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Palembang-Malay Women's Resistance Against the Domination of Patriarchal Culture                                           |  22 

 

Received:  
March 10, 2023 
 
Revised:  
June 6, 2023 
 
Accepted:  
June 7, 2023 

Palembang-Malay Women's Resistance against the Domination of 
Patriarchal Culture in the XX Century   

 
Endang Rochmiatun* 

Master Program of Islamic Civilization History, Faculty of Adab and Humanities,  
UIN Raden Fatah Palembang 

Jl. Prof. K. H. Zainal Abidin Fikri No. 5, Pahlawan, Kemuning, Palembang,  
South Sumatera - Indonesia 

 
*Corresponding Author: endangrochmiatun_uin@radenfatah.ac.id 

DOI: https://doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v7i1.17624 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
  
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

Abstract 
 

Gender issues during the early twentieth century in Palembang were worth 
nothing. Among the reasons were that during the colonial period, women did not 
have equal opportunities to contribute to the public sphere as men. This proves 
that women's access to public activities is limited. This research manifests 
women's struggle for emancipation against patriarchal culture in the public sphere 
in the city of Palembang. This research uses historical research methods and 
qualitative research. It seeks to answer three questions; 1) How did the Palembang 
women carry out the emancipation movement against the domination of 
patriarchal culture? 2) What forms of movement did Palembang women take? 3) 
What public sectors could Palembang’s women be achieved in the twentieth 
century. Until the beginning of the 20th century, the traditions and understanding 
of the people in Palembang did not realize the importance of women obtaining 
formal education. Not many parents want to send their daughters to formal 
schools. Whereas in Palembang there were already formal schools in the early 20th 
century, including: Madrasah al-Islamiyah, HIS School, Muhammadiyah School. 
Many parents who have daughters still view formal education as unimportant, 
women are only obliged to be in the domestic sphere (become a wife, do 
household chores). This condition is the reason why some women who have 
realized the importance of women getting formal education then voiced the 
public's awareness of the importance of women getting the right to go to school. 
Several forms of women's struggle so that the tradition in Palembang that views 
formal education as not important for women can change, including: Writing in a 
newspaper published in Palembang. This research shows the struggle of 
Palembang women in voicing their rights in the public sphere in the twentieth 
century through the mass media despite many obstacles. The evidence of women's 
struggle for emancipation gradually eliminates the patriarchal culture. 
 
Keywords:  Women’s Resistance; Patriarchy; Emancipation; Voicing Rights; 

Education Equality. 
 



 
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Introduction 
Until the early twentieth century, women were considered second-class citizens. Their 
life depends on men. Women do not get what they are entitled to, such as education. 
This causes women to experience backwardness. Syainit et al. (2018) describe that 
women are equal to men in helping their family's economy. Still, in terms of public 
access, women are weak, backward, and marginalized. Education is crucial for women 
to eliminate ignorance and backwardness and avoid arbitrary actions against women 
(Syainit et al., 2018). In addition, Rahmawati argues that the recognition of women as 
second-class citizens or 'the other' creates ambivalence between being in a regulated 
and controlled position with rejection and rebellion against cultural ornaments that 
have curbed their rights as whole human beings. A woman's existence has never been 
seen as an integral part of the social life of society. Still, it shows the individual 
hegemony of power that indoctrinates the differences between men and women. 
Women are only considered objects of support (Rahmawati, 2009). 

Studies on women's resistance are often explored through literary works such as 
short stories and novels (Adnani, Udasmoro, & Noviani, 2016; Kurnianto, 2016; 
Susilowati & Indarti, 2019; Turaeni, 2010). Among them is a novel titled Perempuan 
Berkalung Sorban. The resistance is the efforts to fight injustices in the Islamic Boarding 
School. Some agents try to fight or break into the ijbar rights (forced marriage), idah 
rights (waiting), reproductive rights, sexual relations rights, and equal workload 
rights. The form of discourse on gender resistance in this novel is divided into two 
categories, namely women's discourse in the domestic and public spheres (Adnani et 
al., 2016). In a short story titled Tandak, the existence of women's resistance is carried 
out openly by female leaders to male and community leaders (Susilowati & Indarti, 
2019). Another study of women's resistance is on the Tandhak dancer, as seen from their 
communication strategy, as they choose to remain silent and ignore the blasphemy by 
continuing their dance (Rahmawati, 2021). In this research, the researcher focuses on 
women's resistance during colonialism from the perspective of rights to education 
through mass media, literature, and social-religious and political organizations to fill 
the gap of previous research. Women tend to do open resistance and closed resistance 
The tradition of the Palembang people who have not realized the importance of girls 
obtaining formal education and see women only having duties in the domestic sphere 
is the reason for the emergence of Palembang women's struggles to be able to change 
this tradition.  

This research re-examines the resistance theory proposed by James C. Scott and 
prove that there were women in Palembang who fought for emancipation in the public 
sphere. Scott (2000) defines resistance as all actions subordinate groups take to reduce 
or reject claims made by superdominant parties or groups against them. This study 
applied the historical method with four steps: heuristics, source criticism, 
interpretation, and historiography. Those steps were undergone to answer three main 
questions: 1) How did the Palembang women resist the domination of patriarchal 
culture?; 2) What forms of resistance did the Palembang women take?; 3) What public 



 
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sectors could the Palembang women achieve in the twentieth century? The 
contribution of this study is to present the spirit of the marginalized women's 
movement in a patriarchal culture, to carry out movements or resistance in various 
open and closed forms that women can follow in the future. 
 
Method 
The theme Palembang-Malay Women's Resistance Against the Domination of 
Patriarchal Culture in the XX Century was chosen as the object of study to prove that 
culture in Palembang until the early 20th century still placed women as subordinates. 
Women have not obtained equality in gaining access to education compared to men. 
This triggered Palembang Malay women to fight by voicing their aspirations to obtain 
equality in the public sphere and for women to gain access to formal education.This 
type of research is qualitative research using historical research methods with the steps 
of Heuristics, Source Criticism, Interpretation and Historiography (Dudung, 2011). 
The sources used are primary sources, namely manuscripts stored in the National 
Library of the Republic of Indonesia, the National Archives of the Republic of 
Indonesia, including Magazine Collection "Our World" Code: B. 2458 (National 
Library of Indonesia, n.d.), Newspaper "Soenting Melayoe" February 6, 1914 
(Chaniago, 2014), "South Pertja" 1925-1939 (Rochmiatun, 2018), Soeloeh Land 
Company 1916-1939 (Rochmiatun, 2018), Voice of the Wives (Kemoedi, 1926a), and 
Wives' World (Teradjoe, 1926).  

As for the secondary sources of this research, books related to the study of the 
Palembang region during the Dutch Sultanate and Colonial period, such as Paintings 
about the Capital City of Palembang by J.I. van Sevenhoven (1971) and the work of P. 
de Roo de Faille, From the Age of the Palembang Sultanate (1971), as well as Woelders' 
work, Het Sultanaat Palembang, 1811-1825 (1975), Jeroen Peeters, The Tuo-Kaum 
Mudo: Religious Changes in Palembang 1821-1942. 

The data collection process starts from collecting contemporaneous sources, 
namely in the form of written documents written in the XX century related to the 
theme of the study. Information from texts in authentic manuscripts is used as data 
and historical facts. The source of the manuscript is then tested for its authenticity 
(authenticity) and validity (credibility) through internal and external criticism. Testing 
whether the source is genuine means selecting the physical aspects of the source found. 
The paper, ink, writing style, language, sentences, expressions, words, and letters must 
be examined if the source is a written document. Tracing the credibility of sources is 
carried out based on the processes in the testimony because testimony in history is the 
most determining factor whether the historical evidence or facts are valid or not. 
Therefore, criticism is carried out to control or check these processes and detect any 
errors that may occur. 

Interpretation and explanation stages are carried out to get meaning and mutual 
relations between one fact and another. In the process of interpretation, selecting and 
concluding the factors that led to the occurrence of events. While historical data often 
contain multiple causes that can help achieve an outcome, it is also possible that the 



 
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same cause can lead to the opposite result. After testing and analyzing the data, the 
facts obtained are synthesized through historical explanation. 
 
Patriarchal Culture 
In Foucault's perspective, resistance is defined as a hidden or overt process of fighting 
or violence by marginalized groups as an impact on the power or dominance of a 
particular group (Richmond, 2011). Foucault said, "where there is power, there is 
resistance" (Vinthagen & Johansson, 2013). The definition of resistance refers to the 
position of an attitude to behave defensively, trying to fight, oppose, or attempt 
opposition. In general, this attitude is not based on or refers to a clear understanding. 
Power often gets resistance in social relations (Dosi, 2012). Resistance can be 
understood as strength and resistance that meet one another (Barker, 2005). So, 
resistance is an attitude force to behave to survive, try to fight, and oppose other forces 
in the social class that is in power in society. In line with that, James Scott revealed that 
resistance focuses on forms of resistance in everyday life, which are depicted as the 
weak minorities' resistance to the power system. (Vinthagen & Johansson, 2013). 

James Scott (2000) said that resistance in a community could occur due to 
domination by a majority group. Thus, resistance is associated with a stronger group 
economically, politically and militarily and commonly involves violence and war. 
Resistance is a strategy to fight and mobilize the decolonization movement to achieve 
independence and freedom (Glynn & Maimunah, 2021). Additionally, Hancock-
Barnett (2012) wrote that resistance is part of the expression of power and dominance 
interwoven to stem and create fear against the opposition. Therefore, daily resistance 
will decline the influence of the opposition and force the opposition to surrender. Thus, 
resistance in the colonial period is a form of struggle. Resistance begins with the 
awareness of the natives of the structure of domination, exploitation, and colonial 
operations against society and resources. Then, resistance to colonialism is measured 
by violence against colonialism. Resistance during the colonization period was shown 
through the resistance of indigenous groups to colonial groups which led to fights and 
violence (Tanjung, Harahap, & Bulan, 2019). Resistance to colonialism occurs because 
foreign governments have violated legitimacy and interfered with state power in 
political, religious, economic, and social life. 

Meanwhile, patriarchy is a system that places men in a central or most vital 
position, while women and children are positioned according to the interests of the 
patriarch (the men). In the patriarchal system, women are positioned as wives who are 
obliged to accompany, complement, entertain, and serve their husbands (the 
patriarch). Meanwhile, children are placed as their fathers' next generation and 
entertainers. Indonesian society adheres to a patriarchal system, so women are still 
seen as unable to exceed men, and men are positioned as more primal, superior, and 
dominant (Darwin, 1999). Indonesia possesses a patriarchal culture as a heritage from 
the colonial nation (Apriliandra & Krisnani, 2021). This culture is still pervasive quite 
strongly in the majority of Indonesians, where they believe men are in control of 
everything. Thus, it is not uncommon for women to experience unfair treatment in 



 
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society in various forms. People who adhere to a social system with a patriarchal 
perception often assume that men have a massive role in elevating women's status 
(Ahadia, 2020). This patriarchal value sees women as someone destined to accompany 
men to create a more harmonious and balanced social structure. 

Patriarchal culture places men above women and directly affects other societal 
aspects. In other words, the social structure in society is often dominated by men than 
women (Purwanti & Suana, 2020). The problems women face, which include 
inequality in access to various aspects of society, arise because of the patriarchal 
perception, which is still a belief for most Indonesians. The marginalization of women 
issue lies in a patriarchal culture that places men as superior to women, who are in a 
subordinate position. The inferiority of women over men has permeated into a culture 
mainly seen in the resource system (Ch, 2006). This culture is one of the reasons for the 
many discriminatory treatments, restrictions, exploitation, and violent behaviour 
against women today. The existence of this patriarchal belief has made some women 
accept their 'nature' by the view of women's authority under men and see this 
patriarchal perception as something that should be done (Rokhima, 2015). Women are 
often seen as second-class citizens and as objects in society, as seen in the belief that 
men are more favourable (Hastuti, 2005). 

 
Political Ethics and Education Policy in Palembang 
Along with the structuring of administrative division and the modernization of the 
government system, the Dutch East Indies government attempted to introduce a 
modern education system in the areas they had conquered (Afandi, Swastika, & 
Evendi, 2020). Starting in the twentieth century, the Dutch colonial government 
implemented a policy that became known as political ethics. As a consequence, the 
procurement in educational institutions for the Bumiputera began. The policy on 
procurement in educational institutions also seems to have an effect in Palembang. 

In general, the policy of the Dutch colonial government in Palembang was aimed 
at regulating the implementation of western-style education, both education 
organized by the government (sekolah gouvernement) and the community (sekolah 
partikelir) (Beautiful et al., 2013). Several policies are considered crucial in 
implementing education, namely 1) establish and improve the quality of government 
schools to meet the community's need for education and obtain cheap labour. 2) 
Several policies regarding private schools were issued relating to the growth of various 
private institutions (this was due to the increasing public interest in education, which 
the government cannot fully provide). 

The first indigenous school at the Palembang Residency level was established in 
the early twentieth century. In 1912, a village school was built in Pulau Beringin 
(Mekakau Ulu). Due to a shortage of students, the school was closed in 1915. It was 
only around 1921 that the school was reopened on the initiative of Kepala Marga (Head 
of Surname), who had a nobility title with a teacher named 'Djanoem' (from Semendo 
Darat, Muara Enim). From January to April 1921, the school recorded around 275 male 
and female students and four teachers. The number of government schools in the 



 
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Residency of Palembang in 1916, according to Inspecteur C Lekkekerken, were; 1 HIS 
(149 students), 31 Class II schools (4,133), 99 Village Schools (6,985 students) and 1 
Zending School (Zendingscolen with 116 students), does not rule out the possibility 
that this number continues to increase in the following years. 

Basic-level Dutch schools for Bumiputera, which the colonial government 
established in the Palembang Residency, can be divided into four types, namely 
Village Schools (Volksscool), Class II Schools, Connected Schools (Vervolgscool), and 
Holland Indlandscool (HIS). Before the missionaries established Xavier schools, the 
Dutch East Indies government had already established state schools. In 1911, in the 
city of Palembang, apart from having eight public schools, a prestigious school, the 
First Class School, was built. Apart from being intended for the children of the 
Palembang nobility, this school went there for a lot of pembesar uluan (ordinary 
people) (Budiriyanto, 2002). 

Aside from taking advantage of the First Class Schools, many high school 
students attend prestigious Dutch schools, namely the Europeesche Lagere School or 
ELS. A great opportunity for the uluan to become citizens of the city arises when 
gemeente (municipality) provides opportunities for educated people to occupy new 
jobs, such as for positions in commis, klerk, schrijver, veld-politie, agenten, mantri-
politie,opziener, other low-level jobs, and the rest worked for the Gemeente Palembang 
institutions. The children from uluan family did not need to think about this as they 
had to ontwikkeling (Progress), evolve, and eventually become smart through 
education. 

HIS Negeri was founded on February 16, 1914, by the decision of the Queen of 
the Netherlands. For the Chinese population, the Dutch East Indies government 
established HCS in 1920. Apart from low-level schools, in 1927, the MULO secondary 
school was opened for the first time in the city of Palembang. In contrast to other public 
schools, MULO was intended for the children of government officials who came from 
noble and pasirah (Head of Surname) from uluan (Zed, 2006). 

Apart from public schools, private schools have also been established. The 
Methodist School was founded in Palembang by Salomon Pakianathan, an Indian from 
Malaysia, in 1908. The school was named Mission School and was located in Lorong 
Basah. This school was for children from various backgrounds. In its development, 
only Chinese, Indian, and people who can afford it are more interested in entering this 
school. This Mission School changed its name to Methodist English School, located at 
Jalan Tengkuruk. 

During the Dutch East Indies, children's condition was worrisome. As in various 
regions, the Dutch East Indies community in Palembang experienced strict and 
discriminatory social stratification, so they did not receive proper education and 
teaching (Idi, 2019). During the Dutch East Indies times, there was discrimination 
against indigenous children, European children, and Indo-European children. 

 
  



 
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Aspirations of Malay Womeni Palembang to Receive The Right To Education 
In the early 1920s, the mass media in Palembang played an essential part/a significant 
role in elevating the spirits of the Malay women group. The goal was to develop a way 
of thinking and spread knowledge to women. This awareness cannot be separated 
from the role of mass media, specifically newspapers. Some of the newspapers 
published in Palembang in the second and third half of the twentieth century were 
Perdja Selatan, Teradjoe, and Kemoedi (Triharyanto, 2009). In the two newspapers, 
there were separate columns that were provided for women, including the column 
"Dunia Istri" ("Wives' World") and "Suara Kaum Isteri" ("Voice of the Wives 

In 1926, Women's resistance to the dominance of patriarchal culture in 
Palembang was vocalized by Palembang women through letters, namely "Kemoedi" 
in the "Voice of the Wives" column. The Palembang woman voiced her aspirations 
with the help and support of the "Kemoedi" newspaper editor. As Sitti Zakiah said in 
her first writing edition: 

"Dear Editor-in-Chief. Allow me to publish my thoughts on this beautiful page of 
Kemoedi, a special tribute for women in Palembang…" (Kemoedi, 1926). And Ning 
Dap's writing: "...the writings of Sitti Zakiah have dared me to speak a little about my 
sisters in Palembang" (ibid) 
Ning Dap wrote an allegory about girls in Palembang who did not have access 

to formal education: 
"How beautiful the sun rises and sets and the night, the moon shines above the sky, on 
the fence by the millions of stars? Wow..all these women can only see in the cracks in the 
walls. Poor!!! (ibid.) ... what about the other parents and the Palembang girls. What a 
pity the girl was locked up at home. He doesn't know what's happening outside and 
doesn't take his eyes off the left and right. It was as if narrow walls, attics and floors 
bordered the field. That was the world, the realm of noble girls only". (Kemoedi, August 
1926).  
 
The resistance of Palembang women can also be seen when Siti Zakiah stated that 

"the development of a country depends on the development of the women," so 
Palembang women must be given access to school so they could become mothers who 
can educate their children and became good mothers. In her writing, Sitti Zakiah 
wrote: 

"Onderwijs (*meaning: education) is a factor that is especially important for the Progress 
of our nation. That's how we can achieve our goals and socialize with any nation in this 
world. That's why we must try to advance our nation and homeland by telling our 
children to go to school at our place or to a school that doesn't exist in our place (P.S.: 
outside Palembang)...girls should not be forgotten because people can witness the 
Progress of a country by looking at the Progress of the women. We send women to school 
not only for salary, such as being Doctores, Klerken, etc. but as Napoleon said, that I read 
in his book, that women are educated to become mothers who in the future will educate 
and become good mothers for their children" (Kemoedi, Sabtoe 21 dhoelhidjah 1344/3 July 
1926).  



 
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During the colonial period, women did not have a great opportunity to 
participate in the public sphere like men. This indicates that women's access to public 
activities was difficult (Urifatulailiyah, 2017). There were two limitations for women. 
First, since most women came from the lower middle class, they did not have the right 
to education. Second, women from the upper middle class did not get equal rights as 
men in education because the patriarchal culture was strongly rooted. This 
phenomenon impacts the emergence of the feminist movement in the early twentieth 
century in Palembang. 

Feminism is an understanding or movement to create gender equality, which can 
be the basis for thoughts, movements, and policies (Delmar, 2018). In Palembang, 
feminist movement has arisen since the Dutch colonial era. Newspapers published in 
Palembang in the second decade of the twentieth century, namely the Pertja Selatan 
newspaper in 1930 and Teraju in 1926, proved that Palembang women's thinking as a 
form of resistance to the marginalization of women that was due to patriarchal 
traditions which created gaps in access to education. Sitti Zakiah was a Palembang-
Malay girl who vocalized her aspirations on the importance of women in pursuing 
education. 

"Remember, my people, knowledge does not run out until the Day of Resurrection" is one 
of Sitti Zakiah's expressions which is intended to invite her people (women) to seek 
knowledge and the importance of seeking knowledge for women. One of the 
newspapers published in Palembang in 1926 with the "Voice of the Wives" column (In 
Proefnummer, Palembang: Jacoeb, 1926) had an important role in the effort to achieve 
this emancipation. The newspaper had an interesting tagline: Mencari Kebenaran, 
Keadilan dan Persamaan Menurut Kemajuan (Searching for the Truth, Justice, and 
Equality, in line with Progress). 

The patriarchal culture, which is still very strong in Palembang, is also portrayed 
by many parents who do not send their daughters to school (Putra, Asri, & Hayati, 
2018). However, at the beginning of the twentieth century, there were schools already. 
HIS Negeri was founded on February 16, 1914, by the decision of the Queen of the 
Netherlands. For the Chinese population, the Dutch East Indies government 
established HCS in 1920. Apart from low-level schools, in 1927, the MULO secondary 
school was opened for the first time in the city of Palembang. In contrast to other public 
schools, MULO was intended for the children of government officials who came from 
noble and pasirah from uluan (Zed, 2006). 

Apart from public schools, private schools have also been established. The 
Methodist School was founded in Palembang by Salomon Pakianathan, an Indian from 
Malaysia in 1908. The school was named Mission School and was located in Lorong 
Basah. This school was for children from various backgrounds. In its development, 
only Chinese, Indian, and people who can afford it are more interested in entering this 
school. This Mission School changed its name to Methodist English School, located at 
Jalan Tengkuruk. 



 
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In contrast, some parents were aware of the importance of education for their 
daughters. So, they sent their children to school as stated by Ning Dap in the 
newspaper: 

"I was born in the city of Palembang when I was three years old ...my parents 
left.... ...I think they paved the way for their daughter of my nation, Palembang. 
At first, I wouldn't say I liked being sent to a Dutch school because none of my 
female family had ever been to school, let alone enrolled in a Dutch school, so I 
was the first in my family to say that I was among the children who were sent to 
a Dutch school. In a school with so many students, only me came from Palembang. 
The others were children of the Sundanese and Padangnese in Palembang. The 
behaviour of my friends is too kind and gentle. My younger male friends respect 
us girls. What a difference to the young people in my homeland! Who doesn't care 
about and respect women" (Kemoedi Newspaper, August 1926)  
A Palembang woman named Sitti Zakiah also described how many mothers had 

an ancient perspective despite the development of Palembang at that time (in 1926). It 
became a crowded city and underwent many changes in economics and education. 
Her concern about the lack of encouragement of mothers in Palembang to send their 
children to school can be seen in her writing: 

"My heart is saddened, these women in Palembang. They don't want to send their 
daughters to higher schools because she is afraid that her children will receive 
Christian teachings etc., although there are also those who want to send their 
daughters to school, only in grades 3 or 4 they stop. They say it's no longer useful 
for girls to be sent to school anymore. It's enough to know numbers and read -a-
b-c-. this is the "ancient" thoughts that nowadays does not sell" (Kemoedi 
Newspaper, August 1926). 
In some of her writings in several editions of the newspaper, "Kemoedi", Siti 

Zakiah wrote a reminder on the importance of mothers encouraging their daughters 
to go to school or get an education both in and outside Palembang and hoping to have 
the Palembang daughters became smart, kind, and safe. The expression in her writing 
was:  

"their parents should pay attention to my writing so that in the future, they don't 
expect that their children will become smart and good children and be safe in the 
hereafter. That's why my people in Palembang should pay close attention to girls 
and tell them to study and seek knowledge. Remember, my people and knowledge 
do not run out until the Day of Resurrection."  

 
Resistance of Malay Women in Palembang Through Literature 
Kemoedi and Perdja Selatan newspapers are the pioneers of newspapers, including a 
column for women with aspirations(Triharyanto, 2009). Among the resistance of 
Palembang women in conveying these aspirations is through the form of poetry. 
Bahria Ideriess wrote one of the poems published in the Perdja Selatan newspaper in 
1930, namely: 
 



 
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Can't stand at the window 
Look to the king's path 
Sad to hear the sound 
All work gets declined 
 
If you stand straight at the door 
Comes a reprimand from the stepmother 
Immediately ordered them to run 
Into the house to a quiet place 
 
If a guest comes 
mother orders 
Boil water to cook potatoes 
Cook food for the guests 
 
If the body is exhausted 
rarely get break time 
The sounds of the order are often heard 
ordered to work endlessly 
 
That's daily work 
Until it's time to get a husband 
unknown husband 
because my parents will 
 

The poems above show that the representation of Palembang-Malay women at 
that time revolved around the domestic sphere. That role showed that until the third 
half of the twentieth century, women in Palembang had no access to the public sphere, 
especially in formal education. 
 
The Progress of Palembang-Malay Women in Socio-Religious and Political 
Organizations 
In the 1950s, the role of Palembang-Malay women still revolved around family or 
household matters as they believed in deeply rooted customs (Fauzia, 2004). However, 
their role in the public sphere began to exist, although it is not yet prominent. The 
Progress of Palembang women began in the third half of the twentieth century with a 
Palembang woman named N. Samina Samid. She took part in the field of journalism 
as a permanent assistant in the women's magazine "Dunia Kita" ("Our World"), which 
was published in Batavia in 1939. Additionally, in 1926, "Kemoedi" newspaper had an 
article with the title "Suara Perempoean" ("Women's Voice") as a form of resistance by 
a Palembang woman named Siti Zakiah. It was due to the condition that the people of 
Palembang did not yet have the awareness to send their daughters to get formal 
education. In the same newspaper, another woman named Ning Dap also said that 



 
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girls in Palembang were not allowed formal education. Another woman, Bahria Idris, 
resisted through her words in the Perdja Selatan newspaper in 1930. She believed that 
women were also obligated to their homeland through education. 

The Progress of Palembang-Malay women in the public sphere can also be 
discovered through a newspaper in 1930. Some Palembang women had joined the 
management of the Palembang branch of the organization "Indonesia Moeda". The 
names on the board are Entjik Siti Malekha from 8 Ilir as the head,  Entjik Rakhma Lizo, 
Entjik Sopia, Entjik Fatimah,  Entjik Jenab, Raden Ayu Djenawati, Raden Ayu Zuriah, Raden 
Ayu Zoelaima. The newspaper published in Palembang in 1930, "Pertja Selatan", 
provided information on the existence or Progress and thoughts of Palembang-Malay 
women. The names involved Bahria Ideriess, Raden Ayu Asiah, Leila Rs, Ana Laila, 
and Raden Ayu Sriani ("Pertja Selatan" newspaper 1930, Collection of the National 
Library of Indonesia, Roll 3485). 

From the middle of the twentieth century until the beginning of the twenty-first 
century, a Palembang woman, Wantum Gathmyr, was active in the Nahdatul Ulama 
women's organization (Fathayat NU). She was the third child of seven children of Mr. 
Ali Gathmyr. The seven children of Ali Gathmyr are Khodijah (Wak Ayu), Hasan, 
Wantum, Ahmad Taufik (Wak Cak) Muh. Husni Thambrin, Ummi Kalsum, and 
Hindun. Wantum Gathmyr had a husband named Abdullah Bin Muhammad Alkaf or 
famously called Wak Dollah. From this marriage, Wantum Gathmyr and Abdullah Bin 
Muhammad Alkaf had one child named Ubaidillah or fondly called Ami Ubay. Other 
than his brothers, such as Muh Husin Thamrin or Bang Husni, he has four children 
from Mrs Linda Farida Binti Azis. Wantum Gathmyr's husband died first. Then, 
Wantum Gathmyr's mother died and was buried in Jakarta. Gathmyr's family were 
fighters from Palembang, as told by Abdullah, Taufik A's father. Gathmyr and Ali 
Gathmyr were detained during the G30S PKI war. They were also close to Soekarno, 
as seen in the photos discovered in the house that Mr Soekarno occupied. Taufik A. 
the Gathmyr. The name of Mr Ali Gathmyr is also immortalized as a street name in the 
10 Ilir area of Palembang. They were also close to Mr Soekarno, as evidenced by the 
photo we found in the house occupied by Mr Taufik A Gathmyr. The name of Mr Ali 
Gathmyr was used as a street name in the 10 Ilir Palembang. 

The Gathmyr family's careers were passed down from generation to generation. 
This family was not only a preacher but also a warrior. It was proven as Wantum has 
formed women in the Fatayat NU movement and has also served as a member of the 
legislature after a period of Mr Taufik A. Gathmyr. Now, the family's descendants are 
also a preacher. It is because his old house in Palembang was built as a hall that 
functioned as a place for recitation, gathering of scholars and as a place for studying 
religion. The building was erected approximately 12 years ago and is still well-
functioning. The Gathmyr family established schools in Gathmyr's name at OKU and 
Bengkulu. Figure 1 shows Mr Ali Gathmyr, Wantum Gathymir's father. Wantum 
Gathmyr has also been a member of the Palembang Municipal legislature from the 
PPP party. This shows that Palembang women in the mid-20th century-early XXI 
century were given access to education. 



 
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Palembang-Malay Women's Resistance Against the Domination of Patriarchal Culture                                           |  33 

 

 
 

 
Figure 1 Mr. Ali Gathmyr (Above), Wantum Gathymir's father (Down) 

 
Conclusions 
Three feminists, namely Ning Dap, Siti Zakiah and Bahria Ideriess, voiced their 
aspirations through newspapers on the importance of education for women in 
Palembang and proved women's emancipation in Palembang was achieved through 
struggle. The patriarchal culture in Palembang, which was still strong until the 
twentieth century, gradually diminished. This can be proven that the number of 
Palembang women who participate in the public sphere in the socio-religious and 
political organisations is increasing. The results of the study on the resistance of 
Palembang-Malay women to the dominance of patriarchal culture show the old 
perspective that the emergence of feminism is one of the reasons that women's access 
to public activities is difficult. 

Since this study prioritizes primary sources from contemporary newspapers, this 
study does not allow generalizations to be made. A more general and comprehensive 
understanding of the Palembang-Malay women's resistance in the twentieth century 
is urgently needed to complete Indonesia's national history. In line with this, it is 
recommended that further research is carried out by accommodating the approaches 
of other social sciences. In addition, further research needs to add other contemporary 
sources. 
 



 
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