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IHiS (Indonesian Historical Studies) 8 (2), 109-127 © 2024 | E-ISSN: 2579-4213  

The Formation of Ethnically Distinct Villages in Jember during the Colonial Period (1870-1942)  | 109 

 
Received:  
September 21, 2022 
 
Revised:  
August 20, 2024 
 
Accepted:  
August 23, 2024 

The Formation of Ethnically Distinct Villages in Jember during the 
Colonial Period (1870-1942) 

 
Ratna Endang Widuatie*, Retno Winarni 

Universitas Jember, Jember, East Java - Indonesia 
 

*Corresponding Author: ratnaendang.sastra@unej.ac.id 
DOI: https://10.14710/ihis.v8i1.15926 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
  
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Introduction 
The Jember Regency was formally established on January 1, 1929, based on the 
decision of the Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies through the Staatblad van 
Nederlandsch-Indië No. 322 1928. Through this decision, the government in the 
Jember region, which previously only covered one district, developed into a regency. 
This meant that the Jember region became wider and encompassed a complex 
government. The designation of an area as a regency in the 20th century was a very 
important increase in administrative status. Referring to colonial records in the 18th 
century, the area called Jember was still a kabekelan or a village-level unit under the 
authority of the Blambangan Kingdom (Bosch, 1857, pp. 469-508). 

One of the reasons the colonial government formed the Jember Regency was the 
rapid development of the region since the seventh decade of the 19th century thanks 
to the operation of many private plantations, in addition to the administrative policies 
of the Dutch East Indies government which implemented the principle of 
decentralization at the beginning of the 20th century. If examined further, the 

Abstract 
 

The development of the plantation economy in Jember at the end of the 19th 
century required a large workforce, something that could not be met by the local 
population. The colonial government responded by bringing in workers from 
western East Java, the Vorstenlanden, and Madura Island. These migrants 
eventually settled in Jember and became pioneers for subsequent waves of 
migration until the Second World War. The entry of Javanese and Madurese people 
into Jember shaped the physical characteristics of settlements that have survived 
to this day. The settlement arrangements made by the colonial government were 
based on ecological and cultural considerations of migrants, and plantation-
oriented resulted in a unique pattern of segregation. After Indonesia's 
independence, villages in Jember became more fluid in terms of demographic 
composition, however, the physical and cultural characteristics that indicate a 
village has Javanese or Madurese cultural roots are still clearly visible. This article 
describes the process of the formation of villages in Jember with a comparison of 
“Javanese villages” and “Madurese villages” to find out how far the colonial 
government's intervention influenced the formation of villages, and how the 
villagers concerned maintain their cultural identity as migrant newcomers. 
 
Keywords: Village; Jember; Java; Madura; Plantation; Colonial. 



 
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development of the Jember region and its surroundings started from the countryside, 
where the plantations were located. The pioneer of private plantations in Jember, 
George Birnie, in the early years of his business or around 1859-1875 spent a lot of his 
time in the village, in the midst of the population settlements in the Jember District 
(Arifin, 1989, pp. 32-38). 

The countryside in Jember became a supporter of economic resilience in the 19th 
century until the end of the Japanese occupation. Apart from plantations located in 
rural areas, community agrarian activities were also predominantly carried out in 
villages. Agriculture in Jember is generally in the form of food crops such as rice and 
secondary crops. The process is supported by adequate irrigation both due to the 
presence of natural rivers and irrigation facilities built by the colonial government 
(Nawiyanto, 2003, pp. 94-120; Nawiyanto, 2018, pp. 17-18). 

The uniqueness of the villages in Jember is the physical characteristics that show 
the ethnicity of the residents. It is common knowledge that Jember, as part of the 
cultural melting pot region in East Java, is inhabited by many Javanese and Madurese 
people. The distinctive characteristics of villages in Jember can help identify whether 
a village is predominantly Javanese with Javanese culture or Madurese with its 
culture. In the era of independence and especially after the Reformation, there were 
indeed no rigid boundaries regarding the socio-cultural reality in the Jember 
countryside, both because of the many mixed marriages between Javanese and 
Madurese and the movement of people in the local context (Widuatie & Sasmita, 2016, 
pp. 14-16). However, distinctive features, especially from the physical aspects of the 
village, can still be identified and are part of the history of the Jember countryside 
which is often missed from the analysis of academics. 

This article presents an analysis of the formation of villages in Jember which 
shows socio-cultural characteristics as an influence of population migration from Java 
and Madura Island, as well as colonial government intervention in settlement 
arrangements in the late 19th century to the end of the colonial period. When the 
colonial government issued the Agrarian Law in 1870 (Agrarische Wet), the economy 
of the Dutch East Indies underwent a change towards a capitalist economy. Java and 
East Sumatra became investment destinations for European entrepreneurs, especially 
in the plantation sector, which also brought in workers from outside the region. In the 
Jember District, plantation entrepreneurs (ondernemer) for the cultivation of perennial 
crops experienced a shortage of labor so they had to bring in seasonal workers from 
Madura. 

At the same time, tobacco and sugarcane plantations in the Puger District and 
other areas on the south side required labor that was experienced with irrigation 
systems. Entrepreneurs prefer to bring in Javanese people as workers because they are 
considered more skilled for rice field ecosystems with technical irrigation. In addition, 
Javanese people who come with the hope of being able to own land are used to open 
new land which they can later own and will be rented by the plantation. This is because 
ownership of agricultural land by foreigners is not permitted in the 1870 Agrarische 
Wet. 



 
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The presence of migrant workers from Java and Madura, both those who later 
became laborers and settled in the Jember District, the Puger District, and its 
surroundings, then also influenced the development of the area where they lived. In 
1883, the Dutch East Indies government formed the Jember Division as a division of 
the Bondowoso Division. The Jember Division area includes the Jember District and 
other districts around it. The influence of plantation activities which increased the 
export-oriented economy, as well as population growth due to the migration of 
workers from Java and Madura, was a driving force for the division of the Bondowoso 
Division, or from another perspective can be seen as an increase in administrative 
status for the Jember District. In 1929 the administrative status of the Jember Division 
was upgraded to a Regency. 

With the presence of 67 plantations in the Jember Regency, this region can be 
called a plantation city. However, from the perspective of rural history studies, the 
existence of plantations outside the city area is the main area of work, because the 
existence of economic activities in the form of export commodity production and the 
social activities of its residents determine the development of the region in general 
(Brinkman’s, 1937, pp. xix-xx). In this study, it is formulated that the growth of villages 
under the colonial plantation system which displays ethnic characteristics, namely 
Javanese and Madurese, is a "segregation" system influenced by economic interests. 
The concept of residential segregation in Jember is unique and will be explained 
further in the discussion section. 

This study is guided by research questions to answer the following problems. 
First, how is the process of forming ethnically distinct villages in Jember? This is 
important to explain that the presence of private plantation companies plays an 
important role because they have brought in Javanese and Madurese migrants. Second, 
how did the colonial administration contribute to shaping the pattern of ethnically 
distinct settlements in Jember? Studies on village settlements in Jember have not yet 
received attention and there are more oral stories developing in the community. It is 
hoped that this study can provide a historical explanation of the social phenomena that 
unfold in the community as part of strengthening cultural identity. 
 
Method 
According to Suryabrata, historical research aims to reconstruct the past systematically 
and objectively (Suryabrata, 1983, p. 16). To achieve this goal, historical research uses 
a historical method which includes the following steps: determining the topic, 
collecting sources (heuristics), verifying sources, interpretation, and historiography 
(Kuntowijoyo, 2013, p. 69). 

In writing this article, a combination of library studies was used, namely an 
analysis of published documents and relevant previous works, guided by observations 
of certain villages. The criteria for selecting sample villages are the physical 
appearance of the village which shows the characteristics of Javanese and Madurese 
culture. Then, testing of available references is carried out to ensure that a village is a 
village that has existed since the colonial era and is in accordance with the objectives 



 
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of this research. 
In this article, the author takes a sample of several villages based on the socio-

cultural stereotypes of cultural areas in Jember, namely the northern region is 
inhabited by Madurese people and the southern region is inhabited by Javanese 
people. The villages in this study were not randomly selected, but based on physical 
characteristics that showed their cultural characteristics. The selection of villages also 
takes into account the administrative age of the village, in the sense that villages 
formed after independence are not included as samples because they are feared to 
contain bias. 

In this study, linguistic parameters were not used as cultural characteristics 
because the flexible ethnic mix in Jember allows people to master both Javanese and 
Madurese, even though they are not fluent in one of them which is not their mother 
tongue. This causes the use of regional languages to be not very relevant to identify 
cultural characteristics. Not a few villages have residents who speak Javanese kromo 
inggil who are neighbors with speakers of Madurese who only understand a little 
colloquial ngoko. Instead of regional languages, physical characteristics in the form of 
settlement layout and the existence of old houses become parameters for determining 
the cultural characteristics of a village. 

In the process of collecting data in the field, the author found that there is a 
tendency for villagers in Jember who in their daily lives use Javanese to call 
“meduroan” which mans more or less “Madurese settlements” to refer to villages 
inhabited by Madurese speakers. Likewise, the Madurese community will call “Jowo” 
or “blok Jowoan” to settlements whose residents use Javanese. However, when 
residents from different ethnic communities communicate, for example in the market, 
Javanese-speaking buyers are still understood by Madurese-speaking sellers, and vice 
versa. This means that with intensive social interaction for some time, the use of 
regional languages is no longer relevant to map the distribution of ethnicities. 
However, the physical characteristics of Javanese and Madurese community 
settlements can always be distinguished. The identification of Javanese people with 
the Madurese community is not always based on language, but also on the physical 
characteristics of the settlement. Environments inhabited by Madurese generally have 
several distinctive markers, such as the presence of prayer rooms and houses facing 
each other inhabited by families who are still related. Meanwhile, neighborhoods 
inhabited by Javanese communities tend to have large yards so that there is a fairly 
wide distance between the road and the house. This pattern can be found in several 
villages in different sub-districts and quite far from each other. This is considered to 
indicate a pattern of segregation against population settlements in the past. Although 
in the 21st century these characteristics are increasingly blurred due to different 
designs and settlement layouts, they can still be found in some areas. 

In Javanese villages, the settlement pattern is generally divided into a rectangular 
formation with village roads limiting one group of settlements from another, as well 
as serving as a connecting access. In addition, in the background of the settlement there 
are rice fields owned by local residents and at the same time limiting the village with 



 
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other Javanese villages. To get a picture of the shape of a Javanese village, screenshots 
from the Google Maps satellite imagery service are used. 

The physical characteristics that mark a Madurese village are the existence of 
taneyan lanjhang settlements, which are a formation of a number of houses in the form 
of an angkare or a "U" shape and have a prayer room as a place to pray and learn to 
recite the Koran. The houses in the taneyan lanjhang are inhabited by families who are 
still related by family, so the taneyan lanjhang shows the existence of a large family. 
However, not all Madurese people in Jember form taneyan lanjhang house formations 
for various reasons, especially land availability. So here we will specifically discuss 
settlements that still show the characteristics of tanyean lanjhang even though the 
design or construction of the house already displays a modern style 
 
Rural Areas in Jember until the 19th Century 
Villages in Jember have been established for centuries, long before the arrival of 
Westerners. Several villages can be traced back to the Majapahit era, when King 
Hayam Wuruk visited villages in the eastern region and recorded them in the kakawin 
Desawarnana or Nagarakertagama. In Pupuh 22, Hayam Wuruk is mentioned visiting 
a number of places identified as locations in the present-day Jember region. It is 
estimated that this trip was made during the month of bhadra (full moon) in the year 
1281 Saka or 1359 AD, so that many toponyms have changed. However, Basini and 
Sadeng are still used by residents to refer to certain locations in the Puger sub-district, 
and Balung is still used as the name of the Balung sub-district. 

Another record about the Jember countryside was obtained from the Bujangga 
Manik manuscript, a priest who traveled from the Sunda-Pakuan region or western 
Java to Balambangan in the eastern tip of Java. Noorduyn estimates that Bujangga 
Manik's journey took place between the last quarter of the 15th century and the 
beginning of the 16th century AD because he crossed Demak but also still encountered 
lurah (administrative units) in eastern Java which indicated the Majapahit region. 
When returning from Balambangan, Bujangga Manik crossed Padangalun, then 
Mount Watangan which faced Nusa (island) Barong. His journey continued to 
Sarampon then headed to Cakru. Padangalun is still debated by scholars, but 
Sarampon is agreed to be the same as Sarampwan in Nagarakertagama, a village that 
Hayam Wuruk also visited almost two centuries earlier. Meanwhile, Mount Watangan 
and Nusa Barong have not changed their names, and Cakru is currently a village under 
the administrative Kencong sub-district, but is often mistaken as the Lumajang area 
(Noorduyn, 2019, pp. 6-7). 

Up to the 18th century, there was not much satisfactory information about the 
development of villages in the Jember region. Even though between 1665-1669 the 
capital of Blambangan was estimated to have been in Kedawung (now the Umbulsari 
sub-district) but the information in traditional historiography is more of a record of 
political dynamics at the elite level than notes on local conditions (Margana, 2012, p. 
35). Towards the Vereenigde Oost Indische Compagnie (VOC) military campaign against 
Blambangan (1768-1773), it was reported that a Mataram regent who ruled the Puger 



 
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Regency named Raden Ario Wiriodiningrat was killed in a conflict in 1757. The Puger 
Regency was then controlled by Blambangan and four kabekelan (village-level units) 
were formed, namely Puger, Jember, Sentong, and Prajekan (Bosch, 1857, pp. 469-508). 
When Blambangan collapsed, three of the four kabekelan were reorganized by the 
VOC into four districts, namely Jember, Sentong, Prajekan, and Sabrang in 1774. 
Meanwhile, Puger was considered more special so it was designated as a regency in 
1775 (Margana, 2012, pp. 212-213). However, now Puger is only a sub-district under 
the Jember Regency. The ancient Puger Regency area is estimated to cover the southern 
part of Jember Regency. 

The first regent of Puger was Tumenggung Prawiradiningrat, and as the 
regional head he was burdened with taxes in kind in the form of candles, cardamom, 
long pepper, red pepper, and silk thread. Prawiradiningrat also still has to fulfill 
mandatory deliveries in the form of coarse yarn, coffee, and rope. Because many of 
these items were not available in Puger, taxes and mandatory deliveries had to be 
purchased from outside the region. The cost of the purchase was borne by the people 
of Puger. Interestingly, there are differences in taxes based on the location of the 
population settlements. For those who live south of the Getem River, a tax of f 1 per 
family is imposed, while those who live north of the Getem River are taxed f 3 per 
family. Residents' mandatory contributions also include 1/5 of the rice field harvest 
and 1/10 for the dry land harvest (Wijayati, 2001, pp. 55-56). 

Taxation in Puger Regency is interesting because there are natural factors that 
also play a role. Seeing that the population north of the Getem River is taxed three 
times higher than the population living south of the river, it can be estimated that the 
land north of the Getem River is more fertile or at least the people's livelihood is better. 
Unfortunately, it is difficult to estimate the river in question in modern topography. In 
addition, it can also be seen that rice cultivation in Puger Regency relies on irrigation 
and dry land at the same time. 

The Puger Regency was liquidated in 1806 along with the transfer of the center 
of government to Besuki, on the coast of the Madura Strait on the East Java side. When 
the British occupied Java (1811-1816), Lieutenant Governor Raffles formed the Besuki 
Residency and the administrative status of Puger and Jember became districts under 
the Bondowoso Division. This condition lasted until the end of the 19th century 
(Winarni, 2018, pp. 51-58). 
 
The Influence of Colonial Economic Policy on Jember's Demographics 
The In 1830 the Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies, Johannes van den Bosch 
introduced an export crop cultivation system called the cultuuur stelsel or cultivation 
system (cultivation system), especially on the island of Java. The main goal is to 
increase the production of export crops which was not satisfactorily achieved in the 
first quarter of the 19th century for various reasons, one of which was the Java War 
(1825-1830). The cultuur stelsel system or also known as the forced planting system 
involves residents as providers of land for "compulsory plants" as well as labor for 
cultivation to harvest. Thus, the cultuur stelsel made the Javanese people familiar with 



 
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the types of export crops and how to cultivate them even though they did not enjoy 
the results. 

Cultuur stelsel also requires residents who do not own land to participate in 
heerendiensten or "forced labor" for jobs related to plantation supporting facilities and 
infrastructure. Not only involving residents, the cultuur stelsel also involved native 
officials from the village head to the regent as supervisors and also Dutch 
entrepreneurs to accommodate and process plantation products before being exported 
to Europe (Kartodirdjo and Suryo, 1991, pp. 56-61). In short, the cultuur stelsel was the 
beginning of a change in agrarian management in Javanese villages from what was 
originally a subsistence economy to a capital economy. 

In the midst of the cultuur stelsel program which was a "government project", in 
a number of areas private plantations also began to emerge, especially in the second 
half of the 19th century. The emergence of this private plantation is the fruit of the 
establishment of the Regering Reglement 1854 which is a breakthrough in the 
conservative colonial economy (Kartodirdjo, 1992, pp. 17-19). The colonial economy is 
no longer solely a government monopoly, but the private sector has the flexibility to 
do business. Because export crop plantations in the style of the cultuur stelsel turned 
out to show bright prospects, it is not surprising that private entrepreneurs then joined 
in to build their own plantations. 

Although Jember was not directly a zone for the implementation of the 
cultivation system, the Besuki Residency as its administrative parent was included in 
the compulsory planting, especially coffee, sugarcane, and indigo (Kartodirdjo and 
Suryo, 1991, pp. 58-62). Entering the 1850s, private entrepreneurs such as CH Doup, 
JC Berkholst, Fransen van de Putte, and LJ Uhlenbeck began to pioneer renting land 
from residents for tobacco cultivation in the Bondowoso Division which was the 
second largest administrative unit in Besuki (Arifin, 1989, pp. 29-31). Although tobacco 
plants were abolished from compulsory planting, in the Besuki Residency tobacco 
actually became a prima donna for private entrepreneurs. 

Meanwhile, in the Jember District, the first private plantation was opened in 
1859 by the partnership of George Birnie, C. Sandberg Matthiassen, and AD van 
Gennep. They formed a tobacco plantation company called NV Landbouw Maatschappij 
Oud Djember (LMOD). Until 1875 this company was still a small-scale plantation 
because the Jember District was isolated in the interior, while plantation products had 
to be transported by cart to the port of Panarukan on the coast of the Madura Strait. 
The plantation sector only started to move in Jember and the surrounding districts 
after the cultivation system was abolished in 1870, or after the enactment of the 1870 
Agrarische Wet. Through this regulation, the Dutch East Indies economy became more 
liberal so that private entrepreneurs could more freely invest their capital. 

From 1870 to 1929, it was recorded that around 50 private plantations sprung 
up in the Jember area (Ismet, 1970, pp. 188-193). The commodities cultivated include 
na-oogst tobacco, coffee, rubber, cocoa, and a small amount of tea. This fairly rapid 
development of plantations is inseparable from the problem of labor availability. This 
happened because in the 1870s the population in the Jember District and its 



 
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surroundings was relatively small compared to the nearest residency area, for example 
Pasuruan (Elson, 1984 in Nawiyanto, 2009, pp. 174-187). The death rate in this area is 
low, but so is the birth rate which is also low. In fact, population growth in the Jember 
region in the late 19th century to the early 20th century in the 1930s (census year) was 
contributed by migration. In the case of Jember in the period from the 1870s to the 
1930s, migration needs to be seen as an implication of the massive development of 
plantations and its impact on the development of villages in the Jember District and 
its surroundings. 
 
Profile of “Javanese Village” and “Madurese Village” in Jember 
On one occasion, the author had a conversation with a high school student in Jember. 
When asked about several villages, the student responded, “Wow, that’s the Meduroan 
area, ma'am!”. When asked what he meant, this student replied that the villages we 
were asking about were inhabited by Madurese people. How could she conclude that? 
The answer concerned was that the characteristics of the environment showed that 
Madurese people lived there. When the author tried to ask about a village that was 
generally known as the base of the Javanese ethnic area, the person concerned also 
agreed on the grounds that “the house looks like (belongs to) Javanese people”. 

The experience of the short chat was repeated when the author asked the same 
thing to KKN students and acquaintances in Jember. They replied that they could 
estimate area “A” as a Javanese settlement, and area “B” was inhabited by Madurese 
people just by passing through it without having to talk to the residents. But on 
average they can't explain why they can conclude that. 

The separation of settlements shows symptoms of segregation in the past. The 
fact that Jember became one of the centers of colonial economic activity since the 
second half of the 19th century strengthens the existence of a segregation policy carried 
out by the Dutch East Indies government. In his study of settlements in Batavia during 
the VOC era, Raben stated that colonial segregation was centered on issues of status, 
security, and economic mobilization. Raben also emphasized that the dominance of 
Europeans created a colonial city, and this colonial city was basically a “migrant 
community” (Raben, 2020, pp. 177-193). In the colonial social structure, segregation 
aims to “keep a distance” between their community and the local population to 
strengthen social prestige. The most basic basis for segregation is the Regering 
Reglement 1854 which regulates the social stratification of the population of the Dutch 
East Indies (Hartono et al., 2015, pp. 13-14). 

Demographically, the population of Jember is dominated by migrants or 
newcomers. This can be seen from population statistics which show a surge in the 
number of residents in the period 1870-1930. Population migration to Jember is quite 
interesting because it is dominated by two large groups based on ethnicity, namely 
Javanese and Madurese. The presence of Javanese and Madurese migrants in the same 
period as the beginning of plantation development shows the relationship between the 
emergence of the plantation economic system and the development of the region's 
demographics. Private plantations that have sprung up in Jember cultivate 



 
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commodities that require different handling. For example, na-oogst tobacco is planted 
in rice fields, as is sugarcane which requires rice fields with sufficient irrigation. These 
two types of plants clearly need different handling from coffee and cocoa which are 
perennial plants, whose cultivation patterns are on non-irrigated land and need a 
certain height above sea level to get optimal results. 

Differences in handling plantation crops ultimately require different skills for 
each type of plant. Plants that require irrigation must be handled by workers who 
understand wetland ecology, as well as perennial plants need to be cared for by those 
who are familiar with upland ecology. So private plantations choose to bring in 
workers from outside Jember, especially because the local population cannot meet the 
labor needs of plantations which are still labor intensive. For this reason, plantations 
and facilitated by the government chose to bring in Javanese people from the 
vorstenlanden and mataraman (western East Java) and placed them on irrigated land in 
southern Jember. Meanwhile, for coffee and cocoa plantations which were widely 
opened in the highlands on the north side, Madurese people were brought in. This 
concept is in accordance with the thesis of scholars that the Javanese are experts in 
wetland agriculture, while the Madurese are experienced in farming on dry land 
(Kuntowijoyo, 1980, pp. 302-304 and Geertz, 1963, pp. 28-37 in Nawiyanto, 2009, pp. 
174-187). 

The dislocation of these migrant plantation workers eventually influenced their 
settlement patterns. Javanese people tended to be concentrated in the lowlands in the 
southern part of Jember, while the Madurese inhabited the northern side, which was 
close to the plantations of perennial crops. Migration continued until the 1930s, even 
during the Great Depression, because the growth of Jember as a city not only provided 
jobs in the plantation sector but also promised a better economic life. 

Analysis of migration in general always pays attention to the pull factors from 
the destination area and the push factors from the area of origin which are the reasons 
for a group of people to migrate. In the case of Jember, the pull factor that applies to 
both Javanese and Madurese migrants is the availability of jobs in the plantation sector. 
So indirectly, the colonial government's economic policy package after the 
cultuurstelsel has become a factor that cannot be denied in discussing regional 
development in the eastern tip of Java. 

In addition, it should also be noted that with the condition of a minimal 
population, there was still a lot of land that had not been opened, thus allowing 
newcomers to form new settlements. The opportunity to own their own land is 
believed to be one of the pull factors for Javanese and Madurese migrants to come to 
Jember (van Gelderen, 1961, p. 127; Boomgard and Gooszen, 1991, p. 53 in Nawiyanto, 
2009, pp. 174-187). The opportunity to own land and build settlements was the initial 
motivation which ultimately influenced the physical form of the countryside in 
Jember. 

Ownership of private land is a matter of prestige, but more than that it also 
reflects individual independence from the hegemony of the rulers. Both Madura and 
Java in the 19th century were still ruled by traditional powers that were feudal in 



 
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nature, so that the principle of land control was in the hands of the king or local ruler. 
Farmers, in principle, managed land that they did not fully own. It seems that the 
colonial government was quite negligent with these land tenure values when 
implementing the cultuurstelsel, so that this cultivation system did not benefit the 
people who de facto managed the land, but in fact did not fully control it. 

The push factors from the migrants' areas of origin include Madura Island which 
needs to be seen as an infertile area. In addition, the Madurese people were still 
burdened with compulsory labor to the authorities and military service as the 
backbone of the Koninklijk Nederlandsche Indische Leger or KNIL legion (Nawiyanto, 
2009, pp. 174-187). Migration can be seen as an effort to liberate oneself from the 
pressure of the authorities and the limitations of natural resources in the area of origin. 
For migrants from Java, there are several reasons that can be identified as push factors 
for them to migrate to Jember. 

First, the pressure due to the cultuurstelsel. The Javanese, especially from the 
Vorstenlanden and Mataraman, had a bad precedent in their relationship with the Dutch. 
Through classic prophecies such as Jangka Jayabaya, they believed that the arrival of the 
white people was a period in which they would live in misery. So, resistance like that 
carried out by R.M. Said alias Prince Sambernyawa and R.M. Ontowiryo alias 
Ngabdulkhamid alias Prince Diponegoro tended to get the support of the common 
people. When the Dutch finally succeeded in quelling the resistance of these patriotic 
nobles and even intervened in the palace which was supposed to be a patron for 
Javanese cultural life, the pressure on the Javanese people increased. Cultuurstelsel 
made their lives even more miserable because traditional rulers also pressured the 
people in order to get a bigger cultuur procenten. The opportunity to migrate with the 
hope of getting a better life was finally responded to enthusiastically. 

Second, Java was hit by a deadly epidemic in the 19th century. From 1825 to 1880 
various epidemics broke out in Java, claiming a large number of deaths. These 
epidemics included cholera, smallpox, fever, typhus, and malaria (Boomgard, 1987 in 
Priyatmoko and Kurniawan, 2020, pp. 125-137). The impact of the epidemic was even 
more severe because at the same time the population had to deal with crop failure due 
to agricultural land being confiscated for forced planting. 

The migration of Javanese and Madurese people to Jember was also supported 
by the opening of access to East Java. In 1897 a railway line was opened from Surabaya 
to Jember via Probolinggo. The existence of railways allows people to travel faster, and 
especially for plantation entrepreneurs, they can bring in more workers and also make 
it easier for migrants who aim to get a more decent living (Aprianto, 2011, pp. 55-56). 
So indeed, the population growth of Jember increased more rapidly at the end of the 
19th century, contributed by migration. 
 
Distribution of Migrants and Cultural Characteristics of the Village 
The influx of migrants to Jember must be seen as an effort by the colonial government 
and plantation entrepreneurs to succeed in the liberal economy. The migrants need to 
be regulated in such a way that the colonial economic goals are achieved. As has been 



 
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mentioned, both Javanese and Madurese people were brought in with certain aims and 
objectives, so their presence in Jember finally had to follow the wishes of the 
government which was supported by entrepreneurs. The Javanese were arranged to 
live on the south side of Jember, where there were many plantations with technical 
irrigation, especially sugarcane and tobacco. Meanwhile, the Madurese were arranged 
to live on the north side, close to the plantations of perennial crops. This pattern can 
be seen based on the results of the 1930 census which are presented simply in Table 1 
and for comparison purposes, Figure 1 is presented. 
 
Table 1 Percentage Distribution of Jember Population by Ethnicity (1930) 

District 
Javanese 
Ethnicity 

Madurese 
Ethnicity 

Osing 
Ethnicity 

Other 
Ethnicities Total (%) 

Tanggul 34.5 63.1 - 2.4 100 
Puger 75.1 24.3 - 0.6 100 
Wuluhan 73.5 22.8 2.8 0.9 100 
Rambipuji 36.6 61.1 1.6 0.7 100 
Jember 11.4 80.3 8.1 0.2 100 
Mayang 4.7 93.2 1.7 0.4 100 
Kalisat 2.4 95.7 1.6 0.3 100 

Source of data: Volkstelling 1930 Vol. III (Batavia: Landsdrukkerij, 1934), p. 22. 
 

 
Figure 1 Map of Jember before 1930. 

Source: Koninklijk Instituut voor de Tropen (KIT), 1900. 
 

From Table 1, it can be seen that the Javanese people are the majority in the 
Puger and Wuluhan Districts which are located on the south side. These two districts 
are now the areas of several sub-districts including Puger, Wuluhan, Ambulu, 
Gumukmas, Umbulsari, Kencong, and Jombang. In this area, it is indeed dominated 



 
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by Javanese people. Meanwhile, districts in the northern part such as Tanggul, 
Mayang, and Kalisat are very much dominated by Madurese people. In this northern 
district area, coffee and cocoa plots are scattered in areas which are topographically 
highlands and hilly. While the Jember District itself can be called the forerunner of the 
current city of Jember, it is also dominated by Madurese people. The Rambipuji 
District, located slightly south of the Jember District, shows the dominance of the 
Madurese people which is not too extreme because the Javanese population is still 
quite large. 

From the data presented in Table 1 and compared with Figure 1, the 
composition of the Jember population in terms of ethnicity does show a pattern that 
southern Jember is mostly inhabited by Javanese ethnicity and northern Jember is 
inhabited by Madurese ethnicity. This pattern refers to the segregation of newcomers. 
However, instead of being guided by the goal of ethnic separation or the 
implementation of social stratification, the dislocation of migrants is more about the 
function of mobilizing labor in accordance with land ecology. The Madurese people 
were employed in plantations of perennial crops in the northern region which is close 
to the mountain slopes, and they had to live near the plots to facilitate their work. 
Likewise, the Javanese people who were in charge of caring for tobacco plants 
occupied the lowlands in the southern part. In addition, the rice fields that were 
opened in the southern region were located close to irrigation channels, so Javanese 
migrants tended to choose to occupy the southern region. 

In further developments, the migrants who inhabited the designated areas finally 
formed settlements in accordance with the traditions they held. This is a general 
tendency that people who adhere to a certain culture will continue to maintain their 
original culture as an effort to survive as well as maintain cultural ties with their area 
of origin. It was mentioned earlier that villages in Jember had been formed since the 
Majapahit era. However, the arrival of migrants, both Javanese and Madurese, from 
the late 19th century to the eve of the Japanese occupation changed the face of Jember 
from a sparsely populated area to a relatively crowded area, in the sense that the 
presence of migrants was sufficient reason for the colonial government to issue policies 
in the administrative field. In addition, the arrival of migrants also changed the 
physical appearance of the Jember region according to the area of origin of the 
migrants. This phenomenon is a historical process that determines the socio-cultural 
reality of Jember in the 20th century and even now towards the first quarter of the 21st 
century. 

There are two patterns of development of villages in Jember, especially at the end 
of the 19th century. First, villages already existed before the plantation was opened. 
Examples of villages like this are the villages in Puger which have existed since the 
Majapahit era. Second, villages that were formed after the existence of plantations, 
either in the form of opening new areas or expanding from existing villages. For 
example, Jenggawah Village which was expanded into Jenggawah and Mangaran, as 
well as Tegalwaru and Sempolan Villages (Arifin, 1989, p. 117). 

Both villages that existed before the plantation and villages that developed 



 
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following the plantation were also influenced by the activities of the migrants who 
occupied them. Villages inhabited by Javanese migrants will display physical 
characteristics in the form of settlements bounded by village roads which tend to be 
straight so as to form a square or rectangular area. For some migrants who believe that 
their ancestors fought alongside Diponegoro, they will plant sapodilla trees in their 
yards. Sapodilla kecik was chosen because it grows a lot in Tegalrejo, the base of the 
Diponegoro troop resistance in the Java War (1825-1830). After Diponegoro was 
arrested, his followers withdrew and marked their identities through sapodilla trees 
in their yards. Thus, sapodilla kecik has the meaning of strengthening identity as a 
follower of the Prince, besides that according to Javanese kerata basa, sawo kecik is 
expanded to mean sarwa becik or all good (Aryono, 2015). 

In addition, the physical characteristic that marks a village inhabited by many 
Javanese migrants is the presence of a house with a limasan roof typical of the 
Mataraman area (western East Java). Unlike the slender joglo, the Javanese limasan has 
a roof peak that widens to the side. Houses with limasan roofs can be found, among 
others, in Tembokrejo Village, Gumukmas District. In this village, you can also find 
settlements in the form of squares and connected by straight village roads. 

Apart from the form of settlement, villages inhabited by Javanese migrants are 
also characterized by rice fields located in the background of the settlement. In some 
villages, the boundary between one village and another lies in the rice fields because 
each village “backs against each other”. For example, Bagorejo and Tembokrejo 
Villages in Gumukmas District which are located close to each other and are separated 
by a river that divides the rice fields which become the "background" of the settlements 
in each village. Both villages also have a square or rectangular settlement pattern 
which is bounded by village roads. The existence of quite extensive rice fields in 
Javanese villages confirms the thesis that Javanese culture is agrarian, and this is still 
carried even though they migrate hundreds of kilometers from their place of origin. 

Such physical features of Javanese villages provide a number of clues about the 
historical processes experienced by these villages in the past, especially when Javanese 
migrants began arriving in Jember in the late 19th century until the collapse of the 
Dutch East Indies. Javanese villages have a uniform settlement pattern because the 
residents, or the migrants who inhabit them, come from the same cultural area. In 
addition, when the Javanese migrants arrived, the area they occupied still had a lot of 
vacant land so that the opening of rice fields and settlements could be carried out with 
a focus on certain patterns. No less important is that Javanese villages are in the 
lowlands, thus allowing for a more orderly arrangement of settlements because they 
are not obstructed by extreme topographical contours. 

Land ownership law at the end of the 19th century still did not explicitly 
regulate government control over newly opened lands, or from forest clearing. 
According to the Onteigenings Ordonantie 1874, rights to newly opened land were given 
only to the party who opened the land, not to the village government as the authority. 
As a result, private ownership of land, especially agricultural land, has expanded in 
newly opened areas (Burger, 1957, p. 215). “Babat alas” or forest clearing is part of the 



 
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oral tradition of Javanese village communities in Jember, and is associated with 
pioneers who opened forests to become villages (Widuatie, 2020, pp. 519-528). 

If Javanese migrants form settlements that characterize an agrarian society, then 
it is different from migrants from Madura. At the beginning of the 19th century, not 
many Madurese people inhabited the Jember area, even though Madurese migrants 
had begun to spread to other divisions in the Besuki Residency. Jember has not yet 
become a migration destination, because even though the land is fertile, there is no 
economic attraction. In addition, the Jember District is located far inland and 
transportation access is also difficult. It was only when private plantations recruited 
labor on a large scale and the colonial government built better road infrastructure that 
a wave of Madurese migration flowed rapidly to Jember (Arifin, 1989, pp. 95-96). In 
relation to the ecological aspect, Madurese migrants inhabit many of the northern and 
central parts of the Jember region. 

At the beginning of the plantation period or around the 1970s, a large number 
of Madurese migrants came and dominated the population in Jember. The comparison 
of the number of Madurese and Javanese ethnicities in Jember is presented in Table 2. 
 
Table 2 Comparison of the number of Javanese and Madurese residents in Jember 
(1870) 

Distrik Etnis Madura Etnis Jawa 
Kalisat 9570 244 
Mayang 9318 473 
Jember 8025 1134 
Rambipuji 6107 3664 
Tanggul 6307 3451 
Puger 2434 7500 
Wuluhan 2200 7350 
Jumlah 44401 23822 

Source: Tennekes, “De Bevolkingspreiding der Residentie Besoeki” (1963). 
 

Since the beginning of the 20th century, the flow of Madurese migrants has been 
more organized because the Besoekisch Immigratie Bureau (BIB) was formed in 1901. 
As the name implies, the task of this institution is to take care of the movement of 
people in Besuki, including in Jember, especially those relating to the labor needs of 
plantations. In 1902, a total of 4,000 migrants were recorded departing from Sumenep 
using a ship belonging to KPM (Koninklijk Paketvaart Maatscahhpij), a maritime 
transportation company owned by the Kingdom of the Netherlands (Broersma, 1912, 
pp. 89-90). Thus, these migrants come with a clearer status and their goals are directed, 
so that when they form settlements in their destination it can be seen that the culture 
from Madura is still maintained. Madurese migrants who work on plantation plots in 
the highlands do not have the "luxury" of forming classic settlement patterns like the 
Javanese in the south. However, the distinctive characteristics of Madurese culture 
appear in the taneyan lanjhang settlement pattern. 

Literally, taneyan lanjhang means “long yard”, because the formation of houses in 



 
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traditional Madurese architecture surrounds an elongated courtyard. According to 
Maningtyas and Gunawan (2017), taneyan lanjhang consists of building and spatial 
elements which include Roma (house), consists of the main house and a house for girls; 
Langghar (surau), functions as a place of worship as well as socializing. In accordance 
with the geographical position of Indonesia in relation to the Kaaba at the Grand 
Mosque, the position of the langghar is always in the west. Dapor and kandhang 
(kitchen and barn). The kitchen, as usual, functions as a place for cooking, while the 
barn is a place to keep livestock, especially cows; Taneyan (yard), in the form of a 
rectangular open field. The main house is at the end of the taneyan, while other houses 
are on the right and left of the taneyan. Meanwhile, langghar is always on the west side; 
Live plant fences, both bamboo and shade plants (Figure 2). 

 

 
 

Figure 2: Formation of houses in taneyan lanjhang. 
Source: Kurnia & Nugroho, 2015, pp. 10-21. 

 
Even though taneyan lanjhang is the physical element that most shows the 

Madurese cultural characteristics of a village, because Madurese migrant settlements 
in Jember are scattered in the highlands, not all Madurese families build this 
traditional housing formation because it depends on the topography of the land. Some 
villages that have houses with a taneyan lanjhang pattern include Sukowono Village, 
Manggisan Village, and Pringgowirawan Village. Most of the taneyan lanjhang have 
undergone adjustments in both design and building composition, so that the 
characteristics that are still visible are the taneyan or elongated yard (Figure . This page 
is often used as a floor to dry unhulled rice and as an access road for local residents. 

 



 
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Figure 3 Tanean Lanjhang pattern in Pringgowirawan Village, Sumberbaru District 
Source: Google Street View 

 
The development of villages in Jember inhabited by migrants, both Javanese 

and Madurese, was indirectly influenced by changes in colonial politics. Since the 
1860s the colonial government began to promote efforts to erode feudalism, and this 
was supported by the entry of the money system into the household of villagers. The 
economic climate is increasingly not in favor of feudalism along with the payment of 
regional heads, especially regents, and thus their feudal rights are increasingly lost 
(Burger, 1957, pp. 209-214). The enactment of the Agrarische Wet 1870 made the role 
of the private sector significant in the colonial economy, especially in sectors related to 
the production of export commodities, so that the money system expanded in people's 
lives. 

Entering the 20th century, the colonial government increasingly abolished the 
compulsory labor system, except for road and irrigation construction. Even in 1912 
compulsory labor was officially abolished completely (Burger, 1957, p. 214). Thus, the 
Javanese and Madurese migrants who came to Jember were relatively free from 
various obligations that took up their time and energy, so they could focus more on 
arranging settlements by referring to their traditions and culture of origin. Thus, the 
development of villages in Jember is basically very complex because it is related to 
political policies, economic policies, and the culture brought by migrant newcomers. 
The arrival of migrants gives a unique socio-cultural touch to a sparsely populated 
area so that it develops into a more modern form. 
 
Conclusion 
Villages in Jember underwent a development process during the late 19th century to 
the early 20th century as an impact of the plantation economy in this region. The 
presence of migrants, both Javanese and Madurese, which was originally intended to 
fill the shortage of labor on plantations, turned out to bring a strong cultural character 
from their area of origin. The arrival of migrants increased the population so that 
demographically Jember experienced significant growth, not contributed by birth or 
death rates, but by migration. 



 
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The pattern of distribution of migrants in Jember is greatly influenced by the 
private plantation system. Plantations need skilled workers according to the 
commodities cultivated, meaning that there will be a relationship between natural 
conditions, types of plants, and the presence of migrants. The different agricultural 
skills of the Javanese and Madurese people eventually made them placed in different 
locations, in accordance with the cultivation of plantation crops. On the other hand, 
the colonial government, which wanted to create a stable economic climate, regulated 
migrants in such a way that Javanese-style villages tended to be found in the southern 
part of Jember and Madurese-style villages were mostly located in the northern part 
of Jember. This means that the residential segregation that has occurred in Jember since 
the late 19th century or since the 1870s until the collapse of the Dutch East Indies in 
1942 was more of an economic effort for the benefit of plantations, rather than an ethnic 
separation for political purposes. 

Even though plantations are no longer the driving force of the regional economy, 
understanding the socio-cultural life of the people of Jember, especially in rural areas, 
is still relevant as an academic study, especially as input in improving the quality of 
human development. Understanding the culture of the community both in real terms 
and the process of its formation can help stakeholders to formulate appropriate 
programs and policies. 
 
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