in Islam while working at the Dutch consulate to Saudi Arabia in 
1906. His ideas about national independence or nationalism were adapted to the 
teachings of Islam (Committee, 1984, p. 20). Chalid Salim was a leftist who did not 
believe in the existence of God, thanks to the influence of secular Western education. 
He saw firsthand the fate of the workers on the Sumber Mujur plantation, Lumajang, 
East Java (Salim, 1977, p. 40) . 

The colonials only thought about the benefits they could get from having workers 
from indigenous groups (who had the opportunity to attend secular schools) because 
the colonial government was experiencing a shortage of manpower. However, the 
Dutch also did not think about other impacts that could arise from the provision of 
education in the Dutch East Indies, namely the educated group or group of modern 
intellectuals who surrendered themselves completely to the struggle of their own 
nation from colonialism by foreign nations, which was channeled into overflowing 
political activities. This group of intellectuals—including Yahya Datuk Kayo, Agus 
Salim, Chalid Salim, and Sutan Syahrir in their own way—fought for Indonesian 
independence not under a shared vision. They had different ideas, making the goals 
they formulated more complex, but shared one common goal: unity of an independent 
nation (Mahasin, 1984, p. 3). 
 
Koto Gadang Intellectuals and Their Political Thoughts and Practices in Indonesia 
1930-1950 
Yahya Datuk Kayo 
Yahya was born on August 1, 1874, in Koto Gadang. Since childhood, he had moved 
from one place to another with his mother. Initially, he moved to Suliki in 1882 and 
attended school there for one year. In 1883, he transferred schools to Pasar Gadang 



 
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Padang, then from 1885 to 1887 at a private school in Bukittinggi. At that time, his 
mother, Landjadin Khatib Besar, whose title was Datuk Kayo, was the head of the 
coffee warehouse in Baso, where Yahya helped her. In 1888, Yahya began studying as 
an intern at the Padang Darat Resident's office to become more intimately acquainted 
with the bureaucracy of the Dutch colonial government. Then from 1892 to 1895, Yahya 
worked as an apprentice clerk (Leerlingschrijver) in the Agam Tua Controller's office. 
When Yahya was 20 years and 9 months old, he had the title "Datoek Kajo" and was 
appointed as Tuanku Laras IV Koto. It was a prestigious government position, 
especially for a native son like Yahya (Etek, et al, 2008, p. 3). Not long after, the position 
of Head of Laras IV Koto opened up, and Yahya easily entered as a candidate for 
Tuanku Laras. 

Since childhood, Yahya had been taught to love his own village, Koto Gadang, 
and pay attention to everything related to it. Being taken away by his mother from 
Koto Gadang proved to have a positive impact on the village in the future. His mother, 
Landjadin Khatib Besar, wanted him to become a leader in Koto Gadang (Etek, et al, 
2007, p. 188). 

Yahya Datuk Kayo was "the Master of the Indonesian Language" while working 
at the Volksraad, as he was the only one who used Indonesian during sessions 
(Rohmadi, et al, 2017, p. 104). According to him, he could use Malay more freely and 
be able to express it at the Volksraad sessions, asserting his identity as an Indonesier 
(Indonesian). Nationalism teaches that a person only lives for his nation and for the 
sake of the nation and Yahya Datuk Kayo stayed true to this adage at the Volksraad. 
Yahya used Indonesian in the Volksraad from 1927 to 1931. This consistent attitude 
made him awarded the title "Master of Indonesian" by the bumiputera magazine. 
Yahya's passion for using Indonesian was a demonstration of his pride as an 
Indonesian (Rohmadi, et al, 2017). In addition, Yahya Datuk Kayo succeeded in 
establishing the Kota Gedang Studiefonds or the Koto Gadang Intellectualship 
Foundation, in 1909. 

This foundation’s objective was to advance the education of Koto Gadang 
children, including sending them to the Netherlands. Studiefonds' short-term program 
was to find teachers, especially those who could teach Dutch. Kahar Masyhur and 
Rustam, who graduated from the Raja Bukittinggi School, were sent to the 
Netherlands. The goal was for them to get diplomas in the teaching of Dutch and allow 
them to teach in Koto Gadang (Etek, et al, 2007, p. 157). In 1912, HIS was founded by 
Studiefonds Koto Gadang. Yahya's efforts to maintain Studiefonds were a success as 
the foundation managed to survive for more than 20 years, and expanded to several 
cities such as Batavia, Bandung and Medan (Suryadi, 2019). 

 
Rohana Kudus  
Rohana Kudus was born Siti Rohana, the first daughter of Muhammad Rasyad 
Maharaja Sutan and Kiam, on December 20, 1884 in Koto Gadang, Minangkabau. At 
childhood, she moved out of Koto Gadang to follow her father, who worked as a 
prosecutor in Medan, and often moved, both within and outside Minangkabau. 



 
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Rohana often spent her childhood outside Koto Gadang. Even so, she grew up 
following Minangkabau customs and Islamic teachings. Rohana was the half-sister of 
Sutan Syahrir (Zubir, 2011: 76). Her first education was obtained from his father who 
taught her reading and writing skills at home. (Agustiningsih, 2019). 

Koto Gadang girls were not allowed to attend public schools, but Rasyad 
introduced Rohana to a collection of books and magazines, allowing her to master the 
basics of reading skills (Dahlia, 2013, p. 9). When Rohana was 6 years old, she moved 
to Alahan Panjang to follow his father. There, Rohana met Mrs. Adiesa, the wife of 
Lebi Rajo Nan Soetan, then a neighbor. As a child, Rohana often played at Adiesa's 
house, and over time, Rohana also studied with Adiesa. Rohana felt that Adiesa's 
house was so comfortable, because there were many newspapers, books and 
magazines like at home. Rohana's interest in books made Adiesa teach her to read and 
write. Rohana, who previously had basic alphabet recognition taught by her father, 
quickly learned to read and write with Adiesa. For 2 years, Adiesa and her husband 
taught Rohana to read and write. At 8, Rohana was already proficient at reading and 
writing in the Arabic Latin alphabet, Arabic Malay, Malay, and Dutch, and she even 
taught her playmates (Zubir, 2011). 

As a teenager, Rohana chose to return to Koto Gadang to realize her dream of 
having a school for her female friends. She attracted the attention of the girls there by 
sitting reading books on the terrace or by the window. Her friends, who at first mocked 
her, now started to want to know the stories Rohana read to her sister. Moreover, she 
sent many books from her father in Medan. Her friends' interest in learning increased, 
so Rohana converted a room in the gadang house into a classroom. Rohana's 
grandmothers, Tuo Tarimin and Tuo Sini, supported her and believed that she could 
achieve her dream that women could be as educated and knowledgeable as men 
(Dahlia, 2013, p. 51). 

Society at that time believed women should not go to school and they were 
destined to be housekeepers. Rohana wanted to change that and believed that women 
in Koto Gadang should be as educated as the men (Oktarina & Putra 2021). The 
awakening women in Koto Gadang in education began with the establishment of the 
Keradjinan Amai Setia school (Inlandsche Meisje School) on February 11, 1911. It was 
Rohana herself who taught women the ability to read and write, as well as arithmetic. 
Keradjinan Amai Setia aimed to provide education for Koto Gadang women in the 
fields of reading, writing, arithmetic, household affairs, craftsmanship, religion, 
sewing, embroidery, and other skills. Keradjinan Amai Setia in Kota Gadang was the 
first girls' school in Minangkabau. 

Rohana's struggle did not stop there. She also wanted to have her own newspaper 
catering to women. The Soenting Melajoe newspaper was founded on July 10, 1912, a 
year after the establishment of Keradjinan Amai Setia. The newspaper was managed 
by Rohana together with Zubaedah Ratna Juwita. The newspaper was published once 
every eight days, establishing itself to be reformist women publication, to allow 
Minangkabau female intellectuals to encourage other women to pursue progress and 
improve their lot (Zubir, 2011). The Soenting Melajoe then became the center of 



 
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activities for young and married women, covering politics, the rise of Indonesian 
women, and prose and poetry, in addition to providing opportunities for women to 
enter the political arena (Agustiningsih, 2019). 
 
Agus Salim 
Agus Salim was born Masyhudul Haq on October 8, 1884, in Koto Gadang, West 
Sumatra. Agus Salim had 15 siblings (Zulkifli, et al, 2017, p. 136). His father, Sutan 
Mohammad Salim, was a hoofdjaksa or chief prosecutor at Landraad in Riau en 
Onderhorigheden (high prosecutor at the Riau district court). Agus Salim had moved 
from one place to another since childhood following his father’s work. As a chief 
prosecutor, Mohammad Salim was respected. Agus Salim was able to enter the ELS 
school (Europeesche Lagere School), a Dutch elementary school in Bukittinggi in 1891, 
when he was 7 thanks to his father’s position. In 1898, Agus Salim continued his 
studies at HBS (Hogere Burgelijke School), a high school in Batavia, after graduating 
from ELS (Fauzi & Hasanah, 2019). 

After graduating from HBS in 1903, Agus Salim decided to work. He was 
accepted as a translator in Batavia. He moved again with his father to Riau and worked 
as a notary's assistant, then to a company in Indragiri until 1906 (Mukayat, 1958, p. 8). 
Highly intelligent, he mastered 9 foreign languages, including Dutch, German, 
English, French, Turkish, Arabic and Japanese. His expertise in foreign languages led 
him to travel to Saudi Arabia to enrich his thoughts and knowledge, as well as being 
a translator and the Dutch Consulate in Jeddah in 1906 (Abdi, 2012). There he met his 
uncle, Ahmad Khatib Al-Minangkabawi. Ahmad Khatib's open mind towards reform 
influenced Agus Salim, who had never studied Islam more deeply as he he was 
subjected to Western education. Ahmad Khatib made Agus Salim rediscover his faith 
and his experience while in Saudi Arabia and studying with his uncle became a turning 
point in his life about his faith and Islam (Zulkifli, et al, 2017, p. 84). 

Agus Salim was an intellectual with nationalist-Islamist thinking. For him, 
nationalism could not be separated from Islam, because Islam played an important 
role in Indonesian life. He believed Islam would create a unified group consciousness, 
a unification of feelings from various ethnic groups, with their respective histories, 
languages, traditions, and social structures. Through Islam, different groups could 
unite into a large community (Nasution, 1965). In order to prevent nationalism and 
independence from going astray, Agus Salim proposed a framework of life "for Allah 
SWT", so "the state" as a human creation was no separated from religion and more 
specifically belief in God the Almighty. This means that all of our lives, all of our 
actions, all of our steps, and all of our deaths are for Allah alone (Sularto, 2004, p. 88). 
Agus Salim realized nationalism-Islamism in Sarekat Islam. Sarekat Islam was the only 
organization large enough and widely known by the public that was based on Islam. 
For Agus Salim, any action should be with the goal of pleasing Allah SWT and this 
was in line with the SI organization’s goal: to promote trade among Muslims 
(Mukayat, 1958, p. 26). 



 
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Apart from being active in political organizations, Agus Salim also expressed his 
thoughts in written form when he was active in the world of journalism, and his skills 
in speaking were also clearly visible from Sarekat Islam, and when he became a 
member of the Volksraad (Yulianti, 2012). Agus Salim's writings opened a window to 
his thoughts on various aspects of life. Of course, his writings were inseparable from 
Islamic teachings and colored the national movement at that time. Oethosan Hindia 
was one of SI's media that served as a forum for conveying thoughts and ideas. After 
Oetoesan Hindia, Agus Salim moved to Bendera Islam and also the Hindia Baroe. The 
press world, for Agus Salim, succeeded in opening the awareness of the Indonesian 
people at that time that the Dutch East Indies should have self-government (Yulianti, 
2012). 

 
Chalid Salim 
Chalid Salim, also known as Abdoel Chalid Salim was born on November 24, 1902 in 
Tanjung Pinang, Bintan Island, Riau Islands. His father, Sutan Mohammad Salim 
served there as chief prosecutor. His father had been transferred to several areas such 
as Padang and Medan, even though he was still Minang and came from Koto Gadang 
(Salim, 1977, p. 38). After Sutan Mohammad Salim retired, he chose to settle in Jakarta. 
Chalid first entered Kindergarten (Hollandsche Christelijke Frobelschool), then 
continued to ELS and to MULO for junior secondary education. After that, Chalid 
moved to Padang and finished MULO. The Salim family received a European 
education (Salim, 1977, p. 39). 

When Chalid finished school, he went to live with his eldest brother, Agus Salim, 
in Rangkasbitung, Banten. It was from here that Chalid Salim first became acquainted 
with politics. Agus Salim at that time was a member of the Volksraad, and also a leader 
of the Sarekat Islam, which meant that he had enormous influence within the 
nationalists. After that Chalid moved again and lived with another older brother, a 
government official in Lumajang, East Java. Thanks to the help of his older brother, he 
became an employee at the Soember Moedjoer plantation. From here, a sense of 
serving the nation began to emerge, because Chalid saw from the plantation that the 
workers who had worked hard there looked very miserable. Their conditions were not 
commensurate with the huge profits the Dutch government enjoyed from the coffee, 
quinine and tobacco plantations at that time. Seeing this, there was a feeling of wanting 
to fight for self-government for the country and also to improve the lot of the workers 
who had worked hard there. Gradually, Chalid Salim, who started to get to know 
politics with no leanings, flirted with leftist ideas. 

While in Pontianak, West Kalimantan, he became a member of the editorial staff 
of Halilintar Hindia, which followed PKI principles. Together with a PKI member, 
Koesno Goenoko, Chalid founded the "Sarekat Rakyat" party, which later developed 
into a covert organization of the communist movement. Since being active in the 
communist movement, Chalid stood by his own leftist movement until finally he was 
suspected and exiled to Digul (Salim, 1977, p. 41). Chalid tried to socialize his ideas 
through the mass media. Chalid joined as a member of the editorial staff of the PKI-



 
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affiliated Halilintar Hindia, then moved to the communist-leaning Proletar magazine, 
and finally to the editorial office of the Pewarta Deli newspaper, which was even more 
bold in criticizing the poenale sanctie policy and the arrest of all post-rebellion 
movement figures in West Sumatra in 1926. Although Chalid was eventually exiled to 
Digul, this did not dampen his enthusiasm for building ways towards liberation from 
colonialism (Salim, 1977, p. 191). 

Chalid's desire to fight for Indonesian independence and escape from colonialism 
can be interpreted as a feeling of nationalism, and his leftist ideology was a way to 
realize these ideals. Chalid, a son of Indonesia whose heart burned with love for his 
homeland and his people and bled profusely,was compassionate at seeing the 
misfortunes of his homeland and the lowliness of his people, even though he had 
different views Chalid never intended to do any harm, although in the end by fighting 
for his ideals against the Indonesian nation in his leftist direction, he became one of the 
hundreds sent to Boven Digul, exiled in Tanah Merah (Panitia, 1984, p. 343). 

 
Sutan Syahrir 
Sutan Syahrir was born in Padang Panjang, March 5, 1909. His father, Mohammad 
Rasad, titled Maharaja Sutan bin Soetan Leman and Soetan Palindih, came from Koto 
Gadang and an amtenaar with his last position as Hoofd van Landraad or chief 
prosecutor at the District Court in Medan (Az , 2014, p. 13). Syahrir entered school at 
the age of 6 at ELS, then he continued his junior high school at MULO in Medan, and 
AMS in Bandung (Az, 2014, p. 17). In Bandung Syahrir's nationalism grew, after he 
heard the speech of Dr. Cipto Mangunkusumo, who at that time was known as a leader 
of the nationalist movement, at the Bandung square. 

Since then, he began to be active in national youth associations, even taking part 
in forming the Jong Indonesie association (1927) and the Perhimpunan magazine. As 
a result, Syahrir, who was still young and studying at AMS, was often spied on by the 
police. In 1927, Syahrir was one of the ten people who initiated the establishment of a 
nationalist youth association called "Jong Indonesie", then changed the name "Pemuda 
Indonesia ", and successfully organized the Indonesian Youth Congress, culminating 
in the 1928 Youth Pledge. In 1929, Syahrir graduated from AMS, and was determined 
to continue his education in the Netherlands, at the University of Leiden, the 
Netherlands, majoring in Law (Az, 2014, p. 22). 

Syahrir came to the Netherlands, Amsterdam in 1929, to study there, but he spent 
more time outside his campus. His association outside campus introduced him to 
people from various nationalities, whom he tought were more interesting than 
studying and discussing activities in the lecture hall. He rarely attended lectures 
because his interest and attention was in discussion forums outside campus. There 
Syahrir became acquainted with the notion of socialism and also deepened his 
knowledge in the polemics of socialism theory (Az, 2014, p. 27). Still in Amsterdam, 
Syahrir then joined the PI or Indonesian Association [Perhimpunan Indonesia], an 
association of Indonesian students studying in the Netherlands. When he returned to 
Indonesia, Syahrir voiced his opposition to the dissolution of the PNI. Syahrir then 



 
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founded his own party, the Indonesian National Education or PNI-Baru. It was from 
here that Syahrir's political career was really within the party and based on the 
socialism he had studied in the Netherlands. The PNI-Baru adopted a social-
revolutionary platform (Az, 2014, p. 31). 

Thanks to going to school in the Netherlands, Syahrir became acquainted with 
the notion of socialism. He was one of those affected by the spirit of the zeitgeist era 
after World War I in 1914-1918, namely Marxism which gave rise to the struggle to 
improve the lot of workers who were oppressed by capitalism. His understanding of 
socialism from this experience deepened as he became involved in proletarian life. He 
becomes sensitive to social and political phenomena that occur in his environment, 
leading him to be more determined to fight for the fate of the oppressed. Syahrir's 
version of socialism was populist socialism or socialism based on the people, to uphold 
humanity and recognize the equality of every human being. This means that socialism 
is the consummation of all popular ideals, namely true freedom and human maturity 
(Pramasanti, 2013). 

In populist socialism, Syahrir's thoughts were centered on humanity. For him, 
the opposite of colonialism and oppression is not national independence, but rather 
human revival and the upholding of human dignity. Nationalism that is fought for 
must be complemented by democracy. Nationalism without democracy would easily 
be contained and immersed in feudalism, which had become the model of modern 
fascism and traditional imperialism. The Indonesian nation must be free from all forms 
of imperialism and live in a democratic nationalism. Democracy must also be built in 
the spirit of nationalism. Democracy without nationalism would lead to efforts to 
pursue individual interests, which could weaken the unity and cohesion of life as a 
nation (Molan, 2014). Therefore, the burning spirit of the Indonesian people was 
important and the struggle for independence to escape feudalism was carried out with 
the power of the national revolution, and was viewed from within as a people's 
revolution (Syahrir, 2018, p. 105). 
 
Conclusions 
Historically, Nagari Koto Gadang has filled national history because it succeeded in 
giving birth to intellectuals including Yahya Datuk Kayo, Rohana Kudus, Agus Salim, 
Chalid Salim, and Sutan Syahrir. Each of these figures, although they came from the 
same nagari, had different views on politics and the pursuit of Indonesian 
independence. A significant difference from the Koto Gadang intellectuals stemmed 
from the perspective of growing up and studying education from different places. 
Yahya Datuk Kayo, who grew up in the family and social environment of Koto 
Gadang, tried to build Koto Gadang from various aspects of nagari life. His way of 
thinking directed Koto Gadang to progress, with many children going to school 
funded by the Koto Gadang Studiefonds (Intellectualship Foundation). 

Yahya Datuk Kayo's efforts to revive Koto Gadang was similar what Rohana 
Kudus had done. However, Rohana only focused on the women of Koto Gadang who 
lagged behind their educated male counterparts. Although Rohana never received 



 
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formal education, she received informal education from her father, and at a young age 
Rohana had mastered several languages. Thanks to her intelligence, Rohana was able 
to establish the Keradjinan Amai Setia school which heralded the awakening of 
women in Koto Gadang and provided them with education and skills. Not being 
complacent there, Rohana also expanded her wings to spread the spirit of women's 
advancement through the Soenting Melajoe newspaper. 

Agus Salim's experience in Jeddah made shaped his thoughts with regard to 
Islam and also his sense of nationalism. He mixed nationalism and Islam, believing 
that the achievement of the ideals of an independent Indonesian nation could only 
happen because of and for Allah SWT alone. Chalid Salim and Sutan Syahrir were 
figures who were influenced by Marxism. Chalid Salim leaned towards the left 
because he saw the plight of the workers in the plantations. Meanwhile, he grew up in 
a social environment that was very close to the Netherlands, but seeing for himself the 
conditions of the workers made him fight for an independent government, and further 
away from God. Even so, his efforts to have self-government, to liberate the proletariat 
and its nationalism, should be appreciated because of his courage to write articles 
attacking the colonial government until he ended up in Digul exile. Sutan Syahrir, who 
grew up outside Koto Gadang but was still educated in the Koto Gadang social 
environment, grew to be an immigrant child and had wide associations. In adulthood, 
he looked for ways to realize the nationalism that he learned while in the Netherlands. 
Socialism became the biggest influence in realizing the ideals achieving nationhood 
for Indonesia separate from the Netherlands with the popular revolution. 

These Koto Gadang intellectuals have shown several colors or characteristics 
such as intellectuals who received education in Minangkabau; Yahya Datuk Kayo 
whose thinking is an effort to advance Koto Gadang from being left behind. 
Intellectuals who study outside Minangkabau; Agus Salim, Chalid Salim, and Sutan 
Syahrir whose direction of thought was shaped by influences that came from outside 
the Dutch East Indies, namely Islam, the left and socialism. These characteristics were 
also tied to the family or social environment the intellectuals grew up in; intellectuals 
who grew up in Koto Gadang, Yahya Datuk Kayo and Agus Salim, as well as those 
who grew up outside Koto Gadang, Rohana Kudus, Chalid Salim and Sutan Syahrir. 
These characteristics influence the mindset of the figures and also their political 
practices after Indonesia's independence. 
 
Acknowledgement 
This article is a summary of the master thesis entitled "Cendekiawan Koto Gadang 
dalam Ideologi dan Praktik Perpolitikan di Indonesia 1930-1950: Suatu Studi Sejarah 
Pemikiran (2022)" at Universitas Andalas. 
 
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