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IJOIS Fall 2016, Volume II 
Program in Arms Control & Domestic and International Security 

73 

 
 

Jabhat Fatah al Sham’s Implication on the Syrian Civil War and Beyond 

John Bolis 

University of Illinois 

Abstract 

The purpose of this paper is to shed light on the history, organization, and activities of Jabhat 

Fatah al Sham, formerly the Al Nusrah Front, the official al Qaeda branch in the Syrian Civil 

War. This group will be analyzed through predominately economic and Western security-

oriented lenses to show that ultimately Jabhat Fatah al Sham is following the larger trend of al 

Qaeda-led Islamic insurgencies around the world. This is important to note within the context of 

the competition between al Qaeda and the Islamic State, its offshoot, for the reigns of the global 

jihad movement.  

About the Author 

John Bolis is a senior at the University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign studying economics and 

political science. He aspires to work in investment banking and is very passionate about the 

financial sector in general. John also likes studying foreign policy, politics, and institutional-

engineering. 

Introduction 

As the current civil war in the Syrian Arab Republic wages on with no clear end, it is 

important to analyze, evaluate, and speculate on the broader implications of this brutal conflict 



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on both current events and the current order. As it pertains to this research, it is absolutely 

imperative to understand the hierarchy and observed tactics of an al Qaeda branch named Jabhat 

Fatah al Sham (JFS). In particular, one needs to understand this terrorist group’s history and 

attempt to project a reasonable academic and scientific picture of the path that this organization 

is taking to realize its Salafi-jihadi goals both nationally and globally, by highlighting what 

makes them such a dangerous and persistent insurgency.   

Background on Jabhat Fatah al Sham 

It is important to recognize that Jabhat Fatah al Sham is the Syrian-based branch of the 

world-wide terror organization al Qaeda. Much like the Islamic State, al Qaeda is a Salafi-jihadi 

organization that aims to spread jihad around the globe in, hopes of destroying the decadent and 

overly-materialist Western culture along with replacing it with an extreme version of Islam. 

Currently, the Islamic State and al Qaeda are competing to determine who will ultimately shape 

and lead this global Salafi-jihadi movement. Despite this competition, the continual presence and 

action by both of these umbrella groups pose serious threats to Western values and the way of 

life most embodied by America and Europe.  

Delving deeper into the study of JFS, that this al Qaeda branch is a very well organized 

and patient organization which is following a very conservative and long-run pursuit of the their 

endgame - replacing the Western Liberal Order with Salafism. Located mainly in the Idlib 

Governorate of Syria with additional cells throughout the country, the hierarchy governing JFS is 

currently comprised of religious scholars, seasoned military veterans, scientists, PhD holders, 

and other intellectuals. Thus, it is easy to see that such intellectuals, such as Emir Abu 



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Mohammed al Julani, Deputy Emir Sami al-Oraydi, the late Abu Firas al Suri, and Abu Maria al 

Qahtaini, are formidable both in the field of battle and at the negotiating table.  

Jabhat Fatah al Sham officially came into the scene of the Syrian Civil war in January of 

2012 after branching off from the Iraqi franchise of al Qaeda. Their geographical presence does 

not reflect their influence: they have a relatively small land area under their control, but pose an 

enormous network of revolutionary groups opposing Bashar al-Assad. This key geographic 

difference amongst JFS and the Islamic State illustrates just how well Jabhat Fatah al Sham has 

permeated other revolutionary factions. Additionally, it shows how they have tried to isolate 

their competitor (Islamic State) by painting an increasingly “extremist” portrait of them.  

A prime example of this is the extensive publicizing of the barbaric acts the Islamic State 

carries out against fellow Muslims, which is prohibited by the Qur’an. Consequently, it is 

accurate to say that JFS is an important player in the greater al Qaeda “insurgency.” Al Qaeda 

and the Islamic State are not mere terrorist groups, but highly organized insurgencies aiming to 

overthrow governments in the Muslim world in order to establish a set of home bases from 

which to “spread their ideology to all of humanity” (American Enterprise Institute).  

Strategy 

Narrowing the focus of this finding, one can see that Jabhat Fatah al Sham has pragmatist 

this strategy effectively by occupying foothold within Syria (Idlib) and is waiting for the 

effective disillusionment of the current Assad regime. It is likely that from that point onward, 

Jabhat Fatah al Sham will be able to utilize its network in a way that will greatly benefit it in 

terms of legitimate governmental authority in transitional Syria. Moving past Jabhat Fatah al 



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Sham’s long-run strategy, one can see that they are poised to be the great victor of the 

transitional period in Syria when (or if) it occurs.  

The Islamic State seized expansive swathes of territory in both Syria and Iraq, making it 

prone to attacks mainly by the United States and other actors such as Turkey. Thus, one can see 

that maintaining too great of a profile may lead to much greater resistance and opposition from 

one’s enemies – something that JFS has not yet have to deal with. From this, it can gleaned that 

in the longrun, it is more important to win hearts and minds rather than expansive territory, 

merely because territory can be acquired later once a stronger foundation of popular support has 

been built.  

Even more important than an expansive network and a modest international profile is the 

fact that Jabhat Fatah al Sham is strategically attacking the West in unprecedented ways. JFS’s 

strategy indicates that it sees the benefit in attacking its opponents on a philosophical and moral 

front in addition to traditional political and military avenues. This is clear in that this group 

openly applauded physical terrorist attacks such as the San Bernardino attack and Paris attacks. 

Given this, one can clearly posit that JFS is clearly at odds with Western values, and that they are 

plotting to use political and military means to achieve their respective vision. 

  Thus, through its sporadic attacks, JFS et al systematically attempts to force the West to 

disassemble its civil rights and liberties, to fear its partners, and act in a xenophobic and 

oftentimes irrational manner during the most trying of times. Frankly, JFS seeks to neutralizing 

their “decadent” opponent as threat by provoking a slow, yet consciously, relinquishment of 

liberties in hopes of being “more secure.” This is reflected in the all too current debate regarding 

the balance of liberty and security. 



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JFS’s stated goal has been to “fight the near enemy” and replace the Assad regime with 

an institutionalized Sharia-based judicial system, ultimately culminating in a fundamentalist 

Islamic state. In early 2015, al Qaeda leader Ayman al-Zawahiri told the Jabhat Fatah al Sham 

Front to pursue a set of goals including: 1) To achieve even greater integration among local 

inhabitants and the Syrian revolution, 2) To coordinate more closely with other militant groups 

(non-Islamic State aligned), 3) To contribute to a nation-wide sharia legal system, 4) To build 

systemic al Qaeda strongholds within strategic parts of Syria, and 5) To temporarily pause 

activities and attacks aimed at the West as to allow for what al Zawahiri believes will be a further 

legitimization of JFS and a prime opportunity to network with forces that may prove to be 

influential in a post-Civil War-Syria. Once that occurs, as one can deduce from both the studies 

done by the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) and the Critical Threats Project (CTP) at the 

American Enterprise Institute, a greater expansion and diversified style of globalized jihad will 

follow. It is this phenomenon that will be most threatening to the current global order and way of 

life.    

Structure 

Regarding the structure, motives, and style of operation of Jabhat Fatah al Sham, one can 

infer that Jabhat Fatah al Sham is in fact much more dangerous than its more famous counterpart 

Islamic State. Through setting up strategic strongholds within Syria, Jabhat Fatah al Sham’s plan 

is to effectively utilize these areas as training grounds and indoctrination camps for its fighters 

and their affiliates. It seems that they plan to use these strongholds not only as a bargaining chip 

in the local Syrian Civil War but also as bases of terror exportation and radicalization. A prime 

product of these types of bases include Jabhat Fatah al Sham special sniper divisions and its 



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explosives-manufacturing operations, which undoubtedly affect  their efficiency, lethality, and 

influence altogether.  

This organizational structure called a “threat node” by many scholars further highlights 

JFS’ organizational complexity. These nodes also serve an integrative function, in that they 

allow the group to further embed themselves into the local population - in a distinctly al Qaeda-

like fashion - making them much harder to target and root out than groups such as the Islamic 

State.   

Implications for the West 

An important question must be raised: How does the West protect itself, its values, and 

its way of life embodied by the current order when groups such as Jabhat Fatah al Sham are 

trying to replace them with their own perception of radical Salafi-jihadi values? In the American 

case specifically, it is important to note that the United States is not just a geographic polity 

inhabited by a group of culturally-Western individuals; America is much more. Much like 

Europe and other regions that hold democratic and enlightened values dear, America needs to 

view the Salafi-Jihadi threat as embodied by Jabhat Fatah al Sham, as something greater than a 

guerilla-style military campaign.  

Essentially, JFS’s opponents will need to realize that Jabhat Fatah al Sham is pursuing a 

broader goal of replacing the enlightened liberal democratic order with its own constructed 

reality. Once this is realized, an amalgamation of solutions and strategies may develop, which all 

need to be considered to ultimately counter this fundamentalist threat. This by no means is an 

excuse for the United States to press forward with the notion that other countries and regions of 



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the world must conform to its standards; it is a wake up call in order to defend and uphold the 

enlightened and democratic ideals shared by most of the developed world.  

As one can effectively glean from various news articles as well as the reports 

aforementioned by working groups of the American Enterprise Institute, as well as the ISW, in 

order to defeat this blatant plot against their way of life, countries that are characterized by the 

liberal democratic order will need to reevaluate the threats posed by JFS et al. Without 

identifying too closely with the demeanor of many, it seems that a patient, passive, and 

indifferent attitude will ultimately increase the propensity of these attacks and the rate of our 

collective demise.  

Ideology 

 Although no one has a complete plan of how to effectively defeat this threat, it seems 

logical that those who oppose JFS should start at the root of the problem. Salafi-jihadi 

insurgencies emerge and gain strength in an environment of internal chaos, seen in failed states 

such as Syria, Iraq, and Libya. These insurgencies win the hearts and minds of the locals by 

operating schools, hospitals, food banks, and libraries as well as offering social services. If these 

insurgent groups are denied such a desperate population they will be unable to obtain a foothold 

in their respective localities.  

Another point worth mentioning is the wide array of Salafist groups. Strategically, it may 

be more than appropriate to divorce militant salafi-jihadists from other factions of the Salafist 

umbrella – mainly the Quietist and political Salafists. By doing this, Jabhat Fatah al Sham could 

potentially be denied access to various political opportunities and much needed funding.  



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In order to further unpack this concept, one must understand what basic Salafism is. 

Generally speaking, Salafism is the belief in a pure and Orthodox version of Islam. Salafists 

believe that Islam became decadent over time and that it has “strayed off the righteous path.” 

The aim of general Salafism is to return to a more authentic version of Islam, in which the 

teachings of the Prophet Muhammad and his closest companions are strictly followed. Although 

Salafism itself does not include violent tendencies many radical Islamists seize opportune 

moments to bend and fold Salafism into a more jihadi-centered movement.  

There are three distinct factions of Salafism. These include the Quietists, the political 

Salafists, and the jihadi Salafists. Of these three, Fredrick W. Kagan and Kimberly Kagan 

identify only the jihadi faction to be a great danger to citizens and military installations around 

the globe. The other two factions are typically peaceful and focus on the interpretation of 

geopolitical events, philanthropic activities, and political activism when it is deemed necessary. 

A prime example of this may be found in the Egyptian political party the Muslim Brotherhood 

(MB) - although it was formerly openly violent and it is likely that the MB may be related to the 

recently formed and violent Liwa al Thowra and Hasam organizations.  

Given this clarification, one can see that it is important to keep the Quietist/political 

faction of Salafism separate from the violent jihadi faction of Salafism. If allowed to merge, they 

may feed each other and fuel violence and radical fundamentalism. This merger would allow for 

the exploitation of the greater Salafist network and would direct it toward serving extremist 

purposes. However, the continued separation of these different factions of the Salafist umbrella 

is not the only strategy needed to effectively neutralize jihadi efforts.  

Conclusion 



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Equally important is the effective recognition of jihadi “threat nodes” and their 

systematic removal. Strategic actions such as these - although admittedly difficult to carry out - 

can prove to be enormous setbacks for insurgent activities while effectively saving a large 

amount of lives in the short to medium run. By targeting these “nodes,” bases from which these 

various militant cells operate, the Salafii-jihadi threat in its most current form can be combatted. 

As events continue to unfold, one can see that the fight against Jabhat Fatah al Sham and the 

greater Salafi-jihadi umbrella will not be easy. In the interim, there will be continued chaos, fear, 

and distrust. Moving forward, however, JFS’s adversaries will be able to evolve and improve the 

situation against these threats.  

 To win both on paper and in reality, the specific opponents JSF are plotting against may 

need to reinforce their democratic and free-market foundations. If the Salafi-jihadi threat - or any 

other for that matter - succeeds in coercing them to give up freedoms, opportunities, and their 

ways of life JFS will have ultimately achieved their objectives. This concept is important 

regardless of whether one lives in a nation that is traditionally Western, or in a region of rural 

Syria.  

 

 

 

 

 

 



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References 

McCants, W. F. (2015). The ISIS apocalypse: The history, strategy, and doomsday vision of the 

Islamic State. New York: St. Martin's Press. 

Kagan, F. W., Kagan, K., Cafarella, J., Gambhir, H., & Zimmerman, K. (2016). Al Qaeda And 

ISIS: Existential Threats To The U.S. And Europe (Rep. No. 1). Washington D.C.: ISW 


