

































 IJO- INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE AND HUMANITIES RESEARCH 

( ISSN 2811-2466 )                                                                                                                           

https://ijojournals.com/                                                            Volume 08 || Issue 03 || March, 2025 || 

POLITICAL MARGINALIZATION AND POLITICS OF ROTATIONAL SYSTEM IN NIGERIA’S FOURTH REPUBLIC 

 

 

POLITICAL MARGINALIZATION AND POLITICS OF ROTATIONAL SYSTEM IN 

NIGERIA’S FOURTH REPUBLIC 

 
 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Abstract: This paper examined the phenomenon of political marginalization and politics of 
the rotational system in Nigeria's Fourth Republic. The concept of marginalization in 
relation to politics has been widely studied in both the literature and empirical studies. The 
study was guided by three objectives and three research questions. John Rawl’s theory of 
justice which emph on procedural method of distributing political rights and economic 
benefits was adopted. Descriptive quantitative survey was used for the study while one (1) 
Senatorial zone each was chosen – from Kwara and Kaduna States for the population of 
the study. Probability proportionate cluster sampling technique were used in distributing 
the questionnaire two hundred and fifty (250) research participants were sampled. Data 
were collected using both primary and secondary sources.  The instrument for data 
collection were validated by team of supervisors and experts in Language and Statistics for 
content, face and construct validity. The reliability of the instrument was conducted 
through the use of Cronbach Alpha with the help of Statistical Package for Social Sciences 
(SPSS) version 20.0.data collected from respondents were analyzed by the descriptive and 
inferential statistical methods. The findings of the study revealed that: the political 
marginalization has not significantly motivated the politics of rotational system in Nigeria. 
Also, there are unequal distribution of public resources and economic benefits across the 
selected zones compared to the advantaged zones in Kwara and Kaduna States 
respectively. And that, population has no significant impact on the rotational system in 
Nigeria’s Fourth (4th) Republic The study made the following recommendation among 
others: Government at all levels should promote a comprehensive democratic culture with 
all its intricacies that can take Nigeria closer to the emergence of stable, meaningful, 
purposeful and beneficial polity. And also, No ethnic group in the country should be 
marginalized as political position should not the monopoly of one section.  

 
Keywords: Keywords 1, Keyword 2, Keyword 3 
 

 

Tunde Folawiyo HAMEED

Political Science Department,

  And

Rasheed O DAUDA

  Business Education department.

Kwara State college of Education, Ilorin.

  Kwara State, Nigeria

Rasheed O DAUDA 1*

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 IJO- INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE AND HUMANITIES RESEARCH 

( ISSN 2811-2466 )                                                                                                                           

https://ijojournals.com/                                                            Volume 08 || Issue 03 || March, 2025 || 

POLITICAL MARGINALIZATION AND POLITICS OF ROTATIONAL SYSTEM IN NIGERIA’S FOURTH REPUBLIC 

 

 

 

Introduction 

 The origin of rotational system is very much unknown; it can be described to be as old as man’s 

existence in the universe. Records show that the system of rotation was practiced by the Greeks and the 

ancient Roman Empire. The European Union and Switzerland, also practice a rotational system of 

government (Okwenna, 2017). The presidency of the European Union rotates among the member states 

while it rotates among the various ethnic groups in Switzerland. Switzerland and the European Union are 

among the most stable country and institution in the world. 

 In Nigeria, marginalization is the order of the day; particularly fourth republic because Nigeria is a 

deeply divided society with several lines of social divisions on the bases of group identification. These 

lines of division, as noted by Orji (2008, p. 10 cited in Orji, 2018), in his work “Power Sharing the 

Element of Continuity in Nigerian Politics”, reflects on the number of ethnic and regional groups that 

make up the country. This population disparity coupled with the differences in the political influence of 

the ethnic groups broadly divides the groups into two - the majority and minority ethnic groups. The 

majority ethnic groups are the Hausa and Fulani (28% of the population), the Yoruba (18% of the 

population) and Igbo (16% of the population). All the other ethnic groups fit in to the minority category, 

with varying degrees of political status, depending on their numerical size and political influence 

(Danjibo, 2019). On this basis, Obinna and Veronica (2022) supported the prevalence of politics of 

marginalization in Nigeria when they asserted that: 

 The Nigerian political trajectory has been characterized with the utilization of state powers in 

appropriating resources and offices in a manner that put some ethnic nationalities at a disadvantaged 

position thereby making the politics of marginalization an important political question in the Nigerian 

political system (p. 51).The point being made therefore, is that the politics of marginalization is 

entrenched in the Nigerian political system and such tendency has the capacity to destabilize the state and 

sap it of development. Needless to say that the Nigerian state consists of the majority ethnic groups viz 

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( ISSN 2811-2466 )                                                                                                                           

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POLITICAL MARGINALIZATION AND POLITICS OF ROTATIONAL SYSTEM IN NIGERIA’S FOURTH REPUBLIC 

 

 

 

Hausa/Fulani, Yoruba and Igbo and a host of other minorities. The minority ethnic groups from the oil 

resource areas in the South have been agitating for more emphasis to be given to derivation in the sharing 

of federal allocations. Agbese (2013) writes that minority rights advocates have employed the concepts of 

internal colonialism to help explain the plight of minorities in Nigeria as the essence of internal 

colonialism according to Ben Naanen runs as follows:Majority ethnic groups acquire power on the basis 

of their number of superiority. They use the political power to transfer resources from territories of ethnic 

minorities to their own areas. Thus, economically advantaged core areas of Nigeria emerge in territories 

largely populated by ethnic majority. Conversely, the removal of resources from minority areas create a 

periphery of economically advantaged territories. Political power in the hands of majorities translates to 

economic power, which in turn is used to simultaneously develop ethnic majority territories. At the same 

time, the same political power is used to seize the economic development of minority territories (p. 246-

247). 

 The term rotational presidency has become a very important political concept and cliché which has 

crept into African countries (Nigeria inclusive). The idea of rotational Presidency started in Nigeria during 

the 1995 National Constitutional Conference under the regime of former Nigerian Maximum ruler, late 

President SaniAbacha. Six geo-political zones were adopted during the conference and the National 

Political Offices will be filled by candidates on a rotational basis based on the six geo-political zones with 

a transitional provision of 30 years. It was agreed that the rotational system was to be entrenched in the 

then Draft Constitution and will be applied to all spheres of government (Njoku, 2014). The six geo-

political zones which includes the North East, North West and North Central in the northern part of the 

country and the South East, South West and South South in the southern part of the country was 

introduced as a remedy to the issue of marginalization in Nigeria. It was assumed that the six geo-political 

zones will bring to an end the issue of monopoly of power by the north. The northern part of the country 

had dominated the leadership of Nigeria, and they use this position to secure juicy political privileges for 

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( ISSN 2811-2466 )                                                                                                                           

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POLITICAL MARGINALIZATION AND POLITICS OF ROTATIONAL SYSTEM IN NIGERIA’S FOURTH REPUBLIC 

 

 

 

their own people at the detriment of the people from the south of the country. This sad experience was 

climaxed in the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election (Idowu, 2014); the election was won 

by late MoshoodAbiola, a southerner. 

 The 1999 general election, President OlusegunObasanjo contested under the auspices of the People’s 

Democratic Party and OluFalae vied for All Nigerian Peoples Party, thus, two South Westerners contested 

the presidential slot. The lacuna in the rotational principle was felt immediately after the expiration of 

President OlusegunObasanjo's four years’ term, he initiated plans for a second term in office, which was 

not mentioned in the agreement on rotational Presidency, this generated a lot of controversy. The 

Northerners insisted that power was going to return to them while the Southerners maintained on retaining 

power for another four years, so that power will then move to the North for eight uninterrupted years. The 

National Executive Committee of Peoples Democratic Party held a meeting and votes were cast in favour 

of the South and power continued in the South with an understanding that after President 

OlusegunObasanjo's tenure, power should return to the North for eight continuous years (Clerke, 2018). 

At the expiration of President OlusegunObasanjo’s regime of eight years saw the emergence of 

AlahajiUmoru Musa Yaradua from the North, the power was however truncated with the sudden death of 

AlahajiUmoru Musa Yar’Adua in 2010.It is against this background that the study assessed political 

marginalization and politics of rotational system in Nigeria’s Fourth (4th) Republic. 

 

 Statement of the Problem 

 It has been observed that not many scholars subscribe to the adoption of rotational presidency in Nigeria. Some 

oppose it on ideological basis while others do so, on other grounds. Indeed, there is no denying in the fact that the 

notion of rotational system has the potential of doing more harm than good to the polity by further complicating the 

search for good governance, national integration and democracy. This is because the operators of the concept are 

those characters that have been participating in the Nigeria enterprise right from her inception as an independent 

state or even beyond. They have participated actively in the running and ruining of Nigeria enterprise.  

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( ISSN 2811-2466 )                                                                                                                           

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POLITICAL MARGINALIZATION AND POLITICS OF ROTATIONAL SYSTEM IN NIGERIA’S FOURTH REPUBLIC 

 

 

 

Several names are used in place of rotational system. However, no matter the name it is called parliamentary, 

presidential, French indicative, rotational presidency, power shift, power sharing, democracy, military, democrat in 

uniform etc. there could be no improved changes in the lives of great number of the masses who are the majority. 

And this exactly is what is happening in Nigeria today despite power shift from North (Musa Yar’adua) to South 

(Goodluck Jonathan) and to the north (Muhammad Buhari). Even the situation looks worse. This is because the 

production method has not changed. It remains that of primitive accumulation with wide spread poverty and 

corruption in the land. With rotational presidency, Nigeria is the 3ld most corrupt nation of the world, and over 70% 

of her population is below poverty line: 

The notion of power sharing (shift) then becomes an ideology, an exercise in false consciousness meant to create a 

feeling of power dispersal in the face of power concentration. A feeling of symmetry even as the formation and 

perpetuation of asymmetrical relations between people, groups, institution in which one partner in the relationship 

dominates or exploits the other continues (Human and Zaiman, 2015, p. 40). 

Needless to state here that by virtue of their long occupation of the seat of power (both in military and democratic 

regimes), Kwara Central elites and elites of Northen part of Kaduna State developed an affinity for state power and 

thus perceived it as their birthright which have begun to negate the adoption of rotational system. To the extent that 

the Kwara Central elites and elites of Northen part of Kaduna Stateviewed the Deputy Governorship position “Kisira 

and Governorship to Yakwa” as loan to the marginalized groups to compensate and assuage anxieties that usually 

emerge over electoral debacle.  

Going back to history, the 1994–1995 Constitutional Conference clearly demonstrated an understanding of Nigeria’s 

political problems when it consensually resolved that the presidency should rotate between the North and South, 

which was dutifully included in Section 229 (1–5) of its draft constitution (Nwala, 1997; Agbaje, 1998). Yet the 

1999 constitution, which was supposedly a product of that Conference, did not contain these provisions. 

Nevertheless, the spirit of power rotation guided the post-military transition that produced the Obasanjo presidency 

in 1999.The impetus for zoning and rotation of power was ostensibly derived from efforts to create a sense of 

belonging amongst ethno-national elite groups in the face of the inadequacies of federal character principles. 

AperAku argued that, “Zoning can rescue minorities from political obscurity and at the same time guarantee 

majority interests, foster national stability and ensure the success [of democracy] (Onwudiwe, 2014, p. 273).” The 

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( ISSN 2811-2466 )                                                                                                                           

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POLITICAL MARGINALIZATION AND POLITICS OF ROTATIONAL SYSTEM IN NIGERIA’S FOURTH REPUBLIC 

 

 

 

strong questions now are: Has zoning and rotational system rescued minorities from political obscurity in the 

country? Has it guaranteed majority interests? Has is foster national stability and ensure the success [of democracy]? 

The answer to this can be seen from the loud echoing of the masses over bad governance and the marginalization of 

minority (south-south and south-east) by the northern Nigeria. 

It is necessary at this point to clarify the concepts of zoning and rotation. These concepts are mutually reinforcing. 

There cannot be rotation unless the issue of zoning is resolved. Constitutionally, zones do not properly exist in the 

Nigerian polity. Such categorizations as North, South, and other geopolitical zones are fluid and arbitrary terms used 

in political discourse and are designed merely to serve as guides to confer meaning and boundary. Because there is 

no constitutional basis for a zone structure. The absence of an authoritative constitutional beacon as a guide for what 

constitutes Nigerian political zones does not invalidate their usefulness as essential categories. It only makes it 

impossible, indeed unproductive, to sustain an argument about the trajectory and rotation of power. The only official 

document that makes any reference to zones and zoning outside Abacha’s summarization of the outcome of the 

1994–1995 Constitutional Conference, presented in his 1995 Independence Day national broadcast, is the PDP 

constitution (Nwala, 1997, p. 201–203). The PDP constitution provides that: 

In pursuance of the principle of zoning, justice and fairness, the party shall adhere to the policy of rotation and 

zoning of party and public elective offices and it shall be enforced by the appropriate executive committee at all 

levels. (Section 7 (2), Constitution of the People’s Democratic Party, 1998). 

The most important determining variable in national disaggregation is ethnicity. Because of the permeation of 

ethnicity into every sector and stratum of social and political discourse, it has become the primary basis for the 

distribution of state wealth. This has led to political marginalization and injustice in the distribution of States’ wealth 

and economic benefits that has in consequence hindered the rotational system in Nigeria. It is against these stated 

problems that the study assessed political marginalization and politics of rotational system in Nigeria’s Fourth (4th) 

Republic. 

 

 

 

 

Rasheed O DAUDA 1*

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 IJO- INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE AND HUMANITIES RESEARCH 

( ISSN 2811-2466 )                                                                                                                           

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POLITICAL MARGINALIZATION AND POLITICS OF ROTATIONAL SYSTEM IN NIGERIA’S FOURTH REPUBLIC 

 

 

 

Research Questions 

From the stated problems, this study therefore, is guided by the following specific research questions: 

i. To what extent does the level of political marginalization motivate the politics of rotational system in 

Nigeria? 

ii. What has been the degree of injustice in the process of resource distribution across the regions in 

Nigeria’s Fourth republic? 

iii. What is the impact of population on the rotational system in Nigeria’s Fourth (4th) Republic? 

 

Method of Data Analysis 

 Since the study depended on questionnaire techniques of data collection, a quantitative 

technique was equally used for data analysis. Quantitative data collected from respondents was 

analyzed by the descriptive and inferential statistical methods. The descriptive statistics is the use of 

tables to assess the respondent’s views; while inferential statistics is the use of statistical method that 

enabled logical inferences arrived. The inferential statistical method appropriate for the study is chi-

square. The rationale behind the choice of chi-square lies on the fact that it is disjointed hypotheses 

(Cresswell, 2009, p. 144). This was done with the help of Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) 

version 25.  

Data Presentation and Analysis 

 A total of one-hundred and fifty-two (152) copies of questionnaire were administered to the 

respondents. Though, one-hundred and fifty-two (152) questionnaires were printed and distributed, but 

one-hundred and thirty seven 137 questionnaire representing 90.1 approximately 91% of the total 

questionnaire were duly filled and returned, while 15 questionnaire representing 9.1% of the total 

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( ISSN 2811-2466 )                                                                                                                           

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POLITICAL MARGINALIZATION AND POLITICS OF ROTATIONAL SYSTEM IN NIGERIA’S FOURTH REPUBLIC 

 

 

 

questionnaire were not returned. Therefore, 137 questionnaires formed the basis for analysis and 

interpretation 

4.1 Descriptive Analysis  

Table 4.1 Respondents Rate 

 Items  States Number  % 

1 Number of Samples Kwara  92  

152 Kaduna 60 

2 Number of Returned and Dully Filled Kwara  82 137 90.1% 

Kaduna 55 

3 Number of Returned but wrongly filled Kwara  3 5 3.3% 

Kaduna 2 

4 Number of unreached respondents  Kwara  7 10 6.6% 

Kaduna 3 

Total  152 100% 

 Source: Researcher’s Survey, 2024 

A total number of One Hundred and Fifty Two questionnaires were administered, a total 

number of ten (10) respondents could not be reached while five (5) of the respondents were returned 

but wrongly filled.  

 

 

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( ISSN 2811-2466 )                                                                                                                           

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POLITICAL MARGINALIZATION AND POLITICS OF ROTATIONAL SYSTEM IN NIGERIA’S FOURTH REPUBLIC 

 

 

 

1.2 Bio Data of the Respondents 

Sex States Frequency  Percentage 

Male Kwara 45  

84 

  

 61.3% 
Kaduna 39 

Female Kwara 37  

53 

 

38.7 
Kaduna 16 

Total 137 100% 

Age States  Frequency  Percentage  

Below 30 Kwara  13 20 14.6% 

Kaduna 7 

31-45 Kwara  39 70 51.1% 

Kaduna 31 

46 and above Kwara  30 47 34.3% 

Kaduna 17 

Total   137 100% 

 Source: Researcher’s Survey, 2024. 

As earlier presented one hundred and fifty two questionnaires were distributed, one hundred and 

forty two (142) were retrieved but only one hundred and thirty seven (137) questionnaires were dully filled 

without any errors.  

The above table indicated that there is an overwhelming preponderance of male respondents in 

both Kwara and Kaduna states. The table shows sixty one point three percent (61.3%) of males both in 

Kwara and Osun states while thirty eight point seven percent (38.7%) for females both in Kwara and 

Kaduna states.  

It is equally indicated on the table, the age group of the respondents the figures indicates that 

individual below thirty (30) years widely represented with a response of fourteen point six percent 

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( ISSN 2811-2466 )                                                                                                                           

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POLITICAL MARGINALIZATION AND POLITICS OF ROTATIONAL SYSTEM IN NIGERIA’S FOURTH REPUBLIC 

 

 

 

(14.6%) both in Kwara and Kaduna States. An individual between the age of 31- 45  years constitute 

most of the response in this survey with fifty one point one (51.1%) both in Kwara and Osun states 

while thirty four point three percent (44.3%) represent individual between the age of 46  years and 

above. 

1.3 Questions relating to Political Marginalization in Kwara and Kaduna States, Nigeria 
 

Statement States SA A U D SD Total Remark

s 

Political 

marginalization 

influence the 

effectiveness of the 

rotational system in 

ensuring equitable 

representation 

Kwara 12 

(14.6

%) 

41 

(50%) 

8 

(9.8%) 

14 

(17.1%) 

7 

(8.5%) 

82 

(100%) 

Agreed 

Kadun

a 

12 

(21.8

%) 

11 

(20%) 

5 

(9.1%) 

14 

(25.5%) 

 

13 

(23.6%) 

 

 

55 

(100%) 

Disagre

ed 

Does political 

marginalization 

affect the legitimacy 

and acceptance of 

larders selected 

through the 

rotational system. 

Kwara 17 

(20.8

%) 

29 

(35.4%) 

3 

(3.7%) 

18 

21.9% 

15 

(18.2%) 

82 

(100%) 

Agreed 

Kadun

a 

15 

(27.3

%) 

19 

(34.5%) 

5 

(9.1%) 

11 

(20%) 

5 

(9.1%) 

55 

(100%) 

Agreed 

Does political 

marginalization 

contribute to 

challenges in 

implementing and 

maintaining the 

rotational system in 

Nigeria’s fourth 

Kwara 33 

(40.2

%) 

27 

(32.9%) 

3 

(3.7%) 

11 

(13.4%) 

8 

(9.8%) 

82 

(100%) 

Strongl

y 

Agreed 

Kadun

a 

17 

(30.9

25 

(45.5%) 

3 

(5.5%) 

6 

(10.9%) 

4 

(7.2%) 

55 

(100%) 

Agreed 

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( ISSN 2811-2466 )                                                                                                                           

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POLITICAL MARGINALIZATION AND POLITICS OF ROTATIONAL SYSTEM IN NIGERIA’S FOURTH REPUBLIC 

 

 

 

republic %) 

Political 

marginalization 

impacts the political 

participation and 

engagement of 

marginalized groups 

within the 

rotational system 

Kwara 15 

(18.3

%) 

17 

(20.7%) 

6 

(7.3%) 

29 

(35.4%) 

15 

(18.3%) 

82 

(100%) 

Disagre

ed 

Kadun

a 

11 

(20%) 

13 

(23.6%) 

2 

3.6% 

10 

(18.2%) 

19 

(34.6%) 

 

55 

(100%) 

 

Strongl

y 

Disagre

ed 

Does political 

marginalization 

influence the 

transparency and 

accountability of the 

rotational system 

Kwara 13 

(23.6

%) 

4 

(7.3%) 

1 

(1.8%) 

23 

(41.8%) 

14 

(25.5%) 

 

82 

(100%) 

 

Disagre

ed 

Kadun

a 

13 

(23.6

%) 

14 

(25.5%) 

1 

(1.8%) 

23 

(41.8%) 

4 

(7.3%) 

55 Disagre

ed 

Political 

marginalization 

result in unequal 

distribution of 

resources and 

opportunities within 

the rotational 

system 

Kwara 34 

(41.5

%) 

23 

(28.0%) 

2 

(2.4%) 

13 

(15.9%) 

10 

(12.2%) 

82 

(100%) 

 

Strongl

y 

Agreed 

Kadun

a 

27 

(49.1

%) 

9 

(16.4%) 

3 

(5.4%) 

7 

(12.7%) 

9 

(16.4%) 

55 

(100%) 

 

Strongl

y 

Agreed 

Political 

marginalization 

result affect the 

confidence and 

trust of the 

electorate in the 

rotational system 

Kwara 21 

(25.6

%) 

29 

(35.4%) 

 

1 

(1.2%) 

17 

(20.7%) 

14 

(17.1%) 

82 

(100%) 

 

Agreed  

Kadun

a 

22 

(40%) 

16 

(29.1%) 

5 

(9.1%) 

9 

(16.4%) 

3 

(5.4%) 

55 

(100%) 

 

Agreed 

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( ISSN 2811-2466 )                                                                                                                           

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POLITICAL MARGINALIZATION AND POLITICS OF ROTATIONAL SYSTEM IN NIGERIA’S FOURTH REPUBLIC 

 

 

 

Does political 

marginalization 

impact the 

inclusivity and 

representation 

 

 

Kwara 11 

(13.4

%) 

35 

(42.6%) 

 

4 

(4.9%) 

19 

(23.2%) 

13 

(15.9%) 

82 

(100%) 

 

Strongl

y 

Disagre

ed 

Kadun

a 

7 

(12.7

%) 

9 

(16.4%) 

3 

(5.4%) 

21 

(38.2%) 

15 

(27.3%) 

55 

(100%) 

 

Disagre

ed  

Political 

marginalization 

contribute to 

political instability 

or conflict related to 

the rotational 

system 

Kwara 

 

 

33 

(40.2

%) 

29 

(35.4%) 

1 

(1.2%) 

6 

(7.3%) 

13 

(15.9%) 

82 

(100%) 

Strongl

y 

Agreed  

 

Kadun

a 

11 

(20%) 

7 

(12.7%) 

0 

(0%) 

12 

(21.8%) 

25 

(45.5%) 

 

55 

(100%) 

Disagre

ed  

Addressing political 

marginalization 

potential improve 

the functionality 

and acceptance of 

the rotational 

system in Nigeria’s 

fourth republic 

Kwara 34 

(41.5

%) 

17 

(20.7%) 

3 

(3.7%) 

15 

(18.3%) 

13 

(15.8%) 

82 

(100%) 

Strongl

y 

Agreed 

Kadun

a 

13 

(23.6

%) 

7 

(12.7%) 

3 

(5.5%) 

27 

(49.1%) 

 

5 

(9.1%) 

55 

(100%) 

Disagre

ed  

 

TOTAL 

Kwara  

 

      

Kadun

a 

 

 

      

 Source:Researcher’s Survey, 2024. 

The above table 4.4 shows that the respondents in the both states Kwara and Kaduna states in 

the first statement: Political marginalization influence the effectiveness of the rotational system in 

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( ISSN 2811-2466 )                                                                                                                           

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POLITICAL MARGINALIZATION AND POLITICS OF ROTATIONAL SYSTEM IN NIGERIA’S FOURTH REPUBLIC 

 

 

 

ensuring equitable representation, that 14.6% and 50% strongly agreed and agreed with accumulative 

percent 64.6% but 14% and 8.5% disagreed and strongly disagreed with the accumulative percent 22.5% 

in Kwara state which shows that political marginalization influence the effectiveness of the rotational 

system in ensuring equitable representation in Kwara state while in Kaduna 21.8% and 23.6% strongly 

agree and agreed with the accumulative percent 45.4% while 25.5% and 20% disagreed and strongly 

disagree  on the statement respectively with the accumulative 45.5%  of the respondents in Kaduna 

State.  

In response to the precipitates of such marginalisation include deprivation and exclusion of 

some ethnic groups from decision making. These contestations, according to Labinjo 

(2007) and Adebayo (2016) have always been due to the propensity of certain ethnic and geographical 

parts of the country wanting to hold on to political power in ways that undermine the political 

aspirations of other groups. These feelings have historical antecedents. 

It was divulge in the cause of research that political marginalization was never a problem in Kwara state 

but it was a great obstacle to effectiveness to rotational system in Kaduna state.  

In response to second statement Does political marginalization affect the legitimacy and 

acceptance of leaders selected through the rotational system, respondents in both Kwara State and 

Kaduna State unanimously agreed to the statement. However, 20.8% and 35.4% strongly agreed and 

agreed in Kwara state with the accumulative 56.2% percent but 21.8% and 18.2% of the respondents 

disagreed and strongly disagreed  with the accumulative percent 40.1% while 27.3% and 34.5% 

strongly agreed and agreed to the statement in Kaduna state with the accumulative percent 61.8% of 

the respondents but 20% and 9.1% of the respondents with the accumulative percent 29.1% of the 

respondents in Kaduna state 

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This is a particularly acute problem in third world countries, where women's participation in 

political affairs is mostly linked with the dominant, male-oriented social cultural and religious 

environment. This kind of marginalization is also felt by ethnic minorities, migrants, disabled persons, 

elderly, etc. (Verba, 2015). 

The crux of elite theory is that power in the society is vested in a minority who attain such a 

position through possession of wealth, force, or intellect (Higley, 2010). Elites sustain their dominance 

through replacing themselves, by ‘empowering’ non-elites into the elitist position, crossing from one 

elite group to another (López, 2013) 

It was deduce in the above discussion that political marginalization hinder the legitimacy and 

acceptance of leader through the rotational system in both Kwara State and Kaduna State respectively. 

In response to third statement does political marginalization contribute to challenges in 

implementing and maintaining the rotational system in Nigeria’s fourth republic, respondents with 

40.2% and 32.9% with the accumulative percent 73.1% of the respondents strongly agreed and agreed 

in Kwara state but 13.4% and 9.8% with the accumulative percent 23.2% disagree and strongly 

disagreed while 45.5% and 30.9% with the accumulative percent 76.4% of the respondents strongly 

agreed and agreed but 10.9% and 7.2% with the accumulative percent 18.1% of them disagreed and 

strongly disagreed the statement. 

If the agreement on rotating power is respected by stakeholders, it promotes belonging and 

stability. Groups, especially the minority, will not feel excluded or threatened. It prevents ethnic 

domination. Osaghae (1999) posits that ethnic domination whittles unity. Minority groups will see 

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https://journals.co.za/doi/full/10.51415/ajims.v4i1.995
https://journals.co.za/doi/full/10.51415/ajims.v4i1.995


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( ISSN 2811-2466 )                                                                                                                           

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themselves as major stakeholders in the country despite their minority status, which is majorly due to 

their low population compared to majority ethnic and religious groups.  

In view of the above assertion, it was observed that political marginalization affect the 

effective implementation and maintaining rotational system in Nigeria fourth republic in both Kwara 

state and Kaduna state.    

More so, the fourth statement envisage that Political marginalization impacts the political participation 

and engagement of marginalized groups within the rotational system, the result revealed that 18.3% 

and 20.7% given accumulative percent of 39% of respondents strongly agree and agree that political 

marginalization impacts the political participation and engagement of marginalized group within the 

rotational system but 35.4% and 18.3% with the accumulative percent of 53.7% of the respondents 

disagreed and strongly disagree the statement in Kwara state while 20% and 23.6% with the 

accumulative percent 43.6% of the respondents strongly agreed and agreed the statement in Kaduna 

State while 18.2% and 34.6% of the respondent with the accumulative percent 52.8% disagreed and 

strongly disagreed to the statement in Kaduna State.Based on the response in this table, one may 

come to a conclusion that political marginalization has no impact on the political participation and 

engagement marginalized groups within the rotational system. 

Statement presents and analyze the data collected with respect to Does political 

marginalization influence the transparency and accountability of the rotational system, The result 

revealed that 20.7% and 9.8% with the accumulative percent 30.5% of the respondents strongly agreed 

and agreed the statement while  46.3% and 18.3% with the accumulative percent 64.6% of the 

respondents disagreed and strongly disagreed the statement in Kwara state while 23.6%and 7.3%  with 

the accumulative percent 30.9% strongly agreed and agreed the statement in Kaduna State while 

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41.8% and 25.5% with the accumulative percent 67.3% of the respondents disagree and strongly 

disagreed the statement in Kaduna State. Based on the response in this table, one may come to a 

conclusion that political marginalization has no influence on the transparency and accountability of the 

rotational system in both Kwara and Kaduna State. 

Statement six presents and analyse the data collected with respect to Political 

marginalization result in unequal distribution of resources and opportunities within the rotational 

system. It depicts that 41.5% and 28.0% of the respondents strongly agreed and agreed the 

statement with the accumulative percent 69.5% in Kwara state, 15.9 and 12.2% of the respondents 

disagreed and strongly disagreed with the accumulative percent 30.5% in Kwara state, while 49.1% 

and 16.4% of the respondents are within strongly agreed and agreed with the accumulative percent 

65.5% in Kaduna State but 12.7% and 16.4% of the respondents disagree and strongly disagree the 

statement with the accumulative percent 29.1%. Judging from the frequency distribution table 

above, the highest frequency is 69.5% in Kwara state and 65.5% in Kaduna State, this translate to 

mean that majority of the respondents posited that political marginalization result in unequal 

distribution of resources and opportunities within the rotational system in both Kwara state and 

Kaduna state.   

Statement seven depicts the analysis of data collected with respect to Political 

marginalization result affect the confidence and trust of the electorate in the rotational system. It 

shows that 35.4% and 25.6% of the respondents with the accumulative percent 61% are from Kwara 

State and 40% and 29.1% of the respondents with the accumulative percent 69.1% are from Kaduna 

State strongly agreed and agreed the statement. This translates to mean that majority of the 

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respondents from both Kwara and Kaduna States affirmed that political marginalization result affects 

the confidence and trust of the electorate in the rotational system in Nigeria. 

Statement eightpresents and analyse the data collected with respect to whether Kwara-

North and Kaduna-South zones being political marginalization has impact in their inclusivity and 

representation. The result revealed that 13.4% and 42.6%given accumulative percent of 56% of 

respondents strongly agree and agree that Kwara state and Kaduna state being sidelined in political 

sphere; 38.2% of the respondents and 27.3% given a cumulative percent of 65.5% of the respondents 

strongly disagree and disagree respectively. Based on the response in this table, one may come to a 

conclusion that Kwara state political marginalization has impact on the inclusivity and representation 

and Kaduna-South zones being sidelined in political sphere. 

Statement nine presents and analyse the data collected with respect to whether political 

marginalization contribute to political instability or conflict related to the rotational system. The result 

revealed that 40.2% and 35.4% given accumulative percent of 75.6%of respondents strongly agree and 

agree that Kwara state and Kaduna state being relegated by political instability or conflict related to 

the rotational system; 12 respondents representing 21.8% and 25 respondents representing 45.5% 

given a cumulative percent of 67.3% of the respondents strongly disagree and disagree respectively. 

Based on the response in this table, one may come to a conclusion that Kwara state political 

marginalization contribute to political instability or conflict related to the rotational system and 

Kaduna-state posited that Political marginalization do not contribute to political instability or conflict 

related to the rotational system in Nigeria. 

The last statement in the above table presents and analyse the data collected with respect to 

whether addressing political marginalization potential improve the functionality and acceptance of the 

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rotational system in Nigeria’s fourth republic.The result revealed that 41.5% and 20.6% given 

accumulative percent of 62.2%of respondents strongly agree and agree the statement; 3 respondents 

representing 3.7% of the respondents are undecided in Kwara state while 27 respondents representing 

49.1% and 5 respondents representing 9.1% given a cumulative percent of 58.2% of the respondents 

strongly disagree and disagree respectively the statement in Kaduna. Based on the response in this 

table, one may come to a conclusion that political marginalization addressing potential improve the 

functionality and acceptance of the rotational system in Nigeria’s fourth republic in Kwara state than 

Kaduna State. This means Kaduna State decline that political marginalization has not addressing 

potential improve the functionality of the rotational system in Kaduna state, Nigeria.  

Conclusion 

The study drew conclusion based on data generated from questionnaire during field work, including 

submissions from secondary documents. Consequently, the study has offered recommendations 

designed to ensure that political marginalization is reduced on one side and rotational system is 

effectively applied on the other. However, from the findings of this study and the discussions on the 

various results obtained at through questionnaire and secondary documents, the study concludes thus: 

The study concludes that political marginalization has not significantly motivated the politics of 

rotational system in Nigeria. This is because Kwara-North and Kaduna-South zones are being sidelined 

and relegated in political sphere and there is domination of Kwara-Central/Kaduna-North in the political 

scene of the States. On objective II, the study concludes that the degree of injustice in the distribution of 

public resources across the selected studied zones compared to the advantaged zones in Nigeria’s Fourth 

republic. For example, table 4.9 and 4.10 showed that there is unfairness in the; or unequal distribution 

of public resources and economic benefits across the selected zones compared to the advantaged zones 

in Kwara and Kaduna States respectively. On objective III, the study also concludesthat population has 

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( ISSN 2811-2466 )                                                                                                                           

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no significant impact on the rotational system in Nigeria’s Fourth (4th) Republic. As some parts of the 

selected States dominated the political scene. Table 4.11 stated it clearly that political population has 

impacted on the rotational system in Nigeria’s Fourth (4th) Republic respectively. The argument was 

supported by the assertion that, Kwara-North Local Governments and Kaduna-South Local 

Governments respectively would have formed coalition (plus the little votes from the dominating parts) 

to win election if population is a determining factor 

 Recommendations 

There is no guarantee that rotational system in Kwara and Kaduna States could automatically solve the 

problem of injustice, unfairness, inadequate political participation and many more that confronts other 

ethnic groups in the study areas. In view of the findings, the following recommendations designed to 

ensure that political marginalization is reduced on one side and rotational system is effectively applied 

on the other. 

Government at all levels should promote a comprehensive democratic culture with all its intricacies that 

can take Nigeria closer to the emergence of stable, meaningful, purposeful and beneficial polity. If that 

is attained there would hardly be any need for an ideology such as power sharing or power shift. 

Additionally, if it is the rotational system that could bring the necessary platform for entrenching 

democratic culture in Nigeria with her pluralistic structure it could be adopted and entrenched in the 

country’s constitution. So that all sections of any State will be given chances to rule. 

No ethnic group in the country should be marginalized as political position is not the monopoly of one 

section. It should therefore be rotated between the political zones making the region or State. Every 

section of the country or State should be allowed to taste especially the highest office in the land 

(presidency or Governorship as the case may be) for equity and fairness. 

 

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